University of Nevada, Reno
The Denizens of Manifest Destiny: An Archaeological
Examination of Life on the Military Site of Fort Garland,
Colorado
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology
by
Brandon Reynolds
Dr. Donald Hardesty/Thesis Advisor
August, 2013
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by
BRANDON S REYNOLDS
entitled
The Denizens Of Manifest Destiny: An Archaeological Examination Of Life On The Military Site Of Fort Garland, Colorado
be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
Donald Hardesty, Ph. D., Advisor
Carolyn White, Ph. D, Committee Member
Scott Casper, Ph. D., Graduate School Representative
Marsha H. Read, Ph. D., Dean, Graduate School
August, 2013
i
Abstract
The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo granted the United
States government a large sum of land consisting of what is now currently the American Southwest. This land was inhabited by a combination of Hispanic settlers and Native tribes. To maintain order in the region, the United States established a series of military posts garrisoned with troops who would be able to mobilize against any threats in this region. Fort Garland, situated in the San Luis Valley in south central Colorado, was one such fort. Though soldiers took part in various conflicts in the area, the site of Fort Garland saw no direct conflict with the local populations. The overarching goal of this thesis is to present a non-conflict military site such as Fort Garland as another form of settlement of the American West through the archaeological record. Additionally, this thesis looks to examine who is represented through the archaeology as well as gauge the effect the local populations had on the soldiers settling this region via the fort. ii
Acknowledgements
To start, I would like to acknowledge Dr. Richard
Goddard and Tim Goddard for their advice and continued support-without them this thesis would likely never have gotten off the ground. Additionally, I would like to thank my committee chair Dr. Don Hardesty for his input, patience, and sagely advice as well, and my committee members Dr.’s White and Casper for their input, direction, and guidance.
I would also like to thank the following colleagues, who without their help this thesis would not have been possible: Delfin Weis, Jamie Devine, Katy Keith, Joshua
Dale Lemley, Jennifer Zane Foster, Cori Rich, Amanda
Cvinar, Bre Fihr, and my many colleagues at UNR.
Finally, I would like to thank the Colorado Historical
Society and State Historic Fund for their cooperation and assistance in the completion of this thesis.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract i
Acknowledgements ii
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Chapter 2: Archaeology and Military Sites 8
Chapter 3: Historical Perspectives of the American
Army ……15
The people of the United States Army of the American West 16
Military Life 21
Forts and Outposts in the American West 28
Chapter 4: Fort Garland Background 34
San Luis Valley 35
Fort Massachusetts 37
Fort Garland 39
Historical documentation regarding Fort Garland 43
Previous archaeological work done at Fort Garland 50
My Research 53
Chapter 5: Results 55
iv
Ceramics 57
Militaria 62
Toys 66
Apparel 67
Faunal 72
Glass 74
Miscellanea 79
Chapter 6: Discussion 81
Hispanic and Native Presence 81
Victorian Culture on the Frontier 84
Children and women on a military post? 86
Diet 89
Community of a unique nature 93
Life of a Soldier 97
Future directions for research 101
Bibliography 104
v
TABLES
Table 1: Daily routine of a soldier serving on the frontier 23
Table 2: Artifact types calculated, minus Faunal Remains 55
Table 3: Ceramic makes and sizes 59
Table 4: Ceramics with decorative motifs 60
Table 5: Faunal Results 73
FIGURES
Figure 1: Fort Garland’s layout of 1867 33
Figure 2: Garland’s location in Colorado 34
Figure 3: Sketch of Fort Garland 42
Figure 4: Copy of a post return from Fort Garland, CO 44
Figure 5: Undated Pre 1863 plan of Fort Garland 46
Figure 6: Portrait of a family 47
Figure 7: Stereoscope card of soldiers relaxing 48
Figure 8: Areas of inquiry on the fort 54
Figure 9: Graph of ceramic results 61
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FIGURES (cont)
Figure 10: Militaria found in the Trash Middens 63
Figure 11: Bullets found in Middens 64
Figure 12: Shotgun shell fragment 65
Figure 13: Impacted Bullet 66
Figure 14: Button assemblage 69
Figure 15: Hoopskirt fragment 71
Figure 16: Boot sole 71
Figure 17: Faunal results 74
Figure 18: Bottle finish with cork 77
Figure 19: Flat topped bottle finish 78
APPENDICES
Appendix A: Maps of Fort Garland 109
Appendix B: Photographs of Fort Garland 113
Appendix C: Catalog of artifacts examined 123
1
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
The frontier experience, or rather the act of participating in the migration westward, is certainly one aspect that is engrained into our American identity
(Fischer 1989). Part of the mystique surrounding the frontier stems from the dangers and peril of an untamed landscape, and this aspect has certainly penetrated popular culture in the vein of cowboys and John Wayne. The frontier, as Turner puts it, is “the line of most rapid and effective Americanization” (Turner 1893: 32). Thus, it is one of the defining aspects of American identity. Turner further states
“[the frontier] finds him [the Easterner, or ‘civilized man’] a European in dress, industries, tools, modes of travel and thought. It takes him from the railroad car and puts him in the birch canoe. It strips off the garments of civilization and arrays him in the hunting shirt and the moccasin. It puts him in the log cabin of the Cherokee and
Iroquois and runs an Indian palisade around him. Before long he has gone to planting Indian corn and plowing with a sharp stick; he shouts the war cry and takes the scalp in orthodox Indian fashion. In short, at the frontier
2 environment is at first to strong for the man. He must accept the conditions which it furnishes, or perish, and so he fits himself into the Indian clearings and follows the
Indian trails. Little by little he transforms the wilderness, but the outcome is not the old Europe…..The fact is, that here is a new product, that is American”
(Turner 1893: 33).
While Turner simplifies the frontier experience, the mystique of the American frontier has penetrated several fields of study, including historical archaeology, an umbrella term that blankets a wide variety of topics.
Arguably originating in Great Britain (Trigger 2006), the study looks to promote an awareness of recent aspects of our past through archaeological methods. Historical archaeology has an added advantage in that the past it examines can be validated with the assistance of historical texts. This abundant (or often lack of) source material has limitations as historical texts, much like an archaeologist’s interpretation, can present biased viewpoints. Additionally, historic source materials present only a narrow viewpoint of the past. Not everyone was literate and capable of writing what they saw, further narrowing who is being represented in the written record.
3
Historical archaeology thus serves an alternate means in which to examine the past. Aside from the historical narrative, archaeological methodology provides a physical connection to the past. Artifacts that display human behavior patterns are examined, analyzed, and utilized in conjunction with the historical narrative to paint a clearer picture of the past. Within the United States, historical archaeology can be broken down into three major areas of research-industrial archaeology, ‘pioneer’ archaeology, and conflict archaeology. The debate over the sub headings for historical archaeology is long and arduous, and will likely see no end soon. For the sake of this thesis, these headings have been generalized.
Industrial archaeological questions can arguably be applied to both conflict sites as well as boomtowns, for example, but the generalization remains the same and relevant. Each of these three avenues tends to focus on the American experience throughout various time periods, and individually can seem all encompassing, often overlapping into one of the other research sub-fields. Even with the overlap, a difference is seen. Dixon’s (2005) Boomtown
Saloons differs from Metheney’s (2007) From the Miners’
Doublehouse not only in geographical location but in the
4 overall treatment of the social aspects of industrialism.
Dixon’s (2005) work focuses on a boomtown in Virginia
City, Nevada, centering on a saloon and looking at more of the public aspects of miner’s life whereas Metheney’s
(2007)work is a more intimate look into a more private sphere of a miner’s home. Both authors examine miner’s lives in differing spheres while remaining within a similar topic within historical archaeology. Such an overlap in general theme is not uncommon-the difference comes down to the research questions being asked.
The military sites of the past have not escaped the archaeologists gaze. Interest in military sites is arguably growing, with sites as varied as the Little
Bighorn in Montana and Point du Hoc in France being examined. This conflict archaeology as it is being called focuses on avenues aside from conflict as well, taking a more humanistic approach. Cocroft and Wilson (2006) examine art and basic living quarters within a Cold War era site, focusing on how entrenched ‘conflict’ was with those who inhabited these spaces. Though some conflict era sites were part of a larger overall conflict (such as World War
II bunkers (Burt et al. 2009), archaeologists are taking an anthropological approach to these places, asking questions
5 regarding behavioral aspects resulting from a conflict as opposed to the conflict itself-in essence, researchers are starting to examine the nature of the conflict through archaeological research and methodology (Scott et al.
2009).
Military sites within the United States focus on battlefields and the actual arenas of conflict. While battlefield archaeology has presented a wealth of information and arguably aided in research methods in the field (Geier et al. 2011: 2), a vast amount of scholarship as well as public attention is focused towards the study of conflict. Conflict, while certainly a part of human nature, was only a small facet of life on a military outpost. Many of these outposts served mainly as homes for another breed of denizen traveling west, acting more in lieu of a residence as well as an operating military infrastructure. Forts and outposts of the American West, while housing its military forces which were meant to deal violence to any who threatened those moving westward, serve as another facet of the American experience that was the frontier. It is within this site type that this thesis looks to cultivate its inquiries.
6
This thesis examines the experience of the denizens of
Colorado’s frontier Fort Garland for several reasons.
Prior archaeological research within the United States tended to focus on conflict, especially regarding forts and outposts. One of the pitfalls of relying heavily on a historical source is that said source only provides a narrow, biased view of the past. Forts of the American frontier are documented and recorded with basic histories, but those histories limit our view of life during that time period in such a unique environment. Ultimately this thesis aims to present the view of the frontier experience from that of the frontier soldier. In treating the soldier as another type of settler, different from the miner, farmer, or worker, we see that not only does the soldier’s experience in many ways mirror his counterparts but also provides a unique window in which the American frontier was experienced.
This thesis looks to answer several questions. With forts and posts came a migration of not only people but also ideas from the east. However, aside from the Native
American population, there were others living at these areas of the frontier, including a large Hispanic population. How much of an impact did the local populations
7 have on the men and women who came from the east, or is one even able to view such an impact? In a sense, these questions are looking at environmental aspects of behavior as well as incorporating significant aspects of culture-a main tenet explored through anthropology via archaeology.
Additionally, my thesis will present frontier conditions and life from a different point of view. As earlier stated, a large majority of scholarly work focusing on frontier life looks towards people living in boomtowns, mining camps, or even some of the more well-known cities such as Deadwood, South Dakota. Frontier outposts simply provide another avenue of life in the American West. How did the soldiers stationed at Fort Garland experience frontier life? Aside from soldiers, who else is represented within the archaeological data that might have lived at the fort? Non-conflict sites such as Fort
Garland, Colorado, serve as an untapped resource for acknowledging this aspect of our past.
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Chapter 2: Archaeology and Military Sites
Archaeological interest in military sites is abundant throughout the field. The topic has a wide timespan ranging from prehistoric engagements to culture in the cold war. Within the United States, conflict archaeology primarily centers on the American Civil War, though some interests have shifted towards the west examining skirmishes from the Indian Wars. The use of archaeological methodology in examining these site types has not only increased our understanding of the conflicts in question but has arguably added new sets of questions for historical archaeologists to examine.
Archaeological treatments of these sites have looked at the site matrices in lieu of a conflict, or rather in relation to a larger, overarching aspect of American
History. Fox and Scott (1987) is an example of this in his study of the Battle of the Little Bighorn. Thanks to his archaeological investigations, we now have a far greater understanding of the events that transcribed Custer’s last stand. Battlefield archaeology, which falls under archaeology of conflict, is a research avenue that draws not only academic attention but popular attention as well.
9
The landmark work conducted at the Little Big Horn battlefield in Montana in the late eighties provided a foundation for a new avenue of historical archaeology.
Taking the shift away from the mining boomtowns and industrial complexes of our recent past, instead a focus towards archaeological method in conjunction with strong historical thought and action provided both a strong narrative of the actions undertaken by federal troops participating in one of the more controversial engagements in the military history of the United States.
Examination of battlefields involves multiple avenues of archaeology. Forensic specialists are sometimes needed to examine or exhume human remains, detail the level of trauma inflicted, even assess a soldier’s age and physical characteristics. Doug Scott (2011) makes the case that forensic techniques are paramount in some studies of military sites, specifically those concerning battlefields and conflict, stating “the application of modern forensic techniques to the study of the bones of soldiers is building an interesting osteobiographical profile of the men who served their country” (Scott 2011: 21). Such information shows not only injuries sustained in the line of duty, but also the lifestyles they lived while serving
10 in the military, as arthritis, back problems, even dental issues are outlined (Scott 2011: 27). Aside from examining casualties, Elsa Heckman (2009) instead focuses on recreating the Lookout Mountain battlefield viewshed using
GIS. Her goal was to recreate battlefield conditions in order to further understand how the Union was able to achieve victory over a fortified Confederate force (Heckman
2009: 76). Heckman determined that the terrain that proved a difficult march for the Union forces actually aided in their victory as their movements were concealed from the commanding Confederate officer.
In their collective work Huts and History, Orr et al.
(2006) deviate from the study of the battlefield and instead offer a look at the various campsites and homes affected from a conflict. Architectural features of both huts, cabins, even tenting grounds are deemed important as they offer another aspect of a soldier’s experience (Orr et al. 2006: 175). Nelson’s (2006) study of winter camp architecture of both sides of the Civil War offers up an example of not only the arrangement of campsites but also offers insight into a soldier’s condition regarding their temporary home. The quality of a structure during the winter would be dependent on supplies, and should lumber be
11 in short supply, it was not uncommon for a soldier or group of soldiers to go foraying for lumber from a local source
(Nelson 2006: 189). Campsites such as those described by
Nelson show not only a military site created due to the necessity of a conflict but offer means of studying other military sites not necessarily related to a specific conflict. The scholarship is starting to move towards this direction, but simply acknowledging such sites outside of conflict is not enough. A non-conflict site has a great deal of potential to expand not only our knowledge on what military life was like but also serves as a means to explore further anthropological topics. Questions regarding post-processual topics such as class, gender, and identity can be viewed through an archaeological lens as opposed to a purely historic one. Placing artifacts in such a context can yield interesting results or inquiries regarding the human condition within a military site, and further the study of the American frontier.
Within this subfield of archaeological inquiry, it seems that investigations regarding frontier outposts, or rather frontier military sites that were not the direct result of conflict, seemingly fell through the cracks of research. No doubt there is an allure towards conflict
12 archaeology, and our country does have a deep seated interest, if not relationship, towards both the American
Revolution and the Civil War. These connections are still among the American populace. Horwitz’s (1999) Confederates in the Attic is but one demonstration of how the wounds of the Civil War are still healing and how people are still negotiating different interpretations of the conflict.
Conflict, in the public’s eye, is certainly a more attractive element as there is certainly a component of action and violence associated with the subject. A site that is situated in the middle of Colorado that saw no direct conflict will likely attract a select few in contrast to a site associated with a famous battle such as
Gettysburg.
This treatment of military sites is true regarding forts as well. What archaeological scholarship that does exist concerning forts, outposts, and fortifications mainly falls into the realm of conflict archaeology. David
Starbuck (2011) published a work entitled The Archaeology of Forts and Battlefields, which has a strong focus on the
French and Indian War as well as fortifications along the
Eastern seaboard. Starbuck looks at various fortifications and how they were excavated while trying to integrate the
13 multi-field approach to conflict sites that Scott (2011) mentioned earlier. Starbuck argues that it is important to be able to integrate both a sense of landscape and public interest in these site types; in doing so, the experiences of soldiers and the hardships they had to endure can be brought to light and studied further (Starbuck 2011: 45-
48). Other scholarship regarding fortifications and military posts focuses on the Civil War. Robert Fryman examines the military landscape of Atlanta with a survey of various fortifications (Fryman 2000). Fryman argues that
“analysis of the placement, construction, occupation, and armaments placed in the fortifications provides new insights into the cultural factors, such as perceptions of military engineering and tactics, by which these features were integrated into their surroundings” (Fryman 2000: 43).
In this case, Fryman is seeking to answer some cultural questions about the past within the context of a conflict.
Forts of the American West differentiated from their eastern counterparts in that the vast majority of them were established not as a direct result of an ongoing conflict.
Many posts were either utilized for peace keeping purposes or as a means of having an active garrison in the field.
Granted, many skirmishes and acts of conflict (such as the
14
Sand Creek Massacre) had soldiers from forts associated with them, but the majority of these conflicts arose well after the posts were constructed. It is largely because of this that sites that have no direct association with a conflict are overlooked.
Military sites offer a unique framework for archaeologists to work within. The structure of the military lifestyle is outlined by regulations and rules.
If and when something happens outside of these regulations, we, as the researcher, are forced to take pause and ask
“why”. Any deviation from how things are supposed to go arguably shows behavior, motive, and independent thought.
Non-conflict site types are arguably a means to explore these question types and offer more than what can be found in the history books.
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CHAPTER 3: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES OF THE AMERICAN ARMY
ON THE FRONTIER
The American experience Turner mentions involves the integration of not only peoples but ideas. The Indian, who had lived on lands teeming with buffalo and full of golden ore for centuries, now was contesting against a new threat.
Settlers from the east were migrating westward in search of a variety of things, including a new life or opportunities not present to them. Buffalo hunting and prospecting as well as farming were attractive pursuits that brought about new settlers from the east. Scott (2002) looks at this through his collection of primary source material depicting life in the west. Many people who settled west were simply looking for new opportunities such as farming as they were told that land was plentiful. This land was usually occupied either by a Native American tribe or was already inhabited by Hispanic settlers. Competition for resources ultimately found several of the Native American tribes at odds with these new denizens. The United States sent forth a vanguard of soldiers to protect not only the settlers but also its economic interests along key trade routes that brought goods west to the larger cities in the east. Forts
16 and outposts were constructed to house these soldiers and maintain a military presence in the untamed wilds of the frontier. The frontier soldier represents not only a military presence from the east (or rather east of the
Mississippi usually), a protector of settlers taking part in manifest destiny, but also plays the part of settler themselves. One reason many joined the military in the first place was to provide themselves with a means of seeing the world.
The people of the United States Army of the American West
The United States’ armed forces in the Nineteenth
Century were vastly different than today’s armed forces.
To begin with, it was a loosely organized affair existing within a tight caste system. Many recruits were a varied assemblage of people with different backgrounds and cultures. As Rickey points out, “a company generally had its share of toughs, gamblers, petty criminals, and men who had a predilection for making trouble” (Rickey 1963: 54).
Standards for recruitment, if any, were also low. Many men enlisted under false names if they were discharged or if they deserted, and given the lack of identification papers in the Nineteenth Century, they were often taken in by the
17
US government officials. Many recruits saw the military as a means of traveling the frontier (Agnew 2008). It was not uncommon for a man to enlist, travel westward on the army’s dollar, and then promptly desert. A number of the men who joined were usually uneducated or unskilled, looking for the military to give them an honest trade.
Recruitment rates also were seemingly dependent on economic times. More men would enlist in harsh times, whereas recruitment saw a drop when times were prosperous (Agnew
2008). Recruiters would usually aim for the pocketbooks of their audience, promising bonuses as well as the thrill of serving on the frontier. Additionally, certain tradesmen or skillsets were sought after for recruitment, especially in hard economic times. A skilled rider was often promised a place in the cavalry, for example, whereas carpenters and blacksmiths were needed for basic maintenance and construction of army property (Agnew 2008). Pay wasn’t the only motivating factor for recruitment. Any immigrants who joined the military were instantly granted US citizenship
(Agnew 2008). Additionally, the promise of not only pay but also advancement interested many African Americans, whose units became infamously known as the buffalo soldiers. These individuals were called buffalo soldiers
18 for two reasons; their dark, curly hair had a likeness to that of a buffalo’s, and like the buffalo, when cornered they were a tenacious fighter (Agnew 2008).
In addition to the mixed nature of the men who were part of the makeup of the US military on the frontier, the organization was also loose at best. Companies of men could be scattered across a wide area, rarely serving cohesively at a single outpost. Regiments would be moved from place to place dependent on need, further adding to the widespread areas covered by a single company. The organization of these units usually saw a series of officers overseeing the NCO’s (Non-Commissioned Officers, usually Sergeants or Corporals) who in turn were directly responsible for the activities of the enlisted men. This hierarchy was strictly maintained on the frontier as a means in which a post would operate. The only times in which the hierarchy would relax was in times of combat and duress (Rickey 1963). Close connections and even friendly relations across caste systems only existed in the higher echelons, sometimes incorporating senior NCO’s with their superior officers as well. Enlisted men mainly kept to themselves on a post, finalizing a unique caste that made up the military forces in the American West.
19
The NCO’s main duties on the post were twofold.
First, they would relay orders from the officers to the enlisted men, basically informing the officer of the status of the men, and second the NCO was responsible for the day to day operations of the post. NCO’s ran drills, marches, assigned menial tasks, and even assigned punishments for any offense a soldier caused. Arguably, the NCO was more in touch with the day to day activities of the post than the officers (Agnew 2008). Just like every other aspect of rank in the military, the NCO’s were organized in a hierarchy, with a first sergeant in charge of just about everything. The first sergeant was usually a career soldier with years of experience, and many times this position was filled by a veteran with years of combat experience under his belt. Other NCO’s included a variety of staff NCO’s, such as the quartermaster, commissary officer, and ordinance sergeant. These positions were crucial to the post’s operations on a functional level.
Officers were a caste of their own. Arguably regarding themselves as a vanguard of civility, officers were more like an elite class than commanders in many respects. Many were graduates from prestigious military colleges such as West Point. Others may have been
20 appointed an officer based on political connections in their civilian life. Interestingly enough, advancement within the ranks of the military was rare, with the exception of several notable cases during the Civil War.
Officers were more or less content with where they were in the military. As mentioned before, officers had little interaction with the men on post, instead relegating that duty to their NCO’s. Even this interaction was limited as the officer spends much of his time relegating to various intellectual pursuits. The arts, reading, and writing comprised a large majority of the officer’s day. Officer’s had their own quarters, which resembled little homes more so than the rough barracks of the enlisted men. As such, many officers’ had families with them, introducing a female influence on the fort as well as that of children. An officer’s world was vastly different than his subordinates on the post. When orders arrived, he saw fit to delegate duties to the appropriate NCO and the order would then follow the chain of command until it was followed through.
Uniforms and equipment were supplied by the military, though the condition of these materials on the frontier was questionable. Uniforms were meant to distinguish rank from file, as well as discern what type of unit a soldier
21 belonged to. Cavalry uniforms, for example, had yellow striped pants and markings, whereas artillery units were designated with red, and foot infantry associated with a light blue. After the Civil War, though the military had a surplus of arms and uniforms, the truth was that due to hastened construction the materials were shoddy at best
(Agnew 2008), and given the poor quality of the materials coloration varied. As Agnew states, these pieces of clothing “were anything but uniform” (Agnew 2008: 97). A uniform was comprised of a flannel shirt, a wool jacket, wool trousers and a cap known as a forage cap, later changed to a slouch hat (a wide brimmed hat issued to the soldiers, usually made of felt). Black boots, socks, and a black belt outlined the soldier. On the jacket would be a series of brass buttons. These elements were about the only thing uniform about the soldier’s apparel. Various accruements were tied onto the uniform, designating rank
(such as chevrons for the NCO’s), unit, and division.
Military Life
History has painted a picture of what military life was like during the nineteenth century. Often called a
“fixed and monotonous” affair (Nevin 1973: 47), the
22 soldier’s life on the frontier, in reality, was anything but the adventure promised them by a recruiter. Jeremy
Agnew (2008) has compiled what a typical day in an enlisted man’s life would have looked like. He notes “actual times and activities varied from post to post”, as sunrise would signal reveille for some posts (Agnew 2008: 141).
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TIME ACTIVITY
6:00 AM Reveille
Inspection and first
6:15 AM roll call 6:30 AM Morning stable call
7:00 AM Mess call (morning meal)
7:30 AM Fatigue duty
8:00 AM Sick call
Assembly of guard/guard
8:30 AM mount 10:00 AM Drill
12:00 PM Mess call (midday meal)
1:00 PM Drill or target practice
2:00 PM Fatigue duty
4:00 PM Stable call Table 1: Daily
15 minutes routine of before sunset Assembly/dress parade a soldier Retreat (flag call) and on the Sunset second roll call frontier Tattoo (men to quarters) (Agnew 2008: 9:00 PM and third roll call 140) 9:30 PM Taps and lights out
24
As Table 1 shows, the day to day activities of a soldier were heavily regulated from dawn until dusk. The only time in a soldier’s life when the day wasn’t regulated was on the campaign trail, where the unpredictable nature of life made life on the post seem pleasant in contrast.
Soldiers’ rations are also documented historically.
This allows us to see what a soldier was expected to get, and offers an interesting contrast when examining the archaeological record. Rations are split into two categories; clothes and food. A soldier’s clothing ration basically equaled a fresh uniform once a year for the duration of his enlistment (Hardee 1862: 157). Food rations varied dependent on one’s rank, but a soldier could expect salted beef or pork, coffee, tobacco, sugar, potatoes and vegetables (rare in some cases), and either bread or hard tack (Hardee 1862: 156). Additionally officers would be given rations of vinegar, rice, soap, and candles, though how often they received these rations on the frontier varied greatly. Though the meat that a soldier was given was salted, it was often unfavorable minus the fact that the meal would offer the soldier a brief respite from drill or fatigue duty (Agnew 2008: 124).
The meat sometimes would already be spoiled and only by
25 boiling it would it be rendered edible. Only through a local sutler or trading post could a soldier find variety for his diet, which came at a cost that also varied from post to post.
Armaments during this time period varied greatly as well, and on the frontier it was not uncommon for the US military to field test various arms, though many arms on the frontier were dated or of older manufacture.
Percussion cap revolvers was an army standard until the mid-1870’s, and the muzzle loading rifle as common for foot soldiers, with various carbines used by the cavalry.
Muzzle loaders of this time period utilized a soft lead bullet design called a Minie ball. These were first implemented by the French and saw use in the United States in the 1850’s, through the Civil War, and into the latter half of the 19th Century (Scott and Haag 2009). Metal cartridge based weaponry did find its way into the frontier outposts, but by the time such weapons became wide spread many western forts (such as Garland) were already decommissioned (Agnew 2008). Some posts would have artillery detachments with cannonade available, but with the mobile nature of the warfare being conducted on the frontier many times these implements were relegated to more
26 eastern forts and posts. Some forts even had the luxury of a Gatling gun, but many decided not to employ these as, like artillery, they were cumbersome and not practical for use. There are some instances where a Gatling gun was deployed on the frontier, but these instances are few and far between. Additionally, bladed implements were utilized by officers and cavalry in the form of sabers whereas the enlisted man had a bayonet for his rifle. All of these implements were also issued by the military. The Army of the United States stationed on the frontier was comprised of an organized chaos at best. Even though there were regulated implements concerning arms and armaments, uniforms, and men, the makeup of all of these elements was far from uniform, further adding a unique element to the environment that was the American frontier.
Civilian interactions with the soldiers on a post were many and took on several different forms. Each post was allowed a certain number of laundresses to work on the grounds. A laundress’ trade was to wash a soldier’s laundry for a fee and they would often earn more than a private would in a given month (Agnew 2008: 114). Given the scarcity of women on a post, some enlisted men would marry a laundress. On some posts, should an enlisted man
27 already be married, his wife was allowed to live on the post after agreeing to work as a laundress. More often than not the laundress’ income would supplement that of her husbands. There were some instances of laundresses doubling as prostitutes (Agnew 2008: 114-115) further adding to their income as well as increasing venereal disease rates within posts. Laundresses were officially disbanded from the army in 1883, though civilian women still laundered clothing for the men, just not sanctioned by the army. The other civilian that a soldier would interact with was the post sutler. Sutlers would offer the soldier a wide variety of items, from soap, canned meats, alcoholic beverages, and combs to newspapers or offer areas of recreation (Nevin 1973: 72). A post sutler could be either a civilian entrepreneur or a franchised trader, and dependent on the remote nature of the post, the sutler’s prices would range from fair to outrageous. At Fort
Massachusetts, for example, it was noted that the post sutler would raise the prices to be “exorbinant, and much beyond the ability of the soldier to pay” (Frazer 1963:
41). Some sutlers would establish a credit system, especially for officers as a “privilege of rank” (Nevin
1973: 72). Payday for the soldier was irregular in the
28 remote areas of the frontier, so this allowed the soldier to acquire some comforts whilst they awaited their paycheck. The sutler was an important civilian position on the post as they offered some respite to the soldier’s routine. Other civilians that a soldier may interact with included civilian scouts, traders, and settlers passing through an area, but these were few and far between. A soldier’s main social interaction lay within his regiment.
Forts and Outposts in the American West
The term “fort” brings to mind many images, especially concerning the American West. Thanks largely to Hollywood blockbusters, forts are envisioned as wooden palisades where settlers and soldiers can safely defend themselves from the oncoming hoard of Indians. While many posts east of the Mississippi do in fact share this distinction, posts out west do not. They are comprised of "a group of buildings without any protective entrenchment or stockade.
The garrison might be composed of units of both infantry and cavalry or entirely of one arm” (Coffman 1956: 194).
Nevin (1973) points out that “the uniformity of most government issue did not apply to the hundreds of forts that guarded the frontier” (Nevin 1973: 47). Each post on
29 the frontier was unique in layout, purpose, and garrison.
A brief discussion should be had concerning the terminology of this thesis-mainly between the terms ‘outpost’ and
‘fort’. These terms should not be used interchangeably, but can both be applied to the same site. The main difference between the two terms concerns the permanence of the fort, as well as the initial mission or purpose of said military post. An outpost designates a temporary nature, given that the US was unsure of not only the terrain but also of the area in general. Outposts were utilized to protect trails westward and were important sites but could be moved or inhabited for a short period. Forts, while arguably providing the same level of protection, were more or less permanent. That is, more time and care went into their preparation, construction, and upkeep.
Alice Hoagland (2004) mentions in her work Army
Architecture of the West that such sites underwent a three step period of transition. There was the initial outpost scene, where palisades and fortifications were hurriedly constructed and may have looked ‘despicable’ according to the casual observer. Following that would be the ‘little village’ stage. This implies that the outpost becomes more permanent, and steps are taken to make the post more
30 habitable. Gardens may be planted, a parade ground may have more ‘tlc’ applied towards its care, and homes of officers start to resemble those back east. The third stage is the ‘institutionalization’ of these sites.
Arguably occurring at the turn of the 21st century, homes are even further furnished and supplies are more readily available. The American ‘frontier’ in Turner’s terms has vanished, and the wake of an American infrastructure has taken its place. The latter of these terms does not apply to Fort Garland’s development, as it was decommissioned in
1883 and was only able to grow as the army saw fit. How exactly Fort Garland made the transition from the outpost stage to little village will be explored later in the thesis.
Given these distinctions, we not only see how the fort or post in the American West evolved over time but also we can further gauge a site’s importance. The military presence on the frontier was an important mainstay towards life in the west during the Nineteenth Century, and the importance given towards a location to post men and supplies was important, not only for the dualistic protection of people and supplies but also because of the economic toll such a site would have. Forts needed
31 maintenance just as any other domestic area would need.
Floors would have to be redone, buildings reconstructed should a catastrophe occur. Fires and other natural disasters sometimes plagued military posts of the west
(Frazer 1965). If a site saw temporary need, then no such work or effort was put into its care. Fort Garland, even at the end of its ‘career’ as a US Military fort, saw a great deal of work put into its upkeep. This is evident especially in the commissary portions of the site. The post commissary at Fort Garland fell victim to a fire in the late 1870s and was substantially rebuilt (Carson 2005).
One further note should be discussed and that is in relevance to the layout of a frontier outpost. Referencing
Figure 1, we see that not only does Fort Garland have an open layout but also that there is no palisade element.
Fort Garland’s predecessor Fort Massachusetts had a palisade element to protect the inside from an outside attack. As the military became more established on the frontier, an open layout was utilized, proving to be more efficient while utilizing what limited resources the environment provided. The Officers were stationed to the north in what amounts to little homes, where they could reside with their families; Agnew (2008) and Ricky (1963)
32 both make mention of this as well. With this segregation of rank and file came a further delineation of troops. The infantry was posted towards the west, with the cavalry posted towards the east, next to the stables. The site also had a hospital and two separate dining halls for infantry and cavalry. It is interesting to ponder the rigid, albeit open, layout of the fort. This is an aspect explored later on in this thesis.
33
Figure 1: Fort Garland’s layout as of 1867: Map courtesy of the Archives at Fort Garland and with the permission of the
Colorado Historical Society
34
Chapter 4: Fort Garland Background
Fort Garland has attracted a large amount of scholarly attention within the last 20 years, varying from local re- enactors to archaeological inquiries by Adams State
University. Situated in the San Luis Valley in Southern
Colorado, Fort Garland is a place that arguably has a culture all of its own (Figure 02). While Fort Garland does not seem much different from any other western fort at first glance, there is an abundance of historical data ready to establish a historical framework, necessary in order to examine the archaeological potential of the site.
Figure 02: Fort Garland’s location in Colorado (represented
by the black dot)
35
San Luis Valley
The San Luis Valley rests at the foot of the Sangre de
Cristo mountain range in current day south central Colorado
(See Figure 02). Called the southernmost of the “sister parks”, a term used among locals to detail the different ranges of the Rockies within Colorado (Gaughan 1931: 9), the valley sees a temperate climate that can be pleasant in the summer but bitterly cold during the autumn and winter months. It likely provided an abundance of game for the
Utes and Commanches who occupied the area (Gaughan 1931: 9-
10). These two tribes were at odds with each other and according to native lore, the Commanches were expelled from the region by the mountain Utes, and harbored a bitter resentment towards them and their prowess (Gaughan 1931: 9-
10). When settlers came into the region, they fell prey to attacks by the native Ute population as well. The valley was apportioned as part of New Spain when the Spanish colonized the western United States in the 17th century, and undoubtedly Spanish explorers entered into this region. To the northeast of Fort Garland are the sparse remains of an old Spanish fort, abtly named thus as well (Frazer 1965:
42). Over time, as New Spain became Mexico, smaller settlements started to erupt, as Mexico feared the
36 encroachment of a rapidly growing US (Gaughan 1931: 27).
The Mexican government issued a series of land grants to encourage settlers to move into the region. These grants ushered in a new wave of conflict over the landscape, as the Utes, Mexicans, and various parties within the United
States were all vying over the valley. Upon the finalization of the Mexican-American war, with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the United States acquired what is now known as the American Southwest, including the San Luis
Valley. This large territory brought a series of new challenges. The United States now had new territories, with it a new civilian populace that faced an uncertain future, especially concerning the land grants. The United
States thus had to establish a military presence within the area.
The valley is important strategically in that it intersects trade south to Taos New Mexico as well as wagon trails northward to Denver. Additionally, in wake of the
Pueblo riots down by Taos, it became clear that the population was not amicable towards a United States presence in the area (Frazer 1965: 67). The United States knew that in order to keep a peace in the area, a military post needed to be established. Orders were thus sent to
37
Fort Union, New Mexico to establish a post in the valley with the primary goal of keeping the Utes in check as well as protecting trade through the area, as the Utes were known to raid caravans. The inception for Fort
Massachusetts had started.
Fort Massachusetts
The end of the Mexican American War ushered in the
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which granted the United
States more territory in which to expand its interests.
With this onset of new land, the United States had to contend with not just a conquered people but rather an amalgamation of cultures, both Hispanic and native. Fort
Massachusetts served as the predecessor to Fort Garland by eight years. Established in 1852 at the base of the Sangre de Cristo mountain range by Major George A.H. Blake of the
1st Dragoons (Frazer 1965: 40), Fort Massachusetts has the distinction of being the first United States military outpost in Colorado, which at that time was still part of
New Mexico (Benson et al. 1972: 49). The fort is unique in that it shares many characteristics with its eastern counterparts. While many of the western outposts favored a more open layout, usually positioned in a strategic manner
38 in which they could mobilize troops in any given direction when needed, Fort Massachusetts was built entirely enclosed by a wooden palisade.
The environment of the San Luis Valley comprises a mixture of pine forest and desert sage, and temperatures can be hot during the day whilst frigid at night. This is not the most hospitable of environments to place an outpost, which was one of the reasons that the lifespan of the fort was short lived, though the exact reasons for which are still unclear. According to Frazer (1965: 40) and Agnew (2008: 226) the fort was relocated mainly because of the environment and the immediate danger the local tribes posed on the fort grounds-allegedly they were able to shoot arrows into the fort grounds. Agnew (2008: 226) also mentions that there may have been a fear that the Utes were capable of poisoning the only water supply into the fort. Col. Joseph K. Mansfield (as quoted by Frazer
(1963)) was a military engineer sent into the area to monitor the condition of various posts, and noted that Fort
Massachusetts was “placed too near the spur of the mountain for a good defense against an enterprising enemy” and that
“in winter the snow falls here to the depth of four feet”
(Frazer 1963: 19). What is known is that the fort itself
39 may have been standing when Fort Garland was established, and it is speculated that perhaps the terrain was a major disadvantage for the fort. The area of Fort Massachusetts proved to be most inhospitable, with winters adding frustration to the growing list of insufferable conditions.
The army decided to relocate six miles to the south, choosing a location that was situated more in the San Luis
Valley (Carson 2005). Fort Massachusetts was last garrisoned by Company A, 3rd US Infantry and Company E, US mounted Rifles under the command of Captain Thomas Duncan
(Thomas 2002: 77). The troops were withdrawn around June
24th, 1858 after Duncan and a survey team located a more suitable spot for a military post (Thomas 2002: 77). This provided a better climate and the open layout of the valley meant that the soldiers could see an attack coming from any direction, a privilege they were not granted in the mountain pass where Fort Massachusetts was located.
Without Fort Massachusetts, we would not have Fort Garland.
Fort Garland
Fort Garland was established in 1858 after Fort
Massachusetts proved to be inhospitable. Named for Colonel
John Garland of the 8th Infantry (Frazer 1965:37), Fort
40
Garland had similar goals to Fort Massachusetts in that the site was meant to protect any settlers from hostile tribes in the area. This marked the beginning of Fort Garland’s history. When Fort Massachusetts was officially decommissioned in 1858, Fort Garland was already a manned and operational outpost. The original garrison at the fort consisted of the last garrison of Fort Massachusetts until
1860, when they were relieved by Companies A, F, and H of the 10th US Infantry (Thomas 2002: 78). Unlike its predecessor, the fort did not have a full stockade and consisted of a pattern called “territorial adobe” (Carson
2005). The buildings were constructed by the local population out of adobe bricks and what little timber that was available, of which there was a small source about 12 miles to the east. Additionally the fort had an irrigated parade ground, utilizing acequias to bring water from nearby Ute Creek, and this water system allowed for a rudimentary form of running water (Carson 2005). The fort could hold a small contingency of men equal to about 2 full companies (Agnew 2008: 226). When the Civil War broke out, the fort saw itself as a recruiting station, gathering volunteers towards the Union’s cause. Troops from Fort
Garland moved south to fight in the Battle of Glorietta
41
Pass, aiding in the Union victory there (Carson 2005).
After the Civil War, the fort was a stop for the railroad and continued to function during the Indian Wars, with soldiers taking part in the infamous Sand Creek Massacre as well as various skirmishes with the Utes (Carson 2005). A small community slowly started to grow around the fort, but in 1882 it was decommissioned, with the troops being transferred to Fort Lewis (Frazer 1965). The fort fell into disrepair and became utilized for a hotel, feed store, and eventually fell into ruin until the Colorado Historical
Society purchased it in 1945 (Carson 2005).
42
Figure 03: Sketch of Fort Garland taken from Harper’s
Magazine
Fort Garland had a wide array of troops stationed there during its lifetime as well as its fair share of historical figures. Among the most famous of its commanders was Christopher “Kit” Carson, a notorious scout, fur trapper, and public figure (Thomas 2002: 79). Carson held a position as commandant of the post from 1866-1867, and led a group of volunteer regiments from New Mexico while stationed at the post (though a majority of the men
43 stationed at Fort Garland appear to be of Anglo descent)
(Thomas 2002: 79). Mountain man Tom Tobin also has ties with Fort Garland. Tobin trailed the famed Espinosa gang, who were killing various settlers in Colorado. Upon eliminating its leader, Tobin returned to Fort Garland to claim the bounty by presenting the severed head of Felipe
Espinosa to the commanding officer (Field 2003: 8-9).
Another prominent figure that commanded the fort was Major
Edward R.S. Canby (Thomas 2002: 79). Canby is known as the victor of the battle of Glorietta Pass when he matched wits against General Henry H. Sibley. Personalities aside, Fort
Garland also saw a contingent of the famed Buffalo soldiers serve on the fort grounds in the late 1870s (Carson 2005).
Evidence archaeologically as to their exact presence on the grounds continues to elude researchers to this day, but historically they are represented.
Historical documentation regarding Fort Garland
The historical documentation on Fort Garland is abundant and varied. Primarily are post returns, sent out monthly as a means of relegating the post’s condition to
Washington. This is part of the military procedure of the time period, and military manuals (such as Craighill
44
(2002:18-34))of the time detail how they were to be written. While a majority of the post returns from Fort
Garland are available, their condition ranges from barely legible to unreadable. Sparse details regarding various court martials from soldiers going AWOL can be deciphered as can some of the officer names. Regardless, what information that is taken from them is invaluable regarding the day to day operation of the fort.
Figure 04: Copy of a post return from Fort Garland, CO (at
this time New Mexico Territory)
45
Additional historic material regarding the fort includes a wide array of photographs and maps, many of which are presented in appendix A. The maps range from pre
1863 (Figure 04) up till 1877. The interesting thing to note about this source is that there is a phantom building that is present only on the 1867 map behind the infantry barracks. This could just be the artist viewing the laundress building twice, as this is the building that commonly appears in this area on most of the maps, or it was a temporary structure that was erected for a short period of time. This question will, as of this thesis, remain unanswered until further archaeological inquiry is undertaken.
46
Figure 05: Undated Pre 1863 plan of Fort Garland
Photographs of the post from the period survive as well and are preserved in two distinct forms. There are the base photographs of families and life on the post and there are stereoscope cards. Documentation of this caliber is a great asset to archaeological investigations as it allows us to recreate scenes if necessary/possible. Given that some of the post’s buildings are now gone, the photographs give researchers a perspective on where potential structural remains are, as well as aid in the interpretation of any reconstructive efforts. Of the
47 original buildings, only a handful of the officer’s buildings, infantry and cavalry barracks survive. The infantry company quarters building that is present today is reconstructed, likely after using photographic evidence as a guide. Appendix B contains what photographs are in the author’s collection.
Figure 06: Portrait of a family
48
Figure 07: Stereoscope card of soldiers relaxing, likely
near their barracks
Obtaining census data for those living within the confines of Fort Garland as well as the surrounding areas is extremely difficult, as Colorado did not establish an official census until the 1880s, at which time Fort Garland was in a transitional period. Early census data for the post simply does not exist, and local census data is mixed between New Mexico counts as well as Kansas, who contested territory within Colorado during the mid-nineteenth century
(United States Census Bureau 2013). Texas also claimed part of Colorado during this time (as well as a large chunk
49 of the American West), thus eschewing any chance of obtaining an accurate idea via census of who lived in this region.
One surviving article from the time period that is of interest is a surveyor’s notebook from 1866 by the name of
Frederick J. Ebert. The surveyor was sent down from Denver to establish a military reservation in the Fort Garland area that would total roughly six miles square, with the flagpole in the center of the parade grounds serving as the center of the reservation. No exact details are given regarding the day to day activities of the post, but the surveyor does note the landscape with amazing detail, and it is noted that he was working with a Hispanic team (Ebert
1866: 1). An intriguing source uncovered is the Masters thesis of one Sister Margaret Gaughan. Her thesis, written for the De Paul University based in Chicago, not only outlines much of the history of the area but incorporates accounts told by the offspring of the men who served in the area. Gaughan’s thesis is rich in that some of these accounts would have never seen print had she not talked with the people she did. Gaughan (1931: 62) talked with the son of a man who participated in a Ute campaign in
1955, which had him volunteer to help the dragoons in Fort
50
Massachusetts fight the Utes. Apparently, according to this source, the dragoons loved the locals because of their expertise in dealing with the Utes and saw them as a great asset (Gaughan 1931: 62-65). Aside from these anecdotes from history, Gaughan offers little else concerning the fort proper.
Previous archaeological work done at Fort Garland
Fort Garland has drawn archaeological interest as well as historical interest over the years. A Trinidad Junior
State College student by the name of Anne Bond undertook a series of excavations for a Master’s thesis in the late
1980s, establishing a few units across the site. Her finds are currently on display today at the Fort Garland museum.
Remnants of her archaeological investigations are still seen today as her unit nails neatly mark out her excavation areas. Her thesis, as well as her notes, are in the possession of the Colorado Historical Society, and with the lack of copies they are reluctant to lease out these items.
Between the years of 2003-2009 Adams State College (now
Adams State University) undertook a series of archaeological investigations aside from those done by
Bond. Much of the fort has been excavated by various field
51 crews working with the College. Areas include what has been labeled as a main midden to the west of the fort.
Artifact density in this area is rich, and surface finds are common. Geoarchaeological investigations into locating what is labeled on the 1867 map as the “ice pond” have produced inconclusive results. The infantry laundress quarters have been found and documented as was the post commissary and quartermaster buildings. A well on the side of the cavalry stables has been excavated to a depth of around 30 feet, yielding hundreds of horseshoes.
Additional spots investigated include trying to ascertain the location of the cavalry laundress quarters as well as various trash piles to the east of the fort that have surface artifacts dating to fort period. The last field season had crews focusing on the stables themselves as well as the commissary cellar, where oxidized onions were uncovered. 2009 marked the last year of excavations held on fort grounds. Future prospects for further investigation remains unclear.
Two researchers working in conjunction with Adams
State have written articles and theses on Fort Garland as a result of the field school. Delfin Weis, a student and crew chief working for Adams State, wrote both his
52 undergrad thesis (which was published by the San Luis
Valley Historian) and his Masters thesis on Fort Garland.
Weis’ (2008) undergrad thesis examined the post laundresses in great detail, showing that these women engaged in more masculine activites such as smoking in order to make their lives on the post more bearable. His Masters thesis (Weis
2010) examined what is known as the soldier’s garden and aspects of diet on the post (though his take on it was on the acculturation of Hispanic crops on a soldier’s diet) through phytolith analysis. Weis took samples from several different areas of the post, ranging from stabling areas to fireplaces. After analyzing his samples, Weis concluded that the Anglo agricultural tradition shifted towards a more Hispanic tradition, seeing the incorporation of crops such as maize become more prevalent.
Devine (2012) focused on another aspect of fort life that is overlooked in literature—children. In the western trash midden area of the fort, Devine conducted a survey of toys-things such as miniature tea sets and doll pieces.
Collecting scores of samples from Fort Garland and creating a database for the future study of such items, Devine makes the argument that children were not only present on the fort grounds but played an active part in the day to day
53 affairs, with boys and girls represented as “little angels” on the post (Devine 2012). Her work is continuing through the Denver University graduate program, integrating children back into a historical framework.
My Research
The overarching goal of this thesis is to present a non-conflict military site such as Fort Garland as another form of settlement of the American West through the archaeological record. Additionally, this thesis looks to examine who is represented through the archaeology as well as gauge the effect the local populations had on the soldiers settling here via the fort. This thesis is taking a different approach from the aforementioned researcher’s goals in that I am examining a series of units excavated from the western trash middens in the west/southwest portion of the fort (see Figure 08). This trash midden, as mentioned before, is rich with fort period artifacts, but only represents a small amount of the archaeological record that makes up Fort Garland.
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Figure 08: Areas of inquiry on the fort. This image consists of not only excavated areas but also areas investigated with GPR and remote sensing techniques. The four units of this thesis are circled in blue to the west.
55
CHAPTER 5: THE ARTIFACTS
This archaeological inquiry concerns the western trash midden of the fort. There are four units in question, each of which was excavated during the 2008 field season. These units yielded 1,027 artifacts. The location of these units builds off each other, meaning that the units were placed within the same general area, expanding where needed to further encompass the entirety of the trash midden. These artifacts were grouped utilizing a basic field collection method, and the majority of the artifacts from the fort are still being processed, and the data we have regards a method of collecting artifacts in the field. The units turned up the following amount of artifacts:
Artifact Types Diagnostic Total
Ceramic 57 362
Metal 3 99
Glass 64 490
Historic Other 11 66
Total 135 1027
Table 02: Artifact types calculated, minus Faunal Remains
The usual suspects in historical archaeology refer to artifacts of glass, metal, and ceramic. These artifacts
56 are in abundance within these units, and it is not a large surprise as they constitute the majority of the elements used in the daily lives of the people who were living at the fort. Glass containers were commonplace during this period, as were ceramic pieces of kitchenware and metallic implements. This is largely due to the onset of the industrial revolution, which produced these items in large quantities. Regardless, these make up the bulk of the artifact assemblage in this thesis.
Historic Other is an umbrella term utilized in the field for a ‘quick and dirty’ means of organizing data.
Broken up further, these pieces include buttons, militaria, various unique pieces (such as a clock gear), and even toys. This will be further explored later in the thesis, though toys at Fort Garland are being researched (Devine
2012). Militaria are a sub-grouping of items that were designed specifically for military use. Uniform pieces, bullets, and parts of a soldiers kit will be grouped here.
Other apparel outside of the military, such as buttons and a hoop skirt fragment are also included in this broad topic. In short, the ‘historic other’ classification employed by the field school presents the researcher with both the vague and specific artifact typologies that go
57 beyond the basic classifications of metal, ceramic, and glass.
A total of 135 faunal remains were also closely examined and analyzed in an attempt to ascertain dietary needs. From these, a wide variety of faunal species were ascertained. Additionally, the 2010 study of Phytoliths done by Weiss (2010) was applied to further construct an argument in which dietary needs and patterns were consumed at the fort itself. From these findings, further interpretation can be made regarding the lifestyles of those stationed at the post as well as open other avenues of future research into the lifeways of a military outpost on the American frontier.
Ceramics
From the artifact assemblage, several ceramic types are prevalent. By far the most common type is a basic whiteware, though some porcelain is prevalent. Whiteware is one of the more common ceramic types found in the assemblage, making up roughly 54 percent of the entire assemblage. From these white ware pieces, many rims of plates and saucers were discovered. These pieces were undoubtedly from kitchenware pieces utilized by the
58 soldiers at the fort. Additionally, pieces of porcelain were discovered, though the pieces varied in style, shape, and ultimately use (one piece was likely part of a toy).
Other ware types discovered include pearlware, a high end type of ceramic, and a couple of sherds of stoneware.
Earthenware pieces represent another facet of the findings here, though they can be largely attributed to the amount of ale bottle fragments found within the midden.
During the mid-19th century, several forms of ale were stored and shipped in a ceramic bottle type. Only a small fraction (roughly about 15 percent) of the earthenware pieces can be attributed to wares other than bottle types, though even then they are unidentifiable at best.
59
Ceramic
Type Number Percentage
Whiteware 29 54
Porcelain 6 11
Earthenware 6 11
Pearlware 3 6
Stoneware 2 4
Other'/IND 4 7
Pipe
Paraphernalia 4 7
Total 54 100
Table 3: Ceramic makes and sizes
An interesting note is the small amount of decorated pieces found within this assemblage. Only 9 pieces were recorded as having any decorative elements. The decorations were basic at best, usually a hand painted patterning or a light blue element added to the glazing process of the pot. The lack of decorative elements on a frontier fort is not surprising given that these people were likely living a pragmatic way of life. Decoration, while a symbol of status in the east (Gibson 2011), likely was a luxury few
60
had out west. It is possible that any or all decorative
elements in ceramics were given an extra detail of care not
only in their use but in their storage. Supplies were
scarce on the frontier save for what the sutler had on
hand, and even these items were usually overpriced, even
for the officers (Agnew 2008: 128). Extra care may have
been taken towards objects such as these as their
importance could have been gauged on rarity of supply.
Percentage (from
Ceramic Type Number Percentage Decorated total)
Whiteware 29 54 2 7
Porcelain 6 11 1 17
Earthenware 6 11 4 67
Pearlware 3 6
Stoneware 2 4
Other'/IND 4 7 2 50
Pipe
Paraphernalia 4 7
Total 54 100
Table 4: Ceramics with decorative motifs
61
120
100
80
60 Number Percentage 40 Decorated Percentage (from total) 20
0
Figure 9: Graph of ceramic results
Pipe pieces, constituting only a small percentage of the overall ceramic assemblage, were discovered as well. One of the pieces had elements of an ornate decoration, which sort of resembles a carved lion or perhaps a wolf. The assemblage as a whole provides a glimpse at the variety of information one artifact type can give researchers. From kitchen wares to toys and smoking paraphernalia, the ceramic evidence shows how a ‘common’ material type found a wide array of uses.
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Militaria
The term ‘militaria’ is borrowed from Fox and Scott
(1987). It is an umbrella term to discuss the ‘little things’ of military life, essentials such as buckles, pieces of uniform (in particular buttons), and even ballistic items. Basically this term looks at pieces on a soldier’s person that have fallen off, and were either standard issue or made by the soldier himself (e.g. something carried on a soldier’s person that was provided by the military). Various pieces of militaria were discovered within the trash middens, ranging from epaulette pieces to bullets. An epaulette was a shoulder decoration usually for dress ceremonies. It consists of a metal plate that was ornately decorated with colorful ribbon string to latches or various buckles. These were not categorized with the rest of the apparel as the nature of some of these is still unknown. Apparel within this thesis is thus limited to items that would have been used everyday-buttons and the like.
63
Figure 10: Militaria found in trash middens
Along with these pieces several bullets were discovered. These Minie balls were standard issue to the troops serving at Fort Garland and would have been found in a soldier’s kit. These bullets are identifiable by their conical shape as well as by the three grooves at their base, where a lubricant was added to aid in the bullets placement down the bore of a musket. The bullets in Figure
10 are unfired, and their presence within the trash midden at a military post is interesting. There are several reasons as to why they would have been tossed in with the trash. Later in the 19th century, troops were slowly being
64 issued arms that fired cartridges as opposed to their black powder implements. These bullets would have been deemed useless by such technologies. Even so, only a single center-fired implement was discovered in the unit, and this explanation is the least likely one. More than likely these bullets were placed in the trash by accident. The bullets would have come ‘packaged’ in a small cloth
‘cartridge’ which would have contained the bullet, powder, and wadding needed to operate the firearm. These could be stray bullets that were ‘misplaced’ from their cartridges, or were simply not needed. Unfortunately there is no clear context for why these bullets are found in the trash midden, but their inclusion does bring about some speculation as to why they are there in the first place.
Figure 11: Bullets found in Middens
65
Figure 12: Shotgun shell fragment
One bullet that was found in the trash midden appears to have been fired (see Figure 12). Upon closer inspection, one can make out the grooves at the base of the lead. The base is circular, just like the other bullets, with a slight indentation into the bullet itself. This design was done so that the propellant would cause the soft metal of the bullet to expand and ‘grab’ the rifling of the firearm (Scott and Haag 2009). Finding a bullet that has already been fired is common on battlefield sites, and sites that housed troops would likely have caches of these in the area somewhere, indicating firing ranges or drilling yard. There are also instances in battlefield sites of caches of bullets being discovered as a military wing retreated (Cornelison 2006). Finding a fired bullet in a trash midden is unusual. Bullets were not located after
66 they were fired for disposal. So a smaller question arises-what is a fired bullet doing amongst the trash?
This is further explored later in the thesis.
Figure 13: Impacted bullet
Toys
The appearance of toys and children items on a military outpost may seem surprising. However, officers were allowed to bring their families with them, and the historical records indicate that a school was maintained on the post (Carson 2005). The real question is ‘for whom’.
The growing town of San Luis is a mere fifteen miles to the south; it is possible that Fort Garland was approaching the third phase presented by Hoagland in her model of forts and their transitional stages. Fort Garland had the makings to become an institution.
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One must also ask the question of what defines a
‘toy’. Dictionary.com (2012) defines a toy as “an object, often a small representation of something familiar, as an animal or person, for children or others to play with”.
Another definition is “something that serves for or as if for diversion, rather than for serious practical use”.
This broadens the scope outside of what is contemporarily considered a toy as a child’s object and into the realm of leisure. Artifacts from militaria could therefore be considered toys or objects used for diversive means.
Ceramic pipes arguably also fall into this classification.
For the sake of this thesis, pipe pieces are being classified in a different category. However their usage as an item for leisure should be noted in this section. One of the biggest debates going on in the field is over what does constitute a toy, and what age ranges used these implements.
Apparel
Several buttons were discovered within the assemblage, not uncommon given the nature of the fort. What is remarkable is the number of prossert buttons discovered compared to the number of brass uniform buttons. Prossert
68 buttons were a common item utilized for female garments such as blouses. The prossert button construction usually consisted of a china base and is technically a form of ceramic (Sprague 2002). The majority of buttons found within this assemblage are prossert types. There are a wide variety of explanations for the abundance of the prossert button. The trash middens excavated here are close to where the post laundresses would have been stationed. Laundresses would follow the troops out west, as it was quite a profitable enterprise. Uniforms needed mending, washing and drying, and the soldier often would rather use his free time pursuing other vices than spending the time and care needed on his uniform. Thus, the laundress profession was a desirable option for women looking to work out west (Agnew 2008). The prossert buttons in this assemblage could have belonged to the laundresses themselves as opposed to being scrap pieces from the wives of any officers at the post (though this is also a viable option).
Brass button pieces surprisingly make up a minority of the buttons found. Only 2 brass military types were found out of the 22 buttons. The remainders are basic prossert buttons. There are two elements to this point. While it
69 is certainly surprising that more of this button type is not present within the assemblage, it could go to show an unwritten standard of military protocol. The care for one’s uniform could have been so meticulous that there would be few of these stray button types. Then again, a soldier on the frontier certainly had to be thrifty, and brass buttons could have been sewn back onto the uniform either by the soldier or the post laundress.
Figure 14: Button assemblage
An additional piece of apparel was discovered as an independent find on the surface of the unit. This was a
70 portion of a hoop skirt, a common item for ladies in the
Victorian Era. Like the prossert buttons before, it is difficult to distinguish whether or not this artifact was possessed by a wife of an officer or a laundress. Given the proximity to the laundress quarters, this proves the more likely scenario, but the piece belonging to an officer’s wife cannot be totally dismissed as a viable option. Furthermore, it should also be taken into account that a sole of a boot, likely male, was discovered in this unit (Figure 10). This is an extraordinary find, as preservation of perishable materials such as leather within an archaeological context, even a historic one, is a rarity. Given that only the sole is present here, one can make the assumption that this garment was likely beyond repair and simply thrown away.
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Figure 15: Hoopskirt fragment
Figure 16: Boot sole
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Faunal Results
A wide variety of faunal remains were also excavated and analyzed from these units, and within this particular assemblage we see a wide variety of species represented.
Not only are bovine pieces prevalent in the assemblage, but we see representations of goat, pig, bird, and elk. These were more than likely consumed as a food source for the men stationed at the fort, as cut marks on several of the faunal pieces-specifically the cattle and pig-demonstrate an intent in the mutilation is indicative of food consumption.
Aside from the aforementioned faunal results in the diet section of this thesis, a number of canine remains were found in the midden. This poses several questions regarding not only diet but life on the post. Without jumping to conclusions that ‘the soldiers ate dogs’, one must pause and speculate upon the higher frequency of canine remains within the midden. For starters, there was no evidence of butchery on the canine remains, thus the likelihood of their being used as food is small to none.
Could these have been pets? This is a possibility.
Neither Carson (2005) nor post returns mention pets being
73 on the fort grounds or if their families brought them along. The third option is that these canine remains are not that of canis lupus familiaris but rather canis latrans, or coyote. Coyote are prominent in this region and would have been seen as a pest during the mid-19th century. Thus, it is probable that coyotes were eliminated and their carcasses thrown in the trash heaps with the rest of the garbage rather than attract other predators.
Faunal Remain Number Percentage
Cow 41 29
Dog 42 30
Goat/Sheep 9 6
Pig 4 3
Bird 9 6
Elk 2 1
Indeterminate 33 24
total 140 99
Table 05: Faunal Results
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160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0
number Percentage
Figure 17: Faunal results
Several indeterminate remains also were discovered, though identified. Many of these pieces were adolescent bone fragments of smaller faunal species, and as such made their identification difficult at best. They were included in the analysis as future research may show a need for their documentation. It should also be noted that this assemblage of faunal remains in no way is a complete representation of the dietary needs of the entire fort, but rather a glimpse into the lifestyles and potential research questions for a much larger scale of inquiry.
Glass
The glass pieces recovered from the midden showcase a wide array of material types and color. Amethyst glass was
75 prevalent, serving as one of the many diagnostic pieces given the nature of its chemical makeup. Amethyst glass contains the element manganese, which when exposed to sunlight produces a purplish tint in the glass; Switzer
(1974) briefly discusses this aspect of glass. This production type dates to the mid-19th century, placing the artifact in what is referred to as ‘fort period’.
In the assemblage, several bottle finish types were included in the findings. A large quantity of these were champagne, notable by the high ‘kick up’ in the bases as well as the bottle finishes themselves. Some of these finishes included a piece of cork, and one had a cork still wired to the top (Figure 18). Champagne was a popular beverage in the west during the mid-19th century and like today was carbonized and pressurized. Removal of the finish with cork was possible by taking a saber and swiftly striking the bottle neck at the right angle. Such a showman type move was likely done as a means of entertainment. Figure 18 is an example of this technique, as the angle of the glass at the base of the finish indicates such a maneuver.
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Other bottle finishes include a wide variety of dark amber types closely associated with the storage of various spirits, likely whiskey. With a post sutler, the presence of alcohol was not uncommon on the post and would have been made readily available if the soldier was able and willing to pay a market markup for it (Agnew 2008).
Drug usage in the American West is something that many researchers such as Dixon (2005) have examined. It is certainly something to consider here at Fort Garland as well. A few flat topped finishes were discovered, and this type of bottle finish was employed for many of the medicinal bottles of the mid-19th century. Opium was a common remedy in the west and was something that ladies traveling with their husbands would utilize for headaches and other ailments. This was usually found in a compound commonly called laudanum; women would take this for anxiety as well. Though this bottle finish cannot be positively identified as containing an opiate of some sort, its mention should be noted. In either case, some sort of remedy would have been contained within this glass vessel.
Switzer (1974) notes that this bottle type was also used to house chemicals or inks, thus adding to the overall verstatility of this bottle type.
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Figure 18: Bottle finish with cork
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Figure 19: Flat topped bottle finish-a design choice
utilized with many patent medicines of the time
Other bottle types included various glass containers, likely for storing liquids or even perishable items.
However these pieces are in such a state of decay that identifying the intent of the container was not possible.
Such a wide array of glass containers shows that even out on the frontier, some commercial goods were available. A majority of the goods depicted here are alcoholic in nature, and a further investigation of other middens around the fort could show how glass containers were applied outside of the storage of vices.
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Miscellanea
The remainder of the artifacts discovered are grouped into the category of miscellanea. These include cut nails, scrap metals, leather fragments, and soldered can tops.
The soldered can tops give us a rough range of reference as far as dating is concerned, as do the cut nails. However, the range of these dates, while serving as a good tool to aid in the establishment of a timeline for the site, does little regarding overall interpretation. They do not yield further information regarding buildings or structures, what the people were doing, nor what they were even consuming.
Additional leather fragments were found within the midden aside from the boot sole, and at best these pieces are indistinguishable. They were likely scraps of a boot
(perhaps even the same boot). Labeling these pieces under
‘miscellanea’ was done because the fragments give no clear indication as to whether or not they were a part of a larger piece of clothing. However, like much of this thesis states, further research could show that these leather pieces were part of something larger, or rather scraps of leather were used by someone on the post for reasons unknown. At this time, these pieces are cataloged
80 and recorded, but until further inquiry arises, their importance will be overshadowed by the other artifacts herein. More overall research needs to be done. Given the condition of many of these metallic items and the limited means in which to study them, their presence is noted, but no conclusions were able to be drawn at this time.
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CHAPTER 6: DISCUSSION
This thesis aims to answer a specific set of questions. How much of an impact did the local populations have on the men and women who came from the east, or is one even able to view such an impact? Is this impact seen culturally, environmentally, or is it non-existent? How did the soldiers stationed at Fort Garland experience frontier life? Aside from soldiers, who else is represented within the archaeological data that might have lived at the fort?
Can Fort Garland be seen as another form of community that settled the frontier? Looking at the material record in conjunction with a wealthy historical record, this chapter focuses on answering these questions.
Hispanic and Native Presence
Fort Garland was built in an area where the local population consisted of largely Hispanic settlers living in
Ute populated lands. As such, one would expect to find a large Hispanic influence on the soldiers. If such a presence exists, it is either hindered with this collection of artifacts or not present herein. The ceramic types shown derive largely from the east, as opposed to Hispanic or Native types. However, outside of the assemblage, there
82 are arguably a few pieces of Hispanic influence. One is the fort itself. Fort Garland is constructed out of adobe, utilizing Hispanic traditional construction methods (Agnew
2008: 226). The built environment was more or less native, even though it was for the military, an institution with eastern roots. Other Hispanic technologies such as acequias were implemented around the fort (Carson 2005).
The historical record also makes note of various interactions with a Hispanic population. The soldiers at
Fort Massachusetts had warm feelings for local Indian fighters, relying on their expertise to aid them in the
1855 Ute campaigns (Gaughan 1931: 62-65). Frederick
Ebert’s surveyors notebook also makes mention of Hispanic aides (Ebert 1866: 1). Local New Mexico volunteers were led by Kit Carson during the Civil War (Thomas 2002: 79).
Historically the presence of Hispanic peoples during the fort’s tenure is prevalent. Yet archaeologically, at least within these four areas of inquiry, they are not seen.
Given the tight focus of this thesis on these trash middens, such larger scale questions cannot be answered in their totality. When one is placed in a new environment, adaptations have to be taken in order to ensure survival.
The fort’s construction utilizing local methods is arguably
83 one such example. Fort Massachusetts’ design, that of a fully wooden stockade, differed greatly from the design of
Fort Garland. This was likely due to the shortage of supplies, but rather than relocate the fort, the military contracted out local workers. This brought about further interaction between the two cultures. Further interaction and acculturation is argued by Weis (2010) in the shift in the soldiers diets from grains to corn. Additionally, interaction between native tribes and the soldiers is not recorded, at least regarding the Fort’s history (Carson
2005). Surely in an area with a notable native population such an interaction did occur. The single anamolous sherd
(mentioned earlier) by itself does not shed any light on this stance, and like the question of Hispanic interaction, remains unanswerable with the amount of data gathered from the studied midden. One anomaly in the assemblage that appears to be Native American in origin, while thought provoking, gives no insight into a native-soldier interaction. What were the interactions with the local tribes like, if any did occur? Was this piece a war trophy, or was it sold by the sutler as a sort of
‘Victorian souvenir’? One can generate more questions than answers regarding this anomalous artifact. However, the
84 presence of native pottery, no matter how small it may be, should be recorded and noted as further research can shed light on this mystery.
Victorian Culture on the Frontier
Archaeology looks to tell a story about culture from the material record. Regarding a fort such as Fort
Garland, we are presented with a group of people settling into a foreign area, those from the Anglo tradition settling into a valley that is mainly Hispanic (Weis 2010:
27). The Victorian era in the United States deserves a paper in its own right, and the soldiers coming from the east (or rather the States as opposed to territories) were products of a Victorian culture. The question then becomes
“what can the artifacts tell us about Victorian culture”?
Looking over the artifacts, the domestic realm becomes an amicable place to start.
The domestic artifacts presented from the midden are organized into two categories: ceramics and glass. The glass artifacts found within the midden are associated with alcoholic beverages and will be discussed at length later in this chapter. The majority of the ceramic assemblage
(refer to Table 3) is represented in whiteware, a basic
85 ceramic type that would have been standard issue on the frontier. Porcelain and earthenwares make up the second highest percentage. Porcelain was utilized in the creation of finer wares such as china. The earthenware sample also included basic ale bottles, a beverage that was enjoyed by the enlisted recruit, and is found throughout the site.
Regardless, the presence of porcelain in the assemblage means that finer wares were present on the frontier and would suggest that their usage would be reserved for special occasions.
The fort’s layout is also Victorian in mindset as well regarding how space is designated. Utilizing the fort itself almost as an artifact, one can see that the fort not only comprises a military mindset but also heavily conveys
Victorian thought. The layout of the fort basically is a series of rigid squares and rectangles, shapes that do not occur in nature. Each space was designated with a singular task. Flanders (2003) argues that “Victorians liked their rooms to be single purpose, where we often see a multiplicity of function in our own usage” (Flanders 2003:
100). Additionally, “The Victorian ideal held that the kitchen was for cookery only, with food storage, food preparation, and dishwashing going on in, respectively, the
86 storeroom and larder, the scullery, and the scullery or pantry, depending on the type of dish and the level of dirt” (Flanders 2003: 100). Each building on the post was given one designation and held onto that designation lest it underwent a complete transformation of purpose (evidence of this is seen throughout the historic maps and how rooms are labeled. See Appendix A). While this is true military form, it also serves as an interesting amalgamation of
Victorian thought melding with military regulations.
Children and women on a military post?
The evidence for children and women on the military post is substantial historically, but archaeologically (at least regarding the areas in question for this thesis) the evidence is sparse. Both toys as well as female adornment items in conjunction with the historical record suggest that there was a strong female presence on the military outpost. Referring back to Figure 06 it is clear that officers maintained families on the post. Archaeologically these underrepresented figures are seen, albeit in a minimal manner. Women’s presence is directly noted through the pieces of adornment left behind, in this case buttons and the hoop skirt fragment. Only a small number of
87 buttons were found, as was a portion of a hoop from a hoop skirt. Porcelain pieces could be indicative of gender as well, but there is simply not enough evidence to show this.
Weis’ (2008) article on the laundresses shed light on how women could interact with other artifact types such as pipes and opium implements to make their mark known in the archaeological record. The artifacts this thesis examines only has a context of the fort itself, allowing for women to be represented in conjunction with the fort’s artifacts.
Concerning a woman in the domestic scene, it has been said that “The Less the husband interferes with her management of the household the better it will be. The home department belongs to the wife exclusively; the husband’s province is to rule the house—hers to regulate its internal economy” (Erbsen 2009: 73). Thus the woman would have been in control of many aspects regarding her home. “It is upon the wife that the happiness of home chiefly depends. It is her privilege and pleasure to promote domestic felicity and garland her husband’s house with the flowers of a sweet and helpful life” (Erbsen 2009: 163). The decorated pieces of white ware are interesting pieces to present in lieu of this topic. The standard white ware pieces are indicative of basic kitchenware that a common soldier or person (if we
88 are still talking class) would have eaten off of. The decorative elements, as few as there are, present many options and questions. Could this, in fact, be a woman’s touch on the frontier-something to lighten up an otherwise dreary environment? Women held important roles as active members on these posts, even if their presence isn’t strongly noted within this current assemblage.
Toys, or items that could be interpreted as such, also found at the post indicate that some form of play was pursued by someone living at the post. This data set alone makes it difficult to determine whether these toys were enjoyed by a child living on the post with their military family or by a child serving at the post. Devine’s (2012) article adds weight to the argument that the children who enjoyed toys at the fort were likely from a family living on the post, as her larger data set will attest to.
Additionally, the presence of children on the fort is seen in the historical record, as Figure 06 has an officer enjoying the day with his family in full sight.
Sex during the Victorian times, like many other topics presented in this thesis, could constitute a thesis of its own. With a female presence on the fort, historical
89 evidence shows that sex was another pursuit (Nevin 1973:
75). Soldiers would engage in this activity with post laundresses or local brothels. Some post commanders even allowed this to take place as a means of relieving tension among the enlisted men (Nevin 1973: 75). Archaeologically speaking, Fort Garland yields no evidence of this, and the history books make no mention of this occurring at the post.
Diet
A brief discussion on diet at the fort will help further explore conditions on the frontier through an understanding of not only what was eaten but the quality and quantity of what was consumed. This could lead to further examination of supply routes, food ways, and other inquiries that deserve just as much attention. For the moment, this section is utilizing only what was discovered within the trash midden itself, along with data collected by Weiss’ (2010) phytolith analysis of the fort. This is another expression of man’s dominion over nature, as water in the San Luis Valley can be difficult to come by if one doesn’t know how.
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As mentioned earlier, the faunal remains represent a wide array of species. Cattle and canine remains make up the vast majority of the findings, with pig, elk, and bird represented as well. Butchering on the cattle, pig, and sheep/goat bones suggests butchering for the intent of consumption. Several femurs of both pig and cattle were butchered, as well as vertebrae, ulna, pelvic, and rib sections of the cattle. This gives us an idea as to what was being consumed from these animals. The bird and elk bones from this assemblage show no sign of butchery, though they do tell us a few things. Elk was a species present within the area and could have been hunted for food or sport. The bird bones are unidentifiable regarding the exact species to which they belong. They could be turkey, chicken, or even vulture. Such a small representation of avian bones does not entirely rule out fowl as part of the diet of the frontier soldier but rather places fowl on the sidelines, as direct evidence of land based mammals show evidence of consumption by man (Weis 2010). The large quantity of canine remains, showing no signs of butchery, can be resolved as being not part of the diet but served another purpose altogether. This could potentially be evidence of pets or pest control on fort grounds (only as
91 far as this thesis is concerned with the data presented from this midden).
Faunal remains may also be indicative of hierarchy.
The cuts of meat, as mentioned earlier, were not the low end but rather seem to be of a higher quality of cuts. It is possible that these remains were portions of a meal prepared for an officer, as it is unlikely that the better cuts of meat would be given to the infantry or lower members of the cavalry. Historical sources refer to this as a “privilege of rank” (Nevin 1973: 72). Hardee’s (1862) guide also indicates that officer’s were usually given more rations dependent on their rank. Looking at Weis’ (2010) study of phytoliths in Fort Garland shows a larger degree of grains being consumed by those living in the eastern portion of the fort-i.e. the cavalry. Weiss showed that gardening was utilized by soldiers on the frontier and that the officer’s and cavalry seemed to have better quality goods (Weis 2010: 27). So what were the infantry eating?
Likely they were given rations of salt pork and bread
(Agnew 2008: 26). This presents an interesting social dynamic within the confines of a military post, segregating each arm of the military into its own unique social caste.
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Alcohol consumption occurred on the fort, and is a topic that deserves exploration. Was alcohol consumed alongside food, or was it specifically off-duty leisure?
Given that an abundance of the bottles identified within this midden are associated with alcoholic beverages, this question certainly deserves some speculation. Three bottle types present common choices for indulgences during this time period-ceramic ale bottles, dark brown spirit bottles
(likely whiskey), and champagne bottle finishes and bases.
A possible fourth type is included in the assemblage, potentially that of wine. The aqua flat topped bottles could also allude to a variety of food stuffs, or food enhancers as opposed to drugs. Again, many types of liquids were stored within these bottle types, as Switzer
(1974) demonstrated. Of this variety of alcohol containers, one would speculate that wine and champagne would be paired with a meal. But ales and whiskey could be paired with meals on ‘special occasions’ as well. Alcohol as a part of food consumption is a topic that is interesting to ponder, yet difficult to prove outside of historical source materials. The line between over consumption and luxury can be blurry depending on the theoretical framework. Here there is no direct distinction
93 between the two. This is one of the perplexities working within a trash midden provides. With such a varied assemblage of artifacts, nothing indicates that this was utilized one way or another, and there appears to be no association with the faunal remains (Referring to foodways, or beverages being consumed with the food).
Community of a unique nature
The social structures of a military outpost are unique in that there is the question of how they were supposed to operate versus how they operated in reality. The military man’s world was strictly hierarchical. Officers were not supposed to interact with their inferiors and regiments mainly kept to themselves. Dependent on which arm of the military one belonged defined one’s social sphere. These military castes defined a soldiers world. Looking at
Figure 2, one can sees a clear segmentation of space on the fort. The nature of this segmentation, aside from being a reflection of Victorian thought on how space was designated, serves to establish who is in charge of whom, as well as create the contrasting sense of both alienation and belonging within the military outpost. Cavalrymen were posted on the east, infantry on the west, and officers to
94 the north. The officers had the luxury of eating, sleeping, and living within their own contained homes whereas the enlisted men were relegated to participate in these activities with their peers. Cavalry and infantry did not interact when it came to meals-both had separate mess halls in which to eat. This is also likely because each regiment had to operate within themselves. Yet this segregation of space, more importantly a social space such as a mess hall, seems to suggest that the military created a caste system that operated with its own distinctions and rules.
Archaeologically these lines are blurred, but it is through the faunal remains that some of these points start to emerge. Dietary necessities and luxuries point to the difference between caste types. As explored with the faunal results, at least three different animal types were butchered for consumption, with the cattle faunal remains showing that attention was given to higher cuts of meat.
Given that history shows that the officers were given the more luxurious items, one can assume that this is archaeological evidence of the same “privilege of rank”
(Nevin 1973: 79). Of course, this is partly speculation as one could further argue that perhaps a group of rowdy
95 infantrymen found a cow, butchered it themselves, and consumed the meat. This is a highly unlikely scenario, as the cut marks appear to have been made by a cleaver and were done with such precision, implying that the deed was done in the hands of a trained professional.
Showmanship on the forts was another way one could demonstrate prestige or a sense of belonging to their communal caste. Two examples come to mind. The first is the ability to have a family at the fort. Officers’ families relaxing outside of their homes (Figure 1) are a clear cut example of how one’s place could be publicly shown. NCO’s sometimes were allowed to have a family, but for the enlisted man this was not an option (Agnew 2008).
Additionally, the amount of money that one required to care for a family was outside of the infantryman’s ‘budget’, as their pay would have been lower (Agnew 2008). In fact, enlisted men were often encouraged not to get married, as they could not support a family on their wages (Nevin 1973:
75). Archaeologically, this could be shown through the presence of toys as well as women’s apparel, though at this stage all the evidence shows is the presence of women and children on the post. Another form of showmanship also relates to food ways. The champagne bottle finishes with
96 corks still with them begs to ask the question of how drink could have been utilized as a means of establishing ones social place (refer to Figure 18).
Champagne, while a popular beverage in the nineteenth century, was available on the frontier through the sutler and would have been pricey. The fact that we are finding bases and finishes implicates that this beverage was enjoyed by many on the post. What is more telling are the bottle finishes with the cork still in them (and wire too).
This indicates that the tops of the bottles were ‘sliced’ with a saber. Only cavalrymen and officers were issued sabers, leaving infantrymen out of the loop. Use of the saber in this way (that is, in a manner different from the original intent) implicates a public demonstration of one’s position on the fort, or rather identifying oneself with a particular caste.
Women’s roles on the fort would fall into two categories; laundress and spouse. The spouse’s job was to maintain the integrity of the home as well as care for the safekeeping of her children (all under her husband’s protection of course (Erbsen 2009: 52), whereas the laundress operated as a civil servant, sometimes even
97 filling the role of spouse towards an enlisted man or NCO.
The female presence within the masculine world of the military adds diversity to these sites as well as offering another avenue for future research questions. Non-conflict sites such as Fort Garland offer a plethora to explore concerning a community of settlers in the American West.
With its self-defined caste system in place compared with the archaeological record, this site truly acts in lieu of a Deadwood or Virginia City.
Life of a Soldier
From the findings of the assemblage, a basic view of life on the outpost can be determined. Soldier’s lives were regulated, as Agnew points out (Agnew 2008). Basic supplies were issued and utilized at these posts. In some instances, ‘newer’ technologies arrived later on the frontier. Fort Garland’s assemblage reflects these points, as the large presence of basic whiteware show a uniformity of use, straying from the aesthetic. Minie balls, which were employed through the mid 1870s, still appear in greater number than center fired cartridges, indicating that technologies reached this site later in the forts use.
The absence of brass buttons suggests that a great deal of
98 care was taken regarding the uniform and daily dress of the soldiers, further suggesting that time was taken out of the day to ensure the care of their uniform. Aside from that, a soldier’s diet appears to be varied at the very least, with goods coming from both gardens and livestock, though the soldier may pay a visit to the post sutler for some luxuries that would come at a cost (Nevin 1973: 72).
Boredom was a part of life in the fort that came with the territory. Nevin (1973) and Agnew (2008) both point this out as one of the unavoidable aspects of soldiering on the frontier. The assemblage’s collection of alcoholic containers, pipes, and possible toys suggest possible outlets that a soldier would pursue in their free time, as was the possibility of target practice or discharging of firearms outside of fort grounds.
A soldier’s life was highly regulated, though they were given some time for the pursuit of leisure. Some of these leisurely pursuits are seen archaeologically as well as historically. The number one pursuit of leisure comes from alcohol consumption and tobacco paraphernalia. The consumption of alcoholic beverages is present. The wide variety of beverage types as well as the large
99 representation of alcoholic containers found in the assemblage is the physical evidence of this consumption.
Historical records even show that alcoholic consumption on military outposts was not only prevalent but also a problem in some instances. Post returns show that discipline was an issue at times, with men being reported being AWOL or in the Fort’s prison. The reasons for consuming alcohol need not be explained, but given the remote nature of these outposts, with the nearest town 15 miles to the south, the soldiers would need some sort of leisure on post. With a post sutler making alcohol available, this would provide a plausible means to spend ones time.
Smoking was another way in which leisure was pursued.
Aside from being a social activity (much akin to drinking), smoking was likely an activity one would engage in to relax. Smoking paraphernalia is present within the assemblage and serves no other purpose on the fort other than to intake tobacco. Pipes were not issued by the military and were thus personal affects. Thus pipe smoking was a leisurely activity, one that stretched outside the strictly regulated military lifestyle.
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The flat-topped aqua blue bottle (Figure 12) presents us with the possibility of drug use at the fort. Opiates such as laudanum are commonly found in many assemblages out west (Dixon 2005). The presenc8e of them at the fort would not be a surprise, especially given the female presence on the fort. Laudanum was often prescribed to women who were suffering from various ailments and inflictions. However, could it have been abused? Certainly. Could it have been used by a male? Yes. This is all purely speculative at this point, as the bottle finish is only part of the story.
This could have housed an opiate or a condiment.
Toys that were found in the assemblage are certainly meant for leisure. But by whom? In contemporary times we often associate toys with children or with the young.
These items could have been on a soldier’s person and used in their spare time. Re-imagining ‘playtime’ is something that needs to be done when addressing toys and other implements commonly associated with children, as it could apply towards other members of society as well. Devine
(2012) has arguably laid out a groundwork in moving towards this direction of implementing children as active agents in the archaeological record through their toys.
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Future directions
The future research potential of such an avenue of archaeological research is vast. Not only are we given a sphere of overlapping cultures, but we are given avenues into post processual topics such as female and child experiences and identities. A Marxist approach can also be applied with such sites as Fort Garland, as the infrastructure lends itself to a study of class interaction. Marxist thought entails an examination of economic class; the same could be argued for such sites as
Fort Garland as pay rates varied greatly between officers and enlisted men creating an economic framework with which to work with. Much of the military mindset already adopts a top ruling down mindset, and looking at the social aspects of such a site raises many avenues of research potential.
Interaction with the local populace most certainly occurred, though archaeological evidence from this midden provides little to no insight regarding the extent of this interaction. More than likely, the majority of this interaction took place in San Luis rather than the post itself. Soldiers on the post were living in a self- contained community and yet were separated into their
102 regiments. Interactions among soldier classes likely occurred, but to what extent is not present archaeologically. Like much of this thesis, many more questions are raised. Regarding Fort Garland itself, more questions arise than answers from this thesis. Looking at interaction between soldiers as well as with the local populations could be attempted, albeit with a larger focus than presented within this thesis. The same goes for looking at a woman’s role at the fort and her experience.
Basic facts can be stated but only to a point. That is one of the many drawbacks with examining a single trash midden.
Only a small glimpse of life in the past can be viewed this way.
Through examining non conflict forts such as Fort
Garland, one can be provided a more in depth look at westward expansion through archaeological inquiry.
Comparing the sites of Fort Garland with Fort
Massachusetts, for example, sees not only a different mindset altogether but different environs in which the denizens inhabited. Additionally, the insight of this avenue of research helps outline what life was like for another type of settler. The American soldier out west was no different than the farmer or miner who emigrated onto
103 the frontier. The only difference is that the price of admission was a few years of enlisted service. Hopefully the scholarship will look more towards these men and women who lived not in an established mining community but rather within the confines of a military outpost, an everyday institution whose denizens lived their lives experiencing much of the same things as their counterparts.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Agnew, J. (2008). Life of a Soldier on the Western Frontier. Mountain Press Publishing Company, Missoula. Benson,M., D. Smith, and C. Ubbelohde (1972). A Colorado History. Pruett Publishing Co., Boulder. Burt, R., J. Bradford, B. Dickinson, M.E. Everett, R. Warden, and D. Woodcock (2009). “Pointe du Hoc Battlefield, Normandy, France”. In D. Scott, L. Babits, and C. Haecker (eds) Fields of Conflict: Battlefield Archaeology from the Roman Empire to the Korean War, Potomac Books inc.,Washington, DC. pp. 383-397. Carson, P. (2005). Ft. Garland Museum: A Capsule History and Guide. Colorado Historical Society,Denver.
Coffman, E.M. (1956). “Army Life on the Frontier 1865-1898”. In Military Affairs, Vol 20, No 4, pp. 193-201.Craighill, W.P. (2002). The 1862 Army Officer’s Pocket Companion. Stackpole Books, New York. Devine, J. (2012). Colorado Central Magazine. “Soldiers and Porcelain Dolls: The Children of Fort Garland”. Colorado Central Magazine. Salida, CO
Dictionary.com "toy." (2013) Dictionary.com Unabridged. Random House, Inc. 29 Jan. 2013
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Fesler, G.R., M.R. Laird, and H.D. Lutton (2006). “Beautiful Confusion”: The Archaeology of Civil War Camp Life in an Urban Context”. In C. R. Geier, D. G. Orr, and M.B. Reeves (eds) Huts and History: The Historical Archaeology of Military Encampment during the American Civil War. University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 216-243. Field, R. (2003). US Army Frontier Scouts 1840-1921. Osprey Publishing, Oxford. Flanders, J. (2003). Inside the Victorian Home: A Portrait of Domestic Life in Victorian England. W.W. Norton and Company, New York. Fischer, D.H. (1989). Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America. Oxford University Press, New York. Fox, R.A. and Scott, D. (1987) Archaeological Insights into the Custer Battle: An Assessment of the 1984 Field Season. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Frazer, R.W. (1965). Forts of the West: Military Forts and Presidios and Posts Commonly Calles Forts West of the Mississippi River to 1898. University of Oklahoma Press,Norman. Gaughan, Sister M.M. (1931). “Fort Massachusetts and Fort Garland: A study of frontier life in the San Luis Valley”. M.A. Thesis, De Paul University, Chicago. Geier, C.R, L.E. Babits, D.D. Scott, and D.G. Orr (2011). “Historical-Archaeological Methods and the Documentation, Analysis, and Interpretation of Military Sites”. In C.R. Geier, L.E. Babits, D.D. Scott, and D.G. Orr Historical Archaeology of Military Sites: Method and Topic. Texas A&M University Press, College Station. pp. 1-3. Geier, C.R., D.G. Orr, and M.B. Reeves (2006). “‘I Am Now Very Comfortably Situated for the Winter Having a Very Nice Chimney Attached to My Tent, and Everything That Tends to Make this Unhappy Life Pleasant and Agreeable’ “. In C. R. Geier, D. G. Orr, and M.B. Reeves (eds) Huts and History: The Historical Archaeology of Military Encampment during the American Civil War. University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 5-27. 106
Gibson, E. (2011). Ceramic Makers Marks. Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek.
Hardee, W.J. (1862). Hardee’s Rifle and Light Infantry Tactics. J.O. Kane, New York. Hardesty, D. (1997). The Archaeology of the Donner Party. University of Nevada Press, Reno. Hoagland, A.K. (2004). Army Architecture of the West. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Horwitz, T. (1999). Confederates in the Attic: Dispatches from the Unfinished Civil War. Vintage books, New York. Kovel, T.M. and R.H. (1953). Dictionary of Marks-Pottery and Porcelain. Crown Publishers Inc, New York. Nevin, D. (1973). The Soldiers. Time Life Books, New York. Ogden, H.A. (1998). Uniforms of the United States Army: 1774-1889. Dover Publications Inc, Mineola. Reeves, M.B. and C.R. Geier (2006). “Under the Forest Floor” Excavations at a Confederate Winter Encampment, Orange, Virginia”. In C. R. Geier, D. G. Orr, and M.B. Reeves eds) Huts and History: The Historical Archaeology of Military Encampment during the American Civil War. University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 194-215. Rickey jr, D. (1963). Forty Miles a Day on Beans and Hay. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Schofield, J., D. Evans, W. and Foot, C. Going (2006). “Thematic Characterisation: recording England’s Army Camps, 1858-2000”. In Schofield, J., A. Klausmeier and L. Purbrick (2006). Re-Mapping the Field: New Approaches in Conflict Archaeology. Westkreuz- Druckerei Ahrens KG: Berlin pp. 57-63.
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Scott, D., L. Babits, and C. Haecker (2009). “Conclusions: Towards a Unified view on the Archaeology of Fields of Conflict”. In D. Scott, L. Babits, and C. Haecker (eds) Fields of Conflict: Battlefield Archaeology from the Roman Empire to the Korean War, Potomac Books inc., Washington, DC. pp. 429-438. Scott, D.,and L. Haag (2009). “Listen to the Minie Balls: Identifying Firearms in Battlefield Archaeology”. In D. Scott, L. Babits, and C. Haecker (eds) Fields of Conflict: Battlefield Archaeologyfrom the Roman Empire to the Korean War, Potomac Books inc., Washington, DC. pp 102-120. Scott, D. (2011). “Military Medicine in the Pre-Modern Era: Using Forensic Techniques in Archaeological Investigations to Investigate Military Remains”. In C.R. Geier, L.E. Babits,and D.D. Scott, D.G. Orr Historical Archaeology of Military Sites: Method and Topic. Texas A&M University Press, College Station pp. 21-29.
Sprague, R. (2002). “China or Prosser Button Identification and Dating”. Historical Archaeology, Vol. 36, No. 2, pp. 111-127. Starbuck, D.R. (2011). The Archaeology of Forts and Battlefields. University of Florida Press, Tallahassee. Switzer, R.R. (1974). The Bertrand Bottles: A Study of 19th Century Glass and Ceramic Containers. National Park Service, Washington, DC. Thomas, D.B. (2002). From Fort Massachusetts to the Rio Grande: A History of Southern Colorado and Northern New Mexico from 1850-1900. Thomas International, Washington. Trigger, B.G. (2006). A History of Archaeological Thought. Cambridge University Press, New York. Turner, F.J. (1893). “The Significance of the Frontier in American History”. In Faragher, J.M. Rereading Frederick Jackson Turner: “The Significance of the Frontier in American History” and other essays. Yale University Press, New Haven. pp. 31-60. 108
United States Census Bureau (2013). “Guide to 2010 Census State and Local Geography – Colorado” US Census Bureau, Washington, DC.
Voss, B. (2008) The Archaeology of Ethnogenesis; Race and Sexuality in Colonial San Francisco. University of California Press, Berkeley. Weis, D. (2008). “Laundresses at Fort Garland”. San Luis Historian, 26:2, pp. 1-30. Weis, D. (2010). What did they eat? Phytolith Analysis of Fort Garland. MA Thesis, University of London College.
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APPENDIX A: HISTORIC MAPS OF FORT GARLAND
All maps were obtained with the cooperation of Adams State University and with the aid of Dr. Richard Goddard
Undated pre-1867 map of Fort Garland
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1867 Map of Fort Garland
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1871 Map of Fort Garland
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1877 Map of Fort Garland
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APPENDIX B: PHOTOGRAPHS FROM FORT GARLAND
All photographs used with the Courtesy of the archives of the Colorado Historical Society and State Historic Fund.
Stereoscopic image of Fort Garland Parade Grounds
Stereoscopic image of Officer Quarters
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Stereoscopic Image of Parade Grounds
Stereoscopic image of barracks
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Photograph of Fort Garland taken from the Eastern ridge of the local hills
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Photograph of Fort Grounds-likely a company quarters
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Sketch of Fort Garland taken from Harpers Weekly
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Photograph of an Officer and his family
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Photograph of Parade Grounds
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Photograph of Officer’s Row, complete with a family enjoying a picnic
Photograph taken in 1908 showing what was left of the old fort
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Fort Garland Today-this is the infantry company quarters reconstructed
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APPENDIX C: CATALOG OF ARTIFACTS
Faunal catalog
Bag Pic Unit Level # Number Description 301 1 2 1 phalanx 3 dog right proximal tibia sheep/goat right distal humorous dog adolescent right distal femur dog right tarsal medial dog, only one portion phalanx 2 of dog ulna sheep/goat left radius dog scapula acromion dog right rib distal sheep/goat rib ind cranial temporal bone cow horn core cow
301 2 4 2 group pic of dignostic caudle epiphysis from a vertebra verasic, adolescent right cranial epiphyses of a vertebra cow, saw marks left femur sheep, carnivore and rodent gnaw marks cervical vertebra sheep/goat adolescent ala, separating body saw mark cranial epiphyses thoracic immature right ankle foot bone pig size long bone unfused distal humerus saw lateral and cut marks, cleaving vertically long bone fragment scapula ind vertebra dog lumbar vertebra cattle sized 124
rib dog, little ind M3 dog left lower, large lower left canine dog, large dog tooth, large I3 small dog lower vertebra bird ind ind, burned, cut ind left femur sheep, carnivore and 301 2 4 3 rodent gnaw marks pig sized long bone unfused distal humorous saw lateral and a long 301 2 4 4 bone fragment cranial epiphyses of a vertebra 301 2 4 5 cow, saw marks 301 2 4 6 lumbar vertebra cattle sized 301 2 4 7 right foot bone, ankle
301 3 5 8 group pic of dignostic dog canine right epiphysis tibia cow thoracic vertebra, cut marks lumbar vertebra adult dog cervical vertebra, immature dog right metatarsal pig cow foot bone 301 3 5 9 thoracic vertebra, cut marks
301 4 1 10 group pic of dignostic 3 burned ind bone frag sternum cow, cut marks thoracic vertebra immature sheep/goat ind rib, cut marks, gnaw marks pelvis cow, cut 3 burned indeterminate bone 301 4 1 11 fragments 301 4 1 12 sternum cow cut marks 301 4 1 13 ind rib, cut marks and gnaw marks 125
301 4 1 14 pelvis cow, cut thoracic vertebra immature 301 4 1 15 sheep/goat
301 4 2 16 group pic of dignostic 301 4 2 17 group pic of dignostic left side proximal end of cow rib, cut marks right side mid-shaft cow rib, gnaw marks, cut marks left side cow rib, gnaw marks, cut mark proximal ulna right complete radius dog distal most of shaft right side tibia right ulna cow, cut section, cut marks phalanx 3 cow left canious, dog bird radius, large left ulna bird left ulna bird bird sacrum tibia-tarsus bird right distal humorous very immature, cow lumbar vertebra immature cow cut in half ind cranial piece right side bird pelvis left mandible immature dog 301 4 2 18 phalanx 3 cow left side cow rib, gnaw marks, cut 301 4 2 19 marks right ulna cow cut section, cut 301 4 2 20 marks right side mid-shaft cow rib gnaw 301 4 2 21 marks, cut marks left side proximal end of cow rib, 301 4 2 22 cut marks
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301 4 2 23 group 2 pic of dignostic cervical vertebra immature dog cervical vertebra immature dog cervical vertebra immature dog thoracic vertebra dog size cervical vertebra immature dog 4th tarsal dog 5th tarsal dog P1 dog P2 dog P3 dog rib dog rib dog rib dog P2 dog scapula cow, cut mark thoracic vertebra epiphyses cow thoracic vertebra epiphyses cow lumbar vertebra cow lumbar vertebra epiphyses cow cervical vertebra dog femoral head epiphyses dog ind long bone burned, sawed, chopped pelvis piece cow, cut marks horn core cow cervical vertebra bird medial portion of a radius elk foot bone, elk pelvis, cut marks gnaw marks astragalus dog distal humorous dog vertebra acticulus surface burned ind rib ind left canine upper I2 right mandible type 4B premouler dog ind long bone, burned, sawed, 301 4 2 24 chopped 127
301 4 2 25 pelvis cow, cut marks, gnaw marks 301 4 2 26 scapula cow, cut marks 301 4 2 27 rib ind virtical acticulus surface, 301 4 2 28 burned, ind
301 4 21 29 group pic of dignostic left rib cow left rib cow midsection radious cow right tibia proximal and distal ends cut off cow left rib cow lumbar vertebra with ala dog thoracic vertebra sheep/goat
301 4 23 30 group pic of dignostic rib dog thoracic dog long bone cow burned, cut
Diagnostics (Note this catalog is abridged to show only relevant information)
UNIT LEVEL ITEM COUNT ORIGINAL ADDITIONAL NOTES (Class COUNT Code) 301 Buttons 6 6 Varous Buttons, including military, prosser, and unknown varieties 301 CERAMIC 3 Small white ware SHERD piece with a (25) guilloche type patterning embossed in a red; not entirely sure what this is indicative of 301 CERAMIC 1 24 Decorated earthenware SHERD rim-blue on white 128
(25) 301 CERAMIC 1 (3) 24 Pearlware sherd SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 24 Whiteware sherd (Rim) SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 76 Banded whiteware SHERD saucer with footring (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 76 Whiteware sherd (Rim) SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 76 Whiteware sherd (Rim) SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 64 Whiteware sherd with SHERD partial footring- (25) appears to be the base of an object 301 CERAMIC 1 64 Earthenware with blue SHERD decorative elements (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 64 whiteware rim sherd SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 64 whiteware rim sherd SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 64 whiteware rim sherd, SHERD possible bowl (25) 301 CERAMIC 2 51 whiteware rim sherds SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 51 Earthenware with SHERD green decorative (25) elements 301 CERAMIC 1 51 Whiteware bowl with SHERD rim and base (25) 301 CERAMIC 3 13 Diagnostic whiteware SHERD rimsherds (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 13 unscalloped edgeware 129
SHERD (blue)-plate (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 13 unglazed whiteware SHERD (or stoneware) base (25) with footring 301 CERAMIC 1 1 ceramic alebottle SHERD finish (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 13 porcelain miniature SHERD saucer (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 13 whiteware 'leg' SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 13 painted checkered SHERD pottery piece-likely (25) Native American in Origin 301 CERAMIC 1 13 Ale Bottle Base SHERD (Stoneware?) (25) 301 CERAMIC 2 13 whiteware rim sherds SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 13 porcelain sherd SHERD (25) 301 CERAMIC 1 12 ale bottle neck and SHERD finish w/ partial (25) shoulder 301 CERAMIC 1 4 Ceramic with blue SHERD pattern (25) 302 CERAMIC 1 16 porcelain rim sherd SHERD (25) 302 CERAMIC 1 16 Ale Bottle Base SHERD (Stoneware?) (25) 302 CERAMIC 1 16 whiteware rimsherd w/ SHERD pink decoration (25) 302 CERAMIC 1 16 whiteware rim sherd SHERD possible plate (25) 130
302 CERAMIC 1 16 whiteware rim sherd SHERD (25) 302 CERAMIC 1 16 Porcelain rim? SHERD Serving dish or lid (25) to dish? 302 CERAMIC 1 16 mini porcelain saucer SHERD (toy) (25) 302 CERAMIC 1 16 porcelain piece with SHERD decorative elements (25) 302 CERAMIC 1 12 hand painted earthen SHERD ware (25) 302 CERAMIC 1 12 whiteware rim sherd SHERD (25) 303 CERAMIC 2 10 decorated whiteware SHERD (25) 303 CERAMIC 10 10 ceramic with maker's SHERD mark (either white (25) ware or creamware with potential transfer) 304 CERAMIC 1 3 Ceramic whiteware SHERD rimsherd (25) 304 CERAMIC 2 2 Ale bottle pieces w/ SHERD markings on the base (25) (4X) 301 GLASS 2 37 Amethyst Glass (21) 301 GLASS 1 37 Glass sherd with (21) circular impression that may represent part of a body for a mug or glass (likely modern) 301 GLASS 3 57 Amethyst Glass (21) 301 GLASS 1 57 Glass base (light (21) blue) that has been altered in shape- 131
maybe from excessive heat 301 GLASS 1 57 Champagne bottle (21) finish 301 GLASS 1 98 glass frag w/ (21) patterning, two letters-EG on the side 301 GLASS 1 98 aqua glass fragment (21) 301 GLASS 1 98 fragment of a base (21) (Olive/amber coloration) 301 GLASS 1 98 Light Blue glass frag (21) w/ lettering-ERRI either M or N 301 GLASS 1 98 Clear glass frag with (21) decorative elements 301 GLASS 1 98 Aqua bottle base with (21) partial makers mark 301 GLASS 2 46 base fragments-amber (21) 301 GLASS 1 (4) 46 Bottle finish with (21) wire cording around neck 301 GLASS 1 1 aqua bottle finish (21) 301 GLASS 1 1 Bottle finish with (21) wire cording around neck 301 GLASS 3 39 decorative glass (21) elements 301 GLASS 1 39 Glass bottle neck and (21) finish 301 GLASS 1 39 glass 'lip' (21) 301 GLASS 1 39 amber bottle finish (21) 301 GLASS 1 39 bottle base (amber) (21) 301 GLASS 1 1 Amber bottle finish (21) 301 GLASS 2 2 Bottle finish with (21) cork 302 GLASS 1 1 Amethyst Glass with 132
(21) makers mark (Morgan 867) 302 GLASS 1 81 Amber Base (21) 302 GLASS 1 32 bottlebase with (21) makers mark 302 GLASS 1 32 Dark Amber bottle (21) base 302 GLASS 1 32 amber bottle base (21) with partial makers mark 302 GLASS 2 32 amber bottle bases (21) 302 GLASS 2 32 Amethyst glass pieces (21) 302 GLASS 1 1 bottle finish (dark (21) amber) 302 GLASS 1 1 bottle finish (dark (21) amber) 302 GLASS 1 1 bottle finish (dark (21) amber) 302 GLASS 1 1 bottle finish (21) (medicine?) 302 GLASS 1 12 amethyst glass with (21) diamond type ornamentation 303 GLASS 4 43 Dark olive base with (21) makers mark (pittsburgh patent?) 303 GLASS 1 43 aqua bottle base (21) 303 GLASS 1 1 bottle finish-clear (21) 303 GLASS 1 1 bottle base (dark (21) amber) 303 GLASS 1 1 bottle bottom (21) 303 GLASS 1 1 Bottle finish (21) 303 GLASS 1 1 Bottle finish (21) 303 GLASS 1 1 Dark Amber bottle (21) base with makers mark 303 GLASS 1 1 Perfume bottle that (21) reads "LUBIN 133
PARFUMEUR A PARIS" 304 GLASS 1 25 Dark Amber Bottle (21) Base 304 GLASS 1 25 Olive Bottle Base (21) 304 GLASS 1 1 Bottle finish (amber) (21) 304 GLASS 1 1 Bottle Base (amber) (21) with makers mark 304 GLASS 1 1 amber bottle finish (21) 304 GLASS 1 1 amber bottle bottom (21) 301 HISTORIC 1 1 Metal Gear-still not OTHER sure what this goes (26) to, but its size is interesting-clock maybe? 301 HISTORIC 2 2 Copper Pipe of some OTHER sort-unsure as to the (26) manner and usage of this item overall 301 HISTORIC 1 1 Ceramic Pipe Stem OTHER (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 Leather Shoe-sole OTHER (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 1 Thimble OTHER (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 1 Cork OTHER (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 1 Minie Ball OTHER (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 1 Gutta Percha comb OTHER fragment (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 1 Slate Pencil OTHER (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 1 Leather shoe piece OTHER 134
(26) 301 HISTORIC 1 1 Clay pipe with reed OTHER (burnt) (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 1 clay pipe bowl OTHER (partial) (26) 301 HISTORIC 21 21 button assortment OTHER (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 5 leather OTHER (26) 301 HISTORIC 1 3 leather piece OTHER (26) 302 HISTORIC 1 1 shotgun (?) shell cap OTHER (26) 302 HISTORIC 1 1 impacted bullet OTHER (26) 302 HISTORIC 1 1 Brass ornamentation OTHER (uniform?) (26) 302 HISTORIC 3 7 flask OTHER (26) 302 HISTORIC 1 7 shell button OTHER (26) 303 HISTORIC 3 3 .52 caliber carbine OTHER bullets (26) 303 HISTORIC 1 1 .44 pistol bullet OTHER (26) 303 HISTORIC 1 1 Ceramic pipe bowl OTHER (26) 304 HISTORIC 1 1 Corset Stay OTHER (26) 301 Leather 1 1 Leather piece 301 METAL 2 18 Cut nails- 135
(20) Pennyweights have been excluded 301 METAL 1 44 Buckle (20) 301 METAL 7 34 Metal Medley; a lot (20) of interesting metal pieces 302 METAL 1 1 soldered can top with (20) hole 302 METAL 1 1 spoon handle (20) 302 METAL 1 1 crushed can (20) 301 Pipe 1 1 Ceramic Pipe stem Stem 301 Shoe 1 3 Leather boot heel 301 Shoe 1 3 Leather boot piece 301 Shoe 1 3 Leather Sole