FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11, Number 2. November 1983 ISSN 0736

FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11, Number 2. November 1983 ISSN 0736 - 9182 Cover Design: Hobart Jackson, University of Kansas School of Architecture AUTHOR TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Rossi, Wright-Rosenbaum The First Negative Income Tax Experiment 121 M Moore, K Colburn Leisure as Pleasure: The Case of Dr Watson 129 Robert W Habenstein Age, Positioning & Controls in Garage Sales 135 J Miller, C Hummel Dissemination of Information to the Disadvantaged 139 William A Schwab Neighborhood Revitalization & Postindustrial Society 143 Tad S SLoan False Consciousness in Major Life Decisions 150 Lawrence M Hynson W:ssensozioJogie: A New Perspective for Theory 153 O'Toole, Turbett, Linz Defining Parent Abuse & Neglect 156 R Endo, 0 Hirokawa Japanese American Intermarriage 159 Willa Ryan Combs Teaching Self-Help in Low Resource NeighbQrhood 163 PH Harvey Macho & His Mate 167 Jan H Mejer Towards an Exosociology: Construct of the Alien 171 Margaret Platt Jendrek Judge-Jury Options: Factors in Counsel Decisions 175 Mary Jo Deegan A .Femlnist Frame Analysis of "Star Trek" 182 Marianne Hopper Moral Meaning in Felony Trials: Dramaturgic View 189 MS Plass, JC Gessner Violence in Courtship Relations: Southern Sample 198 Calvin B Peters Transvaluation Sociology: Nietzsche, Critical Theorist 203 Douglas Gutknecht Lifelong Wellbeing: Humanist Holistic Assessment 207 LT Fowler, R Jones Validation of a Correctional Classification System 213 Grasmick, Acock, Finley Attitude Behavior Consistency: & Concept of Power 218 Chester C Ballard Banking Policy & Small Community Development 223 J Thomas Isherwood The Male Role: Limitations & Interventions 227 Paul Lindsay Community Type, School Size & Student Behavior 231 LLoyd A Taylor The Querida: Philippine Surrogate Divorce System 235 Marilyn Affleck Editor Designate, July 1984 239 Donald Allen, Editor Promise of Free Inquiry in Creative Sociology 240 Index Volume 11, 1983 241 Subscription & Authors' Manuscript Form 243 Reviewers Half-year, December 1982 - May 1983 120 MISSION: Give efficient outlet for informative, innovative articles legible to literate lay readers; all sociological fields; economize space & costs. MANUSCRIPTS: 3 copies; ASR guidelines; $20 processing fee includes 1-year subscription. SUBSCRIPTIONS: $10 for individuals & libraries. Free subscription to instructor with paid bulk orders of 5 or more copies. ADDRESS: FICS Editor, Sociology Dept, Oklahoma State U, Stillwater Oklahoma 74078. WORLD-REFEREED & DISTRIBUTED. Abstracted in SOCIOLOGICAL ABSTRACTS. EDITORS: Managing, Donald E Allen; Associate, R Habenstein, E Levine, M Truzzi. Consulting: M Affleck, J Bynum, C Harper, J Luxenburg, M Das, P Koski, GEllis. ARABIC EDITOR: Samraa Moustafa, Sociology Dept, Kuwait University. GOVERNORS: Charles Edgley, Harold Grasmick, Barry Kinsey, Gene McBride. PUBLISHED: May, November by Sociology Consortium, Oklahoma, Oklahoma State, central State, and Tulsa Universities. Sponsor: Oklahoma Sociology Association. © 1983 Oklahoma State University FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1893 120 Halfyear Reviewers, December 1982 - May 1983

Edward Armstrong Ron Manuel Alan Acock Thomas May Elizabeth Almquist James Mayo IbtlhaJ Aratat Ed Metzen Gene Acuff carolyn Morgan Jay Bass Dennis Peck Rosalyn BoIogh Hal Rainey RD Boyne William Rambo Rose Brewer Joy Reeves Nancy Clatworthy Richard Rettig Ida Cook Larry Reynolds Sherry Corbett Howard Robboy Donna Darden Harjlt Sandhu Elaine Fox Ronald W Smith Douglas Gutknecht A Wade Smith PH Harvey Craig St John Lawrence Hynson John Talamlnl Narendra Kalla Jean Veevers James Kelly Michael Vietor John Krol Louis Zurcher Wilmer McNair

ER RATUM CORRECTION

FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume11,No1,May1983 23

THE SOCIOLOGY OF PROGRAM EVALUATION Dan S. Green, University of Arkansa8 , Ane Bluff FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 121 FIRST NEGATIVE INCOME TAX EXPERIMENT: A GIANT FORWARD STEP Peter H Rossi, University of Massachusetts, Amherst Sonia Wright Rosenbaum, Clbola Investment Consultants, Inc. INTRODUCTION people, not social scientists. From bitter ex- We have two aims: 1) to describe briefly the perience, it became recognized that ex post New Jersey-Pennsylvania Negative Income facto evaluations are inconclusive for social Tax Experiment, including its rationale, con- program impact assessment. Despite many text, and major findings; 2) to offer a critique evaluation efforts, we are still unable to get of the study, including lessons learned and im- credible estimates for the effects of early War plications for social experimentation. on Poverty programs. The NIT experiment First we must note the perspectives of each paved the way for experimental evlauations author. Rossi was a post-experiment critic, because it showed that large-scale, randomiz having written an extended evlauation as part ed field experiments on social programs are of the Russel Sage Foundation program feasible both in design and execution. (Rossi, Lyall 1975). It is easy to criticize and fault any piece of research. It is much more WELFARE SYSTEM DEFECTS difficult to work as a responsible critic. The United States system of public Responsible criticism aims to learn from past assistance has been the focus of dissatisfac errors, and offers suggestions which might im tion for more two decades, and welfare reform prove future work. Sonia Wright (now Rosen continues to be a central political concern. Nor baum) was a member of the research team have the criticisms changed over time. We will at the Institute for Research on Poverty, and cite five primary defects in the welfare system thus represents an insider's viewpoint, with '(Danziger 19n; Lerman, Skidmore 1977). involvement in research operations covering Defect 1: The welfare non-system is chaotic the last year of the experiment, and in later and inefficient. It includes income transfers, analyses. We act as friendly, responsible such as Aid to Families with Dependent critics, and do not wish to detract from the Children (AFDC), General Assistance, Social accomplishments of this study. Security, Unemployment Insurance, and other The New Jersey-Pennsylvania Negative in-kind benefits such as Housing Subsidies Income Tax Experiment (hereafter called N/1) and Food Stamps. Some are means-tested, is singularly important both for its substance and income-conditioned, like AFDC, General and as a precedent. NIT had a tremendous Assistance, and Medicaid. Others are categor impact on the field of policy evlauation ical, restricted to certain types, regardless of because it was a "first" as a randomized income, like Social Security, Medicare, and controlled field experiment on a social issue Unemployment Insurance. Each transfer and pertaining to public policy. Field experiements in-kind program has different operating rules, have since become almost commonplace. different eligibility requirements, and a very Large-scale field experiments are directed at cumbersome, complex, and costly bureau income maintenance, housing, criminal cratic administrations. In the same household, justice, health insurance and supported work. one person might receive AFDC and food The NIT experiment was a bold first try, first stamps; another SSI benefits and food devised in 1967 and fielded in 1968. stamps; another General Assistance, with In the early days of the War on Poverty and each program having different rules, different the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) accounting periods, and different filing unit academicians such as Rossi, Donald Camp definitions. Some programs are entirely fund bell, and Julian Stanley tried unsuccessfully ed by the Federal Government, administered to convince OEO to start its progrms on the and supplemented by the states. Others are basis of randomized experiments, or at least, primarily state and local programs. Ad to build experimental components into such ministrative costs are staggering. programs as the Job Corps and Head Start. Defect 2: The system applies benefit levels The prevalent attitude then was that social inequitably across states in a way which can programs were being designed to serve not be justified by cost-of-Iiving differentials FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 122

(Lehrman, Skidmore 1977). Hence, some incentives since earnings are only partly believe that the present system encourages reduced, allowing increased income above the interstate migration, especially from the deep guarantee level, in contrast to existing welfare South to northern and western states. programs which often disqualify households Defect 3: Eligibility and assistance levels also or persons with any earnings. vary by family structure. In the 26 states which Under the negative income tax, total family in 1977 did not have an Unemployed Parent income equals earnings plus the transfer pay provision for AFDC, a family with two parents ment. Under a NIT plan with a guarantee level is eligible for assistance only if the father of $4000 for a family of four with no earnings, leaves the family; otherwise, the family is the transfer payments total $4000. With $3000 eligible only for food stamps. This was a of outside earnings, the $3000 is "taxed" 50 perverse incentive for desertion and divorce. percent by reducing the transfer payment to Defect 4: The welfare system has perverse $2500. The $2500 transfer payment plus the disincentives for work. For some, benefits are $3000 outside earnings yields an annual higher if a person does not work. If a family income of $5500. Those who earn more are receives multiple benefits, going from part better off in terms of total income, and the time to a full-time job may result in a net loss program of transfer payments serves as a of income and discontinued Medicaid benefits. protective cushion in case of severe loss of The system discourages work on the part of earnings. The program is in effect up to a those who are able to work (Danziger 1977). break-even point, where negative income tax Defect 5: The categorlal nature ofthe welfare payments stop, and above which, the normal system systematically excludes the working positive income taxes take effect. In the poor - individuals and families with employed example given, the break-even point is: members whose earnings are so low that they (G I t) = ($4000 I .5) = $8000 fall below the poverty line. The system also subjects clients to an undignified means test. A family of four would receive income support until it earns $8000. From a policy viewpoint, THE NEGATIVE INCOME TAX (NIT) it is not easy to set guarantee and tax levels, A universal negative income tax was first pr0 since equity, generosity, and feasibility must posed in the early 1960's to reform the welfare be considered (Moynihan 1973). system and rectify defects (Friedman 1963). A universal negative income tax program has The negative income tax is defined by two several features intended to correct the parameters: 1) a guarantee level, and 2) a tax defects of the existing disordered mix of rate on earnings. The program guarantees a welfare programs. It is designed to be univer pre-established minimum income, dependent sal, nonobtrusive, administratively efficient, only on family size, which is received in the and a help to the working poor as well as to form of direct cash transfer payments. The those unable to work. In terms of the defects payments are reduced according to a "tax", ennumerated above, an NIT program, in most often cited as 50 percent, on earnings principle, offers administrative simplicity, which the family is able to generate. The pay especially when it can be tied to the existing ment program is determined by the formula: tax system, thus providing a smooth transition into or out of the income support system. P=G-t(E) Inequities across state lines are eliminated if P is the transfer payment; G is the guarantee uniform standards are applied, although states or minimum level below which income may not with more resources could supplement fall; t is the tax rate; E is earnings from work. guarantee levels. Its univeralist nature guards The guarantee is adjusted for family size. against demeaning eligibility requirements A household with no earnings (E - 0) is and means tests. Eligibility is based on earn entitled to transfer payments equal to the ings and family or household size, and not on quarantee level. Calculated on a yearly basis, family type. The stigma of welfare support is the guarantee level may be set at the poverty eliminated. An NIT program provides incen level, such as $4000 for a family of four in tives to work, since every dollar earned 1970. But there is a built-in potential for work increases the net income. It also assists the FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 123 working poor, a previously excluded group. Paterson-Passaic, and Jersey City, New Such impressive virtues would obviously Jersey, an later from SCranton, Pennsylvania. elicit support from political and academic Over 48,000 households were screened to liberals and conservatives. But there was no enroll about 1300. The target population was dir~t evidence that these virtues could be defined by the following eligibility criteria: aGhieved in practice, since there were no 1) a household had to include at least one previous attempts to institute NIT plans in the adult male 18 to 58 years of age, eligible to United States. Though the program was work, and not a full time student nor perma designed to produce incentives to work, nently disabled; 2) there had to be at least one classical economic theory, specifically the other family member; 3) household income work-leisure choice hypothesis suggested that could not exceed 150 percent of the current in the choice between work and leisure at the official poverty level, or $4950 for a family of same level of income, people prefer leisure. four. Poverty lines according to family size are No direct test was possible, but there had shown in Table 1. The proportion of blacks been attempts to estimate the size of disincen and hispanics in the NewJersey cities was so tives to work induced by income maintenance. large as to include very few white (non Data from the 1967 Survey of Economic hispanic) families. Adding SCranton produced Opportunity (OEO) provided discrepant a more ethnically balanced sample. To com estimates of work disincentives of existing pensate control group, attrition, new controls programs which could simluate an income were added from Trenton and Paterson maintenance program. Contradictory conclu Passaic, after the first year. The total sample sions were drawn even from the same set of equals 1357. Without the new controls it was data (Cain, Watts 1973; Garfinkel 1974). 1216, with 725 in the experimental group and A second problem was that since no em 491 in the control group. Subsets in the pirical test tiad taken place for a universal NIT, sample of 1216 were the most fully analyzed. it simply was not known how to operate and Random assignment was by the Conlisk administer such a program, nor what the costs Watts (1969) optimum allocation model. The would be. The particular combination of experimental plans represent eight levels of guarantee and tax levels, most desirable for negative income tax, as shown in Table 2. creating work incentives and most feasible in cost, was unknown. TABLE 1: POVERTY LINES, FIRST YEAR Family Size Poverty Line THE NIT EXPERIMENT 2 $2000 The OEO research staff began serious con 3 2750 siderationof an NIT program as a substitute 4 3300 for the welfare system, and were receptive to 5 3700 suggestions from economists who proposed 6 4050 an experiment on the NIT, hoping to leave a 7 4350 8+ ~ heritage on which future public policy could be built (Kershaw, Fair 1976; Rossi, Lyall 1975; Moynihan 1973). The experiment was TABLE 2: GUARANTEES & TAX RATES funded in 1968 at $3 million, with a final cost Guarantee Levels Tax Rates of $7.5 million, to run for three years as a 30% 50% 70% randomized field experiment with about 1000 50% XX families. The research was designed and 75% XX X analyzed by a group mostly of economists, 100% X X 125% X under Harold Watts, at the University of Wisconsin Institute for Research on Poverty. Mathsmatica, a private research firm in There were four guarantee levels expressed Princeton, New Jersey performed the field in percent of the poverty line, and three tax operation, administration, and data gathering. rates. Of the 12 possible cells in the factorial A random sample of households was drawn design, four were omitted, leaving those from poverty Census tracts in Trenton, believed to include the NIT plans of practical Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 124 FREE INQUIRY, in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY policy iriterest. The plan with 50 percent experiment allowed households to collect guarantee and a 70 percent tax rate would welfare, provided that they relinquished have been too ungenerous to be worth study experimental NIT payments, and vice versa. ing, and the plan with 125 percent guarantee Administering this provision led to serious c0n and a 30 percent tax rate was too costly. The troversy with local authorities, and to charges experimenters, along with OEO essentially of fraud by NIT families (Kershaw 1972). guessed about what would be acceptable NIT The payment system appeared easy to plans for the future. Setting the guarantee administer, but the NIT program actually ievels and tax rates were political judgments turned out to be not very different from the on what would constitute acceptable limits to administration of the ordinary welfare system. the United States Congress after 1968. In some ways the NIT experiment was more The target population consisted of the work intrusive. The major issue concerns the ing poor and those eligible for work but accounting period chosen as a basis for unemployed and poor by definition. The calculating payments. In the NIT experiment, primary consideration in the experiment eligibility was determined twice monthly. Any design was to evaluate the effects fo the NIT income support scheme must be sensitive to program, and its guarantee and tax levels, on changes in earnings: 1) if households have work behavior. Thus, what was known least losses, the support system must adjust, to be was the eventual labor supply response of effective; 2) if the household's earnings in poor workers under an NIT program. The crease substantially without entering into the more likely place to locate such a population payments computation, the household might is in the urban industrial centers. be obligated but unable to refund over The group who designed the experiment payments to the system. Unusual earnings considered a number of strategies. A national changes should also figure into the calcula sample was rejected due to cost and difficul tions without biasing later transfers. ty of administering over a large number of The NIT experiment households filed income widely dispersed sites. Doing the experiment report forms with paycheck stubs twice month in a large population area such as New York ly, and transfer payments were calculated on City was rejected on the ground that it is a moving average of the previous three atypical. The decision was to carry out the months' earnings plus transfer payments. The experiment in sites conveninet to Princeton; payment system was sensitive to changes in hence the choice of nearby cities in New income, but sluggish in replenishing income Jersey and Pennsylvania. losses. If a family had zero income for a It turned out that at the time the experiment month, it was not reflected in payments for 45 was being considered, New Jersey did not days. And a means test had to be instituted. have an Unemployed Parent provision for Eventually, earnings audits were also carried AFDC, and therefore intact families were not out to investigate false reporting. eligible for welfare if an unemployed father NIT payments were relatively generous. The was with the family. Hence the negative in average annual payments for a family of four come tax program would not compete with the were about $1200, with considerable variation, welfare system. Unpredictably, soon after the depending on which experimental plan was experiment began, in 1969, New Jersey laws applied. Considering the low earnings level of were changed to include an Unemployed this population, the payments constituted a Parent provision. To make matters worse for rise in income from 10 to 50 percent. the experiment, the welfare plan became one In addition to the pre-enrolment interview, of the nation's most generous in payment which obtained baseline data for all levels. The 125 percent poverty line plan was households, both experimental and control added to the experimental program to com households were interviewed each quarter for pete successfully with the new welfare system, 12 quarterly interviews. Six monthe after the which was more generous than most of the experiment ended, another interview was ad experimental plans. About a year later, New ministered to determine current employment Jersey reduced the welfare outlays, and status, and to get qualitative judgments on the became less generous. The rules of the participants' experience during the study. One FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 125 other interview during the last year of the ex Contrary to economists' expectations, there periment was designed for households which were no consistent differences associated with had left the experiment. By heroic efforts, generosity of payment. The eight treatment about half of this group were found. levels with combinations of guarantee levels Most of the evaluation analysis was based and tax rates did not produce consistent on the 12 quarterly interviews, with relevant effects. Work disincentives were not higher for controls introduced from the pre-enrolment higher tax rates (Watts, Rees 19n; 1978). interview. The principal dependent variables These results for labor supply responses to for the research, concerned labor supply the experiment are based on a subset of 690 response. They were measured for the head intact, two-parent families participating con of household and three members aged 12 and tinuously during the three years. They were over, including labor force participation, interviewed at the 12th quarter and missed no employment status, number of hours worked more than two contiguous interviews. Their per week, earnings per week, and other in work was summarized by averaging the avail come. These variables were specified for the able quarterly data for each of the three years. preceding week at the time of interview. As However, they constitute only 57 percent of the study progressed, these key labor supply the original sample of 1216, excluding "new variables were also measured for the four controls." Such serious attrition losses weeks preceding the time of interview. Only jeopardize the internal validity of the results. the last week of the period could be used, to Additional labor supply analyses have been compare with the early interviews. made on a slightly larger subset of 750 intact The rest of the interviews contained ques families who meet the same criteria tions on a wide range of variables which were (Nicholson, Wright 1977). The findings are expected to influence work behavior, or which essentially the same. Finally, Wright (1975) might be affected by the experimental treat analyzed the sample of male heads of house ment, such as consumption patterns, personal hold, who completed at least one quarterly and family health and health practices, family interview in each ofthe second and third years Interaction patterns, neighborhood partIcipa of the experiment, regardless of family status tion, schooling, and a large group of social or continuity criteria. These subsets con psychological variables like alienation, self stituted 82 percent (n - 1119) and 73 percent esteem, attitudes to work, and time orienta (n - 993) of the full sample of 1357 house tion. These were measured yearly. In addition holds. No work disincentives are apparent for to quarterly Interviews and twice-monthly these males in the experimental treatments. income reports for the experimental group, a norare there significant ethnicity differences. yearly Interview was made around April, with But these estimates may be less stable and an audit of the participants' income tax more subject to seasonal fluctuations than returns, to verify monthly and quarterly income those based on a larger number of interviews reports. Social Security aggregate data were and more continuous quarterly data. also obtained to verify earnings. Detailed analyses showed few significant non-labor supply effects. There was acceler FINDINGS ated buying of homes and major appliances. There was a 3 to 5 percent decline in work Experimental group households bought effort. But this decline Is credited mainly to homes at a faster rate than the control group withdrawal of secondary earners from the households. These were mainly older homes labor market. Wives tended to leave the labor In the Inner city, and mobile homes. There was market, and adolescents were not dropping an interesting effect on job turnover. Young out of school. There were some peculiar people on the program turned over their jobs results. Blacks on the payment plan increased much more rapidly than older persons, and their work effort, and whites decreased their more rapidly than persons in the· control work effort compared to the controls, while group. They thereby obtained better jobs. For hispanics fell between (Watts, Rees 19n; young families, the income guarantee 1978). The differences were not great, and the apparently provided a cushion enabling them overall effect on work behavior was not large. to undertake a more thorough jOb search, FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 126 even though there might be a short-term loss obstacle to generalize beyond the experiment. of earnings. This result may account for some 3. A serious question relates to the complex of the apparent reduction in overall work ef ity of the plans and the low level of recipient fort, since there was also some indication that awareness of the the plans' critical features. the experimental group reached higher wage Analysis of the effects of participants' know rates. In contrast, older workers remained in ledge and understanding of the treatment and the same jobs. The experimental payments the rules of operation shows that participants' possibly served as a cushion for older people knowledge level was low (Nicholson, Wright on poor jobs who felt they could not get far 1977). This low level of knowledge was itself in trying to get better employment. Young correlated with experiences in the experiment adolescents were more likely to remain in and treatment parameters. To include the school longer. There were no effects on variable of recipient understanding in the health, medical practices, fertility, participa estimate of labor supply response produces tion in organizations, family interaction changes in some of the estimates of labor patterns or any social psychological variables. disincentives. Though these data were obtain ed six months after the experiment ended, and CRITIQUE are subject to recall bias, they do suggest that 1. Perhaps the most vulnerable aspect of the the treatment should be conceptualized and negative income tax experiment was the measured more precisely. choice of sites. How can we generalize to the 4. In New Jersey, the NIT experiment was nation as a whoie on the basis of a few confounded by changes in site welfare laws, neighboring cities in New Jersey and one in and the fact that the experiment had to com Pennsylvania? Moreover, the specific sites pete with welfare. Households eligible for may be especially important because of the welfare could enter and leave the experiment special features of the labor market in those if they preferred welfare assistance. Less sites. The potential effects of a negative generous plans were dominated by more luc income tax on poor people, who are primarily ative welfare income, when the full mix of on local labor markets, must be assessed in welfare benefits is recogniZed. Thus, the reference to specifIC labor market character effects of the NIT experiment should be istics. There was a confounding between the calibrated against the available alternatives in sites and ethnicity for the experiment. Most New Jersey and Pennsylvania. of the whites were in Scranton; most of the 5. A serious criticism is a measurement blacks were in Trenton and Jersey City; most problem which might have been avoided, had Puerto Ricans were in Paterson-Passaic. the research staff included more experienc Some of the ethnic differences may reftect site ed survey researchers. Though the major in differences in labor market conditions. terest in the experiment was on work effort, 2. Exactly what was the nature of the treat work variables were very badly measured. At ment? Initially it was thought to be the plan first, the referent period was just the one week as defined by the eight combinations of prior to the interview, later expanded to the guarantee level and tax rate. It was assumed preceding four weeks. The questions used to be the transfer payments, as calculated by were those of the Census Bureau, valid for the formula. But the treatment must be con population surveys, but insufficient and ceived not only in terms of what was intend imprecise for measuring individual household ed to be delivered, but also the way of deliver income and work effort, especially for the ing it. Thus, the administration of the experi poor. Many low-paying jobs are paid on a ment also becomes part of the treatment. The piecework rate, not hourly rates. This method treatment, in comparison to the existing of payment is not accurately determined by welfare system required more contacts be the standard questions. The difference be tween administrators and recipients than Is the tween gross and net earnings was not clearly case for ordinary public welfare. The careful explained. There is evidence that some monitoring and extensive contact between the respondents reported net rather than gross staff of the experiment and the participants will earnings at the beginning of the study, and not typify a national program - another later began reporting gross earnings with FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 127 more proficiency in answering interviewers. ever analyzed. This high ratio of usable infor Wage rates were not asked directly, but were mation to usable variables is typical of constructed by dividing earnings by hours of exploratory research. Few of the principal work. The complexity of accounting for more investigators were experienced survey than one job, overtime work and piecework researchers. Whatever the ultimate explana rates was not anticipated by the researchers. tion, the outcome for the study was to place Some defects were met by revision of later a research burden on respondents which was questionnaires, but the detailed and more only partially compensated, as suggested by precise data obtained near the study's end the high attrition rates. were not comparable to those obtained at first. 6. Detailed pre-experiment work histories CONCLUSIONS were not obtained until the end of the study, The lessons ofthe New Jersey-Pennsylvania nor is anything known about the work histories negative income tax experiment derive partly of the households during the two months be from its substantive findings and partly from tween quarterly interviews. Recognizing the technical methodological experiences. Both potential measurement error, the results of 3 types of implications make this first venture to 5 percent disincentives may underestimate into field experimentation a major event in the or overestimate actual effects. history of social science research. 7. A most serious limitation of the NIT experi On the substantive side, one can be confi ment is its high attrition rate. Losses were dent that there are no massive work disincen experienced despite substantial incentive pay tive effects to be expected from a negative in ments. Experimental households received $10 come tax plan. Within the range of guarantees for filing each biweekly income report form; and tax rates tested in NIT, very few of the control households received $8 for filing cur working poor will leave the labor force to sub rent addresses each month; each household sist entirely on the guaranteed payments. Due received $5 for responding in each quarterly to measurement difficulties and site choices, review. Thus, households in the experimental it is not clear whether the small work disincen group who faithfully reported and were inter tive effects found here were underestimates viewed received annual bonuses totaling $260 or overestimates of the true effects. Later NIT for filing reports, and $20 for interviews. Even experiments in seattle, Denver, Gary, and so, 20 percent of the sample had dropped out Winnepeg, Canada help put reasonable by the end of the experiment, including a 25 bounds on these estimates. percent loss in the control group and a 15 per The experiment has provided very useful in cent loss in the experimental group. Besides formation on the administration of NIT plans. households dropping out, some missed one Despite the hopes of early advocates, NIT or more quarterly interviews each quarter. plans may be only slightly easier than AFDC When analysis is restricted to households con to administer. Means tests apparently cannot tinuously reporting, the sample size may be be avoided if payments are conditioned on in reduced as much as 43 percent. come. Checks cannot be issued by computer 8. Some critical outcome variables other than according to a set of simple algorithms. Social work effort were poorly measured. The social workers as professionals, under an NIT plan psychological variables appear to have been may become more clerical than social. thrown together by borrowing from existing The work disincentive issue is not the only instruments without regard to transfer of sticking point impeding broad acceptance of understanding from middle class student NIT. The experiences of NIT researchers testi populations to economically poor adults in the fying before the United States Congress in experimental group. There was no adequate Family Assistance Plan hearings were rather pretesting, and no a priori theoretical expec disappointing. After testimony about the small tation that such variables would be sensitive work disincentive effects, legislators showed to the experimental treatment. as much interest in recipient fraud and general 9. As in other exploratory research, only a labor market effects. Conservative opposition small fraction fo the data collected appear to to NIT simply shifted ground to other issues. be useful. And an even smaller fraction were FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 128

CONTRIBUTIONS Statistical Assn 150-156 1. The most important contribution was to ad DanZiger S, R Haveman, E Smolensky 19n Pro vance considerably the acceptability of field gram for better jobs and income: a guide and criti que. Study for Joint Economic Committee, Con experiments on social programs. Randomized gress of US. Washington USGPO Oct 17 field experiments are clearly now removed Friedman M 1963 Capitalism and Freedom. from the realm of dreams to workaday reality, Chicago U Press, Phoenix Books and are widely accepted as the correct Garfinkel I 1974 Income maintenance programs and work effort: A review. Joint Economic Commit approach to test prospective social policy. tee. Studies In Public We/fsre. Paper 13 Feb 181-32 2. We have learned that field experiments Kershaw D, J Fair 1972 Issues in income are difficult and expensive. Particular atten maintenance experimentation. P Rossi, W Williams tion must be given the problem of attrition ads Evaluating SocialPrograms. New York Seminar where experiments are extended in time. Press Kershaw D, J Fair 1976 The New Jersey Income Longitudinal studies are vulnerable to data Maintenance Experiment Vol 1, Operations, overload, and to acute problems with missing Surveys, Administration. New York Academic Press data. These problems have sparked consider Lerman R, F Skidmore 19nWelfare reform: Reap able work on the knotty problems of handling praisal of alternatives. Tax Notes 5 17 3-9 Apr 25 Moynihan D 1973 The Politics ofa Guaranteed In such data bases and analysis models. come. New York Random House 3. We have learned that treatment in a field Nicholson W, Sonia Wright 19n Participants' experiment becomes complicated by its ad understanding of the treatment in policy experimen ministration. This finding has resulted in later tation. Evaluation Quarterly 1 245-268 experiments using administrative arrange Rainwater Lee, WL Yancey 1967 The Moynihan Reportandthe Politics ofControversy. Cambridge ments as an experimental variable. This move Massachusetts MIT Press promises considerable knowledge about how Rossi Pet&r H, Katherine C Lyall 1975 Reforming to design social interventions. Public Welfsre. New York Sage 4. We have learned that the politics of US Dept of Health, Education & Welfare 1978 Seattle-Denver Income Maintenance Experiment evaluation are as important as the purity of ex Summary Rpt Feb perimental design. It is not possible for resear ----1976 The RuralIncome Maintenance chers to proceed with field experiments on Experiment Summary Rpt Nov social programs without policy maker input in Watts, J, A Rees 19n; 1978 The New Jersey to the parmeters of the program to be tested. Income Maintenance Experiment Vols 2, 3. Labor Supply Responses. New York Academic Press One of the failures of the NIT experiment was Wright Sonia 1975 Work response to income that it was conceived isolation from the policy maintenance: Economic, sociological, and cultural making process. While recognizing the dif perspectives. Social Forces. 53 553-562 ficulty of bringing politics into field experimen tation, failure to do so may lead to making it simply another form of basic research per formed under the guise of policy relevance. In sum, the NIT experiment represents both a giant step forward in applying social science research methods to policy isuses, and at the same time, a flawed venture. We profit from both. On the basis of its success, we have been able to establish field experiments as the top of the state of the art in evaluating social policies. Building on its failure, we are learn ing how properly to conduct future field experiemnts.

REFERENCES Cain G, H Watts 1973 eds Income Maintenance & Labor Supply. Chicago Rand McNally Conlisk J, H Watts 1969 A model for optimizing experimental designs for estimating response sur faces. Proceedings, Social Statistics Section. Amer FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 129 LEISURE AS PLEASURE: THE CASE OF DR WATSON FOR SOCIOLOGY Mary C Candace Moore, Indiana Central University Kenneth Colburn Jr, Indiana University, Indianapolis PREAMBLE room hardly uttering a word or moving a muscle .. the task of the sociologist is not simply to from morning to night .. As the weeks went by, my discover historical and social reflection in works interest in him and my curiosity as to his aims in of literature, but to articulate the nature of values life gradually deepened and increased .. Under embedded within particular literary works. these circumstances, I eagerly hailed the little (Laurenson, Swingewood 1971 16) mystery which hung around my companion, and spent much of my time in endeavouring to unravel Doyle's famous fictional character, Sherlock it. (Doyle 1930 20) Holmes has become an insititution which has An ex-army officer wounded in war, Watson given rise to Sherlock Holmes societies, is convalescing due to subsequent ill health, special journals, and Holmesian experts and and at the moment is a doctor without a prac scholars. The topic of this article is the friend tice. His interest in Holmes serves to distract ship of Holmes and Watson as itcan be shown him from his own dull existence as a convales to be meaningful for Watson, leaving for cent. Watson's monotony derives from the fact another occasion the problems of its mean that his domestic activities are not the sort ing for Holmes. The meaning of friendship which could invite or sustain another's in may not be the same for both actors. Holmes terest. As a convalescent, Watson lacks the is the thinker detective and Bohemian artist. resources necessary for conversation. He As Watson observes, Holmes, like all great lacks activities which by virtue of their doing, artists, lived for art's sake (Doyle 1930559). could provide topics for sociability. Profes Watson is simply Holmes' chronicler and a sionally disenaged, he has nothing to invite sober medical doctor. Doyle incorporates this another to talk about. difference as a primary feature of account. The housebound routines of the convales If the essence of drama involves conflict as cent, which serve only the physial self, are the precondition for the possibility of action, sharply differentiated from the professions then one character can be treated as itself a which serve the social self. The habits ·of dramatic occasion for action, or as the resolu natural routines are marked by insularity and tion of difference. We will develop the thesis natural, but not social necessity. It is not so that Watson's friendship with Holmes can be much that one couldnottalk about them, but seen as a parameter of Watson's relation to since one does not in the first place elect to his own role andidentityas a medical doctor. do them, they fail to satisfy the requirements Watson's words and deeds may be recol of social exchange. Such conversation is not lected as the dramatic re-enactment of the required by nature. Natural routines lack Victorian conflict between traditional social value because speech about the private aristocratic leisure and modern bureaucratic or natural self amounts to no exchange, or no technology. more than an exchange of what is already available to anyone, and so constitutes no ex OCCUPATIONAL IMPERATIVE change and no motive to converse. The first Holmes novel, Study in SCarlet For Watson, monotony appears as the ex (1887), depicts Watson as the unhappy victim perience of monologue in which natural and of monotony when he first came to share not social necessity dominates. Monotony rooms with Holmes on Baker Street. Watson presupposes an idea of what is particularly narrates: human and social. People have to do something in order to create topics for con Holmes was certainly not a difficult man to live with. He was quiet in his ways, and his habits were versation. What is entailed in such a view is regular .. Sometimes he spent his day at the a theory of achievement, and not ascription, chemical laboratory, sometimes in the dissecting as the basis for sociability. Professional rooms, and occasionally in long walks .. Nothing activities provide persons with different could exceed his energy when the working fit was upon him; but now and again a reaction would sieze resources for conversation with the possibili him, and for days on end he would lie in the sitting ty of especially social subject matter because FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, Noveml:>Elr 1983 130 people speak about what they do. Without the the starting point· for our analysis, then our activity of professional life, Watson is solitary task is to show: 1) how Watson's monotony and without the social basis for sociability. and lack of a suitable topic for sociability can .. It is for the sake of special needs and interests originate in the practice ofmedicine itself,' and than men united in economic associations or how Watson's relation to Holmes can be seen blood fraternities, in cult societies or robber as Watson's attempt to make up for something bands. But above and beyond their special con unfulfilled by medical practice. tent, all these associations are accompanied by a feeling, or by a satisfaction in, the very fact The medical practitioner could be located in that one is associated with others, and thatthe terms of certain institutionalized "rules of ir solitariness of the individual is resolved into relevance" which helshe maintains in interac togetherness, a union with others. (Simmel1949) tion with others, especially although not The activities of professional life provide exclusively, with patients (Goffman 196119). topics which permit persons to engage each Parsons specifies the rules of irrelevance for other, and to differentiate themselves from medicine with the notions of universalism and nature. The togetherness or solidarity invok affective neutrality: ed by sociability is a "we" achieved from an Affective neutrality is also involved in the otherwise undifferentiated natural body. physicians's role as an applied scientist. The "Sociability is the game in which one 'does physician is expected to treat an objective pro as if' all were equal, and at the same time, as blem in objective, scientifically justifiable terms. For example, whether he likes or dislikes the if one honored each of them in particular." particular patient as a person is supposed to be (Simmel 1950 49) Equality is the individual irrelevant .. (Parsons 1968 435). achievement of freedom through social rather How could reference to the idea of affective than natural activities, as the basis for social neutrality help us to explain the possibility of interaction. Watson's experience of monotony? To be Referring to the objectless quality of his life, objective means to disengage one's subjec Watson means the aim or purpose which, as tivity, and the question is, "What is involved the root of a profession, has public or collec in that subjectivity such that its suspension tive significance. Thus it can serve as the generates monotony for Watson?" basis for a social relation and discourse. The medical practitioner's relation to the Watson is at first mystified as he tries to patient is circumscribed by the professional discover Holmes' profession: commitment to health. The profession is in the He was not studying medicine .. Neither did he service of creating and preserving the precon appear to have pursued any course of reading ditions for any or all human life, and as such, which might fit him for a degree in science or not contributing to the specific uses or actions any other recognized portal which would give of anyone particular form of human life. For him entrance into the learned world. Yet his zeal for certain studies was remarkable .. Surely no the medical person to be affectively neutral, man would work so hard or attain such precise helshe is effectively disciplined by the aim of information unless he had some definite end in the profession to be indifferent to all specifical view. (Doyle 1930 20) ly social or political designations or properties, except insofar as they are relevant to the THE WATSON-HOLMES DIFFERENCE business of health. Goffman observes that Watson discovers Holmes' profession. He is such an attitude of indifference is itself a social an unoffICial consulting detective. But what in achievement because it must "turn off" what terests and attracts Watson is the difference otherwise would be "on". "The elegance and between his own and Holmes' work. Watson's strength ofthis structure of inattention to most initial interest in Holmes sprang from a con things of the world is a great tribute to the tingent matter, due to his poor health and lack social organization of human propensities." of a medical practice. Later he found himself (Goffman 1961 20) What is irrelevant for called to Holmes even when in good health, medicine is civic life, and thus, the "good" happily married, and in possession of a prac doctor is one who maintains a neutrality to his tice (Doyle 1930 151). own participation in the doings of society. If the fact that Watson experiences monotony Unlike the political arts, medicine refrains even as he practices medicine is taken as from discriminating the good, the virtuous, and FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 131 the noble from the bad, the shameful, and the controls imposed by the public police force, ignoble. Health, as a universal precondition and can conduct his investigations in his own for collective life is not simply a prerequisite way. His successes over the regular police in for any particular sociopolitical order. Health vestigators symbolize the superiority of the and sickness are reference terms which apply individual over the collective organized effort. equally to any collective, whereas the distinc Unlike the police force, Holmes is interested tion between the virtuous and the base are in developing his craft, and not in the solution situated determinations which may vary in of specific criminal investigations, or threats meaning from one society to another. Crude to the public order, or profit. As an artist, ly put, the body and commitment to health Holmes does not depend on externals such does not provide the doctor with a topic for as having a recognized position, or even the sociability, since the doctor's activities are not commission of a crime. As Holmes remarked doings in the social or political sense. If people to Watson, "For the man who loves art for its speak about what they do, and medicine is in own sake .. it is frequently in its least impor the service of not doing, then the medical tant and lowliest manifestations that the practitioner has nothing to talk about. keenest pleasure is to be derived." (Doyle Analytically, the activity of medicine differs 1930 316) Thus, Holmes is not obliged, like little from convalescing in the sense that its the professional police investigator, to concern routines provide no basis for sociability. The himself with every violation that is referred to very universality of the standard for health him. its applicability for any individual or collective "Well, I'm afraid I can't help you, Lestrade," said - guarantees its lack of speech about the par Holmes. "The fact is that I knew this fellow ticular sociopolitical qualities of any such Milverton, that I considered him one of the most person or collective. Since the standard is the dangerous men in London .. My sympathies are same in every case, no case is an occasion with the criminals rather than with the victim, and for difference. I will not handle this case." (Doyle 1930 582) As a medical doctor, Watson was employed Pertinent to our investigation is the discrimina but not fully occupied in his profession. The tion which Holmes shows in his speech. He fact that medicine hopes to create the precon distinguishes between the nobl8 and the ditions for speech, but not speech itself pro ignoble as a prscondition for his taking up a duces a social unease in Watson. The activity case. He answers to his conscience with a of medical professional life leaves idle time, higher moral order, and not to public opinion and Watson is faced with the problem of or convention. In this he is reminiscent of the transforming this time into meaningful leisure. responsible aristocrat of an earlier century. We suggest, therefore, that the grounds for Unlike the police official, Holmes is the Watson's friendship with Holmes resided in masteroflogic andtschnology. His objectivi Watson's monotony and his need for leisure ty and logical tools are controlled by his sub and sociability. This is an outgrowth of jectivity, and by conservative political values Watson's practice of affective neutrality and of justice and personal discretion. Holmes is Holmes' ability to furnish Watson with a sub the exemplar of the Victorian gentleman. An jective social experience through his archetype of "civic culture," Holmes meets remarkable labors. On the hypothesis that the modern forces of technology and Holmes' work puts Watson in touch with the bureaucracy with the traditional values of social realm, we ask, "What feature of pUblic conscience, personal favor, and sym Holmes' profession attracts Watson, and how pathy for his client and for the underdog. may it be constituted to provide a subjective domain of topics for sociability? "The law cannot, as you say, touch you," said. Holmes, "yet there never was a man who First, we note that Watson pictures Holmes deserved punishment more. If the young lady as a symbol of creative solitude, and a genius had a brother or friend, he ought to lay a whip with an imagination made possible by the across your shoulders. By Jovel" he continued, freedom from convention, and freedom from flushing up at the sight of the bitter sneer on the man's face, "it is not part of my duties to my organizational constraints. As an unofficial client, but here's a hunting crop handy, and I and private detective, Holmes is free of think I shall treat myself to -" (Doyle 1930 201) FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 132

Burke explains this principle of social basis of Watson's relation to Holmes now freedom as follows: "Social freedom is that becomes clearer. Holmes represents the state of things in which liberty is secured by aristocratic qualities ofthe master of the older equality or restraint. This kind of liberty is but social order, qualities which represent an alter another name for justice. Whenever a separa native to bureaucratic life. tion is made between liberty and justice, neither in my opinion is safe. (Burke 1955 xviii) NARRATOR VERSUS ACTOR Freedom, in this case called liberty is also a Watson, though devoted to Holmes, never restraint. Each person is free insofar as that becomes a student of detection because he person is willing to restrain himself. Self misreads Holmes' aristocratic conservatism. restraint is not simple obedience and com The decisive factor in explaining this pliance with the law, but rather, restraint is phenomenon resides in Watson's implicit care for the relation binding individual and intention to be ruled in his pursuit of leisure state. The law depends on the state, which in by the constraint of his medical profession. turn, requires defense. For Holmes, defense Watson's own identity, and his difference takes the form of interpreting each case with from Holmes surfaces in the very format of the an eye to the welfare of the state. He chronicle. As a form of writing, the narrative discriminates the noble from the ignoble, and stands second to what is narrated, so as to the good citizen from the enemy of the state. preserve Holmes' firstness. The narrative is Ignoble men place liberty, as the pursuit of really a speech about a doing and in this private good before justice, which is the pur sense, Holmes, the artist, generates the suit of the state's good. possibility of a subject matter or sociability for Holmes' freedom originates in recognizing Watson. The narrative discloses Watson's that laws do not create order, but are the pro secondness as a special sort of nonartist, as duct of order. For the conservative, the rela he is only the devotee of the artist. Watson tion between law and order is problematic. recognizes Holmes as the artist for the This relation must be recalled on each occa aristocrat. The artist produces a work about sion, and Holmes responds to the conser which men can speak. The aristocrat is vative enterprise as an aristocrat by assum engaged in the artful display of the law. He ing personal responsibility for preserving the needs freedom from the law in order to relation between law and order. But the preserve the relation between law and order. bureaucratic framework conflicts with The narrative expresses Watson's love and aristocratic life: admiration, while serving as a means to make The objective discharge of business primarily available the characater and the criterion of means a discharge of business according to what is worthy to be loved. Thus Watson calculable rules and without regard for persons writes chronicles of Holmes' adventures as a .. The more complicated and specialized modem mode of loving, because what he loves about culture becomes, the more its external support Holmes cannot be properly respected or ing apparatus demands the personally detach ed and strictly 'objective' expert, in lieu of the understood apart from the work which master of the older social structure, who was engages Holmes. Several times, Watson ex moved by personal sympathy and favor, by presses concern about his task as narrator. grace and gratitude. (Weber 1952 215) "In choosing a few typicalcases which illustrate the The aristocratic objection to bureaucracy is remarkable mentalqualities ofmy friend, Sherlock that it ends the need for personal action by Holmes, I heve endeavored as far as possible to substituting the impersonal action of com select those which present the minimum ofsensa pliance with the law. The bureaucrat treats the tionalism, while offering a fair field ofhis talents. " law as equal to order and the state, and so (Doyle 1930 888) substitutes compliance for the aristocratic The narrator's speech must be controlled by qualityofservice. Thus, while the bureaucrat commitment to preserving the artistic and upholds the law, this is done at the risk of los aristocratic over the merely sensational. ing sociability. The bureaucratic discharge of Watson notes that this is no easy task, and business generates no positive, singular, or that he shall give preference to cases which creative act which people can discuss. The derive interest, not from the brutality of the FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 133 crime, but from "the ingenuity and dramatic be known, even if displayed. As a solution to quality of the solution." (Doyle 1930 566) the problem of being limited by professional The sensational exploits the particular. It life, Watson uses the literary device of reveal possesses only a fleeting interest it the par ing his own ignorance about that which ticular, and so represents the attitude of Holmes knows, in order to present Holmes' universalism. Sensationalism creates only a action without claiming to understand it. passing and fleeting interest in both the par Watson provides evidence of the fact that ticular and in itself. Sensational literature is Holmes is not limited to that which limits him. bad narrative because it fails to be true to its Though Watson cannot talk of the difference own nature qua narrative as secondary, since - he merely witnesses it. In this way, Watson it treats nothing other than itself as primary. preserves the difference between art and sensationalism lacks a principled concern for nonart which is beyond the capacity ofthe nar what it will narrate. Therefore, it fails to rator to formulate. acknowledge its own derivative or secondary What justification could Watson give for his nature, and the danger of mere sensational understanding of the difference between his ism, in failing to distinguish between art and own nonart and Holmes' art? He perceives the nonart is that it loses sight of the requirements difference as a difference given by nature. for the practice of sociability. Holmes practices art because he is talented. Watson's reference to the danger of the sen The nonartist cannot create because he is not sational for the chronicler stands as a self talented. Holmes is a natural genius, and this reminder of both how and why he produces clarifies both 1) why Watson can excuse such a corpus. In this way, Watson through himself for not producing art, and 2) why it is his writing, speaks only to his class of nonart that the mystery of creation is unavaliable to ists in the hope of teaching them how to live all humans. Watson is untalented, and the as nonartists. Watson's world thus is offered mystery of creation cannot be formulated in as being framed by the distinction between the the narrative. All the nonartist can do is to artistic and aristocratic, and the nonartistic. imitate art, and Watson, as nonartist, writes Unlike other literary figures, Watson puts to imitate Holmes, the exemplar of aristocratic himself in the nonartistic group. life. Initially, Watson writes to redress a wrong: If there are two kinds of men in Watson's namely, the fact that Scotland Yard officials world, there are also two classes of nonartists. mistakenly receive credit and public acclaim These are lovers of artists and nonlovers or for Holmes' solution of a crime. Watson says detractors. Watson's concern about the sen to the despondent Holmes: "Never mind. I sational voiced his opposition to the nonartist have all the facts in myjournal, and the public and to the life devoid of devotion, faithfulness shall know them .." (Doyle 1930 86) Watson and love. Watson, as chronicler and trusted shows that he is on the side of aristocracy as companion of Sherlock Holmes, is undeniably represented by Holmes in his determination lover of the artist, and the secondness which to correct the record. Watson achieves as narrator also represents Why did Watson continue writing all of the for him the firstness of this class of men. other accounts? He shows himself to be Watson's challenge is to make possible a faithful, but as Simmel writes, "Faithfulness viewing of the artist that is ipso facto beyond might be called the inertia of the soul. It keeps the capacity of the nonartist to formulate or the soul on the path on which it started, even understand. Watson's commitment to the after the original occasion that led onto it no social realm means preserving in the narrative longer exists." (Simmel1950 380) The original the difference between itself and its subject. occasion of Watson's writing is replaced by The challenge of the narrator, in demonstrat his unyielding resistance to the sensationalist ing love for the artist, is to avoid making itself and the nonlover. Faithfulness lives in a the limit of the knowable, while being limited present which is consumed by the past. It is to what it knows as less than the knowable. the activity of not losing what one begins with. Art must be shown from the nonartist's side As such, it makes impossible, either learning of the limit. The difficulty is that art is on the or seeking to become what one loves. other side of the limit, and thus, cannot really Devotion seeks not to learn, but to keep FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 134 memorable. Devotion cannot learn because creation of doings as that which is rooted in it is moved by the clarity of its purpose - the talent which Itself is a part of nature. recall of talent. Devotion is not productive if A more analytic criticism would recollect production implies a present that orients to the Watson's theory of natural speech as the future. In this sense, devotion experiences a necessary consequence of a commitment to present as something that continuously slips professional life: the idea that speech is rooted away. in nature, and hence, imitation, as the fate of In the narrative, Watson shows that he the nonartist is not the cause, but the associates with nobility by orienting to what necessary consequence, given the election to is other than the self, but while he likens the professional life. Watson is unwilling to himself to nobility, he fails to act nobly and forego a career in medicine, and is constrain conservatively because the other is pictured ed to seek a form of leisure which could not as a particular person rather than as a rela itself require a a decisive commitment or tion to the state. Watson's craft is pseudo art assume the status of a calling. Thus, it is ap because, unlike Holmes' art, it does not propriate to distinguish Watson's leisure-as achie"e independence from the external. pleasure from Holmes' leisure-as-service. The Without Holmes, Watson has nothing to write work of detection is to generate occasions for about. While his narratives are faithful to his the practice of discretion as the re-experience theory of language as speech about action, of commitment, while the work of narrative is it is doubtful whether they are representative to generate occasions for the relief from pro of conservative life. First, conservatism is not fessional life. Analytically, the difference reducible to faithfulness or loyalty. Watson between Watson's imitation and Holmes' art misreads the conservative qualities of service is not the difference between talent and its and defense as faithfulnsss. He misrepresents lack, but is the difference between conser the aristocrat's active relation to the state with vatism and the professional or bureaucratic his relation to Holmes as that of lover to the life. beloved. Watson treats the sensationalist as the incarnation of the modern universal spirit: REFERENCES movement, mobility, and motion. Watson's Burke Edmund 1955 Reflections on the Revolu resistance to this impulse is countered by his tion In Frsnce. New York Bobbs Merrill commitment to stay with the particular. But Doyle Arthur Conan 1930 The Complete Sherlock Holmes. New York Doubleday conservatism is inadequately understood if Goffman Erving 1961 Encounters. New York articulated as the simple difference between Bobbs Merrill rest and motion. Watson himself app8ars Laurenson Diana, Alan Swingewood 1971 The modern in his employment of one rule in the Sociology of Utersture. London Paladin Margetson Stella 1969 Leisure andPlessure in the production of many narratives. Nlneteeth Century. London Cassell An obvious criticism of Watson's theory of Parsons Talcott 1951 The SocislSystem. Glencoe language as self-contradictory would proceed lllinol Free Press as follows: If men speak about what they do, Simmel Georg 1949 The sociology of sociability. and the artist creates such doings, and art is Amer J of SocIoI55 - 1950 The Sociology of Georg Simmel ed, the result of nature's gift of talent to some translator, K Wolff New York Free Press persons, then speech and the social wortd are Strauss Leo 1959 What is Politicsl Philosophy? given by nature. The difference between the New York Free Press natural and the social proves illusory, for it is Weber Max 1946 From Msx Weber: Essays in Sociology. eds, translators H Gerth, C Mills New a difference originating In, and given by York Oxford U Press nature. Thus, sociability, the compromise that man makes with the environment - that he will leave speechless nature to create a social world independent of his own speech - falls to achieve social world which is independent or freed from nature. The notion that men speak about what they do requires in the final provision for sociability, an account of the FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 135

AGE, POSITIONING, & CONTROL IN GARAGE SALES & AUCTIONS Robert W Habensteln, University of Missouri, Columbia Economists are not enthusiastIC aoout Stu may be donated. House calls for donation of dying the secondhand goods exchange sec castoffs seem to be waning. It is also apparent tor of the economy, but we can argue for its that along with smaller objects to be sold at study on the basis of common sense obser give-away prices in garage sales, increasing vation. More pre-owned than new houses are ly expensive items are now being included, bought or rented. The same is true for the pur such as the sixty-dollar sheepskin jacket, the chase of secondhand automobiles, motor electric typewriter, and washer dryer com cycles, and boats, adult bicycles, and perhaps binations. for purchases of large scale farm equipment, Garage sales are neither a popular fad nor now almost prohibitive in cost to family farm part of the epiphenomena of modern operators. American society. Without counting pre To these major categories we can add 1) an owned house and auto sales, there are at least tiques, collectibles, objets d'art, jewels, 1.5 million sales per year with at least 150 decorative items and books in the realm of the million dollars exchanging hands fOr goods cultural and esthetic; 2) household goods in With a utilization value at least twice that cluding furniture, appliances and other useful amount. objects such as garden implements and tools; PSYCHO-SOCIAL ASPECTS and 3) clothing, personal accessories, linens Garage, patlo, yard, and other such sales are and bedding. This list is not exhaustive, but carried out by amateurs in settings of it suggests the range of the sales and ex minimum strain, stress, and anxiety - at least changes which pervade most most people's for the potential buyer. One is free to drop by accumulation and divestment of their material for minute or a half-hour without uneasiness goods. about time. Sales pressure and the obligation GARAGE SALES to purchase which may be felt in stores and The continuous acquisition of material goods shops is virtually absent. The seller's de produces for many a glut of things people are meanor is one of restrained hopefulness. It not much Interested in keeping. To relieve the would be "nice" if the objects were bought, pressure of over-accumulation, they increas but there is no pitch, or at most there may be ingly resort to garage, yard, and patio sales. a very mild urging to buy a particular object. These provide a different and more socially More likely, the seller will want only to rein positive form of relief than that which comes force the apparent "good buy" as indicated through devaluation of ownership of mass pr0 by the price mark, in most cases, a piece of duced property followed by outright discard. masking tape stuck to the object fOr sale. Since the discard of only partially used With sales pressure at a minimum, and possessions often produces discomfort, freedom to look over, feel, examine for flaws, regret, or guilt, the garage sale expedient or amount of use apparently left In the object, serves both to recycle useful goods and pro the garage sale shopper of any age finds it vides some personal gratification to the seller, easy to expand the chance fOr sociability and who does not have to bear the onus of throw enjoyment of the virtually stress-free social ing away useful goods. setting. Most often garage sale shoppers Donation to charitable organizations provides come in pairs, a husband and wife, or two another alternative to discard, but as the same-sex friends. Family groups also par economy falters and inflation rises, it is ap ticipate. The weekend garage sales draw a parently more sensible and compelling for par variety of persons in various ways. Eariy birds sons with goods they want to surrender· to looking for choice bargains come often long recoup at least a portion of their cost through before the announced opening. Lower s0cio some form of sale. Another limiting factor is economic class persons and wornen from the the selectivity of charitable organizations. The black community are the earilest arrivals, and collection container at the edge of a super they may stay the shortest time, for they usual market lot imposes physical limits on what ly know exactly what they want, and are will- FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 136 ing to visit half a dozen garage sales in an of life' as we have come to know these p0sses hour to find it. sions. share some common features with Middle class garage sale shoppers come garage sales. But there are somewhat dif later, often stay longer, personalize the rela ferent economic. and vastly different social tion to the seller, and talk more freely about factors which distinguish them. the objects on display. Some will take an in At the broader societal level. both garage terest in keeping articles properly in place sales and auctions are socioeconomic something which is not likely in a department mechanisms· to redistribute economically store. After all, today's garage sale shopper valuable objects within local communities. may be tomorrow's sellerl Middle class shop They help sustain the high market exchange pers are sympathetic to the plight of the activity associated with consumption oriented garage sale seller if the sale is not going well. mass society. While auctions of personal Often a token purchase will be made. perhaps possessions are fewer in number than garage of a book or kitchen implement. sales. in a ratio of about one to eight. their Garage sales prosper in the morning and dollarvalue business is substantially greater. languish in the afternoon. There may be a Perhaps more important. from the social spurt at lun9h time. For the veteran garage scientist's viewpoint. they are differently sale shopper, the game is over by noon. The organized. and their operations reveal dif same is true for blue collar and lower socia ferent social and psychological mechanisms. ecomomic classes. Few are willing to spend Garage sale mechanisms are essentially the whole day moving among garage sales, one-to-one. The owner sells a used but useful criss-crossing the town. and sometimes hav object to the customer in a face-ta-face trans ing difficulty finding addresses. For the seller, action. There are rarely competitors of the the afternoon may be a long one. Families movement, and there is no competitive bid often combine their wares. More things are of ding among customers. First-come is first fered for sale, and perhaps more important. served and amateurism prevails. sellers can socialize among themselves when The auction operates through professionals. sales drop off. BasicaJIy, the exchange relation involves three In sum. garage sales are economically parties: 1) the seller; 2) the auctioneer; and oriented expedients for recycling useful and 3) competing buyers. Buyers need not know sometimes "collectible" personal and family sellers, although they sometimes do. But the possessions. They are increasingly popular, exchange relation In an auction is CB"iBdout and in the aggregate, their multimillion dollar in arenas ofcontest It produces social and business is important. But they are obviously psychological phenomena not present in more than simply an economic phenomenon. garage sales. They have sociaJ as well as utilitarian aspects. The auction setting in which arrangement of The alternative to the discard ofthe still-useful goods to be put up for bid, and the business material object, achieved through being like atmosphere generated by the auctioneers purveyed in the garage sale not only provides and their staff establishes clearly the injunc a mechanism for the disposal of unwanted tion that "this is a place of business." The goods, but involves the daily creation of seriousness of the auetioneer-seller has its thousands of small SOCiable settings of tem counterpart in the demeanor of the potential porary and shortlived nature. Persons across buyer who demonstrates serious intent by all age. sex, and social class spectra may par registering at the table set up for handling ticipate in these low-stress settings, and may sales, and who receives an indentifying become associated with and even addicted to number usually printed on a 3"x5" card. The garage sales. Purposes for attending may vary card provides an abstraCted identity. as it from a serious venture into a money-saving would seem on the surface. for the transac goods exchange. It may be a quasl-enterprise tions theoretically could all be carried out or merely a pastime activity. without involving names of personalities. The THE AUCTION personal, ego-involving factor comes into play Community based auctions involving per in severaJ ways, and most participants. ifthey sonal and family possessions, the 'baggage are to cope successfully with the vicissitudes FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 137 and social dynamics of the auction, will these are not great occasions, they are by no develop positioning stratsgies involving means trivial. Social exchanges tend to run ecological and personal life space. from mildly friendly to quite personal. Small But the auction serves more than one pur group sociologists would agree that such pose, and from a sociological standpoint, it is sociability is integrative, and that it leads to equally relevant to analyze and develop pro the development of a sense of unity and to positions about those who are not serious coherence and meaning in the community. potential bidders and buyers as it is to be con The auction itself and the actual auctioning cerned with those who are. To pursue the mat of goods presents an interesting sociological ter further, we should first enter a disclaimer phenomenon. Those interested in bidding and concerning the implication of the non-serious purchasing cluster around the auctioneer and auction attenders. Granted that they will not his assistants. The staccato chant is univer participate directly at the economic or ex sally recognizable and to some degree, ex change level, it does not follow that their citing. Whether persons present are practic presence at community auctions is irrelevant ed auction attenders or relative newcomers, or, Heaven forbid, dysfunctional! On the con there is a quickening of pulse and a surge of trary, there are several so-called functions of collective excitement generated by the auc the non-bidding auction attenders. Not all of tioneer's voice. A variety of auctioneer them are obvious. strateies are used to get the bidding started, For example, it is a commonplace in the auc and to keep it going, and to maintain continuity tion business that a large crowd is better than of interest. Auctioneers are quick to spot in a small crowd. The more cars, and the more terested bidders, and to identify their interests. people inspecting the auction items, the more Some regular attenders, including used-goods likely people will stay, participate, and be sub sellers may be identified by name. What thB ject to crowd or collective excitement. If only auction88r most wants is a closs/y packBd 30 of 100 persons of attending should register group of compstitivs mindsd and purchass for number cards, it is better for the auction motivatsd participants. An "auction vortex" business than if 15 or 20 attenders receive can be made up of 20 or 30 such bidders. The cards. The numbers count even ifthe propor action is here, in a slow-moving tightly pack tion of non-bidders is high. ed group whose emotional involvement is Continuing our focus on the larger number manipulable by the skilled auctioneer. Here, of non-bidding attenders, their presence is members sometimes find themselves bidding always welcome. One might ask why they far more than they expected for objects that should stay if they are not going to bid, and they earlier may not have been eager to pur what are some of the consequences of their chase. Outbid on something they wanted. par presence? It is no surprise to find that there ticpiants will bid up and find themselves con are some wives present who let their tracting for something they do not particular husbands bid; and that some are children who ly want. They may return such items to sell cannot bid; and that some are relatives or at another auction at a later date. friends who are taken to the auction as a social In the center of the auction vortex, thB auc event. This function is important. tioneer runs through a variety of tricks and Sociability is generated easily at auctions strategies which may be familiar to many auc and may permeate the entire attendance. tion attenders. What is tess appreciated is the Some sociability may be of the moment, for insidiously developing stress and anxiety, first, others the sociability may reflect long and over getting what one wants, and second, over friendly acquaintances. There is a notable not being dragooned into buying something absence of solemnity, seriousness or even at one does not want. The pace of the transac tention to the auction proper by many nonbid tions is rapid. Thousands of articles may be ding attenders. Lunch baskets are brought; auctioned off in an afternoon. Too stow a pace, soft drinks, hot dogs, and other food may be or too much time spent with one type of 0b sold. At estate auctions the grounds will be ject such as tools or kitchenware; may pro dotted with small sociable clusters, each duce diffidence. If the auction drags on, auc creating its own temporary mini-society. While tion fatigus may set in. For the elderly, auc- FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 138 tion fatigue is an important consideration. successful, non-exploited bidders and buyers? Auctioneers constantly work at a near Many observations of auction behavior have frenzied pitch. Small objects may be grouped led me to conclude that despite the stress and sold at a very low price. Th auctioneer adaptation mechanisms available, very few of cannot be concerned with owner sentiment. the very elderly can succeed in this. His commitment is to the highest number of The one exception often noted is the quite sales at a fair enough price in the shortest elderly person who sits or stands for an hour possible time. The upshop of this pressure or more in front of one object, summons up cooker sales imperative is that many persons resolve from the depths of her personality, and learn either to withstand the blandishments, refuses to be moved away from her place, ploys, and impatience of the auctioneer, and making a determined effort to acquire her to manage their purchasing rather than have prize. Auctioneers may close off bidding to it managed for them. Or they may want to reward such an elderly person for her deter withdraw from the vortex to the fringe where mined vigil. With this exception, a large they may enter an occastional bid, but not find number of observations lead to the conclusion themselves subject to auctioneer dominance. that many of the old and most of the very old We can term this adaptive behavior "space attenders are more likely found socializing and management" or "position management". passing time at the community auctions than One manages 1) stress, and 2) threat to self in the thick of the bidding. However, they may control by movement in physical space. Move always enter the action, whether to test their ment nearer to the vortex means testing ego ego strength or to get caugtht up briefly in the strength and determination to get what one collective excitement, and to be a true partici wants at one's own price. Moving away from pant, without serious obligation to bid com the vortex removes the auctioneer from 0c petitively. And perhaps not so easily, they may cupation of one's lif8 space, that personal step aside to let the whirl of concentrated ac arena which each one tries to maintain to be tion sweep by. Position management here is assured of a private world where independent crucial. One in the vortex of the auctioneer's thoughts are possible. quick banter and the challenge to dare a ELDERLY PARTICIPATION slightly higher bid, and still another - may pr0 Another factor in community auction deals duce another auction casualty, as a purchaser with attendance and participation of the elder of unwanted auction merchandise. ly. The prevailing social norms of purchase CONCLUSION and acquisitions have long held that the elder Auctions have a high stress potential, but the ly need less, and should be, and in fact, are wise or adapting auction attender can doing with less as they approach the status minimize the threat of stress by taking a posi of the very old. Once past the age of fifty-five, tion nearer or farther from the vortex of the most adults begin looking at their "baggage auction. Ego strength and coping ability may of life" with an eye to divesting themselves of be tested at auctions, but those who cannot those things no longer needed or which have stand the pressures and stress of an auction lost their symbolic value. In their sixties, the dominating acutioneer and the com elderly are faced with many problems which petitiveness of fellow auction attenders can may include moving to another part of the usually move to safer positions, out of the line country. In their seventies, they may move to of action. While garage sale participation an extended care facility. Sometimes a nurs seems a virtually stress-free and interesting ing home becomes an urgent prospect. Bet pastime, and an occasion for sociability with ween the ages of 75 and 90, the elderly have little cost, auctions put the attender at a cer a 20 percent chance of spending some of their tain amount of financial and ego risk. To make last years in an long-term care facility. participation in auctions substantially free of The elderly, then, are faced with two clear such risk is a challenge to human service questions at a community auction. 1) Do they practitioners. Sociologists should be ready to need to add to their baggage of life? 2) Can enter the arena of secondhand purchases they summon the ego strength needed to par along with consumer educators and for ticipate and enter the vortex, and thus become mulators of consumer protection policies. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 139 DISSEMINATION OF INFORMATION TO THE DISADVANTAGED John S Miller and Carl F Hummel, University of Arksnaaa, Fayetteville ISSUES HYPOTHESES This paper will focus on techniques which in Research and training in citizen participation crease citizen participation in environmental has shown that four conditions must be met policy decision making. Concerned authorities if participation is to be expected (Buskirk & include Creighton (1980); Institute for Par Auker 1980; Downs 1957; Lawson 1980; Miller ticipatory Planning (1978); League of Women & Barrington 1981; Regan 1977). Voters (1977); Rogers (1981 a); Council on En 1) The citizen must perceive that the decision vironmental Quality (1980); Dunlap, Van Liere is personally important. & Dillman (1979); Hummel (1978); Lowe 2) The citizen must believe that personal par (1980); and Miller & Donoho (1980). In January ticipation will make a difference. 1980, the Arkansas Science Information ex 3) The citizen must gain some satisfaction change began a 24-month SCience for from participation. Citizens planning project funded by the Na 4) The cost of participation must be low. tional Science Foundation. A major objective In each case, timely, objective, understan is to develop techniques to disseminate en dable information is essential to citizen par vironmental information to the aged, the poor, ticipation. Based on these factors, we and those with little formal education, so that hypothesize that the aged, the poor, and those they can participate more effectively in public with little formal education will be less likely policy making. If these target groups had in than others to participate in environmental formation, and were made aware of issues public policy decision making. and alternatives, they could enter more effec tively and more often in environmental policy SOURCE OF INFORMATION decision making. In addition to determining who participates, Arkansas ranks 49th in per capita income, we are interested in where citizens read or and second in proportion of elderly population. hearabout environmental issues. This ques Over 40 percent of adults have not completed tion is important because the appliedcomp<; high school. Like other sunbelt states, Arkan nent ofour research concerns developing a sas' abundant resources have plunged the mechanism to reach the targetgroups with ~ state into a rapidly developing industrial and vironmental information. Due to the per technological revolution. Despite the current vasiveness of television and radio, we economic downturn, neither industrial growth hypothesize that there will be no significant nor the population boom is projected to slow difference byage, education orincome groups in the 1980's. These conditions, while contain in use of these media for information for en ing promise of enhanced quality of life for the vironmental information (Rogers 1981b). citizens of Arkansas, also hold the threat of Access to printed media,

(N) (203) (195) (267) (128) (236) (50) (83) suggests that these groups are less well in not interested in an issue will pay little atten formed than they evidently assume. tion to information which is made available. Miller and Barrington (1981) found that in DISCUSSION dividuals are faced with a vast array of attrac We began with the objective of developing tively packaged and easily accessible informa a strategy for disseminating environmental in tion. This makes it unlikely that a citizen would formation to the poor, and aged, and those choose to become more informed without a with little formal education. We can list five pior I8vel of interest findings which relate to these groups. Interest should thus be seen as playing a 1)They participate less in environmental crucial mediating role in information meetings and hearings than others. dissemination. Nearly two-thirds of our target 2) They assume that they are adequately in groups report that they frequently hear about formed on environemntal issues. envirnomentaJ issues from television. Between 3) They deny any need for added information 33 percent and 45 percent frequently read on such issues. about environmental issues in the news 4) They know less than they think about en papers. A third hear about it on the radio and vironmental problems. about a fifth hear about such issues from fami 5) They receive most of their information on ly and friends. environmental matters from television, radio, Since our target groups most frequently and newspapers. receive environmental information from In short, our target groups are neither highly passive media sources such as television and motivated nor deeply interested in en radio and newspapers, these are the vehicles vironmental issues. They lack formal through which interest must be raised. If such background and lack direct experience with interest is raised, then a broader information little awareness of the significance of en dissemination strategy can be implemented. vironmental issues in their lives. Despite their relative ignorance, they assume that they are PHASE TWO sufficiently informed. Phase Two has three parts. If these groups are to participate in en Part 1: The program should focus on an issue vironmental policy decision making, they of current interest. This strategy will be effec should have more information. We suggest a tive only if citizens are seeking or are open two-phase strategy for disseminating the to the idea of assistance on an issue which necessary information. directly affects them, and in which they are interested. The message must be presented INFORMATION STRATEGY: PHASE ONE in such a manner that the target person A first step in reaching the target group with believes that personal participation is impor envirnomental information must focus on in tant, and that it can make a difference. Other creasing their interest level. Citizens who are wise the target person may become resigned FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 142 to inaction, saying, "What can I do?" Answer New York Harper ing that question must be a part of the infor Dunlap R F, KD Van Llere, R J Loomis 1979 Evidence of decline in public concern with en mation dissemination package. vironemntal quality. IRural Sociology 44 204-212 Part 2: The program must provide a Hummel C F, L Levitt, R J Loomis 1978 Percep mechanism for conveying information that the tions of the energy crisis: Who is blamed and how target groups will access. Our results suggest do citizens react to environmental lifestyle trade that television, radio, and newspaper series offs? Environment & Behavior 10 37-88 Hummel C F, J S Miller 1981 What are the predic on environmental issues might be effective. tors of pro-environment behaviors? The need for a Television especially has the potential to raise gUiding model. Paper, Mid-South Sociology Assn awareness and inform our target groups. Institute for Participatory Planning 1978 Citizen Once an interest has been raised, efforts Participation Handbook. Laramie Wyoming Lawson Barry 1980 Public Participation Concepts could be made to bring the issue to the target and Skills. Boston Lawson & Associates groups through neighborhood and communi League of Women Voters 19n Getting in the ty forums. This outreach effort can be seen swim: How citizens can influence water qUality plan as a means of providing a place where citizens ning. League of Women VOt8rs Education Fund can make a difference through their direct par Washington DC Lowe G, TK Penhey, MD Grimes 1980 Public sup ticipation. It would help to convince them that port for environmental protection: New evidence the issue is important and of interest to them from national surveys. Pacific Social Rev23 423-445 in their own neighborhood. This approach also Miller J S, T Donoho 1980 Environmental energy makes the cost of citizen participation relatr. survey 1980: SocIal bases of environmental concern in Arkansas. Paper. Arkansas U, Little Rock Iy low, especially if the program is made a part Miller J S 1982 We had a public meeting and of the regular agenda of a civic group, church, nobody came: A sociological analysis of EPA's school, or senior center. This two-phase ap public participation program. Paper. Mld-80uth proach has had some success (Creighton Sociological Assn 1980; Lawson 1980; Regan 1977). Miller J S, TM Barrington 1981 Acquisition & reten tion of scientific information. J of Communication Pert 3: The program should complement, sup 31 Spring port and cooperate with existing state or Regan J F 19n Th8 Eff8ctive M88ting In Water private organization efforts in public involve Quality Plsnning. Washington DC U.S. Environmen ment. There are may environmental public tal Protection Agency Rogers Carol L 1981a Science Information for the participation efforts In progress, but rarely are public: The Role of Scientific Societies. SCience, they coordinated. Although not revealed in our TBChnology & Human Values 6 No 36 Summer research, a reason for non-participation may 36-40 be conflicting information which leads to con ------1981b SCience, the Media and the fusion and apathy. Public: SBl8cted Annotated Bibliographies. Washington DC American Assn for Advancement A complementary and cooperative effort is of Science Important, not just for cost-effectiveness, but Van Liere K D, RE Dunlap 1979 The social bases because the success of any public participa of environmental concern: A review of hypotheses, tion program will hinge largely on whether the explanations and empirical evidence. Paper Southern Sociol. Society target citizen gains satisfaction from that par ticipation. Such satisfaction comes both from seeing how one's advice is used, and the perceived impact of the involvement on organizations working on the issue. REFERENCES Buskirk E, D Auker 1980 Public Participation. Washington DC U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Council on Environmental Quality 1980 Public Opinion on Environmental Issues: National Public OpInion Survey. Washington DC Creighton J L 1980 Public InvolvtHTIentMsnual Washington DC U.S. Dept of Interior Downs A 1957 Economic TMory ofDemocracy. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 143

NEIGHBORHOOD REVITALIZATION & EMERGENCE OF POST INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY William A Schwab, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville

INTRODUCTION on either process. There has been a growing In the early 1970's there was a grassroots decentralization of population from central movement known as neighborhood revitaliza cities for most of this Century. The out tion which was in concert with the direction migration from central cities since World War of national policy. Neighborhood revitalization II is not a new phenomenon. What is new is was also called "gentrification", the "back to the rate of out-migration. From 1960 to 1970 the city movement", and "private urban central cities in the United States lost more renewal." It involved efforts of young middle than 3.5 million people in net out-migration, class professionals to resettle and revitalize and more than 8 million from 1970 to 19n. poorer urban neighborhoods. Most of these Considering the three components of popula efforts have been bootstrap operations with tion, (births - deaths + migration) the total little or no help from federal or local govern population of central cities declined 4.6 per ment. In a number of cities the change in cent from 1970 to 19n. Larger and older neighborhoods has been remarkable, and the metropolitan areas (over a million population) revitalized neighborhoods have become na lost 7.1 percent oftheir central city population tional showplaces, as models of how private in the same period. Higher income employed programs can solve urban ills. persons have led the exodus from central Although research on thie phenomenon is far cities. The income levels of in-migrants have from complete and all the patterns are not yet been lower than those of out-migrants. As a clear, existing studies consistently indicate result, central cities experienced a net loss of three trends. 1) The neighborhood revitaliza $47 billion in aggregate personal income from tion process is widespread with at least 124 1970 to 19n (Alonso 1978). cities of 50,000 population or more with some degree of revitalization (James 1977). The 30 A DIFFERENT VIEW ON REVITALIZATION largest cities in the United States have one or Numerous explanations for the neighbor more revitalization projects under way (Clay hood revitalization process have been offered. 1978, 1979). These efforts are concentrated They include 1) changing lifestyles, 2) escala in older cities in the south and northeast ting costs for housing and energy, 3) shifts in regions (Black 1975). 2) Revitalization is not the nation's urban policy, 4) changes in policy a trend back to the city. Central city popula by lending institutions, and 5) changing tions continue to decentalize to the suburbs American attitudes about the city. Absent from (Spain 1980a, 1980b). The suburban lifestyle this list is the notion that cities are dynamic is still preferred by most Americans, and this and ever changing. There is a continual way of life will probably remain even at con change in this nation's system of cities, and siderable cost and inconvenience (Abravanel in the internal structure of individual cities. & Mancini 1980; Levin 1979; Birch 1979). Rapid social change has characterized all of Neighborhood revitalization is actually a "stay our history. What is new is the speed and in the city" movement rather than a "back to scope of urban change. Neighborhood the city" movement. Most new settlers are revitalization reflects basic changes in the ur moving from other parts of the the same cen ban fabric of the country, and must be related tral city or from other cities, and not from the to more basic economic, ecologic and suburbs. Most of the new settlers are young, technologic forces. affluent, and well educated. Many are profes Factorial Ecology. Social area analysis, in sionals, and they tend to be disproportionately troduced by Shevky, Williams, and Bell more childless (Long 1980; Lasten & Spain 1979; than 30 years ago has become central to the Smith 1979). literature of contemporary urban ecology Has the "stay ;in the city" movement (Timms 1971). Its major contribution has been positively affected net migration or the popula to sensitize researchers to the close relation tion composition of central cities? In the short between the interal structure of the city and run, these new settlers have had little effect the scale of development of the encompass- FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 144 ing society. By societal scale, ecologists refer ship ties. to the extent of the division of labor ia society To analyze these changes, data for 51 coun and the complexity of Its organizations and in tries were grouped into low, medium, and high stitutions. As societies advance in scale, scale levels on the basis of per capita gross changes on the societal level are manifested development product (GOP) for 1960. Employ first and most clearly in specialized land use ment in each sector Is expressed as a percent and the organization of space within cities. In of total employment In the economy. Then for a low scale society with relatively simple each sector, averages are computed for each organization, there will be relatively little group of countries. The calculations are specialiZed land use, and residential uses are repeated for for 1980 data. Table 1 summariz classed along a single dimension of family ed these date and illustrates the distribution status. In high scale societies, social and of employment by scale of society, as well as economic organization is complex as reflected shifts in the sectoral distribution of employ in specialized urban and use and a residen ment over time. tial mosaic. Cities of Industrial societies Basic changes in the distribution of skills In reguire at least the three dimensions of social, society occur with increasing societal scale. family, and ethnic status for classification. In Most notable is the dramatic decline in crease in societal scale also alters the rela agricultural employment as per capita income tion of cities within the system of cities (Bor rises. In post-industrial societies agricultural chert 1967; Dunn 1980). As the scale of a employment is at an irreducible minimum. society Increases, there is a complete altera These data also suggest ·that declines in tion of the urban fabric of society. agriculture in the early stages of development From the ecological perspective, are absorbed in the service sector. This may neighborhood revitalization and other changes reflect the complete reorganization of a soci in city morphology and the growth of urban ety's infrastructure that takes place as the fringe, and non-metropolitan growth are direct .scale level of a society rises. The growth of ly related to an increase in the scale level of public institutions such as schools, hospitals, American society. and security forces, and the operation of postal service, and communication and RISING SOCIETAL SCALE TRENDS transport systems account for the high levels Shevky and Bell (1955) postulated that of service employment. changes brought about by an increase in the In the high-scale or post-industrial societies, scale of society would be reflected in one of the service sector surpassed manufacturing three social trends: 1) changes in distribution as early as 1960. In the two decades ending of skills, 2) changes in the structure of produc in 1980, agriculture, construction, and tive activity, and 3) changes in population transport experienced little change whereas composition. And these changes would manufacturing declined slightly, and service become manifest in the internal structure of sector employment rose substantially from 40 the metropolis. to 48 percent. In high-scale societies, Distribution of Skills. Changes in the manufacturing has ceased to be the dominant distribution of skills is most apparent in the factor In national economic development. distribution of labor force among economic Generally, employment data in the United sectors. In low-scale societies, economic States exhibits patterns consistent with other organization is charactrized by family or high-scale post-industrial societies. Table 2 household enterprises such as subsistence exhibits data showing sectoral changes In farming, handicrafts, and various unorganiz employment In the United States between ed services. Most goods and services are pro 1967 and 1976. Over this period there was a duced and sold locally. In contrast, high-scale 20 percent growth in total employment, but societies are characterized by the production manufacturing did not share in the expansion. of goods and services for national and Inter Instead, employment in manufacturing declin national markets. In such societies, the ed to about a quarter of the total work force. distribution of skills is organized by Rates of decline were similar for both durable mechanisms of the market rather than by kin- and non-durable goods manufacture. Sectors FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 145

TABLE 1: WAGE EMPLOYMENT BY TABLE 2: U.S. EMPLOYMENT DISTRIBUTION ECONOMIC SECTORS, 1960 & 1980 19.,. Pet CItenge IN 52 COUNTRIES 1000'. from 1967 1960 1980 Total employment 79,467 20.0 Sector: I II III I II III Mining 800 34.2 (N, Countries 19 10 13 19 10 13 Construction 3,340 3.2 Transport, utilities 4,506 5.9 GOP per capita Trade 17,610 27.9 US $ 1000's .2 .5 1.7 .6 2.1 7.2 Wholesale 4,292 20.1 Agriculture Hunting Retail 13,318 30.6 Forestry, Fishing % 37 14 5 29 10 5 Fira 4,359 33.4 Mining, Quarrying % 4 1 2 1 1 1 services 14,781 44.9 Manufacturing % 13 23 33 16 25 28 Hotels 1,031 45.8 Construction % 7 9 10 8 10 9 Personal 814 -20.7 Tran"sport % 5 7 8 6 7 7 Medical 4,519 80.8 Services %30 43 40 36 45 48 Education 1,283 18.8 Omitted Activities % 4 3 2 4 2 2 Government 15,130 28.8 Total %100 100 100 100 100 100 Federal 2,730 0.7 State & local 12,400 37.2 1. GOP per capita is in constant prices. ManufactUring 18,941 ·1.2 Sector I (1960 per capita GOP under $300) Ourables 11,018 -1.1 Nepal, India, Thailand, Egypt, Sierra Leone, Sri Lanka, Nondurables 7,923 -1.3 Korea, Morocco, Angola, Ghana, Iran, Syria, Uberia, TABLE 3: RESIDENCE DISSIMILARITY Dominican Republic, seychelles, Algeria, Columbia, INDEXes FOR EMPLOYED MALES, 1970- Nicaragua, Guatemala, Portugal, Chile • CHANGE FROM 1980 to 1970-' Sector II (1960 per capita under $700) OCCupetlon 2 3 4 5 8 7 8 Mexico, Spain, Hong Kong, Costa Rica, Martinique, Panama, Malta, Greece, Lebanon, Singapore, Japan, 1 Professional 16 16 28 36 45 40 46 Argentina, Ireland 2 Managerial 0 14 30 36 46 42 48 3 Sales 0 0 27 34 44 39 45 Sector III (1960 per capita GOP mora than $700) 4 ClericaJ ·1 0 3 20 25 22 29 Italy, Puerto Rico, Austria, Israal, Finland, Belgium, 5 Craft 0 1 3 3 20 25 29 Norway, Denmark, German Federal Republic, France, 6 Operative -2 ·1 1 0 0 19 19 United Kingdom, Bahrain, New Zealand, Australia, 7 services -8 -7 -8 -9 -8 -4 19 Sweden, Canada, Kuwait. Source: International Labour Of· 8 laborers ·11 ·11 ·10 ·12·11 -4 fice YBSrbook ofLabour Statistics, 1960, 1961, 1980, 1981 ·7 Geneva Switzerland. • Above Diagonal; •• Below Diagonal (Averaged across 10 urbanized areas.) providing at least a third more jobs by 1976 Source:Simkus A 1978 "Residential 8egregation In Ten include medical services, hotels. state and Urbanized Areas. 1950-1970." AmsrIcan Sociological local govemment. and fire protection. Revitlw 43 p84 As specific skills become functionally more groups are clustered at the top and bottom of important to a society, the level of education the occupational hierarchy. Occupations in the needed to acquire these skills increases, as middle of the hierarchy have fairly low indexes does the reward for acquiring them. Since and they tend to be similar in residence. Note residential segregation is a univers.al urban that the degree of segregation for each ofthe phenomenon, changes in occupational six highest occupational categories remained prestige will be reflected in the use of residen about the same, averaging less than than one tial space in cities. percent change. The indexes of dissimilarity There is a significant lag between the time between service workers and the six highest a social change occurs and the time it affects categories decreased by an average of 7.6 the city, due to the fixed housing and other points. The finding that service workers are physical artifacts of the city, some of which less segregated from the five highest occupa have Iivespans of decades or centuries. The tional categories than ~ratives suggests that changes resulting from these factors in the a change on the societal level can now be distribution of skills are already apparent in the measured in the residential structure of the morphology of cities in the United States. metropolis. The rising prestige and income of Table 3 gives indexes of residential dissimilari service workers translates to a greater ty among employed males in 8 major occupa residential freedom of movement in the city tional groups. The most markedly segregated which was heretofore denied them. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 146 CHANGED STRUCTURE OF PRODUCTION Through the revolution in communications, Changes in the structure of production have modem tong distance communication has had a profound impact on the morphology of reduced the importance of proximity. Long cities in all high-scale societies. distance telephone, telex, and reliable com Breakthroughs in transportation, communica puter data transmission equipment allow tion, and computer technology have convinc decentralized plants in non-metropolitan ed some that a new urban form has emerged areas, a pattern which once was economical since World War II: the cybernetic society ly impossible (Leven 1979).3) Interacting and (Golany 1978). In low-scale societies, where reinforcing the effects of the previous two primary sector activities such as agriculture forces is the growth of the service sector. and mining predominate, the geographic Since much of this sector involves collection, distribution of these activities is dispersed. Ex processing, retrieval and dissemination of in cept for small towns and villages, the dispers formation, these activities may locate ed character of these activities does not lead anywhere with the availability of modern com to emergence of urban centers (Schwab munication technology. 1982). As the scale of societies increases, manufac EFFECTS ON THE FAMILY turing and industry predominate and the loca The transformation of the family from the ex tional factors for the activities are very dif tended to the nuclear form is a well ferent. Manufacturing and industry increasing documented outcome of the evolution of ly become separated from raw materials as societies from the preindustrial to the in large cities develop. The interdependence of dustrial form, as are the changing roles of many industries means that there are great women in society. Freed from large numbers economies to be gained from close of children and kinship obligations, women geographic proximity. This is a major factor have entered the main labor force. In industrial in transportation, especially when the ratio of society, with the nuclear family often isolated product value to transport cost is high. The from relatives in the local community, many cost in Pittsburb of transporting rolled steel to lifestyles become possible, including the durable goods manufacturers is high, so along single, the retiree, the y'oung adult with with steel firms, Pittsburg's local economy is children, the childless, and the single parent. rich in metal fabrication and durable goods In industrial societies, each lifestyle may be manufacture (Dunn 1980). accommodated by a different part of the city. The economics of proximity for interdepen Several demographic trends are apparent. dent industries due to communication are also 1) In the last decade, there has been a strong important. Before World War II, when com trend toward singleness for men and women. munication technology was less developed, More than 54 percent of all women and 58 per the enormous flow of communication between cent of all men live alone. 2) During the past industries necessary for sales transactions decade the divorce rate has risen steadily and supply orders, was facilitated by common while first marriage and remarriage rates are location. at an all time low. Between 1970 and 1978 the Several related changes in the past three estimated median age at first marriage in decades have altered the economy of ag creased by a full year for both men and glomeration. 1) There has been an increase women. Although most people eventually in the length of the production chain. As the marry, there is less urgency to marry than in production process lengthens, labor costs in the past. As young adults, women are ap crease and relative transport costs decrease, parently placing more stress on pursuit of an sometimes to an relatively insignificant level, education, establishing a career, and becom as is the case with computers and calculators. ing economically independent before mar Proximity to materials and parts suppliers riage, and on remaining single. 3) Labor force becomes less important. The immense expan participation, more than any other aspect of sion of the interstate highway system and the society, reflects the changing status of size and efficiency of long distance transport women. In the United States, more than one contribute to decentralized manuf8eturing. 2) half of all women were in the workforce in FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 147

1978, an increase of 10 million from 1970, to pand in another. Workers can respond to over 42 million women. 4) The fertility rate now these opportunities by moving. The movement $lands at 1.8, well below the replacement level of people suggests that the labor force is of 2.1 children per woman. 5) These trends closely tuned to changes in the national have converged to bring about important economy. changes in the structure of the family. A varie In 1973 the Census Bureau announced that ty of forms of the nuclear family have emerg nonmetropolitan growth from 1970 to 1973 ex ed. Thus, 19.3 million women and 9.4 men ceeded metropolitan growth. This reversed a operate households in which no spouse is pre trend which has lasted for nearly two centuries sent. The typical United States family is one in the United States. This reversal is explain in which both parents work, and the average ed by the convergence of several trends in number of children is less than 2 (Census high scale societies. Improvements in Bureau 1978). transport technology, especially the These demographic changes which reflect automobile and trUCk, permitted the massive the broader societal shifts in the nature of pro decentralization of population in the post ductive activity are translated into new and World War II period. Manufacturing, industry, sometimes different housing needs. These retail and service sector activities soon follow changes in turn influence individual, family, ed, leading to the emergence of strong subur and business locational decisions which in ban centers for employment, service, and turn, influence the structure of the metropolis residence. As a result, most suburbanites live and the system of cities. The growth patterns and work in the suburbs; only a sixth commute in the Sunbelt cities, and the gentrification pro to the central city. cess are examples of this process, The urban These integrated subcenters also permitted gentry is one group which reflects most clearly people to live beyond the suburbs in non the linkage between changes in the structure metropolitan areas while commuting to the of production activity and the family, and their nearest suburban employment nuclei. Cur impact on the morphology of the city. The ur rently, over 60 percent of those leaving the ban gentry are generally young, single, or metropolis move into counties immediately ad childless married couples with incomes in the jacent to major urban areas. Thus, expanding middle and upper middle range, who hold urban fields exceed the boundaries of the white collar and professional postions. They standard metropolitan statistical areas are normally employed in the growing service, (SMSA), but are functionally part of the same professional and office centers of the central urban system. The expansion into the business district (CBD), and choose older cen nonmetropolitan periphery appears as part of tral city neighborhoods for convenience and a more general process of population and accessibility. A changing locational calculus economic diffusion (Alonso 1978). employed by many groups is reshaping the How have these changes on the societal city. level affected the internal structure of the metropolis? Before World War II, decisions to CHANGED POPULATION COMPOSITION move to a city or to a different location within As a society increases in scale, the physical the same city were normally job related. The mobility of its populatin increases. This distance between place of employment and redistribution of society's population in its ter place of residence was short because ritory is closely tied to changes in the distribu technology for mass transportation was poorly tion of skills and changes in the structure of developed. productive activity. With the mechanization of With the impact of modern transport and agriculture in low scale society, the demand communication technology, the decision for farm labor declines and surplus labor about where to work is relatively independent migrates from rural to urban areas. In advanc of the decision about where to live. Birch and ed industrial societies, rural to urban migra others have shown that most urbanites are in tion ceases, but similar readjustments take different to transport time costs until they ex place within and between cities. As industry ceed 20 minutes (Birch 1979). Economic fac declines in one region, opportunities may ex- tors have become less important, as mobility II FIGURE 1: CHANGES IN URBAN STRUCTURE AND FORM BY INDUSTRIALIZATION SCALE LEVEL ::D m m Level Skills DIstribution Change Production Structure Change PopulatIon Change Urban Structure Urban Morphology Z Pre Distribution of skills organized with Agricultural sector dominant; Slow population Small scale, con Morphology simple; family g Industrial household enterprises; manufacturing production activity dispersed growth; high birth, centrated mononuc dominates all other institu- Jj employment unimportant; service em transport, communication and death rates; low leate form; adminis tions; family status is the -< 5" ployment sporadic, & unorganized; manufacturing technology low, rates of migration; trative, commercial single axis of differentiation. agricultural employment dominantes; making dispersal necessary; extended family centers; urban pro o ::Dm few wage earners, mostly family work production activities mostly sub dominant. duction limited to ~ ers; family & kin ties dominate em sistence farming, handcrafts. crafts; interaction <: ployment sector; skills unrelated to channels sporadic, m stratification system. irregular. gen <5 Industrial Distribution of skills organized by mar Manufacturing sector dominant Rapid population Concentrated mono Morphology complex; a ket mechanisms; dramatic decline in production activity concentrat growth; youthful nucleate form; pro mosaic of social worlds; social § agricultual employment; manufactur ed; short production chains; populations; nuclear duction activity con- . distance appears in physical -< ing dominant employment source, economy of proximity due to family dominant. centrated; urban distance between groups; close followed by service; most are prevailing transport &communi field matches minimum of three axes to dif wage workers; few family workers; cation technology. ·city limits; regUlar in ferentiate social, family ethnic skills relate functionally to stratification teraction channels. & migration status. ~ c system. 3 CD ...... Post Agriculture & extractive employment Service sector dominant; high Slow urban & popu Dispersed multinuc Morphology complex; urban z Industrial at an irreducible minimum; manufac technology industry; revolution lation growth, possi leate form; decen fields expand, take in non- 0 turing employment no longer dom in communication & transport ble decline; outmi tralized & dispersed metropolitan areas; spatial .!'> inant factor in society; employment technology; long production gration from cities to production; urban cities; urban & rural distinc z rises in high technology manufacture; chains reduce economics of ag non-urban areas; field spans metro tions diminish; rise in family & ~ service employment dominant; skills glomeration; locational decision aging population; politan and non nonfamily households; need 3 of service workers and technocrats calculus changed; production rise of single, small metropolitan areas; at least 4 differential axes: ~ reflected in stratification system. decentralized & dispersed. & nonfamily house multiple channels of social, family, ethnic, migra ...... holds. interaction. tion, ex-urban(?) ~ w ...... ~ co FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 149 decisions have been shaped by other con ment and finance inappropriate for these new siderations. Living space, both indoor and out urban forms. door, climate, schools, personal safety, prox imity to friends, availability of shopping and REFERENCES other amenities now play a central role in Abravanel M 0, PK Mancini 1980 Attitudinal peoples' locational decisions. Demographic Constraints to Neighborhood RevitaliZation. Beverly Hills California Sage Alonso W 1978 Current halt in the Metropolitan CONCLUSIONS phenomenon. C Levin ed The Mature Metropolis Cities are dynamic and ever changing, yet Lexington MA Heath the past continues to shape the present. Deci Birch 0 L 1979 Behavioral Foundations of sions made generations ago by community Neighborhood Change. Washington DC Dep of Housing & Urban Development leaders on where to locate streets, sewers, Black J T, 1975 Private Market Housing Renovlr parks, schools, factories, and public facilities tion in CentralCities: Urban LandInstitute Survey. as well as the locational forces of the past Washington DC Urban Land Institute which determined residential location for the Borchert JR 1967 American metropolitan revolu tion. Geographical Review 57301-323 wealthy, the poor and the middle class con Clay PL 1978 Neighborhood revitalization: Recent tinue to provide the basic template on which experience in large American Cities. Paper, Cam the city of the future will be built. Older and bridge MA MIT Urban & Regional Planning Dep larger metropolitan areas were built on an in - 1979 Neighborhood Revival: Middle-Class dustrial base with a set of assumptions which· Resettlement and Incumbent Upgrading in American Neighborhoods. Lexington MA Lexington no longer apply. In the 19th and early 20th Books Centuries, massive populations of people Dunn Jr ES 1980 Development ofthe u. S. Urban were concentrated around industrial and System. Johns Hopkins U Press manufacturing centers for economy of Golany G 1978 Urban Planning for Arid Zones. New York Wiley transport and communication. Today, the James F 19n Back to the City: AppraisalofHous shifts from manufacturing to service and the ing Reinvestment & Population Change in Urban revolution in transport and communication America. Washington DC Urban Land Institute technology reduce the importance of proximity Laska S B, 0 Spain 1979 Urban policy & planning to work and production centers.. The decen in the wake of centrification: Anticpiating renovators' demands. J ofAmerican PlanningAssn 45 126-137 tralized, polynucleated and highly specializ Leven C 1979 Economic maturity & the metropolis: ed metropolis is the emerging urban form of Evolving physical form. G Tobin ed Changing Struc the late 20th and early 21 st Centuries. The ture of the City. Beverly Hills California Sage problem lies in the fact that this new urban Long LH 1980 Back to the countryside & back to the city in the same decade. S Laska, 0 Spain eds form is being superimposed on existing cities. Back to the City: Issues in Neighborhood Renovlr Neighborhood revitalization reflects basic tions. New York Pergamon changes in the nature of the larger encom Schwab WA 1982 Urban Sociology. Boston Ad passing city. A change in the skills, produc dison Wesley tion activity, and population dynamics deter Shevky E, W Bell 1955 Structural Area Analysis: Theory, Illustrative Applications andComputational mines the form of the city. Figure 1 sum Procedures. Stanford U Press marizes the urban development process and Smith N 1975 Towards a theory of centrification: its major components. These trends shape Back to the city movement by capital, not people. population redistribution as both business and J ofAmerican Planning Assn 45 538-548 Spain 0 1980a Black to white succession in cen· individuals reoptimize locations within the ur tral city housing: Limited evidence of urban ban field according to new locational forces. revitalization. Urban Affairs Otrly 15 381-396 The shift of business and population to - 1980b Indicators of urban revitalization: Racial nonmetropolitan areas, the continued growth & economic changes in central city housing. Laska of suburbs, declining central city population, & Spain eds Back to the City: Issues in Neighborhood Renovation. New York Pergamon and the return of some middle class Timms 0 W G 1971 The Urban Mosaic: Towards Americans to older central city neighborhoods a Theory ofResidentialDifferentiation. Cambridge is part of this more general process. Urban U Press problems which have emerged result mainly United States Census Bureau 1978 Statisticalpor trait ofwomen in the United States; 1978. Current from the enormous time lag built into our ur Population Reports Series P-23 No 100 USGPO ban systems and a structure of city govern- Tables 3-1; 3-4; 3-5; 4-1; 6-1 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 150

FALSE CONSCIOUSNESS IN MAJOR LIFE DECISIONS Tod S Sloan, University of Tulsa, Oklahoma

DEFINITION ignore this Intersubjectlvlty of deciding. The term false consciousneSS, which has had diverse usage in Marxist and existentialist COGNITIVE SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY literature refers here to socially produced self That perspective, particularly dominant in and other misrepresentations and related social psychology and cognitive behavioral character structures which sustain individual syntheses suggests that decisions should be activity to satisfy requirements of the social made rationally. They should involve a pro order. Most subjects are limited in capacity to cess of reasoning which confronts reality. reflect on the social and life history dimensions Since important decisions involve risk, stress of important decisions. Such constraints on and emotionality, which are assumed to con self reflection must be adequately conceptual taminate the reasoning process, they interfere ized for a full understanding of the decision with Ideal rationality. Adequate information making processes. Based on life history processing is likely to be displaced by im research on major life decisions, I find four pulsive, premature resolution of a dilemma or related aspedts of false consciousness: endless deliberation. To minimize the adverse 1) Ideololgical character of predominant effects of emotional disturbance, a stance of approaches to decision making psychology. vigilance is recommended. This involves a se 2) Types of rationalization which underlie false quence of conscientiously executed cognitive consciousness in major life decisions. steps. 1) The problem must be conceptualiz 3) How false consciousness subverts recog ed to know what actually needs to be decided. nizing primary interests in decision process. 2) Various solutions should be surveyed, and 4) Collective misunderstanding of the nature options should be searched out. 3) These of personal dilemmas. alternatives are evaluated by risk or probabil The positivist logic of the physical sciences, ity of success or failure. On the basis of this which makes possible the technical control of process, a response to the problem may be nature, is assumed appropriate also for selected which is likely to effect a solution. understanding Inner nature. Traditional At first, this cognitive approach seems com rationality may lead to impressive results in pelling. This is merely a personalized version industry and the exact sciences, but I question of the "scientific" mode of problem solving. whether it suits as a model for personal deci As our culture directs us to be logical, we sions and personal problem soMng. The ethos might eagerly adopt such a method to organ of technical rationality is utilitarian. It stresses ize our confusion in time of deliberation. Yet efficiency, maximum gain, and minimum risk. this model can be twisted to serve the ends It assumes fixed behavioral sequences which of any determined intention. And a more guarantee effectiveness. Technical rationality serious problem: the model fails to contend may secretly sustain irrationality while supPOS with the defensive tendency to rationalize. ing to minimize it. While pretending to induce a clearer view of We may initially characterize a decision as the reality in which one is deciding, it actually a conscious resolution to carry out a project. obfuscates the matter. It severs the individual Speaking of a "major life decision," typically from the historic, social, and unconscious implies that the involvements and activities of roots of the dilemma. This further decenters the individual will be altered substantiany, and the subject, creating the gap which rationaliza that the spheres of the life structure will be tion aims to conceal. transformed. A major life decision always in volves rearranging the social field in which the RATIONALIZATION individual is embedded. Without exception I use three senses of the term rationalization. such decisions involve changes in meaningful 1) By the Freudian concept, action is justified relations with other human figures, either on grounds other than its primary determin directly, or at imaginary and unconscious ants. Such rationalization can arise from anx levels. Rationalist models of decision making iety aroused as an unacceptable intention FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 151 seeks to be acknowledged and expressed. says his work performance is satisfactory, but Decisions may be made compulsively, "on the not energetic. He leaves work as early as he back" of rationalizations which cover the can to join his family. In the evening, he plays return of repressed desire in a familiar social with his own and other neighborhood children, situation. The dynamics of the repetition com watches television, and talks to his wife about pulsion sustain all such stereotyped deciding. the day's doings. On weekends, he watches 2) Rationalization also comes into play at the sports on television, goes to church, and en point where the rationale sought to justify an joys family life. action is picked from among cliches, excuses Bill's involvement in these spheres is and disclaimers which generally pass un generally calm, quiet, and peaceful. Yet, every challenged. Social endorsement thus facili four or five days he loses his temper in a man tates expressing unacknowledged private in ner which frightens him. He is never violent, tentions, which affirm the existing social order. but he sees images of flying fists as he shouts 3) The Weberian concept of rationalization at his wife or children. His temper is the aspect subsumes the extension ofscientific rationality of his personality which he would most like to to the conduct of life itself, including change. mathematizing experience by assigning After two interviews, Bill reported that he was weights to personal goals or values, and due for an annual salary review at work. He means-ends rationality by precise calculation said he was preparing II•• really to go in there of means to attain definite praetial ends. and tell it to them like it is." His financial situa Originally, such processes were adopted in tion was worsening in the face of inflation. He administrative and executive circles, but now had to reduce too many essential areas of his are freguently used in administering the life family's life style. He wanted to ask for a big course by subjects, and called life planning, pay raise, and was willing to work in any sort goal SBtting, and values clarification. Such of position to earn it. In a brave moment, Bill rationalization calls into play related defense said he might threaten leaving the company measures, such as intellectualizing, denial, if he did not hear a satisfactory response. He undoing, isolation, and projection. might also take a part-time job with the Air Deliberation following means-ends rationality Force Reserve. Eight years ago, he entered rarely questions whether the ends sought are the Air Force to avoid the draft, serving six desirable. These questions are sidestepped years as navigator in intercontinental in rationalist models: "Does this decision have bombers. He liked flying very much, but m;ss to be made now? By me? Am I really trying ed his family when away. He grudgingly took to solve some problem other than the one a big pay cut when he left the Air Force to related to this decision?" At the same time, spend more time with his family. the institutions and practices prevalent in society have been rationalized by highly FAILING STRATEGIES bureaucratized division of labor, mechaniza The psychology of decision making typical tion of production, and external assessment ly picks up the decision problem at the point of individual performance, to the point that in where it is already specifically framed. Thus, dividuals see the social order as "natural." it is easy to adopt a rationalist model which They quickly assume fault if their needs are ignores the subject's social embeddedness not met in that framework. and his personal history. As yet, Bill is not thinking in terms of having to make a decision. BILL'S DILEMMA He is only formulating strategies to relieve I summarize a series of interviews with a sub financial problems. Since it is hard for Bill to ject called "BiII."He lives in a middle class admit that the issue is more directly related suburb of a metropolis with his wife and three to a lack offulfillment in his work, his decision children. He as a long commute to work where will become framed as: "Should I join the Air he demonstrates computer systems to pro Force Reserves to make more money?" This spective buyers. He knows none of his question fails to address his real problem, and coworkers personally, even though he has regardless of his answer, will not quell his been with the company for two years. He angry outbursts. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 152 The annual salary review failed to proceed When Bill decided to spend more time away as Bill had hoped. They said there were no from his family, he had to suppress his primary openings for him in other· departments. and intent to maintain the quality of his family life. that raises had to be kept to a minimum be The sociocultural context in which he lives. cause company profits had fallen off. He then and from which he draws rationales agrees told his supervisors that he might have to take with this move. Bill's status anxiety and his on a part-time job with the Air Force in order characterological anxiety move him to a posi to make ends meet. They only seemed con tion where the social order has him con cerned that he be on the job when needed. tributing more firmly to its maintenance and As I probed the anger Bill may have felt from literally to its defense. this Incident, he quickly sided with his super visors. saying: "They had to work within the CONCLUSION company's salary guidelines. Inflation hits Rationalist models are not structured to give everyone hard. We all have to tighten our awareness of this false consciousness of the belts." He said he could always look for a job ideololgical core of personality functioning. with another company if he needed money Privatization of problems, serialization of in badly enough. He hardly recognized that he dividuals. fragmentation of neighborhoods had backed off almost immediately in the and workplaces. all prevent a collective salary "negotiation." While he feared being supersession ofthe need to make self wrench too pushy, his passivity would ruin any chance ing decisions like Bill's. for the aspired management position. False consciousness has two facets in major life decisions: 1) Constraints are not recogniz RETREAT ed. The social framework for Individual life is I lack space to explain the origins of Bill's seen as a natural factor. It produces subjects passivity in life history perspective. We can who have internalized its authority and whose see this aspect of his personality resulting decisions fall neatly into place. even if some from experience in a matrix of social relations what haphazard. 2) Domination is recogniz which compel him to be peaceful and com ed. but the subject shies away from confron promising. Bill's decision takes shape in the tation with complex structures, relations, or in retr8Bt from confrontation. He had applied to stitutions. Typically. a compromise formation the Air Force Reserve "just to see" If they results. Gratifications are guiltily sought In would take him back. They did. Finding his private, or the individual's social action is family then as much burden as joy, he savored diverted Into ineffective realms as regards the the idea of soaring above the earth. "I sure social totality. via sports, television. com like to fly." he kept saying, as he pondered munes. religiosity, and hobbies. the issue. Rationalization functions not only as a private To understand Bill's later decision to join the maneuver. The characteristics of this con Air Force Reserves applying the rationalist straint on subjectivity mark it as indelibly model, or worse. to use It as a guideline for social. False consciousness evades the social a better decision, Ignores the fact that Bill's roots of personal dilemmas, and leads sub representation ofhimself and his world are not jects to struggle in isolation with problems entirely his own. His complex desire lObe a which are actually collective. Most decision good father, entails mutually conflicting role problems are mini-struggles of social and Images. His good father Image stresses ap historical import. If psychological methods and pearances, such as a high salary, new car, big theories, as well as popular culture. ignore the house, eating out with his children; and processes of false consciousness. we are not designer jeans for his elght-year-old. This im likely to develop effective strategies for solv age. Instilled by our consumer Ideology takes ing personal problems and public issues. precedence over.Jhat ofthe father who spends good times with his children and is emotionally available to them. Both Images playoff un conscious Intentions toward Bill's own father. judged a failure both counts. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 153

WISSENSOZIOLOGIE: A UNIQUE PERSPECTIVE FOR THEORY Lawrence M Hynson Jr, Oklahoma State University SUBSTANCE IN THEORY can be incorporated into construction. Current Sociologists emphasize both theory and studies on inflation and work-related issues theory construction. But though the logic, ob- are examples of goal directed research. In jectives, and stages of theory development are such research the objectives are directly more clearly understood, and though more associated with society. sophisticated techniques for linking method Much work in theory construction reflects the and theory are available, the insights gained historical and formal systems approach ofthe from the sociology of knowledge perspective natural sciences. Thus the goal of substantive are quite unique in developing theories research Is often obscured by emphasis on (Blalock 1982; Leinhardt 1982). methodology and exactness. There is: Pragmatically defined, sociology focuses on .. acurious lack of ambition to excel in the quality what researchers actually do in their work. of theoretical Insight into phenomenal structures. Often the doing of scientific research has not The aim of exactness replaces the goal to con- itself been analyzed. veya knowledge of things (Mannheim 1963 7). The absence of the viewpoint of wissen- Attempts to link theory and methodolology soziologiefrom a methodological analysis seems underscore this point. The researcher's main to me be a defect since this branch of sociology concern is with measurable models. The fact claims to have discovered that science itself is remains that just as knowledge is dependent embedded in the stream of social and historical on methods, so are methods dependent on reality, wherefore even in cases when the sincere effort toward unbiased objective knoVlledge. In generalizing about a popula- knowledge cannot be denied, the available tiof'l, , sociologists assume a common nor- supply of terms, the technique of questioning, IT)8tive structure within that population. the articulation and grouping of problems may An additional insight comes from wissen- be responsible for distortions which can only be sozioJogie. Populations are viewed as social detected by intimate historical acquaintance with the correspondence between the development bases from ideologies. A whole new perspec- of science and the evolution of society (Mann- tive emerges from this analysis. Problems in heim 1963 10). model building and error term reduction are Mannheim recognized the importance of in- solved. If theorists broaden their perspective teraction effects between society and the these biases may be located in everyday ex sciences. The concerns of theorists emerge perlence. It may well be that one person's within a sociohistorical setting which, In turn error variance is another's social behavior. affect the their theoretical formulations Here, the qualitative rather than quantitative (Kinloch 1977). Sociological theories In the methods are more appropriate. Nineteenth Century concerned probfematic Concepts and theories can be derived via issues such as social disorganization or phenomenology by looking at everyday ex anomie and class exploitation and alienation. perlences. The sociology of knowledge At that time, the notion ought had not been perspective requires that theorists incorporate entirely replaced or separated from is. This a sociohistorical realism with existential truth. meant that research revealed a social problem Consequently, theoretical orientations should which should then be corrected. The begin- identify interpersonal relations from the ning of this separation becomes apparent in perspecitves of existentialism, philosophy, the writings of Max Weber (Wolff 1959). Then, and natural science (Wolff 1959951). This is logical systems were directly linked with other not an easy task but methods to achieve It are concepts such as cosmos, society, or nature. improving (Filstead 1970; Phillips 1971). Only in such a teleological frame can ought Ultimately, the validity of any theory depends be legitimately derived from is. Otherwise, on Its description of reality. Chapman (1982) what is exists without a referent point. Like has evaluated In some detail the concept of Robert Lynd, we might well ask, "After all, relativity in sociological theory. The contribu what Is knowledge for?" By linking research tlon of this analysis to sociology underscores with current issues, substance as well as form the need for such critical reviews. According FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 154 to Chapman, we are not truly social unless we exemplified in certain religious groups where are interacting in a two-way pattern which is traditional views are accepted as given. Such not dominated by social institutions. groups and people value some aspects of life, which causes them to behave in certain pat VALUES terned ways. Often their group cohesiveness Discussion of opinions and values in the is a function of their common shared values. social sciences always produces rather diverse opinions and reactions. It is recogniz SYNTHESIS ed that values affect sociologists with both Because of the eclectic aspect of wissen humanist and naturalist perspectives. Even soziologie tradition, the prespective provides Weber, with his value-free scientific approach, a framework for synthesizing diverse insights believed that research problem selection and and issues. Sociologists' theories which only interpretative findings depended on the scien include the human factor as another causal tist's value system. However, values can be variable can combine hard data with soft data. analyzed within a naturalist perspective as By means of the dialectic between social real Catton has demonstrated (1966 155). In this ity and the individual existence, a synthesis case, naturalist assumptions reflect the values and more realistic picture of social life can be held predominantly by the scientific communi obtained (Berger, Luckman 1966 170). Then ty. Parsons viewed such relations as the pro theory construction would encompass both per subject of the sociology of knowledge, the process and the impact of how social real whereby values of society and accumulated ity is constructed. Integrating the works of empirical knowledge are clarified (Parsons Durkheim, Marx, Weber, and Mead is relevant 1961 978). It will be interesting to observe how for those interested in institutions. The ap the emerging values, such as objective, plication of these ideas is basic sociological economic-rational, professional, and account conceptualization. It can also be applied to able types in society will affect the scientific political science, economics, and other social community. There may be totally new kinds sciences. The data for such analysis does not of research and new kinds of theories come in a positivist form, but still may have developed with changing values in society. empirical indicators. Language and religion Already, sociologists are responding to the traditional means of integration -- must changes (Rossi 1980). necessarily be examined in a sociohistorical Another approach is deliberately to assume manner. a value stance in research. Means (1969) sug Finally, the sociology of knowledge helps gests such an idea, using a sociology of resolve the macro-micro debate. By this knowledge framework. Theories thus reflect means, sociologists integrate both. While the both the is and the ought These concepts approach of Berger and Luckmann represents were derived from values commonly held and a macrosociology of knowledge, the writings widely shared. The objective values - self, of Znaniecki can be described as amicro nature, others' minds, and time - reflect sociology of knowledge. This kind of division specific questions. "What is innate human in the subject area is advocated by Stark (1967 nature?" "What is one person's relation to 20). He says that· macrosociology of know other persons?" "How do we measure time?" ledge fixes atttention on the society and its These questions were surmised over a ten influences, such as the impact of practical year period in a study of five different sub philosophy, while microsociology includes a cultures in the United States by Kluckhohn narrow focus on such things as scholarship and Strodtbeck. Accordingly, Means (1969) and the art of intellectuals and their ideas. believes that these objective values have been Florian Znaniecki, in The Social Role of the validated empirically and philosophically, and Man of Knowledge studied a sociology of consequentially. Klukholn and Strodtbeck knowledge carriers. He described knowledge verified them empirically. Kant justified them workers such as theoligians, moralists, philosophically and consequentially in his philosophers, and scientists. The synthesiz modes of understanding. Finally, values result ing role of sociology of knowledge allows for from norms, which affect behavior. This is broad level analysis by society, or a narrow FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 155 focus on small groups and individuals. REFERENCES Berger P, T Luckmann 1966 Social Construc DISCOVERY tion ofReality. New York Doubleday Blalock HM 1982 Conceptualization and As Mannheim indicates, sociology of Measurement Beverly Hills Sage knowledge can be an organ of self control, and Catton WR 1966 From Animistic to Naturalistic it could perhaps be an organ of self criticism. Sociology. New York McGraw Hill In discussing the importance of sociology to Chapman Ivan 1982 Relativity in Sociological Theory. Oklahoma State U Press philosophy, Handy says that fundamentalism Rlstead W Jr 1970 Qualitative Methodology: is not limited to religion, but can be seen in Firsthand Involvement with the Social World. science as well. "Fundamentalists in science Chicago Markham as well as in religious worlds are phenomena Handy R 1964 Some possible contributions of that could be better understood through sociology to philosophy of science. Sociol of Science Research 48 261-269 sociological investigation." (Handy 1964 267) Jaki SL 1966 The Relevance of Physics. The sociology of knowledge offers an alter Chicago U Press native to the rigidity of some approaches, and Kinloch G 19n Sociological Theory: Develop could allow discovery of new theories. For ex ment and Paradigms. New York McGraw Hill Leinhardt S 1982 Sociological Methodology. ample, ".. data on the lives of novelists, San Francisco Jossey Bass playwrights, and actors afford .. clues regard Mannheim Karl 1963 The ethos of American ing the nature of the sensitive observer." sociology. M Stein, A Vidich eds Sociology on (Sjoberg, Nett 1968 182) Bondage to particular Trial Englewood Cliffs Prentice Hall 3-11 theories may hamper creativity. Means R 1969 The Ethical Imperative. New York Doubleday It is significant that few creative efforts to under Morgenthau Hans Jr 1962 Review of L J Halle, stand the contemporary political world have in Men and Nations. New York Times Book the main not been made by the academic pro: Review. May. fessionals, but either by theologians, such as Parsons T 1961 Introduction to culture and the Reinhold Neibuhr, or by outsiders such as social system. T Parsons, E Shils, K Naegele, Hannah Arendt, Bertrand de Jouvenel, and J Pitts eds Theories ofSociety. New York Free Walter Lippmann. Unencumbered by the weight Press 963-993 of academic traditions and unrestrained by the Phillips DL 1971 Knowledge from What? shackles of professional conformism, they have Chicago Rand McNally been able to view the contemporary political Rossi Peter H 1980 Presidential address: The world in the light of the heritage of our civiliza challenge of applied social research. Amer tion (Morgenthau 19623). Sociol Rev 45 889-904 Sjoberg G, R Nett 1968 A Methodology for Discovery of theories or new ideas can come Social Research. New York Harper Row from almost anywhere. The potential for Stark W 1967 The Sociology of Knowledge. London Routledge Kegan Paul generating new theories could derive from Wolff JH 1959 Sociology of Knowledge and assessing how a discipline develops, and sociological theory. L Gross ed Symposium on perhaps from choosing an alternative ap Sociological Theory. New York Harper Row proach to reality via the sociology of 567-602 knowledge perspective. If sociologists do not follow such alternatives we may later echo Jaki's thoughts regarding the field of physics in the previous century.

When I went up to Cambridge early in the 1880's .. nearly everything was supposed to be known about physics that could be known. By the 1890's there were tremors .. by 1900 the New tonian physics were demolished .. I have been fooled once, and I'll be damned if I'll be fooled again. There is not more reason to suppose that Einstein's relativity is anything more final, than Newton's Principia. The danger is dogmatic thought .. and science is not immune from it (Jaki 196650n. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 156

DEFINING PARENT ABUSE AND NEGLECT Richard O'Toole, Kent State University, Ohio J Patrick Turbett, State University of New York, Potsdam Michael L1nz, S Steven Mehta Northeastern Ohio Universities College of Medicine BACKGROUND included: uncleanliness, emotional neglect, in During the last thirty years public concern, adequate housing, medical neglect, nutritional professional attention and scientific investiga neglect, physical abuse, lack of supervision, tion have been drawn to the area of family and sexual abuse. We selected three vignet violence. The first major finding was in child tes from each category: 1) one which had abuse (Pfohl 1977), followed by focus on been ranked very serious, one ranked near abuse of wives by their husbands. More the middle of the seriousness scale, and one recently we have become aware of mistreat ranked not so serious. ment of the elderly (Steinmetz 1978). One We adapted the vignettes to the parent sociological task is to explore the definitional abuse study by exchanging the object of and normative standards which social control abuse or neglect. Thus, a vignette which read: agents use to judge a new form of deviance. "Parent banged the child against the wall In the United States there is a tendency to while shaking him by the shoulders." was medicalize family violence, because physi altered to: cians often treat its results as they shift family The son/daughter banged the parent against problems to the professional realm, which the wall while shaking him by the shoulders." includes medicine (Conrad, Schneider 1980). The resulting questionnaire included 3 Therefore, we sought to determine the stand vignettes for 8 types of abuse, for a total of ards which physicians use in judging parent 24 vignettes. Physicians were asked to rank abuse or neglect. This is important because each vignette on a scale of increasing definitions and standards will determine future seriousness from 1 to 9. A common parent data on incidence, developing etiological referent was provided for the judgments theories, and policy on prevention and through the instruction to the respondents: treatment. "Assume that the statements refer to a depen Besides measuring physicians' standards on dent 70 year old parent and the son or parental abuse, we explored how their back daughter." To guard against response set, the ground and experience would affect their judg 24 vignettes were randomly distributed to ment. It could be expected that medical respondents. specialty would be related to definitions, due Following their responses to the vignettes the to differences in professional socialization, physicians were asked for background infor and possible experiences with parent abuse mation, including: medical specialization, and neglect. We also wanted to determine if years in practice, proportion of patients over professional experience with older patients 65, professional experience with parent abuse and actual experiences with their own parents and neglect, and the respondent's ex affects their definition. And we felt that perience, either as a child or an adult, in a physicians' informal socialization experience home where an aged parent was cared for. with older persons in their homes, either as Sample. Questionnaires were mailed to all children or as adults, would affect their stand of 766 physicians holding clinical appoint ards of parent abuse and neglect. ments at a medical school, with a return rate of approximately 300Al (229). We recognize METHODS that this response rate is low, but it is com The research design and methods are based parable with similar studies (Block & Sinnott on a previous study defining child abuse by 1979, 31%; O'Malley 1979, 34%). Since Giovannoni and Becerra (1979). They con sampling is a problem with this research, we structed a set of 78 vignettes in 13 categories consider the results exploratory. We are ex to measure professional and public reactions ploring the response pattern of a nonrepresen to child abuse and neglect.These categories tative, but rather large group of physicians FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 157 showing enough interest in this research to Table 1 shows the physicians' mean rank- answer the questionnaire. ing of seriousness and the relative rank order RESULTS of the 24 vignettes describing parent abuse TABLE 1: PHYSICIAN'S JUDGMENT OF PARENT ABUSE & NEGLECT ITEMS (Seriousness scale, 1 • 9, Increasing; N#229) Maltreatment Scaled Rank Category Vignette Description Rating Order Physical Abuse 8.3 1 1. Hit parent in face with fist. 8.5 1 2. Hit parent with stick. 8.4 2 3. Banged parent against wall. 8.1 5 Sexual Abuse 7.7 2 4. Had intercourse with parent, one occasion. 8.0 6 5. Repeatedly suggested sex to the parent. 7.6 10 6. Fondled parent's genital area on one occasion. 7.5 11 Neglect Cleanliness 7.6 3 7. Leave parent on filthy mattress; infected sores. 8.3 3 8. Does not wash parent; arms & legs have sores. 7.9 8 9. Do not see that parent has clean clothes. 6.5 16 Medical Neglect 7.5 4 10. Ignored parent's illness; parent was dehydrated when admitted to hospital. 8.2 4 11. Have not given parent medication. 7.7 9 12. Repeatedly failed to keep medical appointments for parent. 6.7 13 Nutritional Neglect 6.9 5 13. Regularly fail to feed parent for periods of 24 hours. 8.0 7 14.Brought parent to hospital 3 times, underweight; parent gained weight in hospital. 6.6 15 15. Failed to prepare regular meals; parent has to fix own meals. 6.2 18 Emotional Abuse 6.7 6 16. Constantly scream at parent; call foul names. 7.4 12 17. Ignore parent, seldom speak to him. 6.5 17 18. Keep parent locked in. 6.1 19 Supervision 6.0 7 19. Regularly left parent alone all night. 6.0 20 20. Regularly left parent with neighbor. 6.0 21 21. Regularly left parent alone in home. 5.9 22 Housing 5.0 8 22. Live in old house, two windows are broken, with jagged glass left in them. 6.6 14 23. Live in apartment with few furnishings, children & parents sleep on one mattress. 4.7 23 24. Live in small two-room apartment. 3.7 24 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 158 and neglect. Only one vignette, "Live in a were ranked above the other categories of small two-room apartment," falls below the abuse and neglect. With child abuse, physical midpoint of the seriousness scale. The mean assaults are sometimes difficult to define rank for all vignettes is 7.0 on a 9-point scale, because group norms often legitimate and four of the categories rank above 7 in physical punishment of the child by the parent. seriousness: physical abuse; sexual abuse; This is not true for the relation of the adult child neglect of cleanliness; and medical neglect. to the aged parent. Sexual abuse violates the Nutritional neglect is ranked 6.9. norms for both role relations. The physicians Giovannoni and Becerra analyzed their data also indicated that acts or neglect which would /according to incidents involving assaults, result in medical harm were very serious. parental role failure in physical care, and Some acts which could result in serious caretaker responsibilities other than physical. medical problems were ranked more serious In keeping with our research requirement to than some types of sexual abuse. Emotional reverse the roles of adult child and dependent mistreatment was ranked relatively low com parent, other distinctions were used to analyze pared to physical harm to the parent. This may parent abuse and neglect data. Categories of reflect the socialization of physicians, their role physiqal and sexual assaults are rank ordered concepts, and their greater concern for first and second in seriOusness. Three types physical as compared to psychological illness. of violations of the physical care role then These results suggest intriguing questions follow in seriousness: neglect of cleanliness, for future research. If parent abuse and medical neglect, and nutritional neglect. neglect are seen as very serious by these Emotional mistreatment, a violation of the non physicians, then why are these problems of physical role of the caretaker is next, follow the elderly only now being recognized as a ed by housing and supervision, which are social problem? Perhaps it is due to the rather obligations of the physical care role. low incidence of the problem. We disagree When physicians' responses to the individual with this answer, and submit that the reported vignettes are analyzed, other patterns appear. incidence of parent abuse will remain low un They consistently ranked as serious those til it is institutionally established as a social violations of the caretaking role which could problem. It is not clear now, whether the pro result in medical harm to the parent, and blem will be medicalized, or recognized by several were ranked as more serious than some other professional group. If it is institu vignettes portraying sexual abuse. tionalized as a social problem, then it will be There was no relation between the physi recognized and reported, and thus, will justify cians' reactions to parent abuse and neglect official and general concern. We must also vignettes and the backgound and experience ask: How win the problem of parent abuse and variables: medical specialty, proportion of neglect rank with other serious social pro patients over 65, and previous professional blems requiring treatment by service, research experience with parent abuse and neglect. We and judicial agencies? used number of years of practice to measure age and general-experlence as a physician, REFERENCES Block Marilyn R, Jan D Sinnott 1979 The battered and found that these variables were not elder syndrome: Exploratory study. Maryland related to the judgments. Similarly, neither University experience with an aged parent in the respon Conrad Peter, Joseph Schneider 1980 Deviance dent's childhood home, or such exposure as & Medicslization: From Badness to Sickness. St Louis Mosby an adult seemed to affect their response Giovannoni Jeanne, Rosina Becerra 1979 Defin patterns. ing Child Abuse. New York Free Press DISCUSSION O'Malley Helen, H Segars, R Perez, V Mitchell, The results show that physicians do rank /G Knuepfel1979 ElderAbuse in Massachusetts: A SufVBy of ProftJssionals and Paraprofessionals. parent abuse and neglect as serious. They Boston Legal Research & services for the Elderly. consistently used the mostserious end of the Pfohl S Jr 19n The 'discovery' of child abuse. continuum in ranking. Clearly, acts in which Social Problems. 70 310-323 the adult child assaults the dependent and ag Steinmetz Susan K 1978 Battered parents. Society ed parent, as in physical and sexual abuse 1554-55 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 159 JAPANESE AMERICAN INTERMARRIAGE Russell Endo and Dale Hirokawa Univers.ity of Colorado THE PROBLEM published sources as shown in Table 1. It The extent of intermarriage across racial and shows increased intermarriage rates over time ethnic lines has been considered a major in and a tendency for intermarriages to involve dicator of the permeability of boundaries be Japanese American females more often than tween minority and majority groups (Merton males. Intermarriage rates are roughly com 1941; Bogardus 1959; Gordon 1964). Minority parable for Hawaii and areas in California, but as well as majority group norms can maintain the available figures for Kansas, Maryland, boundaries which may reflect the degree of Virginia, and Washington DC are high. minority group organization, majority group However, the Japanese American population dominance, and intergroujp antipathy. Reduc in Kansas was very small and dispersed, while tion of these conditions and the development that of the other areas was primarily located of social proximity between large numbers of in metropolitan areas. The Washington DC minority and majority group members through Japanese population count was small after residential or occupational patterns are Japanese nationals were subtracted from cen thought to be necessary conditions for high sus counts (US Census Bureau, 1970 Cen intermarriage rates (Gurak, Fitzpatrick 1982 sus). Only three studies have investigated 922). Japanese American intermarriage in detail. Research on racial and ethnic intermarriage Adams (1937) found little Japanese American in the United States has continued for more exogamy from 1912 to 1934 in Hawaii, and he than seven decades. Reviews of earlier find attributed this to the group's cohesiveness, ings are given by Barron (1951), Barnett which allowed them to maintain traditional (1963), and examples of pre-1972 research marriage practices. More recent work by are listed by Barron (1972339), and Wilkin Tinker (1973) and Kikumura and Kitano (1973) son (1975 175). Since 1975 studies have indicate that Japanese American intermar published data on blacks (Monahan 1976, riage levels had climbed near 50 percent dur 1977; Porterfield 1978), on Catholic national ing the early 1970's in Fresno and Los origin groups (Alba 1976; Alba, Kessler 1979), Angeles counties of California. They cited fac on Jews (Mayer 1980; Lazerwitz 1981), on tors such as increased acculturation over suc native Americans (Price 1981), and on cessive generations, since the highest rates Hispanic groups (Murgia, Frisbie 1977; are found among the third or Sansei genera Schoen 1978; Gurak, Fitzpatrick 1982; Murgia tion, and changing role expectations, and im 1982). Intermarriage figures also appear in re proved societal attitudes toward Japanese cent reports by the US Census Bureau (1978), Americans. and the National Center for Health Statistics Existing data on Japanese American inter (197912). An overview of these materials in marriage appeared in 1972 and before. We dicates an increase in intermarriage rates over must investigate trends through the 1970's time, but there are major differences in rates and into the 1980's, since this period includes and patterns within and between groups. the young adult years of a large portion of the Japanese Americans, like black Americans, Sansei or third generation. Information was are a racially distinct group which has ex previously gathered primarily in areas with perienced a long history of discrimination. Yet numercially and proportionally larger Japan in the past several decades, Japanese ese American populations, such as Hawaii Americans have attained a degree of social and selected California locales. This follows and economic mobility (Kitano 1976). An ex the usual practice of intermarriage research, amination of their intermarriage gives insights as it more logically allows generalization of fin into the forces that promote or hinder racial dings from the sample to the whole group. and ethnic intermarriage. However, there are substantial Japanese A limited amount of data on Japanese American populations in outlying areas due American intermarriage is available from to prewar migrations eastward, the removal FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 160

TABLE 1: SUMMARY: PUBLISHED DATA ON JAPANESE AMERICAN INTERMARRIAGE (Percent)

Area Period % JA Marriage % Inter- Source as Inter- marriage with marriage JA Females

Los..Angeles County 1924-33 2 37 Panunzio 1942 1948-51 12 62 Burma 1952 1971-72"" 48 60 Kikumura, Kitano 1973

San Francisco County 1958 25 Omatsu 1972 .. 1972 58 65

Fre~,no County" 1958-61 12 54 Tinker 1973 1962-64 21 33 .. 196$-67 37 50 1968-71 48 49

California"" 1955-59 25 66 Barnett 1963

Hawaii 1912·16 7 28 Adams 1937 .. 1920-28" 5 55 .. 1928-34" 9 53 1945-54" 22 78 Cheng, Yamamura 1957 1961-62 34 66 Schmitt 1965 1970 47 62 Kikumura, Kitano 1973

Kansas 1947-69 91 Monahan 1971 Washington DC 1968-70 73 74 Monahan 1977 Maryland 1969-70 85 67 .. Virginia 1969-70 90 76

"Data originally reported by year or groups of years is combined. "1972 data were for January-June. "Excludes 1956. "For 1948-53 Parkman & Sawyer (1957) reported intermarriage rate of 22 percent. the the West Coast population into concen residents, 67 businesses, and various service tration camps during World War II, and organizations. The population again grew postwar geographic mobility, accompanied by significantly during World War II because of social and economic mobility. A rough indica voluntary migration from the West Coast and tion of this can be found in 1980 Census the forcible removal of nearly 8000 Japanese figures which show over 9000 Japanese Americans to a concentration camp in Americans in the following states: New York, southeast Colorado. Growth due largely to in 24,524; Illinois, 18,550; Texas, 10,502; Col migration has continued to the present (En orado, 9,858; and New Jersey, 9,905. Inter do, in press). marriage data for Japanese Americans and for Colorado, unlike california, never legally pro other groups should be collected from outly hibited marriage between whites and Asians. ing areas where smaller, but significant ethnic But it should not be inferred that this region communities may exist. We will demonstrate had a benign social climate where intermar by examining Japanese American intermar riage would not be discouraged. Denver and riage in Denver, Colorado from 191°to 1981. Colorado experienced two brief but important periods of overt anti-Japanese agitation, in STUDY DESIGN 1901-1910, and the 1942-1944 periods. And Denver is a good location to investigate Colorado did have a law prohibiting marriage Japanese American intermarriage, since Colo between whites and blacks which was first rado was the easternmost point of early passed by the Territorial Legislature in 1864, Japanese migration.! By 1909 the Denver upheld in the US Supreme Court in 1942, and Japanese community had several hundred not repealed until 1957 (Endo, in press). FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 161 Intermarriage data for this study were col endogamous marriage practices. Many males lected from marriage records in the Clerk and were married by proxy in Japan through ar Recorder Office for the City and County of rangements made by their families or friends. Denver. To compare intermarriage trends with The postwar data at first encompass larger aVailable census figures, mainly on population numbers of of second generation Nisei mar size and sex composition, records were re riages, and by the mid-1960's, there are more viewed for each census year and the follow Sanseior third generation marriages. The re ing year from the 1910 Census through the cent high intermarriage rates are most 1980 Census. The records used were those characteristic of Sansei marriages. Thus, in of marriages which had actually occurred, as Fresno, California, only 17 percent of the opposed to marriage license applications, Nisei, second generation marriages included since 5 to 10 percent of such applications are a non-Japanese partner, while 58 percent of not consumated in marriage within the set the Sansei or third generation marriages were time limit. Japanese American males and mixed (Tinker 1971). females recorded in marriage were identified Comparisons between the Denver Japanese by surname. This is an appropriate method, American intermarriage rates and information because very few Japanese Americans have on numerical and proportional group size in changed their surnames. Other information, Table 3 reveals no clear relation between rate such as fathers' names and mothers' maiden and size. Intermarriage levels increased names were available to help in the identifica· dramatically from 1950-51 to 1980-81. During tion process. To avoid ambiguity, the few mar· the same time, the number of Japanese riages which included individuals of partial Americans in Denver grew and then declined Japanese ancestry were not counted. Mar so that the group was about the same size in riages between a Japanese American partner 1980 as in 1950, and their proportion in the and any non-Japanese American partner were total Denver population declined from 0.6 to counted as intermarriages. 0.5 percent. Though the numbers of Japanese Americans in the metropolitan area and the RESULTS state of Colorado gradually increased, it was Rates of Japanese American intermarriage less than the rate of increase for the total in Denver are shown in Table 2. Data for the population in these areas. Changes in group biannual periods 1910-11, 1920-21, 1930-31, size over time are not having much effect on and 1940-41 averaged only 9 such marriages. Denver intermarriage rates. The intermarriage percent values in Table 2 Since 1950-51, when the Denver intermar differ somewhat from those in comparable riage rate began rapidly increasing, Japanese time periods in Hawaii and California. Thus, American females intermarried more frequent the 1910-1941 Denver rate is about as high ly than males (Table 2). This pattern is also as the 1970-71 rate of 64 percent, compared seen in much of the Hawaii and California to the San Francisco 1970-71 rate of 58 per data. Female predominance in intermarriage cent. The Denver rates are also less than likewise occurs among Spanish Americans or those for the very small numbers of Japanese Chicanos (Murgia 1982). But males are more Americans in Kansas and the Washington DC region. Finally, the Denver data indicate that TABLE 2: JAPANESE AMERICAN (JA) at least for Denver, the current trend is toward INTERMARRIAGE IN DENVER (Percent) higher rates of intermarriage. A pattern of increasing levels of Japanese Period (N) JA Marriages Intermarriage % Inter- % with JA American intermarriage over time character marriages Females izes Denver, Hawaii, and California. In both cases this partly reflects cultural, social, and 191~1· (35) 14 0 economic changes occurring in successive 1950-51 (70) 11 63 1960-61 (51) generations of Japanese Americans. The 24 58 1970-71 (70) 64 53 prewar figures in these tables mostly include 1980-81 (69) 74 65 first generation or Issei marriages. The first generation Issei tended to adhere to traditional ·Cumulative 1910-11,1920-21, 1930-31, 1~1. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 162

TABLE 3: PROPORTION & SEX RATIO OF JAPANESE AMERICAN (JA) POPULATION-

U.S. Denver Denver Metro Area" Colorado

Census (N) PetITotal JA sex (N) PetITotal JA sex (N) PetITotal JA sex Year PopulationRatio PopulationRatio PopulationRatio

1910 585 0.3 735 0.3 2300 0.3 2030 1920 465 0.2 821 0.2 2464 0.3 186 1930 349 0.1 182 1028 0.3 141 3213 0.3 135 1940 323 0.1 113 841 0.2 119 2734 0.2 123 1950 2578 0.6 110 3548 0.6 117 5412 0.4 122 1960 3049 0.6 98 4712 0.5 95 6846 0.4 94 1970 2676 0.5 86 5491 0.4 84 7831 0.4 79 1980 2458 0.5 85 6907 0.4 85 9870 0.3 80

-Males per 100 females. "Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area; Counties: Denver, Adams,Arapahoe, Jefferson, Boulder• often involved in the case of blacks (Hear .Japanese American communities. We also 1966; Monahan 1976). For Japanese need a rigorous investigation of the conse Americans, a possible explanation is the im quences of high rates of exogamy. balance in the group's sex ratio, expressed as the number of men per 100 women. But the data in Table 3 do not support a relation REFERENCES Adams Romanzo 1937 Interracial Marriage in between sex ratio and the Denver intermar Hawaii New York Macmillan riage rate. The city, metropolitan area and the Alba R 0 1976 Social assimilation among state sex ratios for 1950 and 1960 do not cor American Catholic national origin groups. Amer respond to the high percent of Japanese Sociol Rev 41 1030-1046 Alba R 0, RC Kessler 1979 Patterns of intermar American females in 1950-51 and 1960-61 in riage among American Catholics. Social Forces 57 termarriages. Even the lower 1980 sex ratio 1124-1140 does not match the two-to-one preponderance Barnett L 0 1963 Interracial marriage in Califor of Japanese American females in 198Q-81 in nia. Marriage & Family Living 25 424-427 termarriages. Census figures for 1980 are Barron ML 1951 Rsearch on intermarriage: a survey of accomplishments & prospects. AmerJ of available by age and sex. When only young Sociology 57 249-255 adults, age 20-35 are considered, the sex - The Blending American Chicago Quadrantle ratios for the city, metropolitan area and the Bogardus Emory 1959 Social Distance Los state are 95,93, and 98 respectively. Clearly, Angeles Antioch other variables are causing the sex pattern Burma JH 1952 Research note on measurement of interracial marriage. Amer J of Sociology 57 ing in Denver intermarriages. Some possibi 587-589 lities such as changing female role expecta Cheng C K, 0 S Yamamura 1957 Interracial mar tions have been noted, but more evidence is riage & divorce in Hawaii. Social Forces 36 n-84 necessary (Tinker 1973; Kikumura. Kitano Endo Russell (in press) Persistence of ethnicity: The Japanese of Colorado. Social SCience J 1973). Gordon MM 1964 Assimilation in American Life. CONCLUSION New York Oxford The Denver data provide some indication Gurak 0 T, JP Fitzpatrick 1982 Intermarriage that the present trend is toward higher levels among Hispanic ethnic groups in New York City. of Japanese American intermarriage, and Amer J of Sociol87 921-934 Hear 0 M 1966 Negro-white marriage in the United Denver, as an outlying area, may exhibit a States. J of Marriage & Family 27 262-273 similar pattern to that of the larger Japanese Kikumura A, HL Kitano 1973 Interracial marriage: American populations of Hawaii and Califor A picture of Japanese Americans. J ofSociallssues nia. This has important implications for 29 67-81 Kitano HL 1976 Japanese Americans. 2nd ed research on racial and ethnic intermarriage. Englewood Cliffs Prentice Hall More work is needed on intermarriage in smaller ethnic communities, including other Concluded: Page 166 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 163 TEACHING SELF HELP IN LIMITED RESOURCE NEIGHBORHOODS Willa Ryan Combs, Langston University, Oklahoma Donald E Allen, Oklahoma State University INTRODUCTION the home economists and those who will A field study was designed to test the pro benefit from the program. It is also necessary position that low income neighborhoods can to find sufficient leadership personnel among provide resident homemakers who are the disadvantaged families who can under trainable as teachers, to improve home stand their language and their problems. management skills of other homemakers. The testing and development of such local SELF-HELP DEMONSTRATION PROJECT resources was necessary to extend the in A demonstration project was developed to fluence of and effect of the limited resources determine the extent to which homemakers of the home economics extension specialist. with limited resources, who were taught skills The teacher multiplier concept requires that in home management, could teach the same the extension specialist train ten or more skills to others among their peer group. Two homemakers in a low income neighborhood, neighborhoods were located where there was and that each trainee then teach ten or more a high incidence of families with very limited other homemakers in the same neighborhood. resources. One urban area included 25 city To provide a reasonable prospect of success, blocks, and the second was an urban fringe it was assumed that the method of teaching area which included about 35 square miles. should consist of face-to-face explanation and The neighborhoods were racially mixed, with direct demonstration of helpful homemaker some unpaved streets. Criteria for choosing techniques which could be supported on a communities for the study were: 1) approval very limited budget. could be obtained from cOmmunity leaders; 2) facilities could be provided; 3) meeting LIMITED RESOURCE FAMILIES rooms were convenient for the interested Families with very limited resources face homemakers; 4) people were receptive to the many of the same problems that· face other idea of a leadership development program; families. In addition, they frequently live in 5) communities were typical of disadvantag neighborhoods where safety, sanitation, and ed neighborhoods in Oklahoma City. housing are below standard. Both the com munity services and educational and recrea GUIDELINES FOR TEACHING SELF-HELP tional facilities are inadequate. Many families Program Planning: live in dilapidated houses, lack decent 1 Inform other agencies which have interest clothing, depend on folk health remedies, and in working with the same or similar audience. have limited transportation to jobs and com 2 Find those to whom people go for specific munity services. However, many of the people kinds of help. with limited resources do have positive values, 3 Avoid criticizing other organizations and ideals, and goals. They really want improve agencies which are also trying to help families. ment, and their behavior is not so much due 4 Enlist the help of public information to their culture as to the grinding elements of personnel. deprivation and stress placed on them bytheir 5 Define the target area. environment. 6 Learn the competencies of people for Extension home economists particularly face whom leadership will be provided in the target the very challenging problems of reducing the area. gap that exists between the haves and the 7 Involve homemakers in the early stages of have-nots in the delivery of social goods and planning. services. To do this, it is important to provide 8 Start where the people are. Build on in educational programs for the disadvantaged terests which the people themselves express. which will raise their standard of living. Thus 9 Let them decide what they want to learn. the kinds of educational programs which will 10 Use knOWledge and skills which home be most effective in this respect concern both makers already have. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 164 11 Time and place are important. Whole Program. families can usually attend if meetings are The initial plan was to involve at least ten held in the evening. leaders in a selected community. The group 12 Arrange fot care of children during was not to be limited as to who could attend meetings. the lessons. The group was taught a series 13 Begin with small groups, not to exceed 15 of six lessons over a period of eight weeks. to 20 persons. Divide larger groups. Further reinforcement and training was to be 14 Develop one idea at a time. provided beyond the first few group sessions 15 Teach on the homemaker's knowledge and for homemakers who showed potential for skill level. leadership. The major objective was to teach Teaching Materials: homemakers how to use their personal 16 Help supply resources, or whatever is resources to stretch their income. The needed. homemakers who were taught, and who 17 Use tangible teaching materials when emerged as leaders were asked to teach possible. others in their neighborhood. The idea 18 Plan for short-term projects which can be seemed to give the leader group prestige. completed in a few lessons. Those taught by the homemakers included 19 Plan for a practice time for the homemaker. family members, relatives and neighbors. 20 Be alert for readiness to learn - the teachable moment LEADER TRAINING SESSIONS 21 The language must be mutually intelligible Although 20 were expected, more than 40 to teacher and learner. persons appeared for the first session, and 24 22 Be sincere and show that you are con remained in the project to become neighbor. cerned. hood leaders. Ten leaders completed all 23 Be generous with praise. Give credit were phases of the program as originally designed. it belongs; provide rewards. A professional home economist trained the Evolving Leadership homemaker leaders. Following the first two 24 Let homemakers share sorrie personal lessons, the homemakers were enthusiastic, experiences. and encouraged others to attend. They train 25 New leaders who teach groups in their own ed others to do the skills which they had been neighborhoods feel more secure if they work taught. During the early sessions there were as a team. 6 white leaders and 18 black leaders. After the 26 Recruit those with potential that can be first leaders were trained, the number had in recognized. creased and the group was about half white 27 Homemakers with similar problems may and half black, since a group of white home communicate better. makers who had been traveling to another Evaluating Results town for training decided to join this group. 28 A change in one homemaker may influence A series of six lessons were developed on change in another individual or group. the basis of needs identified by agency direc 29 Evaluation must be continuous and related tors, and the needs expressed by home to the objectives. makers who attended the first session: 1) Stretching your dollars; THE DEMONSTRATION PROJECT 2) Comparative shopping for food; Ten persons, representing agencies con 3) Cutting cost of home decorations; cerned with assisting low-income families 4) Creative home accessories; were interviewed to gain their approval and 5) Making low cost table & bed covers; assistance to work in the two communities. 6) Making yeast rolls. These agencies included: 1) county extension Viewing class projects and touring homes personnel; 2)Director of the Community Ac was part of the last lesson. Leaders were tion Program; 3) Project Director, Urban identified by criteria established prior to the League Housing Counseling & Information class meetings. Three leader homemakers Center; 4) Director, Community Counsel; were in the urban community and seven were 5) Coordinator for senior Workers Action in the urban fringe community. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 165 TABLE 1: HOMEMAKER CONFIDENCE IN TEACHING SKILLS BEFORE. AFTER TRAINING SESSIONS

Confidence Level Before After

Can do well and can teach someone else 10 97 Can do it, but dont feel I could teach another 50 192 Can't do it; would like to learn 195 60 Can't do it; don't care to learn 60 36

TABLE 2: SCOPE OF TRAINING PROJECT

Projects People Leader Type Project Done Taught

1 Learn to sew; make table • bed covers 3 12 2 Wall hangings, place mats, rolls 4 12 3 Place mats, leather work, serve snacks 4 15 4 Table cover, cardboard table, leather work 3 10 5 Ceramics, place mats centerpiece 11 325 6 Place mats, pillows, Homemaker leaders dl8play completed pro)ecta key case, leather work 7 30 to D11'8Ctor John HoppIa (~, SpecIal Unit 7 Table cover, cerdboard on Aging, Oklahoma Departament of InstItutIona, table, place mat, pillow Social and Rehabilitative Services. house plans 8 20 8 Bed cover, lap robe ACCOMPLISHMENTS place mat, cardboard Some results following the sessions taught table, table cover 8 325 by the Home Economist include the following: 9 Bulletin board, card- 1. Homemakers in the neighborhoods made board table, wall hanging 14 requests to the county director and the ex pillows, ceramics leather work, curtains 13 325 tension home economist, and 9 calls for 10 Curtains, pillows, place assistance to the human resource develop mats, bed cover, lap ment specialist. robe 10 300 2. A bus tour and a walking tour were con ducted for 81 participants to see im In Phase 1, the new homemaker leaders provements made in the homes of the families were encouraged to teach their newly ac who completed the program. Homemake~ quired skills to their peers. They spread the were gratified and happy to share the prob word about the home management class lems and pleasures encountered while mak meetings, and encouraged others to come to ing the improvements. These were discuss the centers for instruction in new ways of ed during the tours. The homemakers par doing things. A total of eight homemakers in ticipated in a Community Action bazaar where the urban community and sixteen home they demonstrated home management skills makers in the urban fringe community took and explained the homemaker leader program part in some of the six lessons. to others. The new leaders were encouraged by receiv 3. Requests have been received from other ing help in preparation of teaching materials, agencies for assistance in teacing home-. and with compliments when a job was well makers in other areas of the city and county. done, and when they succeeded in teaching Requests from the office ofthe Governor were a new skill to a class member or to someone also received to help in working in other areas outside the class. of the City, County, and State. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 166

TABLE 3: PARTICIPATION TOTALS Mayer Egon 1980 1980 Processes &outcomes in (Total N # 574) marriages between Jews & non-Jews. Behavioral category N SCientist 23487-518 Leade~ 10 Merton RK 1941 Intermarriage & social structure: Persons at' bazaar* 200 fact & theory. Psychiatry 4 361-374 Persons in study groups 388 Monahan JP 1971 Interractial marriage &divorce Family members 41 in Kansas & question of instability of mixed mar Neighbo~ 141 riages. J ofComparative Family Studies 2 107-120 - 1976 Overview of statistics on interracial mar *A bazaar where some skills were taught by riage in US & extent from 1963-1970. J ofMarriage homemaker leaders. & Family 38 223-231 - 19n Interracial marriage in a Southern area: Maryland, Virgina & District of Columbia. J Com EVALUATION AND CONCLUSION parative Family Studies 8217-241 We have affirmed the proposition that Murgia Edward 1982 Chicano Intermarriage: homemaker leaders can be trained to teach Theoretical & Empirical Study. San Antonio Texas home management skills to other home Trinity U Press lVIurgia E, WP Frisbie 19n Trends in Mexican makers in their own neighborhoods. There American intermarriage: Recent findings in pe~ were few dropouts during the program. The tive. Social SCi Qtrly 58 374-389 time used with direct contact was about six National Center for Health Statistics 1979 First months. The cost for demonstration materials Marriage$, United States 1968-1976. Washington was about $250. Cost for time, travel and pro DC HEW Omatsu G 1972 Nihonmachi beat. Hokubei fessional services are not included. Mainichi Jan 12 1972 The homemaker leaders accomplished the Panunzio Constantine 1942 Intermarriage in Los following: Angeles 1924-1933. AmerJ ofSociology47 690-701 • They became more successful homemakers Parkman Margaret A, Jack Sawyer 1967 Dimen sions of an ethinc intermarriage in Hawaii. Amer • They improved self confidence Sociol Rev 32 593-607 • They became aware that they could teach Porterfield Ernest 1978 Black& White Mixed Mar • They gained personal satisfaction in riages. Chicago Nelson Hall associating with others and by their Price JA 1981 North American Indian families. C accomplishments Mindel & R Habenstein eds Ethnic Families in America. 2d ed New York Elsevier 245-268 • They enhanced neighborhood cooperation. SChmitt RC 1965 Demographic correlates of in A similar program using the methods terracial marriage in Hawaii. Demography2 483-473 described here could be tested in other sub SChoen R 1978 Intermarriage among Spanish sur ject matter areas. The techniques and named Californians 1962-1974. Internat Migration Rev 12 359-369 materials used during the study need further Tinker JN 1973 Intermarrriage & ethnic boun testing in other communities. We have also daries; the Japanese American case. J of Social demonstrated that the Influence of the Issues 29 49-66 home economics specialist can be Increas US census Bureau: Census of Population USGPO ed by a factor exceeding one hundred In 1910 Census Vol II Rpts by States; Alabama Montana the teacher-multiplier project. 1920 Census Vol III 1930 Census Vol III Rpts by States Pt 1, Alabama Missouri 1940 Census Vol II Pt 1 US Summary &Alabama, District of Columbia 1950 Census Vol II Pt 6 Colorado 1960 Census Vol II Pt 7 Colorado 1970 census General Population Character: Kan sas, Virginia, Maryland, District of Columbia, Detail ed character, District of Columbia; Vol I Pt 7 Colorado. 1978 Perspectives on Husbands & Wives. ENDO Continued from Page 162 1980 census Race of Population by States; Char of Population Pt 7 Colorado Lazerwitz B 1981 JeWish-Christian marriages & Wilkinson Doris Y 1978 Black MalelWhite Female. conversions. Jewish Social Studies 43 150-161 Cambridge SChenkman FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 167

MACHO AND HIS MATE PH Harvey, Colorado State University ROLE RECIPROCITY murder. There are well established links To occupy a role with its expectations and between the macho image and juvenile delin performances requires the reciprocal features quency. Dysfunctional outcomes for men of another's role. To be a husband requires include disability and death in war, stigmatiz a wife; the mother role requires a child. When ed identities, and the criminal's lost social and a rock group sings about wanting to be a vocational opportunities. "macho man," they imply the presence of For macho's mate there are some tradeoffs. macho's mate to fulfill the macho role. Who Society's protective posture toward women is the obliging female who serves as macho's bars them from joining combat in war. Past consort, and what does this pair have to tell socialization encourages female passivity, us? Feminists are well aware that macho sur which makes women less likely to commit the vives not only through his own efforts, but violent crimes which are most costly in punish through those of women who want to sustain ment. At the same time, such passivity may his position. The macho code is expressed in bring sorrows related to male control. Men Farrell's (1974) decide when and where wars are projected. Ten Commandments of Masculinity: Women surrender husbands and sons to them. Women may be victims of aggression fee~ 1) Thou shalt not cry or expose other turned against them or their children, and ings of emotion, fear, weakness, symbathy, suffer the status and opportunity losses of empathyorinvovlement before thy neighbor. their criminal men. Society loses to perpetua 2) Thou shalt not be vulnerable, but honor tion of war, crime, violence and many other andrespect the "logical': the "pracatical"or ways. "intellectual" as thou definest them. 3) Thou shalt not listen except to find fault TOLERANCE OF PAIN; 4) Thou shalt condescend to women in the DENIAL OF ILLNESS smallest and biggest of ways. Ignoring pain and denying illness serve self 5) Thou shaltcontrolthywife's body, andall image by providing another test of masculini its relations, occasionallypermitting it on top. ty which is visible and impressive. G Gordon 6) Thou shalthave no otheregos before thee. Liddy may have been an abnormal extension 7) Thou shalt have no other breadwinners of pain tolerance with his trick of allowing his before thee. hand to be burned while appearing nonchalant 8) Thou shalt not be responsible for house about the pain. This attitude is typical of the work before anybody. sports arena with the competitive pseudo 9) Thou shalthonorandobeythe straightand team testing site for maleness. How we ap narrowpathway to success: job specialization. plaud the battered athlete who rises unbowed, 10) Thou shalthave an answerto allproblems to complete the game in spite of his injuries. at all times. An article extolling a solid veteran of the The figure who emerges is domineering, ex National Basketball Association playoffs ploitive, narcissistic, obsessed with a personal suggests that League coaches are most im image of strength, and independence based pressed by the player's willingness, just before on an alleged superiority of performance. the game, to apply ice packs to bring down his fever enough to play. Do fans expect self MACHO'S AGGRESSIVENESS sacrifice which leads to the physical destruc The behavioral outcomes of aggressiveness tion of the player? Macho and his managers allow macho to prove masculinity. The believe that they do. behaviors validate self image and social Goldberg (1976) cites three basic processes status. At the same time, this aggressive which contribute to physical deterioration of masculine mystique begets war. Aggression men: 1) intellectualization, making.a machine turned deviant begets crimes of violence: of one's body; 2) macho rigidity, to perform rape, wife beating, child abuse, assault, and at all costs, denying bodily pain; and 3) guilt FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 168 for allowing onwself be become the well-fed source of failure. It is this duality which infant of an "earth-mother wife." From these becomes the instrument of macho's mate. His processes, all based on tradition, men mate basks in his success, with little attendant become prime candidates for bodily harm effort in most cases, and with statusadvan related to poor diets, high stresses, and actual tages to herself. Failed husbands confer their physical assaults on their bodies. Men lose failed status and perhaps their displaced ag status by not being tough enough. They give gressions on their wives, but the mate who has less attention to the care and maintenance of picked one who can win knows that she can their bodies than to their cars and technical whip up his will to win by manipulating another equipment. variable. She can work with his private need Are women ever served by this pain/illness for support, contrasted with his public trait? Where they are relieved of responsibili disclaimer of any need for help, least of all, ty for painful tasks, should they clamor to from a woman. acquire them? Macho's mate, by serving a complementary role, can get a great deal of INDEPENDENCE VS CONFLICT attention by accepting the illness role. Her Macho's mate can generate power for frailty validates his strength. She needs and herself by being his "helpmeet", as she deserves his reward. Since we all become ill appears to respond to an anxiety she helps occasionally, and all have pain thresholds, to beget - his fear of failure and fear of loss. mate's role allows her to accept these condi In a system where men are constrained, tions of pain and illness. Her role is less where self-disclosure to others, expecially, to demanding, and she can nicely exploit it. other men, makes one vulnerable to betrayal, There are potential costs in the resentment macho's mate has a strong hand. The com from her more sorely burdened partner, and petitive role simplifies by estranging men from in the peculiar dichotomy for thewoman who each other, and from their traits historically sees a way to amass partial power by becom viewed as feminine. For one to win, another ing a covert source of strength to the man who must lose. Independence training is a must appear above the need for help. One necessary adjunct to the development of the cannot simultaneously be a pillar of strength competitive male. Denial of help is a response and a wilted lily. to the perception that competitors are unlike Are there costs to society? There are, if we ly to give help. define addiction to pain killers, disability, death The burden of proof of interpersonal skills is via coronary failure and strokes, and other reduced. Contempt toward and dominance of potentially controllable ills as problems for women in occupational settings reduces the society. There are problems is we recognize competitive pool. But the source for human that requiring tolerance of pain and illness caring has become concentrated in the mate, reduces the likelihood of finding solutions for who can privately share the distresses which the causes of illness and pain. cannot be publicly admitted. Men are denied affectionate relations with equals. Failed men COMPETITION: MACHO'S DAILY BREAD are likely to scapegoat spouse victims of their Competition simplifies the standards for shared plight. But men with success poten gauging self-worth. Occupational success and tial may find themselves caught in the trap of its visible proof in money and status symbols working harder and harder to acquire the con move macho in a required direction. By mak ditional love and assistance of their mates. ing a competitive fetish of what one must do Where the mate withholds such love, men anyway, the base for success or failure nar blame themselves or external causes; not their rows to more manageable limits. Consider the wives. Because she is not viewed by macho plight of "Supermom", whose base for suc as the source of wisdom, since men are cess or failure is extraordinarily wide by com presumed smarter than women, her costs of parison. It is in the nature of competition that giving unsuccessful aid are not high, and her one's highest excellence is always open to intent is perceived as good. But she must be challenge, and must be vigilantly sustained. clever. If he truly sees his relation to her as That which confers status can also be the subservient, he will fear her power and shrink FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 169 from it. conspicuous leisure by hiring servants to do For women with confused identities, the dual her housework. ity of helperlhelpless is difficult. Seeing themselves as inept, but genuinely hoping to MACHO'S SEX DRIVE help, women are in a difficult strait. For women Macho and his mate have a role relation af who see themselves as strong and instrumen fected by his allegedly uncontrolled sexual tal, the nurturant role can be deftly corrupted nature versus herpassion constrained within into a power dynamic. marriage. Macho's typical package of ap At the societal level the independence, no pearance and mannerisms suggests a highly help wanted motif has obvious consequences sexed person who requires sexual outlets. in that many problems which require Having established these expectations as cooperative effort and maximum sharing of basic to his nature, and beyond personal cen ideas will not be solved. Jealous guardians of trol, macho is free to express himself sexual their own ideas, furtive thieves of others' best ly to reduce his tensions. In contrast to our achievements do not create solidary societies. earlier views of women as creatures of very Competition builds better technologies, little passion, who were constrained to puri perhaps, but poorer organizations, and poor ty, macho has a less debilitating role on the ly integrated societies. No-help people blunder surface. But macho creates troubles for to lesser rather than to optimal decisions. himself with this image all the same. He has tied sexual needs to his sexual pro DO OTHERS DIRTY; wess, and to his ability to seduce and produce. DO NO DIRTY WORK Validation of status and self-image require This macho motto, "00 others dirty, and proof of success with women, not mere ac shun dirty work," which fosters the isolation quisition of them. Even acquisition is a prob of competitors, also allows macho to redirect lem. The ability to reject a man gives a woman unpleasant domestic work, such as cleaning a source of power (Farrell 1982). Some men and drudgery and sticky interpersonal pro are led to seek women who are lookers, who blems to his mate. If he accepts an occasional will consent, and who will validate their status, exercise in cooking creatively, he can claim but are likely to be manipulative and exploitive to be a gourmet chef, leaving the mundane themselves, rather than providers of adequate kitchen chores to his mate. In doing so, and enduring emotional support. however macho estranges himself from the Macho's mate may have difficulty coping realities of household Iife,and the under with his sexual demands, needs for sexual standing of the work required to create the reassurance, and with her fears that he may home environment. The homemaker's pride stray to other women. The perpetual anxiety in her principal living space is understandable. about his sexuality requires perpetual valida Should macho find that he must take on tion of his worth. Perhaps she cannot provide household duties, he is unfit for it, and finds enough. She is urged by popular writers to that his image suffers. control her mate's sexuality as a totst positive, For many women there is a psychological fascinating woman. She is bombarded with burden of knowing that domestic work in media messages suggesting that if other volves high expectations from macho. "What women succeed in luring their husbands else does she have to do all day?" The away, that the wife is to blame for not being recognition is very low, since the housewife "woman enough." has machinery to ease her low stataus work. Still, some macho mates realize that they can For the wife of the successful macho man, increase their power by validating macho's the picture is somewhat different. She feeds sexual prowess. They may win the prize of his ego by providing the cozy enviroment ap marriage via sexual bargaining and promises, propriate for this man who does such impor and may be encouraged to continue the use tant work. She carves out her domain without of sexual bargaining for power. She supports competing with or threatening her spouse. his hatred of homosexuals to detach him from The more successful he is, the more likely it the potential nurturance in himself and other is that she can encourage him to provide men, requiring him to seek comfort in women, FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 170 especially his h~lpful, agreeable mate. She and practical assistance. Thus she sustains offers the great treat. She accepts his sexual his public presentation of self. She gains nature, demonstrates her own passion, but leisure time by urging him on to more and loves him alone, so much so that she conveys more profitable work. She can generate much it all to him. He senses power; she haspower. personal power merely by creating anxieties in him, and benevolently helping him to THE TYRANNY OF NARCISSISM reduce them. It is easy to do since it is As years pass, macho becomes increasing macho's compulsion always to do more and ly concerned with creating status and self better. His successes become hers with little image through cosmetic manipulations of effort on her part. She is allowed to provide himself. Industry applauds and invites his c0n instrumental help, without the burden of hav tinuing effort. To be seen as handsome, ing to be right, or technically adequate, which youthful, or having a special presence opens is forced on macho. If she succeeds in doors giving access to women and occupa generating such control, she may overlook oc tional opportunities. Hair transplants, body casional infidelity as a low price for her high building courses, and macho dress are among rewards. the supportive techniques. Men can buy beau ty as women do, packaged for the macho CONCLUSION image. But vendors who reduce anxiety via The macho role is more dysfunctional than commercial products know that It serves their functional, but is less dysfunctional for interest to spend much effort to induce women. Those who attain power behind a suc anxiety. Men take longer to pay the costs of cessful macho have no wish to relinquish their aging, but learn at an early age to dread them. combat soldiers. They have trained them to They also risk rejection for more successful fight the competitive wars which they help competitors. And they face the same fear create in being willing to shore up a social and which they generate in their mates with regard occupational world dominated by the macho to self versus other women. But some mates mystique. They contribute heavily to defeating are served by macho's narcissism. As with women's issues for social equality. sexual bargaining, they hold power in com What future has macho-mate role reciproci municating the continuing appeal of macho ty, compared with other roles? For those who over other men. The adoring, faithful, pas want altemaflV9S, the future holds some hope sionate mate soars on macho's fragile ego. but many concerns. College men and women Self-preoccupation and competitive fears in my sex role classes are more questioning estrange macho from others. 'The interests of of traditional sex role stereotypes, but a recent business, advertising and media set people poll among cOllege students refutes the idea against each other in a race for youth, beau that androgeny has wide support. Feminists ty, and superiority which ultimately cannot be criticize the androgeny notion, saying that it won. Power asymmetry of macho and his reinforces male-female stereotype attributes mate is not always In the predicted direction. over individual opportunites for development He may dominate and intimidate, and make of mutually rewarding relations of men and his mate a victim of tyranny, brutality, and women which are not mutually destructive. slavery to his concerns and whims. Herplace Androgeny requires high scores on traits is no stronger than that of her failed husband, typically assigned to both males and females. and she bears his consequences. We still wait for cultural attitudes and condi For the macho male defined as successful tions favorable to production of nongendrous by society, there is much room for a mate to selves. The cultural question is whether favor manipulate power, to dominate, to victimize ing masculine and feminine dimensions is to the insecure male. As he grows more suc minimize or maximize human malfunctions in cessful, she can hire servants. She becomes the macho-mate relation. They seem to free to generate personal anxieties in macho deserve each other. But do they serve the rest which will enhance herpower asthe agent for of us, and do we deserve them? conferring status and self-image, in terms of her attractiveness, sexuality, covert emotional References concluded on Page 174 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 171 TOWARDS AN EXO-SOCIOLOGY: CONSTRUCTS OF THE ALIEN Jan H MeJer, University of HawaII INTRODUCTION when steel axes replaced stone axes. Of many issues to be confronted in the long term development of a sociology of extra· FIRST CONTACT BY EUROPEANS terrestrial, intelligent societies (ETIS). the most The expansion of European colonial society crucial is that of assumptions that can into what is now the "third world" had the reasonably be made. While such studies await character of a first contact by aliens. To the the unlikely event of contact with ETIS. an in Europeans. the peoples they met were tellectual preparation may increase sophistica strange. and in some ways. non-human. tion in current sociological theories and obser These feelings and perceptions were vations of the institutional world. If contact with reciprocated by those they conquered. ETIS should occur. then a prior analysis of Prior to the imperial expansion of Europe. the likely problems may avert disaster. world consisted of a series of largely discon What can be assumed after the discovery of nected societies. Occasional intercultural cen an. ETIS? Social organization? A culture of tact was a "contact of beads along a thread" symbols. of interaction? Socialization with (Worsley 1968 9). Members of each society social and physical adaptation? A social struc peered beyond their physical boundaries in ture of economic and political institutions? to a cultural void. and mythical constructs· Religion? Deviance? Social class contradic ancestors. perfectly good and bad idealiza tions? Social classes? To apply such tions. gods and goddesses-peered back. The categories uncritically would anthropomor cargo cults movement in which the Melane phize the ETIS. Could an exo-sociology be sians believed that American planes were fly constructed by using familiar sociological con ing in gifts from their ancestors is a classic ex cepts? Perhaps. But first. some hidden ample (Worsley 1957). The subjective cultural strata of presumptive ideas must be understanding that all humans belonged to revealed concerning "alien" peoples. one world had yet to be created through col Sociological theories of human societies partly onialism. industrialization. and bureaucratiza depend on buried assumptions regarding tion Introduced and institutionalized by Euro human nature. The epistemology defining pean states. Their preconceptions of the ETIS requires discussion prior to deriving any "alien" non-European were crucial in forming first principles. the world system (Sachs 1976). To what extent do human conceptions of the stranger or the alien serve as objectified EUROPEAN MYTHOLOGY: answers to human problems? Cultural fan BASIC PREMISES tasies thrive in empirically unknown areas. In The fantasies politically imposed on native the case of ETIS such myths prevent us from peoples by Europeans reflected European seeing extra-terrestrial societies for what they culture. and served as mythological answers are. This is a necessary preparation for an ef to European social problems. Seven premises fective exo-sociology. Yet. profound cultural are basic to the imperial European world view. implications can be drawn. Thatcher (1978) Premise 1: The first asserted the "natual warns of "cosmic culture shock" following superiority" of the European. This self-fulfilling extra-terrestrial contact. How would Christiani belief derived from Christianity. and on the ty respond. given the belief that humans "are evidence of technological superiority. made in God's image"? If mythical However. the social disintegration resulting preconceptions guided our response. could from contact was also the result of previously we successfully overcome the dislocations of uncontaminated populations succumbing to a superior technology? Sharp (1952) reported diseases to which Europeans had become im the devastating cultural impact of the steel axe mune. There was a 97 percent die-off of native on the Yir Yoront. Social relations. gender Central Americans during the first fifty years roles. economic institutions. traditional ideas following Cortez' arrival (McNeill 1976). This and values became irreparably disrupted tragedy served to prove to both native peoples FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 172 and Europeans that the gods had intended the natus provided an earlier basis for social Dar "new lands" to be colonized by the invader. winism, elegantly supported by the civilized Premise 2: The second premise concerns versus barbarian dichotomy. But it was more the European interpretation of history. The na severe than duplex by implying a moral ascrip tion of the original Garden of Eden persisted tion. In resisting the European, the native in the soft primitivism of the "noble revealed a natural inferiority, proving that the savage"(Keeley 1976; Howe 1977). Uncor ego of duplex naturally dominates and never rupted by civilization, natives could be In can be overcome. The missionary's function troduced to good and evil through a Christian was to civilize, or Europeanize the morally awakening. The explorers romantically idealiz superior natives that "naturally" cooperated, ed them according them the images of and to condemn and delegitimize those who classical Greece. Artists depicted Tahitians resisted. and Hawaiians in classical poses near huts Preml..6: The Europeans viewed nature as resembling temples, and wearing toga-like a resource which advanced peoples had a clothes (Smith 1960). Noble savages lived natural right to exploit and control. Nature freely and naturally, as happy children. Such possessed no rights of its own. Its processes proto-racism answered 18th Century intellec were relevant merely as a utility for the con tural questions about comp~rative progress. tinued development of European progress. While the "natural civilization" of Europe was Nature thus included any feature of the planet never in doubt, noble savages represented to that could be used, including the peoples of the imperial humanists a "second chance" to non-European culture. They were defined as civilize the natives without incurring the heavy "raw" while the Europeans were "cooked". costs so apparent in Europe. (Levi-Strauss 1969) Premise 3: In the concrete situations of con Premise 7: Finally, the European mythology tact, the Europeans met resistance. The pater emphasized "masculine" values while nalism of the noble savage myth turned easi denigrating "feminine" values. This function ly into the hard primitivism of viewing native ed to rationalize the lower status of women. peoples as barbarians. Rousseau expressed And native peoples were also defined as shock at the killing of a French explorer by the feminine in contrast to the rational masculini Maori: "Is it possible that the good children ty of Europe. In time, with the emergence of of Nature can really be so wicked?" The ex bureaucracy as the dominant organizational istence of barbarians implied the natural form, objective consciousness, rationality and superiority of the civilized European. Accom calculability, formed a constellation of prefer panying these assumptions were two views of red views for transforming the world of nature human nature which Horton (1966) identifies (Roszak 1969). The subjective, intuitive, and as homo duplex and homo damnatus. aleatory are suppressed and endowed with Preml..4: Homo duplex asserts that human forbidden power. Objective consciousness beings are made of two parts, one egoistic and rightly controls the subjective, lest the subjec primitive, the other altruistic and civilized. The tive should destroy the hard-won latter socialized self controls the antisocial im achievements of rationally evolved civilization. pulses of the animal-like ego. To the degree that the altruistic self is undeveloped or breaks NATIVE MYTHS AND EUROPEANS down, then Hobbes' war of .all against all The complementary issue asks how the prevails. Golding (1955) depicts homo duplex Europeans were perceived by the native whereby the civilized veneer of English peoples whom they conquered. Necessarily schoolboys disintegrates to reveal a barbaric the meaning and motives of the invaders was primitivism when they were stranded on a interpreted within the mythological frame that tropical island. Homo duplex assumes a lay beyond the boundaries of the society in natural climb from the savage to the civilized, religious or ideological language. Captain from child to adult. Cook's arrival in Hawaii coincided with the Premise 5: An earlier view, homo damnatus, festival of the God, Lono. Cook was assum naturally divides the human world into the ed to represent, the God, and given suitable morally superior and the morally inferior. Dam- honors (Dawes 1968). Messianic Aztec myth FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 173 predicted the coming of a beneficent man who powers such as telekinesis which counters the was similarly identified with Cortez (ldeIl1956). faceless technocratic authority. In the film, In time, the native peoples developed a more "Close Encounters of the Third Kind," com realistic understanding. munication with ETIS begins with the mystical implanting of a drive to go to the Devil's EXTRA·TERRESTRIAL MYTHS Tower, and is completed with music and ETIS mythology has four implications. 1) displays of light. Solutions to our current pro What is popularly called "outer space" is blems are seen to result from forces that lie mythological space. As in the past, the outside the scientific culture. In many of the unknown territory extending beyond each films, the true humanity of individual scientists culture shades into the mythical, so outer . is recovered through contact with the non space exists as a symbolic screen. At a short humans. distance above the earth's surface the ETIS The noble savage survives in these films, culture projects its imaginings onto a "void". where the creatures are innocent, child-like, 2) Many of the earlier European premises per and wise. Here, a natural alliance between the sist in the modern technocratic world culture. non-human' and the heroic child is implied. 3) These premises are still viewed as relevant These creatures have not been corrupted by to contemporary problems. 4) The potential for civilization, so a child's eye view of problems disaster exists if such mythologies are used may lead to solutions (Puschmann-Nalenz to guide our assessment of extra-terrestrial be 1977). But an important scene is ET's corrup ings. Policies based on such premises may tion through alcohol. As a child, ET has require the destruction of ETIS in favor of supersensitive and emotional powers that are human colonies. But if the ETIS are more spread emphatically to children rather than powerful, human society could suffer the fate adults, as significant others. of the non-Europeans because of our The barbarian image is explored in 'Star misconceptions. Whether a political dimen Wars", but the polarity is reversed. The Em sion exists would depend on our perception pire is barbaric, evil, and inhumane. The of ETIS and some provision for their rights. Rebels guard the core values of civilization. If they are destroyed, the true dark ages com SCIENCE FICTION FILMS mence. In the film 2001, human history is a Science fiction films in recent years have process of technological evolution from been seen by millions over the world. These savagery to civilization, a classic 18th Century films socialize attitudes and interpretations of typology. ETIS and the likely nature of contact. These Homo damnatus appears in Star Wars as films create a dialectic of the impersonal, ob Darth Vader the Evil, and Obi Wan Kanobi the jective science and the emotional, subjective Good. The moral superiority of the child and magic as two competing forms of reality. The ET compared with the inferiority of the State magic form is viewed whether as primitivism and its scientists appear in ET and Close En or as the source of omnipotent powers. In the counters. Homo duplex is implied in the 2001 film 2001, a technoligical society has objec depiction of human history from the war tified and depersonalized humans. The com against all at the dawn of time to the over puter personality, "HAL" is the only character socialized explorers on the voyage to Jupiter. in the film other than a child to possess an The film assumes that the civilizing process emotional or subjective side. The surviving is at an end. Humanity must be reborn to astronaut is magically reborn into cosmic con transcend enirely both the ego and the sciousness on arrival at the alien "star-gate" superego. near the planet Jupiter. In these films the universe is shown as a In "Star Wars" the Empire coerces its resource for the human species, much as the dehumanized military staff in routinizing earth is defined by the dominant economic humanity's dark side. The Rebels' source of systems today, and as Europeans once ultimate resistance is the uncorrupted Force, regarded the non-European world. In 2001, an irrational and intuitive power. In the film the irrepressible human spirit of discovery is "ET" the Extra Terrestrial displays magical a claim on the rest of the universe. In Star FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 174 Wars, planets simply serve as theaters ofwar. Roszak T 1969 The Making of a Counterculture· They are a stage for resolving human con New York Doubleday Rood R T, JS Trefil 1981 Are We Alone? The tradictions, where planets are destroyed or PossibilityofExtraterrBstrialCIvilizations New York changed for the combatants' use. A final SCribners theme asserts a natural superority of humans. Sachs I 1976 The Oiscoll8fY of the Third World American industrialized values win in Star Cambridge Mass MIT Prass Wars through Luke Skywatker and Han Solo. Sagan C 1973 The Cosmis Connection: An Extra Terrestrial P8rspBct/vfl New York Doubleday Non-humans appear either as teddy bears, ---- 1976 Murmurs ofEarth: The Voyager I~ barbarians, drifters, orwizards. The aliens are tBist811ar R6c0rd New York Random House obviously more advanced than the humans. Sebeok T, RRosenthal 1981 eds The Clever Hans But this is not the result of species ascription, phenomenon: Communication with horses, whales, apes and people. Annals, New York Academy of since humans are about to join the galaxy on SCiences V 364 the road to cosmic ascendancy. Sharp L 1952 Steel axes for stone age Australians. H Spicer ed Human ProblBms in Tschnological CONCLUSION Change New York Sage A fuly developed exo-sociology may prove Smith B 1960 Europsan VISion and the South Pacific, 1761J.1850 Oxford England Clarendon revitalizing to the profession. In the larger Thatcher M 1976 What of Extraterrestrial contact? cultural setting, the dangers of mythological Current 208 32-39 preconceptions concerning ETIS or any Worsley P 1957 The Trumpet ShaH Sound London peoples classed as alien should be apparent MacGibbon Kee ------1970 The Third WorldChicago U from this review of the earlier European first Press contact with the "aliens". REFERENCES BereOOzen R 1973 ed Life Bsyond Earth and the Mind of Man Washington DC NASA Daws G 1968 Shoal of nme Hawaii U Press Golding W 1955 Lord of the RiBs New York Coward McCann Horton J 1966 Order & conflict theories of social pr0 blems. Am8rJof Sociology 71 701-713 Howe KR 1977 The Fate of the Savage in Pacific HARVEY ContinUed from Page 170 Historiography. New ZBaIand J of History 11 137-154 Idell A 1956 ed The B8rnalOiaz Chronicl8s: TfU8 Story of the ConqIJ8St of Mexico New York REFERENCES Doubleday Bern Sandra L 1975 Rufty women and chesty men. Keeley BJ 1976 Noble savage: Primitive origins Psychology Today. september of charisma and Its contemporary survival. David Deborah S, Robert Brannon 1976 eds The Sociological Analysis 37 275-276 Forty-Nine Percent Majority. Reading Addison Levy-8trauss C 1969 The Raw and the Cooksd Wesley New York Harper Row Dubbert J L 1979 A Man's Place: Masculinity in Lips JE 1937 The Savage Hits Back London Transition. Englewood Cliffs Prentice Hall Dickson Farrel Warren 19748 The LibBratBd Man. New MacD'lIliel WE 1981 The future, extraterrestrial York Random House space humanization and sociology. Paper, Amer - 1982 Risking sexual rejection: Women's last Soclol Assn frontier. MS April 100 McNeill WH 1976 Plaguss and PBoplBs NY Goldberg H 1976 Hazards ofB8ing MsIB: Surviving Doubleday he Myth of Masculine Privi/8g8. New York Nash Martin W 1979 SCience fiction and futures research Korda Michael 1972 Cheuvinism at Work and at as cultural production and reproduction. Paper, Mid Home: MaIB Chawinism: How it Works. New York South Sociol Assn Random House . Ortner Sherry 1974 Is female to male as nature Pleck J H, J Sawyer 1974 Man and Masculinity. is to culture? M Rosaldo, L Lamphere eds Womsn, Englewood Cliffs Prentice Hall Culture and SoclBty Stanford U Press SChipper Henry 1982 The truth will out: An inter Puschmann-Nalenz B 1977 Engel oder Teufel? view with Phyllis SChlafiy. MS January 88-89 Uber die Rolle von Kindem in the modernen SCience Stems Peter N 1979 B8 a Man! MalBs in ModBrn Fiction. Ang/istik undEnglishuntBrricht 261-80 Society. New York HOlmes Meier FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 175 JUDGE - JURY OPTIONS: FACTORS INVOLVED IN COUNSEL DECISIONS Margaret Platt Jendrek, Miami University, Ohio BACKGROUND case." (Simon 1980 32) Many have studied Three issues emerge in jury research: 1) jury the impact of these factors on jurors (Stephan competence, 2) jury representation, and 3) the 1975). Now some lawyers are beginning to social-psychoiogicaJ dynamics of jury delibera conduct the voire dire examination of prospec> tions (Erlanger 1970). Research on jury com tive jurors with these social science findings petence has explored how jurors arrive at a in mind (Ginger 1969; 1971). A prior question verdict. Do jurors rely on facts and evidence, which needs to be explicitly addressed is: Why or do they render verdicts based on their own do attorneys advise clients to select jury trials ideas of law and equity? Do jury panels reflect as opposed to judge trials? the socioeconomic character of the com Assuming that defense attorneys wish to munities from which they were drawn? What have their clients acquitted, it could be is the impact of socioeconomic status of hypothesized that they advise clients to have jurors' roles in, and satisfaction with the cases heard before the most lenient forum, deliberation process? Here, we examine a whether that be the the judge trial or the jury fourth issue which has received little attention. trial. In their classic study of the American jury, What factors influence attorneys to advise Kalven and Zeisel (1966 58) found that the clients to seek a judge trial or a jury trial? judge and jury agreed on outcome in about 78 percent of the cases. The jury was more THE RESEARCH PROBLEM lenient in 19 percent and less lenient for 3 per The United States Constitution provides for cent of the remaining cases. Juries thus a trial by one's peers. This phrase has been showed a net leniency preference of 16 per interpreted and reinterpreted by state courts cent. This suggests that the jury trial is and the United States Supreme Court. The preferable to the judge trial for the defendant. definition of a trial by peers in modern day Faced with such a forum decision, defense at America seems embodied in Justice Murphy's torneys would be expected to advise clients statement (Thiel v. Southern Pacific Co, 1946 to seek a jury trial. Such a preference should 328 US 22). be reflected in court statistics. This is not the case. The American tradition of a trial by jury con sidered in connection with either criminal or cMI Statistics indicate that few cases are tried by proceedings, necessarily contemplates an im jury. The 16 percent figure " .. must not be partial jury drawn from a cross section of the made the basis of a general probability community. This does not mean of course that calculus by any defendant, because the cases every jury must contain representatives ofall the to which the 16 percent applies have been economic, social, religious, racial, political, and geographical groups of the community; frequent selected for jury trial because they are ex ly such complete representation would be im pected to evoke pro-defendant sentiments." possible. But it does mean that prospective (Kalven, Zeisel 1966 59) Then why do at jurors shall be selected by court officials without torneys advise clients to seek a judge trial or systematic and intentional exclusion of any of these groups. a jury trial? For the type of trial advice attorneys would give clients, I examined the A trial by peers means the random selection influence of four factors: 1) race of the client; of jurors from a population such that the final 2) racial composition ofthe community where arrays reflect a cross section of the communi the case is to be heard; 3) the type of case; ty. But trial attorneys do not select jurors on and 4) the state's level of legal centralization. a random basis (Ginger 1971). Trial lawyers are very interested in the mesh between the RACE OF THE CLIENT socioeconomic and psychological character of During the late 1960's black activists in the prospective jurors and clients. Trial lawyers civil rights movement identified the American " .. believe that selecting a jury with the 'right legal system as an instrument of oppression. mixture of social characteristics can mean the They argued that the law and the courts im difference between winning and losing a posed white law and white standards of FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 176 morality on the black community (Cleaver COMMUNITY RACIAL MAKEUP 1968). The jury system was not immune to The second factor expected to influence the these attacks. Several of the jury representa judge - jury decision is the racial composition tion studies found that juries could not ac of the community where the case is heard. curately reflect the conscience and mores of Studies of the deliberation process show that their communities because juries did not black jurors are more likely to vote for acquit reflect a cross section of the community. tal and higher compensation than are white Blacks were consistently underrepresented on jurors (Simon 1967; Stephan 1975). jury panels (Dibble 1967; Comment 1970; Hypothesis 2: Attorneys are more likely to Stephan 1975). Some researchers even voic advisejurytrials inpredominantlyblackcom ed the idea that the underrepresentation of munities than theyare in predominantly white blacks on juries has had negative conse communities. quences for the legitimacy of the American Assumption: The likelihood of obtaining black legal system (Van Dyke 1977). They argue that jurors is higher in predominantly black com the lack of blacks on juries results in mistrust munities than it is in white communities. and hostility toward the justice being rendered e~ially when the case involves black TYPE OF CASE litigants, black witnesses, and black The Kalven and Zeisel study of the jury trial deflmdants. showed a marked variation in the selection of ltlNas claimed in testimony at the murder trial the jury trial by type of crime. For murder, of Bobby Seale and Ericka Huggins in 1970 manslaughter and rape, the jury trial was tat~ a: waived only 13, 25, and 25 percent of the time, respectively; but jury trial was waived 57, 59, ..white juror sitting in a jury box listening to the and 70 percent of the time respectively for the testimony of a black witness would sift and less serious crimes of larceny, auto theft, and evaluate and appraise that testimony through a drug law violations (1966 26). screen of preconceived notions about what black Hypothesis 3: Attorneys are more likely to people are... some notions may be based in fact advise jury trial for more serious crimes and .. and some are greatly exaggerated .. and others of those screening biases are complete the judge trial for I8ss serious crimes. ly contrary to fact. None of these things would Some suggest that the jury trial is used for the be as likely to be true of a black juror listening most serious offenses because of the delay to and appraising and judging tha same this engenders in coming to trial. Others argue testimony. The black juror, because of more similar life experiences to the black witness that judges give harsher sentences to those would .. appraise the testimony from a distinc found guilty who opted for the jury trial (Casper tively different vantage point and from a distinc 1972; Silberman 1978). tively different life experience.. (Van Dyke 1977 32). LEGAL CENTRALIZATION The charge of racially biased jury verdicts The fifty state court systems do not form a has been supported. Blacks were considered unified system of justice. Each state has its to be unattractive defendants by jurors, and own government and courts to make and .... where the judge acquits the presence of enforce the law. Each state has adopted a this factor will at times induce the jury to structure for court operations. Decisions are disagree with the judge and convict." (KalYen, made about such structural characteristics as Zeisel1966 217) Other researchers say that the method for selecting the jUdiciary, the Judges are less likely than jurors to be swayed length of judicial terms, the educational by the individual characteristics of the defen requirements for judges, the method for con dant, and are more likely to render decisions ducting voire dire examination of jurors, and grounded in the law (Merryman 1969; the use of lay personnel in judicial decision Damaska 1975; Stuckey 1976). making procedure. Some of these variations Hypothesis 1: Attorneys of black clients are affect the operations of the state's legal order. more likely to advise a judge trial than are The method of judicial selection has an im attorneys of white clients. pact on the characteristics of persons selected to serve as judges. Individuals recruited in FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 177 partisan elections were more likely to be local the central government seeks to remove all ly oriented, politically adept, and dependent nonlegal issues from that process. To on the continuing votes of constituents, com enhance the use of universal criteria, such pared to justices selected by gubernatorial structural charcteristics as the appointment of appointment (Jacob 1964; Canon 1972). judges for long terms of office, authorization Short judicial terms can threaten judicial in of the judge to conduct the voir dire, and the dependence and impartiality, and may cause requirement of a law degree for all appointees judges to be susceptible to political influence are instituted. (Vines 1964; 1965). Conversely, a long term In contrast, the decentralized or community of office is seen as a mechanism to protect controlled legal order operates on a basis of the judge from local political pressure. substantive irrationality. The community The conduct of voire dire has received decides when justice is done, influenced by increasing scrutiny (Fried 1975). Debates "concrete factors of the particular case as focus on who should conduct the examination evaluated on ethical, emotional or political - the judge, the attorney, or both. Proponents basis rather than by general norms." (Weber of the judge-conducted voir dire argue that 1978656) Particularist criteria guide the ad lawyers abuse this privilege. They claim that . ministration of justice in a community attorneys attempt to sway prospective jurors controlled legal order. Assuring justice accor by explaining elements of their case in a sym ding to community standards incorporates pathetic way. Proponents of the lawyer such structural factors as the election of conducted voir dire claim that .... only at judges for short terms in office, making no torneys can knowledgeably question jurors to educational requirements for judicial service, lay the groundwork for challenges, and that and authorization of lawyers to conduct the questioning by attorneys is essential to voir dire examination. preserve the adversary system .." (Van Dyke By hypothesis, the state's level of legal cen 1977 164) By combining these two structural tralization will affect the forum decision. characteristics, we can identify 1) a centraliz Centralized legal orders give the attorney a ed or government controlled legal order, and choice between community invovlement in the 2) a decentralized, or community controlled decision by jury trial, or non-involvement, legal order. choosing the judge trial. In decentralized legal These two legal structures were developed orders attorneys cannot rule out community from Weber's concepts of formal rationality sentiments in IegaJ decision making. The c0m and substantive irrationality and Damaska's munity is involved directly through the jury concepts of the hierarchal and coordinate trial, or indirectly through election of jUdges. models of legal authority (Damaska 1975). In Hypothesis 4: Attorneys in centralized Isgal a liberal state the centralized or government orders ara mora likely to advise the judge trial controlled legal order is supposed to adhere than are attorneys in decentralized Isgal to a policy of formal rationality. In a centraliz orders. ed legal order the administration of justice is Inateraction is predicted between the race of supposed to respond only to specific acts and the client and the racial makeup of the com only the "unambiguous general character munity where the case is heard. Black of istics are taken into account." (Weber 1987 fenders may prefer a jury trial when the case 657) According to Balbus (1973 8): is heard in a black community (Eisenstein, Jacob 1979). Accordingly, a white offender in .. the law in an ideal typical formal rational system takes no notice of the characteristics of a black community may prefer the judge trial, the alleged offender; rich or poor, black or white, and white offenders in white communities may ideological dissident or staunch supporter of the prefer the jury trial where black offenders existing order, all are held to be equal in the eyes would prefer a judge trial. of the court and all are guilty or innocent by vir tue of their acts alone. Hypothesis 5: When the race ofthe clientand the racial makeup of the community ara A centralized legal system operates on similarattorneys will be more likely to advise universal criteria. To guarantee certainty and jury trials. Attorneys advise the judge trial uniformity in the decision making process, when the two differ. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 178 This effectis expected to be mediated by the DATA AND METHODS state's level of legal centralization in conjunc The data were collected in a mail survey, of tion with race of Client and racial makeup of summer 1978, from trial lawyers in Baltimore the community. Maryland, Houston Texas, and New Orleans In the centralized legal order the judge is an Louisiana. Maryland approximated the cen appointed official whose long term of office is tralized model of legal authority. Trial judges not dependent on either performance at the are appointed by the governor for fifteen-year polls or the assistance of local. politicians. terms (Desk Book 1974). There are educa Authorized to conduct the voir dire examina tional requirements for prospective judges. tion of the jury, the judge controls courtroom The voir dire can be conducted only by the operations. The only procedure which involves judge (Van Dyke 1977). Texas approximates the community in judicial decisions is the jury the decentralized model of legal authority. trial. In the decentralized state, to maintain There judges are elected in popular elections hislher office the judge depends on both the to four-year terms, and there are no educa local politicians and the local voters. Attorneys tional requirements. Attorneys are authorized conduct the voir dire, limiting the judge's c0n to conduct the voir dire examination of the jury trol of courtroom operations. The choice (Desk Book 1974; Van Dyke 1977). Louisiana between a judge trial and a jury trial deter is the only state which adopted the Napoleonic mines whether the community is to be involv Code, and its structural features include both ed directly or indirectly in judicial decision centralized and decentralized models of legal making. authority (Desk Book 1974). Hypoth8sis 6: In a decentralized legal order Within each of these three states one area attorneys ofblackclients and white clients will was selected with a large black population. give similar forum advice regardl8ss of the Lawyers responding to the questionnaire had racialcomposition ofthe community where the to have some knowledge of what it meant to case Is heard. Attorneys in centralized legal represent a black client. To assess the effect orders will be more inclined to advise clients of the racial composition of the community on on the basis ofmesh between the client's race the strategy decision,geographic areas were and the community's racial composition. selected where adjacent communities were A four-way interaction between race ofclient white, racially mixed, and black. In Maryland, racial makeup ofcommunity, the state's I8vel Baltimore City is 47 percent black, Baltimore of centralization and the type of case is County is 3 percent black, and Anne Arundel predicted. In highly inflamatory and serious County is 11 percent black. The Houston Stan cases such as those involving bodily harm, the dard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA) of media can S8f1SStionalize and arouse com Texas contained three contiguous but racial munitysentiments. Here, attorneys should ly different communities. Waller County is 53 carefully consider whether to maximize of percent black; Brazoria County is 9 percent minimize the community's rol8 in the legal black; and Harris County is 20 percent black. process. In Isss serious cases, itIs difficult to The New Orleans SMSA of Louisiana had arouse orshock community sentiments. Thus three racially different contiguous com the cho.ice ofwhether to actively involve the munities. Orleans Parish is 45 percent black; community or minimize its role may be Isss St Bernard Parish is 5 percent black; and crucial Jefferson Parish is 13percent black. (US Cen Hypoth8s1s 7: Attorneys in decentrlaiz8d legal sus Bureau County & City Data Book 1972) orders are more likely to givs similar fonJm ad From these nine communities, lawyers were vice to their black and white clients than are randomly sampled from the geographic attorneys in centralized legal orders. In cen rosters of two trial lawyer associations. From tralized l8galorders attorneys base their fonJm each state, 150 lawyers were selected; 75 adlvce on the mesh between the racial were mailed a form saying they were counsel composition of the communty, their client's to a white client, and 75 were told they were race, and the type ofcase. counsel to a black client. The final sample included 182 attorneys, a 40 percent response rate. The analysis is based on a sample of FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 179 136, after cases were removed where data offenses by blacks against blacks the less was missing on relevant variables. Of the 136 serious, and offenses committed by whites lawyers in this group, 3 were women and 5 against blacks the least serious. were nonwhite. Demographic statistics for the Lawyers were asked to indicate their judge attorneys were as follows: mean age, 40 - jury strategy decision for the rape case, the years, s- 9.9; mean income from law practice, simple assault case, and the eviction case $50,000, s..23,000; 41 percent worked alone when the trial was to take place: or in small firms of 2 to 5 persons; 29 percent 1) in the prediminantly black community; worked in medium size 6 to 15 person firms. 2) in the racially mixed community; and For their legal specialty, 43 percent said that 3) in the predominantly white community in civil or criminal trial work was primary; 10 per Maryland, Louisiana, and Texas. cent said trial work was secondary. Years of legal and trial practice averaged 12.5. RESULTS The questionnaire was designed to tap the Lawyers representing black clients appear judge-jury strategy decisions or lawyers accor more likely to advise judge trial than lawyers ding to race of client and racial character of of white clients, in support of Hypothesis 1 the community. They were given facts for a (F - 3.46; P- .065). As predicted, the re rape case, a simple assault case, and a civil sponses of lawyers reveals that the trial forum eviction case. The rape case represented a is linked to the state's level of legal centraliza serious personal injury crime. Forcible rape,' tion. Attorneys in a highly centralized legal defined as the carnal knowledge of a female order are more likely to advise the judge trial forcibly and against her will, is listed among than those in a decentralized legal order, as the seven most serious crimes in the United stated in Hypothesis 4 (F=17.38; p=.001). States (FBI Uniform Crime Reports 1978 13). The impact of the racial composition of the The simple assault case represented the less community on the judge or jury decision is in serious personal injury crime. In a simple the predicted direction. Lawyers with clients assault there is no intent to kill or inflict severe in black communities are the least likely to ad bodily injury. The eviction case represented vise the judge trial, while those in racially a civil case, in the branch of law affecting rela mixed or predominantly white communities tions between individuals, defining legal rights are more likely to select the judge trial, as and obligations. In this civil case, the tenants stated in Hypothesis 2 (F=21.51; p-.001). of an apartament building were bringing suit Thus lawyers with clients in black com for damages against a landlord who was seek munities are more favorable to direct invovle ing to evict them. Plaintiffs alleged that the ment of the community by jury trial. Support eviction was sought to prevent their report of ing Hypothesis 3, the effect for the type of housing code violation to the authorities. case indicates that for the less serious criminal Two forms of the questionnaire were used. offense, attorneys prefer the judge trial, and 1) Lawyers were told they were representing for the more serious offense they prefer the a black offender in the two criminal cases and jury trial. The degree of preference for the civil the black litigants in the civil case. The vic case falls between that of the two criminal tims in the criminal cases were white, and the cases (F = 14.39; P= .001). defendant In the civil case was'a white The interaction between race of client, racial landlord. 2) Lawyers were told that they makeup of community, level of legal cen represented white offenders with white victims tralization, illustrated in Figure 2, is significant, in the criminal cases and a white litigant with as indicated in Hypotheses 6, and 7 (F = 1.98; a white defendant in the civil case. In both p-.047). forms, lawyers were told to assume that their With the higher level of centralization at· clients refused to plea bargain in the criminal torneys of white clients base their forum cases or to settle out of court in the civil case. decision on the type of case. In Texas, the Previous research shows that offenses com most decentralized state, lawyers of white mited by blacks against whites are considered clients are not influenced by either the type the most serious, offenses committed by of case or the racial makeup of the communi whites against whites the next most serious, ty in their forum decision. The jury trial is ." FIGURE 1: JUDGE TRIAL PREFERENCE (oro) BY CENTRALIZATION, CLIENT, COMMUNITY & SERIOUSNESS :D m Black Client White Client m CentralIzed: 1. lIary18nd 2. Loul8lana 3. Texu 1. Maryland 2. Loul8lan8 3. Texu Z o Black White Black White Black White Black White Black White Black White c 80_ 80_ :Ii -< 70~ ..' 70_ Offence Level: 5' 80_ 80_ •...... • Le88 SerIous , g ...... /. More Serious --- m 50_ 50_ ~ 40_ 40_ :;::: .•.•.•. •...... m ~ 30_ 30_ ...... •...... • en 20_ ..... 20_ ...... • g ., <5 10_ 10_ gr 0_ 0_ -<

FIGURE 2: TRIAL JUDGE PREFERENCE (%) BY CENTRALIZATION, CLIENT, COMMUNITY & TYPE CRIME Black Client White Client ~ Cent,.IIZlItIon: 1. MuyllHId 2. Loul8lana 3. Texu 1. Maryland 2. louisiana 3. Tex.. c: Bl8ck Mixed White BI8ck Mixed White Bl8ck Mixed White Bl8ck Mixed White Black Mixed White Black Mixed White 3 CD.... 10_ . 80_ .... 70_ 70_ Type Offense: z / "- o " ...... 80_ 10_ / ~ ~ Assault .!'J 50_ / 50_ Civil z Rape 40_ I 40_ --- /' .... ~ 30_ 30_ " ...... "...... ~ ..... ". "/"'--...... 20_ 20_ " ..... ~ ".". co ...... ",. 10_ " 10_ """'-""'" ------~ ~ 0_ "J 0'_ ---...." ...... o

are reproduction, sexuality, socialization, and He falls in love when transported to the ice production (Mitchell 1966). Male leaders in age of the past, when Vulcans were still able Star Trsk have a structurally different code. to feel emotions. Though Spock falls pas They have no stable sex relations, no children, sionately in love, his duty is to the captain and and no role in child socialization. Instead, the ship, so he abandons the ssductive alter these primary factors for women are channel native. He later falls in love due to the infiltra sd intothe male mission in the starship; to go tion of alien spores in his body. IQrk must save where no man has gone before, to explore the Spock from these dangerous emotions since outer reaches of the Fsd8ration representing Spock is helpless to protect himself. When humane justice and organization. Production restorsd to his normal male self, Spock for these men becomes their centraJ,personal, resumes his duties. and professional basis for behavior. The star ship and its mission become the major prin RETURN TO THE WOMB ciples organizing their experience. No more perfect womb could be imagined Major sources of alienation in society arise than the starship Entsrpriss. The ship supplies from the division between paid and unpaid food, water, air, shelter, friendship and social labor, and the separation of our private lives order, and above all, meaning. No emotional from our public lives (zaretsky 1976). In Star demands are made on the inhabitants and all Trsk the crew never engages in capital ex intellectual information is supplisd by the all change or accumulataion, and their public and knowing ship's computer. She readilyexcesds private lives are idealized in the small town at the spesd of light, provides offensive and mosphere of the starship. They produce in a defensive protection, and complete security total institution organizsd in terms of capital, to the humans inside her. She is servsd by her but not authority, on communistic terms. Thus, male priests, and she is an all encompassing the show indicates how communism can mistress-goddess. Because she enables them maintain a patriarchal structure where female to fulfill their life mission and their mutual oppression is a separate issue from class obligation to each other, she cannot ask too oppression. much. Only human females can do that. Together, the male leaders face the dan The starship Entsrpriss is perceivsd as gerous unknown. They fight for and with each female, referrsd to as "she", and the object other. They experience fear and excitement. of Kirk's love. This ship is his mistress, with They lauth and cry. They are conquerors of whom no mortal woman could compete. All of internal and external challenges. This male the male leaders love her. For Doctor McCoy bond forms the nexus of emotional attraction. this is because of the ship's human crew. For The male group decides the fate of its Spack, it is his duty. Only Kirk admits his emo dependents. tional and intrumental bond, and his nesd to Kirk, as the final authority, listens to advice deny himself sexually in order to have "her". given by the symbolizsd masculinity of Spook Engineer Scotty plays a special role in rela and the femininity of the ship's doctor McCoy, tion to the ship. His sexual nesds are rarely called Bonss. In some ways Kirk may be seen even considered. When he gets drunk, he as androgenous, combining the male and sings to the ship and pats her metal bulk female character, but this is a false image. heads. He spends offduty time reading up on Kirk's masculinity is flaunted by his heterosex technical information in order to serve her uality, his masculine physique, and his macho better. When he gets in a fight, it is not to pro air. He is a "real man". Spock, who tect his own good name or that of Kirk, but to epitomizes rationality, the masculine extreme protect the besmirched honor of his ship. of the male-female continuum, is even more admirsd in. our society. He is extremely in WOMAN'S PLACE telligent, and he can physically subdue his op The only female character, Ueutenant Uhuru ponents by the Vulcan nerve pinch, and can appears regularly on the ship's bridge as the even invade their minds by his mind "meld" black communications officer, with the tradi capacity. Spock is so threatensd by his smo tional female role of talking and translating tions that he must die if he expresses them. linguistic meaning as the telephone operator FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 185 of the future. She never stars in the action, and McCoy, with Spack's brainless body, and one of her major roles occurs when she follow the brain tracks and descend to the adopts "tribbles", which are affectionate furry planet. There the women have banished the little animals unable to control their reproduc native men to the harsh surface, and control tion functions. them through electronically administered Women, introduced as romantic interests, af pleasure and pain. Spack's brain is freed and ford the crew their more dramatic roles. For returned to his body and Kirk and McCoy are example, McCoy is lured into loving a woman saved. Having the women steal a man's brain who appears to him as an old flame. She is is a variant of the emasculation fantasy. really a disquised salt-eating human killer who In the episode, Mudd's Women, Harry Mudd, murders her male victims by draining their a devious salesman of the future gives women bodies of salt. Finally, McCoy sees her in her a youth drug which makes them beautiful just true form as an ugly salt-sucking monster long enough to fool miners into giving up their when he is no longer in love with her. Kirk too valuable dilithium crystals. He creates an army is frequently seduced by women. In his one of female androids hoping to trap the Enter true love affair Spack and Kirk go back in time prise crew and steal the ship. HI? is punished to the Earth of the 1930's where the drug with replicates of his nagging and ugly wife. maddened McCoy is helped by a beautiful Again and again, women are alien, stupid, social worker. Kirk falls in love with her idealiz nagging, and wishing only to serve men. They ed self sacrifice, but he must let her die rather will take drugs, give up immortality, and prac than change history. In the episode Shore tice any necessary deceit to trap a man. Leave, Kirk imagines an old flame is there in However they are always foiled and put in their an illusion imposed by aliens on a planet who· place. can make a man's thoughts appear to be alive. In another episode Kirk falls hopelessly THE ALIEN WITHIN AND WITHOUT in love with a warrior princess who is bound Patriarchal authority is open to attack by less to marry another to settle a war between two powerful men where the desire to overthrow planets. Her name, "Elaan of Tois", recalls the father is a major theme. A 17-year-old boy, the Trojan war, caused by the most beautiful after his rescue by the Enterprise tries to gain woman of all time. control of the ship, but is subdued by the The most important female threat for Spack greater authority and power of Kirk in a face occurs during his normal time for marriage. to-face confrontation. A mad starship captain This is a short period of sexual arousal which siezes control of the Enterprise when Kirk occurs to Vulcans at seven year intervals. goes aboard a disabled starship. Sometimes They become crazed by their emotions dur Kirk is challenged by computers which sym ing this Amok time and it is now that they nor bolize rational masculine control, but have mally marry. To choose his bride, Spack must gone amok. An old Earth space probe, fight Kirk, his best friend and commander. In damaged by collisions in deep space, is pro the fight, Kirk appears to have been killed, but grammed to destroy all imperfections, in the bride rejects Spock because he is too cluding flawed humans. Kirk pretends to be much away from home. This satisfies Spack's its maker, penetrates its central directives, and normal sexuality for another seven years. In makes it destroy itself. every romantic episode, women are elimi Male aliens vie for power when an alien virus nated. They are tempting, evil, and illusionary. eliminates emotional controls and threatens Or they are culturally and morally superior, but Spack's death. Kirk's power saves the situa unavailable. They are simply temptresses (De tion. Another alien uses children to get access Beauvior 1953). and control of the Enterprise but Kirk revives In a very complex put-down, female leaders the children's memories of love and good of a woman dominated civilization steal times with human adults, and breaks the spell Spack's brain. A priestess infiltrates the of the evil father-figure. defenses of the men by gaining mental powers The major attackers are traditional foes. The from a computer. She installs Spack's brain Romulans would not attack as long as the in the computer, which intrigues Spock. Kirk Federation forces stayed in their own territory. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 186

The Klingons do all the things that people do. to match her dead spirit. She begs Kirk to kill They attack a pacifist planet which Kirk her, and he refuses. Then she teUs Kirk of find defends on orders of the Federation. He flQhts ing the ruins of an superior civilization which the Klingon captain, an equal alien male foe. I allows her to change bodies with him, and The pacifist planet arranges a treaty between thus gain immortality and her own starship the empires and establishes a precedent: command. She does this, but cannot kill Kirk, Klingons and Earthmen must not fight. Kirk although she has already murdered her arche discovers that he too, is vicious in his reluc ological team. Only Coleman knows of this tance to give up the fight. transformation, while the Enterprise crew re The worst threat to the ship's functioning is main victim to this exploitive fabrication. The internal treachery. This theme includes Kirk's structural alteration diagram is shown in vulnerability to his own dark side. In a Figure 1. transporter malfunction, Kirk is split in two be There are two strips associated with two ings; one good, the other evil. Neither side can frames. One strip is of a male and female, and survive alone, showing the need for both the primary frame is that of the Captain as a human aspects. An analogy to the competi male more powerful than she, an old flame. tion and cooperation as masculine and As an archeologist who went mad for want of feminine sides appears. Finding a counterpart his love, she settled for a less powerful posi universe where a bad Kirk is in command, the tion because women could not be Starneet good kirk wins out, proving his good side is commanders. To want to engage in the better. In the final episode Kirk's body is taken Oedipal myth, the woman is defined as a man over by a deranged woman. The bizarre reac and a worthy opponent. When she changes tions to this feminized Kirk lead to mutiny. bodies with Kirk, the strip is changed. We will What could be more unstable than a female call the altering of the strip an innovation. This in Kirk's body? This dark side must be totally innovation yields a new primary frame where eliminated and utterly rejected. Janice Lester is in Kirk's body (LK), and Kirk exists in Janice Lester's body (KL). Only LK A SPECIFIC FEMINIST FRAME ANALYSIS and KL and Lester's physician, Doctor Col It is apparent that sex codes are a basic rule eman know of this innovation. Spack, Scotty, for organizing Star Trek. Through language, McCoy, Chekov, and the other crew members myth, nonverbal behavior and displays of believe that the original strip still exists. Be power, women are universally put in their ing dupes, they are in a closed awareness place, and are made submissive to men. It is context. Each key that allows them to see that also clear that most .episodes are based on the first primary frame no longer exists allows some form of fabrication which must be them to correct their perception of the rules revealed and destroyed. Here we will enter the for action. Only Spack is truly rekeyed to the framing process that organizes the experience innovation and its resulting primary frame. In of the characters and the audience. his changed understanding is a lamination of In the last episode, Tumaboutlntruder, Kirk, this primary frame. The others believe that the Spack and McCoy beam down to answer a original strip probably continues to exist, but planet's distress signal. An archeological team that Kirk is acting strangely. The keys need led by the renowned Dr Janice Lester has ed to tell the crew and officers that this is not been stricken with disease. Only Janice Lester a correctly acting Kirk are indicators of the pro and her physician, Dr Coleman survive. Kirk cess of self-presentation and how the "other" and Lester were romantically involved at understands these cues. These keys involve Starfleet SChool, and Janice was frustrated at LO's lack of everyday knowledge, altered being denied a starship command due to her emotional reactions, unfriendliness in interper sex. She resented and hated Kirk's accep sonal relations, and a misunderstanding of tance of this inequality, which ended the rela Starfleet directives, the highest authority for tion. Kirk had worried that they might kill each Kirk. Spack notices the subtle changes and other ifthey stayed together. Janice says that follows them to their logical conclusion. He she has been dead all her life except for her also makes the most radical frame shift. year with Kirk. She sttJdied dead civilizations McCoy and Scotty are more difficult to per- FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 187

FIGURE 1: FEMINIST FRAME ANALYSIS OF STAR TREK TURNABOUT INTRUDER

Time 1 Prlmery TV Frame Janice Lester, Archeologist, Injured; James Kirk, captain, Normal

Depleted Strip Male and Female

Time 2 Primary TV Frame Only Lester-Kirk & Klrk·Lester know that this Is the strip being framed. Duped starshlp crew think Frame at Time 1 Is correct.

Innovation MalelFemale $ FemalelMale

Time 3 Primary TV Frame Spock discovers error In sequence of power.

Correct lamination Gender exchange of Lester & Kirk

Time 4 Primary TV Frame McCoy & Scotty discover error In sequence of power.

Incorrect lamination captain acting strangely; Is It he or she?

TimeS Primary TV Frame Uhuru & Chekov discover error In sequence of power.

Incorrect lamination Captain acting strangely; Is It he or she?

Time 6 Primary TV Frame . captain Is Kirk; Archeologist Is Lester; Order Is restored In sex class, bodies, & command.

Depleted Strip Male and Female

suade and need not only these clues, which speculate on her behavior: are even more marked than Spack's, but they "I didn't want to destroy her," said Kirk. also need Spack's testimony. This witness to "You had to," said Spack, "how else could the innovated strip is provided by Spock dur you have survived, Captain, to say nothing ing a court martial, a formal hearing in the of the rest of us." framing dispute. As a counter provocateur to "Her life could have been as rich as any the new captain, another provocateur, Spack woman's, if only -" he paused and sighed. entraps LK into revealing behavior that the "If only ..... real captain would not display. She orders "If only," Spack said, "she had been able Spock executed, and it is this radical break to take any pride in being a woman." with Starfleet justice that rekeys the frame for If Janice had only been satisfied with being McCoy and Scotty. Uhuru and Checkov are a woman, not trying to take over male power, forced into action only as a last measure to she would have been normat sane, and save the ship and crew, and they remain con lovable and could have led a happy live ac fused over the strip relating Lester and Kirk. cording to patriarchal frames. When the two personalities have been transfered they retain stereotypic sex-class A STAR TREK FEMINIST FUTURE? responses. Janice, who is more emotional and Although Star Trekwas originally less sexist, less competent, retains this character though the creator's sexual and racial equality con. she has Kirk's body and authority to act like tent was quashed by television executives a man and a commander. Kirk, however, at· (Whitefl8ld, Roddenburg 1968). They correctly tacks Dr Coleman with his fists even when he surmised that the public really wanted to see is in a female body. He wrests control from patriarchy as practiced by white males. In both in terms of his own body and the com every episode women are the true aliens. They mand of the ship. After the fall of Janice, the know their proper place though time and uncovering of her fabrication and the return across interstellar space. Powerless in of the strip to normal, Spack and. Kirk political, military, and economic spheres, FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 188 these women of the future resort to stereotypic Turner Victor 1970 The Ritual Process. Chicago wiles and snares to entrap trusting men. ALdine Whether abnormally powerful by deception or Tyreel William B 19nStar Trek as Myth & Televi sion as Mythmaker. J ofPopular Culture 10711-719 by android machinery, women are always sub Whitefield S, G Roddenbury 1968 Making ofStar dued by the men of the Enterprise. Sexually Trek. New York Ballantine stimulating, the women distract these men zaretsky Eli 1976 capitalism, the Family and Per· from their higher duty to their feminine ship. sonal Life. New York Harper The officers love each other and are loved by their crew and fans. Emotional attachment to JENDREK Continued from Page 181 male shipmates and to a machine are depic ted as normal, while commitment to women Dibble VK 1967 Social composition of grand jury is not only pathologic, but deadly to the panels of the Supreme Court of Kings County New York 1958-1962. New York: Bureau of Applied masculine ideal, as embodied in Spack. In a Research. feminist world, the men of the Enterprise Eisenstein J, H Jacob 1977 Felony Justice: An would be seen as the aliens and the evil in our Organizational Analysis ofCriminal Courts. Boston midst. Little Brown Erlanger HS 1970 Jury research in America: Its past and future. Law & Society Rev 4 345-370 REFERENCES Fried M, K Kaplan, K Klein 1975 Jury selection: Bailey Margaret 1976 Live Long andProsper. New An analysis of voir dire. R Simon ad The Jury Brunswick Graduate School of Library Service System in America: A Critical Overview. Beverly DeBeauvoir Simone 1953 The Second Sex New Hills sage York Knopf Ginger Ann Fagan 1971 What can be done to Blish James 1972 Star Trek 5 New York Bantam minimize racism in jUry trials? J ofPublic Law. 20 Broverman I, S Vogel, D Broverman, F Clarkson, 427-441 P Rosenkrantz 1970 Sex role stereopypes & clinical - Minimizing racism in jury trials: The voir dire judgments in mental health. J Consult & Clinical conducted by C Garry in People of California vs. Psych 34 1·7 H Newton. National Lawyers Guild Cawelti John 1969 Concept of formula in study of Jacob H 1964 Effect of institutional differences in popular culture. J ofPopular Culture 3 381-390 the recruitment process: The case of state judges. Deegan Mary Jo 1978Social dramas ofGottman J of Public Law 13104-119 & Turner. Humanity & Society 2 33-46 James Rita M 1959 Status and competence of Engels F 1972 Origin ofthe Family, Private Pro jurors. Amer J of Sociology 64 563-8570 pertyand the State. ed LB Leacock New York In· Kalven H, H Zeisel 1966 The American Jury. ternational Publishers c 1884 Boston Little Brown Fine Gary 1980 Frames & fantasy games. Paper Merryman J 1969 Civil Law Tradition: Introduction American Sociol Assn mtg to the Legal Syst8ITIS ofWestern Europe and Latin Gerrold David 1974 The World ofStar Trek New America. Stanford U Press York Ballantine Silberman C 1978 Criminal Violence, Criminal Goffman Erving 19n The arrangement between Justice. New York Vintage the sexes. TheOry & Society 4 #3 301·331 Simon Rita J 1980 The Jury: Its Role In Amerlcen ------1976 Gender Display, Picture Society. Massachusetts Lexington Books Frames, Gender Commercials, in Gender Adver· - 1967 The Jury and Defense ofInsanity. Boston tisements. Studies in Anthropology of Visual Com Little Brown munication. 3 #2 69-95 Stephan Cookie 1975 Selective characteristics of ------1974 Frame Analysis. New York jurors & litigants: Their influence on juries' verdicts. Harper RSimon ed Jury System In America: A CriticaIOver· ------1967 Interaction Ritual Garden City view. Beverly Hills Sage New York Anchor Books Strodtbeck F, R James, C Hawkins 1957 Social ------1962 Asylums. Chicago Aldine status & jury deliberations. Amer Soclol Rev 22 Habermas J 1970 Toward a Rational Sociology. 713-719 Boston Beacon Stuckey GB 1976 Procedures In the Justice Marsano William 1977 Groking Mr Spook. in J System. Columbus Ohio Merrill Winston ed Making ofthe Trek Convention. Garden Van Dyke 1977 Jury Selection Procedures: Our City New York Doubleday Uncertain Commitment to Representative Juries. Mitchell Juliett 1966 Women: The longest revolu Massachusetts Ballinger tion. New Left Rev 40 11-37 Nov Vines KN 1965 Southern state supreme courts ------1975 Psychoanalysis & Feminism. and race relations. Western Pol/tical Qtrly 18 5-18 New York Vintage Books - 1964 Federal district judges and race relations Parsons Talcott, Robert Bales 1955 Family, cases in the South. J of Pol/tics 26 337-357 Socialization & Interaction Process. Glencoe Illinois Weber Max 1978 On Law In Economy and Socie Free Press ty. California U Press FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 189 MORAL MEANING IN FELONY JURY TRIALS: A DRAMATURGIC PERSPECTIVE Marianne Hopper, St Edward'S University, Texas INTRODUCTION or immorality and related concepts applicable Sociologists are only now beginning the vast in everyday life. They choose instead to follow amount of research required to determine " .. the positivist practice of sUbstituting through study of social usage the meanings phenomena oftheir own construction for those of morality. Douglas (1970 9) has called for of common sense everyday life, and then systematic participant observation studies of studying their own ad hoc phenomena as If moral meaning in use. these constituted reality (Douglas 1970). They This paper involves a systematic participant have generally substituted values or mores for observation study of moral meaning in use in the term morality in Its usual sense of right the jury trial. The study design recognizes the versus wrong. Though this substitution Is principle of th contextual determination of made to avoid the complexity and bias of corn meaning. This incorporates the idea that the mon sense terms, It has simply created concrete meaning of anything is adequately another level of complexity. Wanting their given to actors only when its concrete or studies to be ultimately related to everyday situated context is provided (Douglas 1967 life, sociologists have".. had to shift back and 235). Rather than focusing on moral ex forth between their ad hoc phenomena and periences in the abstract, I focus on them as the everyday phenomena constructing post firmly tied to their social context. I am in hoc systems of translating devices.. " terested in ongoing everyday use of morality, (Douglas 1970 8). I will avoid these ter and in morality as process rather than as minological problems and keep this study structure. closely related to the common sense mean ing of everyday life. DEFINING MORAL & MORAUTY The early research of Hartshorne and May We must discuss what is meant by the terms (1928) on morality yielded some findings of moral and morality. Definition is difficult great interest. They defined moral character because morality is such a basic term that it as a set of culturally defined virtues, such as is hard to find more basic terms for the defini honesty, which could be checked byobserv tion. Many articles embracing the dramaturgic ing a child's ability to resist temptation to perspective deal with matters of explicitly break a rule by cheating when the chance of moral nature without ever setting forth what detection or punishment is small. They found these terms mean (Brisset & Edgley 1975). that the most influential factors determining The dictionary definition is: resistance to temptation to disobey or cheat MORAL- a: of or relating to principles of were situational factors rather than some fix right or wrong in behavior; ETHICAL b: ex ed individual moral character trait of hones pressing or teaching a conception of right ty. ThUS, moral behavior is determined by behavior. c: conforming to a standard of situational factors rather than by Internal right behavior. d: sanctioned by or operative disposition of conscience or character. on one's conscience or ethical judgment. e: In an essay called "Fragments on Ethics" capable of right or wrong action. Mead said: "In moral judgments we have to The definition of the term morality shows it work out a social hypothesis, and one never to be dependent on the definition of moral: can do it simply from his own point of view. MORALITY- 1a: a moral discourse, state We have to look at it from the point of view ment or lesson. b: a literary or other im of a social situation." (Mead 1962387) I cer aginative work teaching a moral lesson. 2a: tainly concur with this situational emphasis in a doctrine or system of morals. b: particular the study of moral meanings. Since the pur moral principles or rules of conduct. 3: con pose is to see what is meant by the terms formity to ideals of right human conduct 4: moraland morality, such situational emphasis moral conduct. leads me to accept Wittgenstein's edict that Sociologists generally have chosen not to the meaning of language is provided by its deal directly in research or theory with morality use. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 190 I take morality as a general reference to right myth of the presumption of innocence until or wrong behavior, and use these terms as guilt is proved, the defendant's moral identi sensitizing instruments. Blumer (1970) ad ty has already been severely damaged by the vocates such usage·of concepts and suggests accusations. The defendent, aided by at referring to them as sensitizing concepts. As torneys and others enlisted to aid the defense such, these terms are used to give a general must try to prevent further damage to the sense of reference and guidance in ap defentant's moral identity, and must try to un proaching empirical cases. Though lacking a do some of the damage already suffered. precise reference which allows clearcut iden A variety of Interpretations are possible for tification, they provide a general sense of what any behavior. The state publicly subscribes to is relevant. an account of the action that is very damning CRIMINAL TRIALS to the defendant's moral identity. This is why Our legal system is vitally concerned with the the formal accusation was made, and the trial assignment of moral meaning. Here we will initiated. The defendant must try to provide an focus on criminal proceedings, where moral account for the behavior in question what will overtones and meanings are most apparent. prove to be more acceptable than the motiva Douglas (1970) asserts that each actor gains tion ascribed to the defendant by the state. He in moral worth to the extent that others lose tries to provide an account that will supersede in moral worth. Thus moral evaluation be the state's version and vitiate its negative ef comes a zero-sum game. There is a necessary fect. Many defendants are unfamiliar with the dependency between moral opposites. type of account or motive that will be accep Burke (1969 21) shows why this is true: to table in court. This may be because their tell what something is, one must refer to social position places them outside the something that it Is not. One tells what a thing mainstream of legitimated morality. Or it could is by placing it in terms of something else. arise from unfamiliarity with our legal system. Douglas agrees; arguing that as a result of this Here it is the defense attorney's task to necessary linkage in social meanings between legitimize the account given in court. Thus the good and evil: ....we will always have evil at defense attorney, under the guise of explain the same time that - and precisely because ing the law, can coax the client to give a ver - we have good." (Oouglas 1970 4). It follows sion of the crime that will allow him to claim then that the stronger the belief in good, the that he was not responsible for his actions stronger will be the belief in evil. (Travers 1959). This explains why people choose to con My research dealt with the motives and ac struct images of deviants and criminals. label counts cited by both sides in the process of ing others as deviant enables one to see the construction of moral Identities in the oneself as nondevlant. It also helps explain criminal trial. I studied the criminal trial pro why they devise official means by the criminal cess in felony cases involving jury trials. In a justice system to stigmatize certain persons jury trial a courtroom observer witnesses the as deviants and as criminals. The stigmatiza presentations made by both sides, and the tion process illustrates what Garfinkel (1956) observer has as much background informa labeled a status degradation C8f8monY. He tion as do the jurors. The jury members of asserts that these ceremonies fall within the ficially decide questions as to the defendant's scope of the sociology of moral indignation, true moraIldentity. The observer has the same and that the paradigm of moral indignation is information as those passing moral judgment. a form of public denunciation. Degradation As an observer at the trial, I concentrated on ceremonies serve to dramatize evil. The court the construction of moral meaning by both and its officers have a monopoly on degrada sides. The central question in my research tion ceremonies. was: How is the defendant's moral identity The courtroom criminal trial is a degradation constructed? I observed what the actors did, ceremony par excellence. The state invokes how they did it, and how other actors respond moral indignation for the ritual destruction of ed to the actions, using the dramaturgic the moral identity of the accused. Despite the perspective. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 191 MORAL MEANING IN COURT the events. One side may subscribe to one The dramaturgic perspective of meaning version, then encounter difficulties selling this reveals three widely accepted principles version, and end by modifying or repudiating (Becker 1975; Berger 1963; Stone 1962; it. Or a side may simultaneously offer several Strauss 1964; Travisano 1975).1) Meaning is different meanings for the defendant's ac not a given; it is not seen as being stable and tions. It should be noted that since no acts dependable. 2) Meaning is created by people take place in a social void, it is often necessary and the meaning of any object is constantly to offer and have accepted meanings for the being re-established by behavior toward that actions of persons other than the defendant object. 3) Meaning is seen as emerging from in order to make the advocated meaning of the behavioral consensus between human ac the defendant's action viable. If the defense tors, and thus, is vitally linked to behavior and contends that the defendant killed in self interaction. defense, they must first convince the jurors In felony jury trials there are diverse persons that the victim meant to harm the defendant. trying to attach meaning to the behavior ofthe In order to establish concrete meaning a defendant. Not only do they wish to make the situated context must be provided, according defendant's behavior meaningful, they wish to the principle of contextual determination of to make it morally meaningful, with clearly meaning. In a trial, both sides try to do this. negative overtones. Those representing the Both the state and the defense have a vested state generally try to establish that the defen interest in establishing a particular definition dant did a bad thing, or more generally that of the situation. Sometimes, contradictory the defendant is a bad person. Those "facts" about the situation are elicited from representing the defendant present morally witnesses while in others, the "facts" or the positive, or at least morally neutral meaning situation are agreed on, but different inter for validation. pretations involving moral meanings are said Basically, it is the meaning of experiences to apply. Definition of the situation is at the that constitutes their reality, and the process heart of the problem of establishing moral of establishing meaning in the courtroom is meaning. part ofthe process of constructing reality. The goal of both sides at the trial is to have the NOM', THEN, AND THE FUTURE meaning they wish to assign to the defen Gottman (1959) focuses discussion on an in dant's behavior consensually validated by the dividual in the presence of others, and notes jury and other actors in the courtroom drama. the process whereby they seek information Since the meanings subscribed to by the two about each other, bringing into play informa sides are mutually contradictory, and at least tion already acquired in order to help define discrepant, it is usually impossible for both the immediate situation. Such a definition of versions to be consensually validated by the the situation is seen as essential to help all jury, judge, press, and spectators. This results parties know what to expect of one another. in a situation in which the defense and the Individuals try to manage the impression that state must compete in trying to convince they make to gain some control over the others to validate the meaning which they response of others. seek to assign to the defendant's action. This Gottman stresses the idea that a projected is the basis of the adversarial system of definition of the situation is being offered and justice. its acceptance is being urged. The concept This version of meaning building is over of a team can be applied to such situations. simplified because there are often parties A team refers to a set of individuals whose other than direct representatives of the state cooperation is required for a given definition and the defense who have a vested interest of the situation to be maintained (Goffman in the validation of a particular meaning for 1959 104). In the courtroom, where the certain of the events in question. The situa defense team cooperates to establish and tion is further complicated by the fact that maintain pne definition of the situation, a either the state or the defense may subscribe blameless or at least technically innocent to more than one version of the meaning of defendant struggles for acquittal. The state FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 192 team may be working to establish and main controversy, the reconstruction is an impor tain quite a different definition of the situation. tant focus of interest. It is only after a defini The defense presents a morally acceptable tion of events in the past has been consen· view of the defendant white the state portrays sUally validated by the jury that meaning of the the defendant as immoral. The jury must then present is sufficiently clear to allow the jury synthesize these opposing views, and assign to consider future events. It is only after it has moral meaning to the defendant by their ver been decided that the defendant's action was dict. criminal that it is clear that we are dealing with But Goffman focuses on definition of the pre a criminal and that it is time to decide on an sent situation, one of face-to-face irlteraction. appropriate measure of punishment. The jury He does consider bits of information from the is presented with several versions of past past, but these are used to define the current events. It officially defines these past events situation. While individuals in court do have using one or a combination of the presented to define the current situation, a basic goal of versions. Subsequent action is based on the the trial is to arrive at a consensually validated definition of the past situation arrived at by the definition of the situation that occurred at a jury. This well illustrates the Thomas theorem: time and place when the members of the jury in the court, situations defined from the past were not present, and were not in face-to-face are now defined as real, and are assuredly interaction with the defendant. This problem real in their consequences (Thomas 1928). demands consideration of added dimensions Basically, the jury, the judge, and others pre of time. McHugh (1968) stresses the impor sent in the courtroom must concurrently define tance of time and the idea of building mean several different situations. The present situa ing for past situations through the concept of tion at the trial must be defined. This is a con emergence. tinuous process, since the definition of the cur Emergence concerns the temporal dimen rent situation is always subject to change. At sion of activity, wherein past, present, and the same time, one or several situations oc the future are analytically distinct, and at the curring at various times in the past are also same time, inextricable, for they are not cor being defined, negotiated and redefined. All respondingly distinct in their influence upon of this is done with an eye to possible future concrete behavior. (McHugh 1968 24) programs of action. The multiple awareness Of import here is the fact that an event is of the current situation, one of several past always becoming and never complete. Such situations and possible future situations is an event is continuously achieved as we crucial in understanding the trial process. The reconstruct past situations. In the courtroom idea of such multipltJ awareness is extremely competing interests strive to restructure the useful in understanding the interaction pro past along lines that will result in future pro cess in court during felony jury trials. grams which they endorse. The defense may project a definition of the alleged criminal NOW action as an unavoidable accident. The defen The courtroom situation must be defined. dant is therefore not responsible, and should The immediate present can be conceived as not now be convicted or punished for such ac a razor's edge constantly moving forward. The tions. The defense claims that the defendant present moment can never be accurately cap is not morally culpable. tured because as soon as one turns one's The importance lies not in whether the past thoughts to it, it becomes the moment just action occurred as depicted, but rather in how past. This narrow view of the present now is it is called forth to make the present mean too ephemeral to be useful in dealing with the ingful. This would support Goffman's ern situation of everyday life. In the courtroom ex phasis on the use of the past merely as an aid perience during a trial, now is used more in defining the present situation. However, in loosely, and can be considered in at least two the courtroom, much emphasis is placed on general ways. whether the past occurred as depicted by the First, now can be considered to be the trial defense or by the prosecution. Since the itself. The trial is seen as a unified event tak depiction of past events is often the center of ing place in the present. That the trial may last FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 193 a week or more does not preclude consider full·time job. ing it a unified event occurring in an elongated It may not always be possible to distinguish present - now. Participants often contribute empirically these two uses ofthe concept now. to this view by trying to maintain a consistent Consider a man who previously wore his hair image for the duration. This is especially true in a long ponytail. If he gets a crew cut just for the defendant, who often wears the same before the trial, this new hair style will be part clothes and maintains the same basic ap of the impression he makes in the courtroom. pearance throughout the trial. The manner in It will also be a central part of his appearance which defendants dress is linked to their and the impression he makes on people in presentation of self and the moral identity they other settings during this period. One of the wish to establish. basic uses of now, whatever the sense of It might seem that the basic definition of the employment, is for comparison to the state of situation during a trial is generally agreed affairs extant at some previous time: then. upon, and is fairly consistent over various dif ferent criminal cases. This is so because trials COMPARING NOW AND THEN are generally conceded to be formal pro We have noted that a basic goal of the trial, ceedings where interaction is strictly regulated besides agreeing on a definition of the in-court by the rules of the court. Built into these rules situation, is to arrive at a consensually is an enforced respect for the judge, who is validated definition of past situations. During actually referred to as "the court." This en the trial, competing interest groups strive to forced respect for the judge is signaled by the reconstruct the past, then along lines that will instruction to everyone in the courtroom to rise lead to the trial outcome which they advocate. when the judge enters or leaves. The court One commonly used technique to establish functionaries, such as the judge, attorneys, meaning at the trial is to compare the situa bailiff, and recorder know the rules for interac tion now with the situation then. This com tion and usually guide witnesses and defen parison may be used to support the endors dants through their more fleeting ed definitions and meanings of either the cur appearances. rent or the past situation. The technique is It can be considered a moral obligation for used by both the state and the defense. participants and spectators to accept the of We will now consider elements of the situa ficial definition of the trial process. However, tion that may be cited to compare now and the meaning of the ongoing situation in court then. The purpose is to show how this techni must be continuously re-established. It is que is used to build meaning, especially, based on behavioral consensus, and as such moral meaning. The term moral is used in the is unstable and vulnerable. In court, as general sense to connote right or wrong ac elsewhere, we can find evidence ofthe fragility tion. In each comparison of now and then it of meaning, and hence of the subtype, moral is relevant to ask who is doing the comparison, meaning. The entire definition of the situation to what end, and to emphasize the meaning in court can be shaken when one or several of which situation. We have distinguished be of the participants fail to validate the general tween now referring to courtroom pro ly accepted meaning. Any participant can deedings, and now referring generally to the disrupt the definition of the situation in court. status quo in other matters at the present time. In a second sense, now can be used to refer We will use this distinction when citing the to the status quo in other areas. It can denote elements of the situation to be compared. the existing state of affairs in various aspects First, consider comparisons drawn between of the defendant's life, and the setting where the courtroom situation now and and the situa the alleged crime ocurred. Thus if the defen tion back then. It is in the face-to-face situa dant was unemployed at the time ofthe crime, tion that the other is fully real, while all other he may be working full time now. The defen forms of relating to the other are in varying dant certainly is not working during atten degrees, remote (Berger & Luckman 1966 29). dance at the trial. The point is that the defen The implicaations of this must be considered dant's life outside the courtroom setting and in the courtroom situation. It is possible that during the time of the trial involved having a the well-behaved and neatly dressed defen- FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 194 dant in the courtroom may seem more real to crime in an effort by either the defense or the the jury than the violent or evil charaetrer that state to impeach the witness' current witnesses and the prosecutor describe. The testimony and decrease its impact on the jury defendant now present in court often bears and other audiences. This is done when the little resemblance to the defendant as describ statement made from the stand does not cor ed to those present then at the time of the roborate, or actually contradicts the version alleged offence. This seems to indicate that of the situation then which an attorney is try it is the prosecution that most often calls up ing to build. elements of comparison in order to contrast The two sides do not consistently support the the courtroom situaton with the situation at the validity of statements made at the time of the time of the alleged criminal action. There is incident when compared to statements made a moral overtone inherent in such in court. The parties at a trial generally take comparisons. a very pragmatic approach supporting and Physical appearance may be compared making a case for the validity of those across the two situations. Often is it the statments which most nearly support the physical appearance of the defendant that is definition of the situation which they advocate. at issue. In this instance it is usually the pro The defense may challenge the validity of the secutor who is attempting to show that the defendant's statements to police immediate defendant's appearance at the time of the ly following the alleged crime by having the alleged crime was very different from the defendant testify to being under duress, or not defendant's appearance now in court. This is having been a~vised about constitutional because the defense attorneys can have the rights. defendant dress in a manner consistent with Since a distinction was made between now, the moral image they intend to present. They referring to affairs in the courtroom, and now generally do not have to contest their client's referring more generally to the status quo in courtroom appearance. other matters at present, we should also con It is not only the defendant's appearance in sider some of the comparisons that can be court that is compared to that of earlier occa drawn between now in the more general sense sions. The appearence of a victim may also of the status quo and the status quo then at be the subject of such a now-thtm comparison. the time of the event in question. In the case of the victim it is often the pro Finances may be the subject of such a com secutor who planned, or is content with the parison. Consider the case in which the defen victim's appearance in the courtroom while it dant was unemployed at the time of the rob is the defense who may contrast this ap bery of a convenience store, but had since pearance with that of the victim at the time of received a grant to go to upholstery school. the alleged offense. In a rape case the victim In this case, it is the defense that makes the was a nursing student who appeared ilJ court comparison since the present situation com in her crisp white nursing uniform, wearing pares favorably to that in the past. Using such thick glasses, with her hair pulled back severe an approach is actually looking to the future, ly into a ponytail. During closing arguments since the inference is made that the individual the defense attorney pointed out that on the now has a recourse and may stay out of trou night in question, the alleged victim had been ble in the future. in her room nude, and had started to paint These examples are merely illustrative. before the arrival of the defendant. The While I have been referring to comparisons defense was grounded in an attack on the pro between now and then, most of th examples priety and morality of the victim. have actually involved the contrssting of now Statements made from the stand during the and then by one side or the other to support trial may be compared to statements made by the definitions and moral meanings of the the same person at the time of the alleged situation, both current and past, which they crime. Statements are usually taken by the are trying to construct. We must note that police shortly after an alleged offense. The some comparisons do involve a claim of con statements made in court may be compared sistency across the past and present situa with the witness' statements at the time of the tions. This occurs when the defense maintains FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 195 that the alleged crime was in fact an unfor situations. Each side wants to get in discus tunate accident that was unavoidable. Such sion of those past situations which can be c0n a contention was made in a case involving a strued as supporting their theory of the moral couple charged with injuring their infant son meanings involved in the case. They want to after his death. The defense held that the child discuss those past situations that are consis vomited and choked on the vomitus, which tent with and support their definition of the caused his death. The defense contended that situation at the actual time of the alleged of this sort of accident occurs even when a child fense, and that seem to support their defini is being cared for in the hospital nursery. tion of the situation now. They try to block Thus, since this was an accident, the parents discussion of any situation that does not sup were defined as morally blameless both then port the moral meanings they are advocating and now. for such situations. At this point it becomes clear that this still Such a process is obviously an exercise in represents an oversimplified conception of the information control. The bank robbery trial of process of building meaning in court. This is Patricia Hearst clearly illustrates how each so because the foregoing refers to the situa side struggles to present those past situations tion then as a single entity to be considered consistent with their theory of the case, and and defined during the trial. Such is often not to suppress those that are inconsistent. It is the case. Since time is a continuous variable, obvious that much of the testimony in the there are infinitely many different thens which Hearst case and the disagreement between could be intended. While this is not done in the state and the defense centered on the practice, it is true that there are often question of the moral identity of the defendant. numerous different thens whose moral mean The state strove to depict the defendant as an ings need agreement to permit a jury's verdict. enthusiasstic and voluntary bandit and a will ing convert to terrorism - an unacceptable MULTIPLE THENS moral identity. The defense sought to depict It may be that situations occurring at discrete the defendant as a captive, frightened kidnap times in the past are being compared, as Time victim struggling for survival - a blameless 1, Time 2, and Time 3. In the case of the in moral identity. There was a very selective use jury of the child, the doctor on duty in the of thens by the two sides. The defense sought hospital emergency room when the child was to bring in testimony regarding past situations brough in testified that he weighed six pounds that tended to support the moral view of the seven ounces at death. This doctor also defendant which they were constructing, and testified that the hospital records showed that tried to suppress any mention of those situa this child had weighed seven pounds eight tions that seemed to contradict this image. ounces when born. Here, two distinct times The state likewise tended to select those past in the past are being considered: the time of situations supporting their theory of the moral the child's birth and the time of his death, four meaning of the case, and tried to suppress months later. The state compared the weight seemingly discrepant past situations. of the child across these two past situations and contended that the fact that the child IN THE FUTURE weighed less at death than at his birth four There are various definitions of possible months earlier showed the parents' criminal future situations. Not surprisingly, consensual neglect and immorality. validation of future situations can be in In some cases one side may strive to rstrict strumental in effecting the moral meaning of the consideration of past events to one par present and past situations. In one sense the ticular then, the time of the alleged offense. entire trial is geared to the future in an attempt The other side may wish to introduce evidence to determine what should happen to the defen describing and defining situations that occur· dant. It is evident that different futures are red at other times in the past. In fact, the situa usually envisioned by different parties at the tion is not simply one in which one side wants trial. During the course of the trial, however, to restrict consideration to just one then while a party may find it necessary to modify the the other side wants to consider other past future situation that it endorses. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 196 Generally, the state endorses a definition of may choose to convict on a lesser charge. The the future with the defendant as a convicted defense must argue that the defendant is in felon who receives punishment. Thedefense nocent and morally blameless, but if the endorses a definition of the future with the defendant is determined to be guilty, then the defendant either acquitted of the charges, or jury should convict on one of the lesser if convicted, placed on probation or given a charges. minimal sentence. The question of the possi After the guilt phase of the trial the jury ble range of punishment for the offense charg decides the question of guilt or innocence. If ed usually arises during voir dire when the at the defendant is acquitted, the defense view torneys ask jurors if they could consider the of the future is validated, and the state has no full range of punishment allowable under the recourse - the trial is ended. But if the defen law. The prosecutor usually asks jurors if they dant is convicted on at least one charge, the could conceivably give the maximum allow trial goes on to the punishment phase. This able, while the defense asks if they could con presents yet another dilemma for the defense. ceivably give the minimum allOWable. Jurors At this point they must modify their version of who acknowledge that they cannot consider the future. The defendant is now a convicted the full range of punishment are usually felon with a morally unacceptable identity. The dismissed. defense has not been able to salvage a moral This procedure is consistent with the state's identity for the defendant. During the punish version of the future, since they see the defen ment phase of the trial the defense generally dant as criminal and immoral, and they seek tries to convince the jury to endorse a defini the maximum level of punishment. For the tion of the future situation that includes pro defense this presents a dilemma. The defense bation or a minimal prison sentence for the often maintains that the defendant is morally defendant. Having failed to avoid punishment, innocent, and should be acquitted. Yet at this the defense efforts shift to minimizing punish phase of the trial, the defense must ask if the ment. The state is faced with no such dilem jurors could consider probation or short prison ma. The jury has thus far validated their pro terms, if the defendant were to be convicted. gram for the future, and they may continue the They do this to exclude jurors who could not same line of prosecution, pressing for the give lighter sentences. This puts the defense sentence they advocate. attorney in the position of saying: "My client Another question that arises when discuss is not guilty, but if you decide on conviction, ing possible future situations is: "Whose could you consider a minimal sentence?" The future is being considered?" While it is ob attorney must admit that there is a chance of vious that the defendant's future is at issue, a guilty verdict which may lead some jurors the futures of the victim and of society may to think that the defendant indeed may be also be considered. The defense often places guilty. more emphasis on the defendant's future, The futures depicted may vary by the phase pointing out some change in the defendant's of the trial. During the guilt phase, the state life that indicates that such an offense will not usually maintains that the defendant is quilty recur. If there is family support for the defen and should be convicted. The defense main dant, the defense will often put several family tains that the defendant is innocent and members on the witness stand to testify that should be acquitted. But here again there are they are willing to help the defendant, perhaps problems of consistency. The jury may have with a place to live, a job, and emotional sup the option of acquitting, or of convicting the port. This would fulfill the conditions of pro defendant of one of several offenses. In cases bation. The defense may build sympathy in with such multiple conviction options both the directly for the defendant's family in an at state and the defense may have trouble main tempt to secure a light sentence. Direct taining consistency. The defense has the main solicitation of sympathy is not allowed. dilemma. The state may consistently maintain The state, on the other hand, is more likely that the defendant is guilty and morally to to look at the future of other parties. The state blame, and argue for a conviction on the max may cite the altered future of the victim and imum charge while conceding that the jury attribute this future to the defendant's actions. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 197 The state is also likely to broaden the scope - 1970 Deviance andRespectability: The Social Construction ofMoral Meanings. New York Basic of the discussion and talk about the future of Books - society. This generally leads to a discussion Garfinkel Harold 1956 Conditions of successful of the safety of society and ofthe jUry's moral degradation ceremonies. American J ofSociology obligation to protect society. The state may 61420-424 point out that at least three different ways in Goffman Erving 1959 Presentation ofSelfin Every which a long prison term protects society. 1) day Life. New York Doubleday - 1974 Frame Analysis. New York Harper Row In prison the defendant will not be able to Hartshorne H, MA May 1928 Studies in Deceit repeat this, or commit new crimes. 2) A long New York Macmillan prison term may serve to deter the defendant. Holzner Burkart 1968 Reality Construction in 3) A long prison term for the defendant may Society. Cambridge Mass Schenkman McHugh Peter 1968 Defining the Situation. serve to deter others in society who may be Indianapolis Babbs-Merrill contemplating such an offense. Mead George H 1932 The Philosophy ofthe Pre The defense generally does not take such an sent Chicago Open Court expansive perspective when considering the - 1962 Mind, Self, andSociety. Chicago U Press future. However, we must note that when the Scheff Thomas J 1968 Negotiating reaity: Notes on power in the assessment of responsibility. Social defense indicates that the defendant is non Problems. 16 3-17 violent or harmless, or will not commit the of-. Scott M, S Lyman 1970 Accounts, deviance & fense again, they are implicitly considering the social order. J Douglas ed Deviance and Respec future of the society and asserting that the tability. New York Basic Books - Accounts. Brisset & Edgley ads LIfe as Theater: defendant is not a threat in the future. The A Dramaturgical Sourcebook. Chicago ALdine argument may be made that the defendant, Stone Gregory 1962 Appearance and the self. A though with some moral defects, does not Rose ed Human Behevior & Social Processes. pose a threat to society. Or the defense may Boston Houghton Mifflin argue that since the time of the crime, the Strauss Anselm 1964 George Herbert Mead on Social Psychology. Chicago U Press defendant has experienced some form of Thomas W 11928 The Child in America. New York moral regeneration as a result of treatment. Knopf Thus, it seems that in the process of envision Traver Robert 1959 The Anatomyofa Murder. New ing different possible futures, the state tends York Dell Travisano RV 1975 Alternation and conversation to emphasize the protection of potential vic as qualitatively different transformations. Brisset & tims in society, while the defense focuses nar Edgley eds Life as Theater: A Dramaturgical rowly on the protection of the defendant. Sourcebook, Chicago Aldine 91-103 REFERENCES Becker E 1975 Self as a locus of linguistic causali ty. Brisset & Edgley eds Life as Theater: A Dramaturgical Sourcebook. Chicago Aldine p 58 Berger Peter 1963 Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective. Garden City New York Doubleday Berger Peter, Thomas Luckmann 1966 The Social Construction of Reality. Garden City New York Doubleday Blumer Herbert 1969 Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Englewood Cliffs NJ Pren tice Hall -1970What is wrong with social theory? Filstead ed Qualitative Methodology. Chicago Aldine 52-62 Brisset Dennis, Charles Edgley 1975 Life as Theater: A Dramaturgical Sourcebook. Chicago Aldine Burke Kenneth 1969 A Grammar of Motives. Berkeley California U Press Douglas Jack D 1967 Social Meanings ofSuicide. Princeton U Press FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 198 VIOLENCE IN COURTSHIP RELATIONS: A SOUTHERN SAMPLE Margaret S Piau, Memphis State University John C Gessner, Loyola University, New Orleans

INTRODUCTION sophomores, from rural and small town "Cruel to be kind means I love you, baby.. backgrounds, middle income Catholic and You gotta be cruel to be kind." Protestant families. He examined both direct and indirect knowledge of courtship violence, The sentiment of this lyric In a recent popular asking his respondents to indicate both their song expresses the truth about a segment of own experience, and that of others about society in the United States. The notion of whose courtship violence they knew. He abusing one's loved ones - both physically recognized seven levels of violence ranging and emotionally - is distasteful If not horrify from "threat" to "assault with a weapon." He ing to most people. But in many sectors of found a fairly low degree of direct experience society it is closer to the norm than It Is to with violence, ranging from 14 percent for deviance. Many skeletons have been found pushing and slapping, to 1 percent for assault in the closet in the past twenty years, and im with a vveapon, and higher levels of indirect portant among these is family violence. experience, with 49 percent for slapping to 7 Sociological research in the 1970's focused percent for "choking" and 8 percent to assault on the problem of spouse abuse and the fac with a weapon. Females were more likely to tors surrounding it. Wife or husband beating report themselves as victims, and males were moved from obscurity to recognition, and more likely to perceive themselves as abuses of young children, and of aged parents aggressors. were increasingly recognized. Laner questioned more than 500 college Recent research indicates that the cruelty students concerning their experiences with phenomenon may extend from the privacy of violence in the context of the dating relation, the family to the somewhat more public and with violence as children. She found that domain of dating relations (Makepeace 1981). violence was more likely in serious dating rela The Incidence of violent and abusive behavior tions than in casual dating, and that childhood in dating couples Is comparable to the same experiences of viOlence seem to be related to types of aggression in marital relations. Laner experiencing and inflicting abuse in the dating (1981) lists the following characteristics which encounter. The expected inverse relation serious dating couples share with their mar between socioeconomic status and violence ried counterparts: "greater time at risk; was not found. Laner indicates the need for greater presumed range of activities and a theory of violence in intimate, voluntary, interests; greater intensity of involvement; an heterosexual relations, and the need for implied right to influence one another; sex dif longitudinal studies to find the relation ferences that potentiate conflicts; roles and between premarital and postmarital violence. responsibilities based on sex rather than on These later studies have shown a much interests and competencies; greater privacy higher degree of violence in the dating rela associated with low social control; exclusivity tion than has been reported for the dating of organization; involvement of personal, stage for marital abusers (Gelles 1972). social, and perhaps material commitment; stress due to developmental changes; and THE RESEARCH SAMPLE extensive knowledge of one another's social We gave a short questionnaire to an oppor biographies which include vulnerability, fears, tunity sample of 195 high school and college and other aspects of each other's lives that students in a large southern citY during the can be used for purposes of attack." Spring of 1982. The sample included students from a small religiously affiliated university, a EMERGENT AREA OF INVESTIGATION medium size private university, a private The Makepeace sample included 202 col religious sponsored boys' high school and a lege students, predominantly freshmen and large public high school. There was no FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 199 response from a private girls' school, due to Except for the use of a weapon in this the only administrative problems. Respondents in positive response, and it came from a female. dicated their experience both as inflictors and In the serious dating relation, more males as victims of courthip violence in casual and than females reported being victimized in 5 serious dating relations. Casual was defined of the 8 categories of abuse. Almost 5 times as a relation with a low degree of mutual com as many males as females reported that the mitment. serious was defined as a relation in partner "threw something at me." More than which those involved have a high degree of twice as many males as females reported mutual commitment, andlor see themselves being slapped, and kicked, bitten, and hit with as "in love" in the relation. The items of a fist. In casual relations, more males than abusive behavior were adapted from the Con females reported that they had received abuse flict Tactics SCale of Strauss and associates in 7 of the 8 categories of violence. This higher (1980 254). The respondents were predom incidence of female abusive behavior also inantly Catholic, white, and middle income. agrees roughly with the findings of the Strauss We expected: 1) that incidence of abusive study where wives were more likely than behavior would be greater in serious dating husbands to be involved as aggressor in 4 of relations; 2) that females would be more fre the 8 categories. quently abused than abusing; 3) that college High SChool vs College Differences Table level respondents would be more involved 2 shows that a higher percentage of high than high school level respondents in abusive school age respondents were involved in 6 of behavior; 4) that the relation between violent the 8 categories of violence as aggressors in behavior and socioeconomic status would be serious relations. They were also more involv negative; and 5) that black respondents would ed in 5 of the 8 categories in casual relations. report a higher incidence of abusive behavior .A larger percentage of high school respond than white respondents. ents were victims in 4 categories of violence for serious relations, and in 6 of the 8 FINDINGS categories in casual relations. General Profile. Race Differences The focus, as shown in Those in serious dating relations were con Table 3, is on the black versus white respon sistently more likely to be abused and abusive dent. There were only 8 cases of Hispanic than those in casual relations, as expected. descent, of which only one reported any dating The most frequently encountered behavior relation violence. In serious relations, a higher was pushing, grabbing, or shoving, followed proportion of black respondents were involv by slapping, throwing something, kicking, ed as aggressors in all 8 categories of biting, or hitting with a fist, and hitting or try violence. They reported "threw something at ing to hit with an object. This corresponds to my partner" 3 times more often than white the incidence of these behaviors in the respondents, and were involved 2 times more Strauss study (1980 37). frequently in pushing, grabbing, or shoving, Gender Variations. In the serious relation, in and more than 2 times more often reported 7 of the 8 categories of abuse, females were slapping, kicking, biting, or hitting with the fist. more likely than males to be aggressors, as All positive responses in the three most ex shown in Table 1. Females were involved in treme categories were from black resondents. slapping their partners 3 times more than As victims in serous relations, a higher males, in kicking, biting, or hitting with the fist percentage of blacks were found in four 7 times as often, and in hitting or trying to hit categories. Except for kicking, biting, or hit with an object almost 3 times more often than ting with the fist, where more than 2 times males. The difference is not quite so marked more blacks than whites reported such ex in causal relations, but females are more ag perience, the differences by race of respon gressive in 4 of the seven categories in casual dent was not very great. In casual relations, dating relations. Twice as many males as blacks were more often victims in 6 of the 8 females threw something at their partner, and categories. Almost 2 times as often, blacks males were more involved in the more serious appeared as victims in the pushing, grabbing, categories of beating up and using weapons. orshoving, and the slapping category. Blacks FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 200

TABLE 1: COURTSHIP VIOLENCE BY TYPE, ROLE. GENDER (Roles: Aggreuor, A; Victim, V: percents.) Type: Serious casual Gender: ..... Female Male Female Violent Acts Role: AVAV AVAV Throw object 8 24 11 5 11 16 5 5 Push, grab 29 28 27 18 23 25 18 14 Slap 9 24 26 9 7 18 12 4 Kick, bite, punch 2 13 15 5 3 11 7 0 Hit with object 4 10 12 3 4 7 8 1 Beat up 0 2 4 4 1 3 0 1 Weapon threat 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 0 Weapon use 1 0 1 0 ~ 0 1 0 N 90 90 79 7B 90 90 79 7B Note: Column totals may exceed 100 due to multiple violent acts.

TABLE 2: COURTSHIP VIOLENCE BY TYPE, ROLE, • AGE (Roles: Aggreuor, A: Victim, V: Percents.) Type: Serious casual Age: H.S. College H.S. College Violent Acts Role: AV A V AVAV Throwobject 14 21 7 13 14 22 6 7 Push, grab 33 33 26 20 30 30 16 15 Slap 15 28 17 13 10 25 9 6 Kick, bite, punch 8 11 8 9 2 16 6 2 Hit with object 8 7 7 7 6 4 6 4 Beat up 4 2 1 3 4 4 1 2 Weapon threat 4 0 0 2 0 2 1 0 Weapon use 2 0 1 0 6 0 0 0 N 50 49 119 119 50 50 119 118

TABLE 3: COURTSHIP VIOLENCE BY TYPE, ROLE,. RACE (RoIea: Aggl'888Or, A: Victim, V: percents.) Type: Serious casual Race: Bleck White Bleck White Violent Acts Role: AV AV AVAV Throw object 15 13 7 17 20 12 6 12 Push, grab 41 25 24 24 45 32 14 17 Slap 29 14 12 19 17 18 6 10 Kick, bite, punch 13 24 6 10 3 18 6 3 Hit with object 16 6 5 8 14 6 4 4 Beat up 5 5 0 3 3 9 0 1 Weapon threat 5 3 0 0 8 3 0 0 Weapon use 5 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 N as as 120 120 36 36 125 125

TABLE 4: COURTSHIP VIOLENCE BY TYPE, ROLE. INCOME LEVEL (RoIea: Agl'888Or, A: Victim, V: Percents.) Type: SerIous CHuaI Income: Lower Middle Upper Lower Middle Upper Violent Acts Role: AVAVA V AVAVAV Throw object 21 29 11 10 7 23 24 24 8 5 5 17 Push, grab 35 29 23 16 32 36 33 31 23 16 12 21 Slap 41 29 13 11 16 20 31 31 10 11 4 5 Kick bite punch 26 24 4 7 5 11 19 25 4 2 2 4 Hit with object 11 6 5 5 9 11 22 13 6 2 0 5 Beat up 12 6 0 4 0 2 6 6 0 4 0 0 Weapon threat 5 6 1 1 0 0 6 6 2 0 0 0 Weapon use 11 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 0 N 17 18 Ba 82 57 56 18 17 BaH 57 56 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2. November 1983 201 were about 5 times as often found in the vic that courting males are less likely to be tim category for kicking, biting, or hitting with abusive, having been socialized to the notion the fist. that it is unacceptable to strike a woman in a courtship context. This could also be a Income Level Variation Although 7 levels of regional characteristic of the South. The income were listed on the questionnaire, rang Makepeace and the Laner studies were con ing from under $10,000 to $50,000 and over, ducted in the West, showing it more likely for these were simplified to low, middle, and high females to be victims, and males to be ag levels as shown in Table 4. In serious and gressors. Perhaps greater male courtship casual relations, the lower income levels were passivity is a Southern quality, linked to the more likely be be aggressors in all 8 ideal of male chivalry. categories of violence. As victims, lower This phenomenon could also indicate norm income level respondents were more frequent variation between males and females. In a in 5 of the 8 categories. In casual relations, dating relation, women may still have control. lower income level respondents were more Males may be more anxious about displeas frequent in 7 of the 8 categories. In all situa ing or angering a dating partner than they tions, middle income respondents usually would be about a wife. A woman can more ranked in the middle. But the involvement of easily end the dating relation. And a woman upper income respondents was usually not far is more likely to tell others if she receives below that of the middle income group, and physical abuse in a dating relation than in a often was close to that of the lower income marital relation. Abuse in the dating relation group. may be more private for the female than for the male due to the greater reluctance of the POSSIBLE INTERPRETATIONS male to tell others about it. A link may also be The findings of this relation between degree found in the influence of increased feminine of commitment between dating partners from assertiveness in the last decade. casual to serious, and abusive behavior were The fact that younger respondents were as expected. Serious relations contain the more involved in violent behavior was also sur greater opportunity for abuse, carry a larger prising. Perhaps high school students did not battery of arms which partners may use respond as carefully as the college group to against each other, and have a greater poten the questionnaire. Besides sampling biases, tial for occurrence of stressful situations. the unexpected findings may also reflect a The finding that females were generally more more violent subculture in the younger adoles abusive than males was not anticipated. The cent group. This age group, less skilled at sample of females was generally older, since interpersonal commnication, may be more 85 percent were college level, compared to 54 likely to use physical force to express anger percent of the males. They were more often and other emotions. Older persons are likely black, composing 35 percent of the females, to have more alternatives to physical abuse, compared to 19 percent black among the as in talking it out, and other activities. males. There were slightly more from the up Younger adolescents are also likely to be less per income group, with 38 percent, compared secure in a dating relation, and more prone to females from other groups. In spite of the to apply physical dominance and aggression. fact more females where in the college level This does not explain why the college level group, the college group as a whole showed respondents, who by this reasoning, should less involvement in physical violence in court have become less violent on leaving young ship relations, the age difference could be an adolescence, still reported less lifetime explanatory factor. The younger respondents, violence in courtship. Perhaps the more who were mostly male, could have been less violent high school group never enters college, likely to be black, even with the black race which could have eliminated them as poten relating positively to both abuse and tial respondents in the college sampl~. It is victimization. also possible that the high school group are Aside from possible explanations lying in the more violent than the college group. The makeup of the sample, we could speculate popularity of the "Punk Rock" movement in FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 202 the youth subculture, with its many violent REFERENCES components, could indicate the more violent Byrd Doris 1979 Intersexual assault: A review of tendencies in today's high school youth, as empirical findings. Paper, Eastern Sociological compared to the college cohort. The high Society mtg school group has also been exposed to more Gelles Richard 1972 The Viol8nt Home. Beverly Hills Sage graphic violence on television and in movies, - 1980 VIOlence in the family: Review of research exposed at an earlier a longer and age, and for in the 1970's. J Marriage & Family 42 873-885 time than the college cohort. Goode William 1971 Force & violence in the fami ThoIJgh the lower income group respondents ly. J Ma"iBge & Family Nov 624-635 were generally more involved in violence than Gurr, Richard, Vaughn Bishop 1970 Why Men the others, the difference Is far less than we Reb8l Princeton U Press expected. Violence in lower income levels is Laner Mary, Jeanine Thompson 1981 Abuse and expected as connected with the culture of aggression in courting couples. Paper, Western poverty and the fact that lower income per Social Sciences mtg. sons are more prone to frustrations, have Makepeace James 1981 Courtship violence among college students. Family ReiBtions fewer legitimate outlets for their anger, and a Rosenbaum A, K 0 O'Leary 1981 Marital violence: sense of powerlessness in society. They are Characteristics of abusive couples. J Consulting & more prone to violent expression of emotion Clinic8J Psych 49 63-71 (Wolfgang, Ferracutti 1967; Gurr, Bishop Strauss M, R Gelles, Suzanne Steinmetz 1980 1970). The upper class presumably does not Behind Closed Doors. New York Anchor have such inducements to violence. The Star Barbara 1980 Patterns in family violence. relatively high level of violence In the upper SociBl CBsework 339-345 income group could be caused by a sampling Stolz Barbara 1979 Violence in the family: A anomaly in this study. It Is also possible that National concern, a Church concern. Washington these findings indicate some aristocratic tradi DC United States Catholic Conf Wolfgang Franco Ferraeutti 1967 The SuI> tion. Perhaps· high income level people are Marvin, culture of VIoisnce. London Tavistock bored by having already achieved so much as lower level people are by being able to achieve so little. Orperhaps the economic dominance that goes with higher income also comes into play in interpersonal relations. The finding that blacks were more involved in violence in courtship than other racial groups was expected. The violence that characterizes the black subculture seems to enter also in courtship relations. CONCLUSION Society in the United States seems characterized by a fascination with violence. The media, the music, and lifestyle of the people all seem to support acceptance and respect for violence as a way of life. It is important to study the violent aspects of the national culture to better understand and c0n trol them, and to help bring the lifestyles of the people closer to the ideals which they seek. We hope that future research will more adequately uncover information In the pro blem of violence in courtship, and that such information will lead to a more stable dating pattem and less violent marital relations. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 203 TRANSVALUATION SOCIOLOGY: NIETZSCHE AS CRITICAL THEORIST Calvin B Peters, University of Rhode Island INTRODUCTION inhumane character of the emerging bour An analysis of Nietzsche promises to il geois order. luminate some of the central concerns of However, Horkheimer finds Nietzsche want critical theory. Questions of the role of reason ing for what he deems the ahistorical in society, the relation between values and character of his work. More serious criticism knowledge, and the effects of Western civiliza came from Habermas, as chief spokesperson tion on humanity occupy places of prominence for the Frankfurt Institute. In his complex ef for both Nietzsche and the Frankfurt $chool. fort to trace the dissolution of epistemology, Examination of the Nietzschean roots of its later replacement by the philosophy of critical theory is worthwhile as intellectual science, and the ultimate triumph of pure history. The value of such an exercise 'is in methodology, Habermas locates Nietzsche on creased if it can be used to reformulate pro the last step on the path to a sterile research, ductively the critical vision of society. This purged of really interesting problems. Haber reformulation is not predicated on the assump mas finds Nietzsche so caught in positivism tion that Nietzsche is the primordial critical that his efforts to demonstrate that science is theorist, but uses Nietzschean thought to ad anillusion can not fully extract him from the dress the central concerns of critical theory. contradictions which science produces. Habermas' general concern is the positivist THE NIETZSCHEAN INFLUENCE denial of self reflection as a form of knowledge Nietzsche's influence on Horkheimer ap (Habermas 1971 298). Because positivism pears in three areas. 1) As an exponent of the identifies science as knowledge persa rather Leb8nsphiJosophie Nietzsche is praised for his than as one form of knowledge, the worth and dominant theme on the connection of thought importance of self reflection are deprecated to concrete human concerns, and for his sen (Giddens 19n 201). Without reflexive know sitivity to the changed circumstances of ledge of its human authors, science human existence. The tradtional bifurcation of degenerates into techniques for manipulation reality into the true and apparent worlds has and control. Habermas siezes scattered Nietz collapsed, and with it, the anchorage for the schean aphorisms which deny the possibility meaning of existence has disappeared. Nietz of the cognitive faculty achieving any sort of sche's ringing critique ofThe Last Man, and self reflective knowledge as evidence that his biting characterization of European and Nietzsche "wrote the last Chapter" of the German society transforms Nietzsche's anti prehistory of modern positivism. Thus, Haber metaphysical polemics into a kind of social mas inverts Horkheimer's view of Nietzsche criticism. as responding to the emerging crisis in 2)Horkheimer is enamored of Nietzsche's un Western thought and Western society in an compromisingly critical style. Not only does essentially critical but not wholly satisfactory Horkheimer adopt the essaylaphorist charac way. For Habermas, Nietzsche is the final ter of Nietzschean style, but the inherent movement toward the crisis, and not the in critical quality of the intellectual conscience itial response to it. also leaves its mark. Nietzsche rejects con victions which do not permit experiment. The CENTRAL CONCERNS OF courage ofone's convictions is to be replac CRITICAL THEORY ed by the courage to attack one's convictions. We require a general outline of critical theory 3) Nietzsche's careful and contentious ex before we can assess the critical impact of amination of the genealogy of Western morali Nietzschean philosophy. Horkheimer provides ty strikes a resonant note with Horkheimer. a concise summary. That ascetic deprivation has become virtuous, .. The critical theory of society is .. the un and that an entire culture has been organiz folding of a single existential judgment. .. The ed on this principle, are fundamental Nietz theory says that the basic form of the schean insights on the repressive, ultimately historically given commodity economy on FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 204

which modem history rests contains in itself society and the means by which it is known, the internal and external tensions of the is but a corollary of the central proposition of modern era. It generates these tensions over critical thought. Modern culture frees as it and over again in an increasingly heighten enslaves. If humanity is to be free at last, the ed form. And after a period of progress, nature of our knowledge and our society must development of human powers, and·the be radically transformed. emancipation for the individual, after an enor mous extension of human control over NIETZSCHE & CRITICAL HUMANISM natlJre, it finally hinders further development To hold that Nietzsche is humanist in the and drives humanity into a new barbarism. same sense as the Frankfurt School is to claim (Horkhiemer 1972 227) that he shares the twin judgments: 1) that the Horkheimer's characterization of the con human life is worth living, and 2) that specific tradictory nature of the commodity economy possibilities exist for the amelioration of gives a dialectical cast to the modem era. It human life (Marcuse 1964 x). Certainly, Nietz is at once, progressive and repressive; eman sche is seldom described in these terms. The cipating and enslaving; humanizing and vitriolic character of large portions of his work dehumanizing. This theme, which both would seem to belie any humanist sentiments. Horkheimer and Adorno (1972 xiii) call "the Still, there is a strong and abiding humanism self destruction ofthe Enlightment," becomes at the core of Nietzschean thought. It says the virtual petitio principii of the Frankfurt "Yes" to life. His affirmation of life as School. something to be cherished, and is crystalliz Although this axiom is the foundation on ed in the notion of amor fati (/ovs of fats) which critical theory is based, other cardinal which, for him, is the mark of human features can be identified. First, the theory is greatness (Nietzsche 1968c II 10): critical in the Kantian sense. It not only op That one wants nothing to be different, not poses existing social forms, but also opposes forward, not backward, not in all eternity. epistemological categories by which social Not merely bear what is necessary, still less forms are known (Horkheimer 1972207). The conceal it - all idealism is mendaciousness critiqlJe of the means bywhich the social world in the face of what is necessary - but love is apprehended and understood moves the it. critical enterprise toward a distinctive theory While the amor fati formulation appears in of knowledge. Second, critical theory is the last of Nietzsche's works, the theme winds negative. This designation is not used here to throughout his work. Early, it forms the lens describe the critical style of refusing to outline through which the nature and meaning of positions in any fixed way, defining itself by science and art are brought into focus. In saying what it is not. Rather, it denotes the Nietzsche's Zsrathustra we are reminded to virulent nonpositivism of the Frankfurt School. remain faithful to the earth, joining the joyous Positivism seeks to remove the presence of laughter of overcoming ourselves rather than the theorist in the knowing process, hence to escape into metaphysical castles. Finally, producing knowledge which is sure, methodo life and its value form the base from which logicallysound, and positivs. Critical thought Nietzsche condemns Christianity and tradi places the subject "reflexively investigating tional morality as f9SS8ntimsnt, a rancor which the grounds of his claims to knowledge" at the is: heart of the epistemological process (Giddens hostil9 to lim, an agent of the dissolution 1977 201). and destruction of man, an attempt to Knowledge is intimately bound with human assassinate the future of man, a sign of interests and hopes. It is negative and should weariness, a secret path to nothingness. be examined and criticized, not idolized (Jay As part of this affirmation of life, Nietzsche 197365). Finally, critical theory is humanist. repeatedly posits humanity as valuable, poten It is concerned with human happiness, and is tially noble and beautiful. Nietzsche presents ~eeply rooted in the notion of praxis (Marcuse Goethe and zarathustra as images of true 1968 135). The conviction that humanity can humanity. Each is an emancipated and joyous rsalizs itself onlythrough a transformation of spirit which says "Yes" to life. His portrait of FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 205 Goethe underscores his own affirmation of the triumphant affirmation of itself, slave morality potential of humanity: from the outset says "No" to what is "out side," what is "different," what is "not itself;" He did not sever himself from life, he and this No is its creative deed. This inver placed himself within it .. and took as much sion of the value-positing eye - this needto as possible upon himself, above himself, direct one's view outward instead of back to within himself. What he aspired to was oneself - is the essence of ressentiment, to totahiy; he strove against the separation of exist, slave morality always first needs a reason sensibility, emotion, will, .. he hostile external world; it needs, physiological disciplined himself to a whole, he created ly speaking, external stimuli in order to act himself. (1968f IX 49) at all- its action is fundamentally reaction. This image of man stands high above us, and The slaves' rejection of the value of life, their with the rest of nature, we are straining toward antihumanism, leads to the devaluation of this it (Nietzsche 1964 IV). world and humanity. All rewards, all meanings and all values are projected into an imaginary, spiritual realm. The passions are repressed, NEGATIVE MOVEMENT OF AMOR FATI and so become tyrannical, haunting, and Nietzsche's various treatments of the amor tormenting, making life something to be en fati theme leave little doubt that he is humanist dured, not lived. in the first of the senses noted above. But his Nietzsche's masters engage life with amor claim to want nothing different, not forward, fatl The master does not praise life as good; not backward, would seem basically opposed he loves it for what it is. Amor fati is beyond to critical commitment to, amelioration of good and evil, and by loving life as fate, the human life. Nietzsche's pessimism is well master emancipates himself and becomes a known. He consistently rejects any hope of creative free spirit, transcending life and correcting the world as a sublime and mystical standing over it in judgment. illusion (1968c 15). He offers no positive hope The noble type of man experiences itselfas of amelioration. Yet, amor faticontains hope, determining values; it does not need ap but hope which is negative in a genuinely proval; it judges, "what is harmful to me is critical sense. harmful in itself"; it knows itself to be that Nietzsche teaches two things about life: which first accords honor to things; it is value 1) it should be loved as fate, without palliative creating. Everything it knows as part of itself or protection (Danto 1965 33); 2) it must be it honors; such a morality is self glorification. overcome. These facets of amor fati are at (Nietzsche 1968b 260) once an affirmation and a negation of life and The master, by saying "Yes" to life, negates humanity. Moreover, the first is the mechan and moves beyond slave morality and the ism ofthe second. When life and humanity are culture it has predicated on the denial of loved as fate, they are at the samelfme over human worth. Nietzsche remarks his genea come and transcended. The dialectical logical discovery of master and slave character of amor fati is manifest in Nietz moralities and his move "beyond good and sche's discussion of masters and slaves evil as: (1968e), and his much maligned Superman. .. in all essentials a critique ofmodernity, not Nietzsche's genealogical search for the roots excluding the modern sciences, modem arts, of morality is more topical than historical. and even modem politics, along with pointers Therefore, his treatment of masters and slaves to a contrary type that is as little modern as must be dealt with as a construct rather than possible - a noble, yes-saying type. All those as a fact. When Nietzsche describes a master things of which our age is prOUd are ex morality and a slave morality he is not deal perienced as contradictions to this type, ing with actual masters and slaves mutually almost as bad manners; our famous "objec interrelated. Rather, he depicts two basically tivity," for example; "pity all that suffers"; the different dispositions to life; one of noble Yes "historical sense" with its submission to saying, and another of servile ressentiment foreign tastes, groveling on its belly before While every noble morality develops from a petits faits and "being scientific." FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 206 The fulfillment of master morality leads to the nothing today that wants to grow greater, we Superman (Uebermensch). Like the master, suspect things will continue to go down, Nietzsche defines the Superman in opposition down, to become thinner, more good to a despicable counterpart, the Last Man. natured, more prudent, more comfortable, These Last Men have invented happiness. more mediocre, more indifferent, more They are content with their state, bound bythe Chinese, more Christian - there is no doubt world and their guilt. Nietzsche could not ac man is getting "better" all the time. cept humanity with such complacency and Nietzsche's sarcastic bettsr takes us to the resignation. It was to be overcome. This is the heart of the matter. Modem culture, like the meaning of Superman. slave moraltiyon which it is based, inverts life .. We perish as rnetrJ/y human beings in order and value. What is "better" is in fact worse; to become something higher. Human life is what is "hl,lman", inhuman; what is "good", a sacrifice, or should be, not to something bad; what is "growth", decay; and what is trans- and extrahuman, but to something at "life" is ultimately death to the Last Man. tainable by us .. We are more than we were, The remedy for the decadence of the culture but less than we might become, and the of the Last Man is simple, straightforward, and higher fulfillment of ourselves is that which criticsL Ths basic values of ascetic bourgeois we should seek. The UebelT1l9nsch is mere culture must be surpassed, transvaluBd. iy a joyous, guiltless, free human being, in Transvaluation is the essentially Critical Act. possession of instinctual drives which do not Culture and the criteria for its judging are overpower him. He is the master and not the simultaneously transcended. Transvaluation slave of his drives .. begins with amor fati as a fundamental There is a remarkable correspondence be predisposition to life. The conditions of life, in tween the negation of the Last Man by the cluding the Last Man and his culture, are not Superman and Marcuse's (1964) vision of the rancorOUsly despised, but are loved as some liberation of the "Happy Consciousness" in thing to be overcome. Transvaluation pro a sublimated but nonrepressive society. The ceeds. through the constant negation of Superman loves life, but does not accept it un modem culture by a continual affirmation of critically. He stands over, beyond, and against the nobleness of a truly mastered human life. what is. He creates value, and thereby creates In the end, tmasvaluation moves beyond and fulfills his humanity. values. Humanity is no longer an object which is evaluated by an allen and imaginary realm. TRANSVALUATION Rather, It becomes the true judging, valuing, The critical impact of Nietzsche's humanism and honoring subject. and the dialectic character of his view of Nietzsche describes this movement of humanity is starkly revealed in his treatment transvaluation by metaphor in a parable of a of modem culture. He disparages the emerg camel, a lion, and a child. The camel bears ing bourgeois order under several pejorative an onerous burden, but does not succumb, labels: European, German, Christian, Alexan and becomes a lion. The lion courageously drian, the herd, and the WsgnsriBns. The stands against his foes, and becomes a child. meaning of all culture is the reduction of man, Transvaluation is culminated. Transvaluation the potentially self-creating master, to a tame creatively bridges the gap between theory and and civilized animal. For Nietzsche European praxis. Transvaluatlve thinking is self creating culture represented a regression of mankind, activity parsxcellBncs. Its dialectical affirma and unless it could be transcended, perma tion of life, negation of Last Man culture, and nently condemned humanity to the repellent attainment of true humanity grants to theory sight ofthe ill constituted, dwarfed, atrophied status as a genuine human acivity. In the and poisoned Last Man. Nietzsche longs for world of the Last Man, that kind of theory is one glance of a man who justifies man, but radically revolutionary. leaves little doubt as to how thing are: REFERENCES .. the dimioution and leveling of European Danto A 1965 Nietzsche as Philosopher. New York man constitutes our greatest danger, for the MacmiUan sight of him makes us weary... We.can see Reterenees concluded on Page 212 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 207 LIFE LONG WELL-BEING: A HUMANIST AND HOLISTIC ASSESSMENT Doug Gutknecht, Chapman College, California INTRODUCTION Inevitable change requires one to look at self The study of lifelong development on an development experientially and experimental nterdisciplinary, holistic, and humanist basis ly, rejecting a rigid view of externally impos is gaining ascendancy in the social and ed ages, stages, crises, and tasks. Well-being human sciences (Brim, Baltes 1980; Baltes, is diminished by viewing age as a set of Schaic 1973). Sociologists, psychologists, imposed expectations and requirements. anthropologists, and historians have treated 2) Structured processes systematically set the portions of this holistic puzzle, and this treat stage for humanist self-actualization and well ment will promote better understanding of the being. The intrinsic factors in life course trans lifelong process of optimum development and actions include timing, extent and number of well-being. Various authorities in psychology role relations, and possible discontinuities. ex and sociology have done creative work on the trinsic factors include war, political struggles, issues of optimum well-being (Bronfenbrenner and economic and social crises. Ecxessive 1970; Elder 1974; Riley 1972; Brim 1966; emphasis on anyone factor, divorced from Riegel 1975; Neugarten 1969; Foner 1975). analysis of the individual's interpretation of The human life offers many paths and dimen multiple contexts and social support networks sions which provide opportunity, influence, gives a false picture of lifelong well-being. The and obstacles in the endless search for human life course consists of numerous life event and social meaning. paths which may intersect or run parallel, and do not necessarily run in orderly stages. WELL-BEING DEFINED 3) Demographic processes influence timing of Well-being is the opportunity to maximize individual transitions. Individuals are part of one's potential and to enlarge possibilities for population cohorts. A cohort consists of meaningful transactions with self and society. people born into a social system in approxi It requires self-knowledge and the desire and mately the same social era. The life pattern opportunity for lifelong learning and social of those born into a cohort is affected by the involvement. It is rooted in a basic biological same social, historical, and environmental level of fitness and wellness, not just absence events. of disease. Well-being assumes the flexibility 4) Life choice$ by individuals as autonomous of self, the ability to deal with ambiguous situa agents and as members of a cohort, can tions. It requires plasticity in daily encounters influence the direction of change in society. which often create stress and frustration. Many reforms in educataional, financial, Individuals derive well-being from the ability military, and social institutions resulted from to define, interpret, and construct meaningful thoSe born in the postwar cohort in the United bridges to environments they wish to engage. States from 1946 to 1964.. Individuals can It is active engagement in challenging receive arbitrary and patterned views of social activities. It is rooted in awareness that role expectations and societal standards. chronological aging does not produce inevit able passivity, or decline and loss of capacity. GENERATIONAL COHORTS Such awareness of aging is not inherently The generational cohort is defined by the good or bad, but provides both opportunity average time it takes a female to replace and obstacles for being that is well, optimal, herself giving birth to a daughter, who will later actualized, and world-affirming, not merely repeat the process, approximately in 3O-year marginal and tolerable. cycles. A generation becomes a point of reference for regarding common social and WELL·BEING OVER THE LIFE COURSE historical events which bind and separate There are four basic assumptions for life members of society. The generation of the course well-being: postwar period entered society in a time of 1) Individual change, growth, and self develop rapid economic groWth, suburbanization, ment goes beyond chronological aging. coming of the media age, increased use of FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 208 automobiles, and expansion of public educa can seem unfair and constraining. tion. Specific demographics are of less Age norms create predictability in our lives interest than the consequences. (Neugarten, Hagstead 1976 45). We need The baby boom generation affected deci predictability in the early years when basic sions on resource allocation, consumer personality dimensions form, but many con markets, war and peace, education, housing, temporary researchers beleive that we shape, media and employment. This generation alter, and reshape our personality configura helped spawn entire indistries and markets, tion throughout life, and that one person's creating both winners and losers. Although not predictability may be another's burden. evident in the economic boom of the 1950's Everyone needs some guidelines and a safe and early 1960's, the cycle of economic boom haven for retreat. But predictability can and bust became more evident in the latter become an excuse for failure, retreat from part of the Viet Nam War, when America's involvement, and a self-fulfilling prophecy. unlimited appetite for growth could not at once "You said I cannot succeed, so why should be satisfied with both guns and butter. Later, I try?" stagflation became a permanent fixture as so Work norms provide general guidelines for many groups petitioned the government to the individual and society. We are constrain benefit each at the expense of others (Thurow ed to play in our early years, work in middle 1981). Different cohorts encounter different years, and retire in our later years. It is com social patterns, trends, and expectations, forting to depend on established life patterns. depending on the current of domestic and But rigid expectations often become the base world events. The fact of large numbers in for discriminating against adaptive patterns, fluences these larger trends. Young bodies and wasting potentiaUy productive human and are needed to fuel the engines of war. social resources. The rigid expectation that Sophisticated consumers look for high returns one cannot begin work until age 18, or that on investments. An educated labor force one must retire at age 65 may seem unneces demands more challenging jobs. sarily restricting to those wanting to contribute. Social problems do not impact all genera Forced retirement may seem a punishment tions or aU members of society equally. Dif after a long career of service and public ferent segments flow through society with involvement. Those who challenge age norms different consequences, and at different tran and expectations often provide a good model sitional points. The well-being of individuals for others. of the postwar population boom, black women, Holistic living requires us to recognize that the very poor, and single parent families are people make contributions at any stage in their diminished by blocked opportunities and a lives regardless of age. Social norms may turn reduced chance for education, and conse our episodic, fluctuating, and perplexing quent rejection for employment in primary seasons of life into seasons of discontent. Age labor markets. can become a label of experience and ability which in practice, speUs presumed disability HOLISTIC THOUGHT ABOUT WELL-BEING (Sennet 1974). Holistic life course analysis Everyone needs to feel a part of society, affirms the humanist search for multiple life through the community, neighborhood, paths and directions which are influenced by school, church, family, or work associations. historical and social events, but not reduced Under the pressures of the modern world, to them. Holistic analysis provides insights into people look for roots, purpose, and meaning. the existential and experiential meanings of The idea of age provides one such sense of role transitions and age norms. We engage structure which can simultaneously allow one and disengage social roles which may to feel part of something while limiting one to diminish us because of the social demands standardized behavior and expectations. Age and lack of social supports. Our publica and norms are established by society as patterns private selves feel separated and unsyn of expectation which persuade one to act chronized (Bensman, Lilienfield 1979; Lasch one's age and regulate behavior to the 1979). Limits, boundaries and social patterns demands of society. Sometimes this pressure must also provide opportunities for self FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 209 actualization, growth, and public involvement PERSONAL WELL-BEING (Lifton 1976; Birnbaum 1977). Well-being is rooted in our view of oursleves Holistic analysis affirms our existentially and both as situated and as emergent. We con emotionally felt brute being in life expereinces struct ourselves as feeling beings in a social (Douglas, Johnson 19n 3). Feelings and world. A belief in the indestructability of our behavior must become integrated in a way deepest being and the importance of our feel~ which supports pattern and ambiguity, choice ings and emotions allows us to challenge, con and necessity, retreat and involvement, front, rebel, and emerge as selves in process. recharging and giving. Meaning is derived This view of self resides in a nonpositivist, anti from our engagements and involvements with Cartesian epistemology which rejects rigid the world, sometimes with focus, and reductionism, the separation of subjeet-objeet sometimes without a clear purpose. The dualism, and the belief that personality must pictures which we create talk back to us, and be reduced to fixed types. Such labels chan reflect our value choices. We reap what we nel our attention away from our humanist sow. If we sow paranoia, we create paranoid potential for personal change and social well people who attack us first before we can being. attack them. Because we create meaning and Well-being is situated both in our body and value in the world through our daily acitons, in our mind. Physical health is tied with we generate added energy for benefit or harm. psychological health. This holistic mind-body Commitment and enthusiasm for our selves, integration requires us to see lifelong physical families, community and world grows by health as fundamentally related to psycho involvement and concern for the things we logical health. These are based on holistic care about. Our moral choices regarding what consciousness which leads to the search for we allow in our world and time creates a habit understanding of being and becoming, being of indifference or commitment. and doing, and being and praxis. The key We cannot abdicate responsibility for the point is that consciousness of our deep world by passing the responsibility elsewhere. indestructable self depends on our attitudes The morality of muddle and postponement, of toward the world which suggest engagement, constantly putting off decisions and respon existential possibility, and human affirmation. sibility for the world which we create catches Consciousness connects us to other social up with us. We are never finalized as dead or beings and the social world through our devitalized as long as we are connected with attitudes of optimistic concern and caring. things which make a difference to us, and as Consciousness becomes a vital life line to long as we live up to our principles and moral authentic existence. It is a world truly beyond commitments. Holistic analysis also fits well ourselves, yet rooted in our deepest core of with the idea of well-being over our entire life. self, neither over nor underinflated; neither But it must, as a matter of consistency, affirm narcissistic nor guilt-ridden and oversocial the importance of unique experiences and ized. their interpretation in a meaning-centered The consequence of blocking our sense of existence. purpose, our vital system, is th loss of objec Both short term, intensely-felt encounters tive meaning. When we block out the larger and long term struggles become important. purposes of life, meanings outside our private Well-being must include ways of recognizing sense of self, we elevate our own petty prob the gaps between the various dimensions of lems to unreal and fantastic proportions, and our personal life space and the social institu become neurotic, anxious and preoccupied. tions which allow us freedom to explore, think We lose well-being as we lose consciousness creatively, experiment, risk and grow, over of our social and human connections, a sense both the short and the long haul. of the larger purposes and values in life. When There is no necessary rhythm or certainty in the this happens, we turn in on ourselves in a self sequence of segments of the life space that the destructive funk of guilt, inactivity and individual will occupy...thus there is great variety passivity. In this view, consciousness loses its possible in society, given the increasing numbers of segments of living in which behavior greatest power, to focus, to engage, to take can be carried out. (Dubin 1979) the role of the other, to confront, to connect, FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 210 to analyze with compassion, to join forces. We failure to communicate the need to disengage let the robot take over, and become passive, close'creatively, and assimilate (Klapp 1979 bored, frustrated, spiteful, and amplify the bad 12). The main point is the need to reconcep messages while ignoring the good (Wilson tualize the hydraulic drain and scarcity 1972222). metaphors which are applied to energy, time, The mind needs to amplify, to contact the commitment, and consciousness. Energy well deep levels of vital reserves and energy. invested In meaningful life events, social con Otherwise the trivial events of the day lead us nections, and valued relations, produces more into a fearful withdrawal or excessive activity energy. Well-being over the life course and burnout. Existential and humanist increases as we choose and prioritize those attitudes toward a sense of possibility and a meaningful private activities and social meaningful future provide a vision, a prospect commitments. of things worth doing. Affirmation of possibilities, goals, and visions of the future SOCIAL STRUCTURE '" SUPPORT provide a link for consciousness and connec SYSTEMS tion to the world. It offers the best chance for Well-being over a lifetime involves in lifelong well-being. numerable transitions and decisions on paths and schedules for education, family, career, THE CONNECTION leisure, consumption, and life style. Personal Marks discounts the scarcity approach to stress is created by transitions that go against concepts which assume that we use up and normative standards, age norms and chrono drain away the time and energy by making logy patterns. Sheer numbers of persons in social commitments. He offers instead, an large cohorts, or autonomous and creative expansionary view of self and consciousness. persons may break out of rigid patterns and We expand our energy and time by enlarging point the way to alternate life paths, our social commitment, public projects, and schedules, and transitions. Such un role involvements. Because we choose to do precedented responses open the way for something meaningful with our time, we necessary larger social and structural actually enlarge it. The drain metaphor changes at other times. ass,umes that the source of energy is based Individual well-being is intimately tied to the on sexual or libidinal forces, and that one available structural and social support sublimates or exhausts one's potency in systems which may limit or enhance human bursts of creativity and engagement. Such options and potential. Old, predetermined scarcity or drain theories use reductionist institutionalized patterns that once served a metaphors because they view mind and body purpose are difficult to chanage because tradi as separate. Energy is finite, and easily used tions die slowly, long after their original reason up. By the holistic view, energy is abundant, to exist is gone. The lockstep is built on rigid and rooted in the physiology of living cells. The mechanical metaphors, such as the hydraulic most significant contribution of this view is the metaphors of energy scarcity and fixed emphasis on meaningful projects, goals, resources. Ignored are the options and joys values, attitudes which call forth vital reserves, of planning alternative life paths, schedules, and ultimately stimulate activity which pro and events in the life spiral. Flexible life duces more energy. Time itself is not scarce, scheduling as a significant prescription for but varies with our meaningful commitments, lifelong well-being remains an undernourish valued activities, attitudes toward tasks, ed alternative (Best 1980 3). cultural scripts, and institutionalized roles. Changing requirements for knowledge and Such a view is compatible with notions of not technical skill, and increasingly sophist,icated wasting time, in order to foster innnovative life work environments require new thinking about patterns. We must make tradeoffs among a how education prepares one for work, leisure, variety of probable activities. and growth. Meaningful work is one of the Finally, commitment, or lack of It, often func most important components of lifelong well tions as an excuse for noninvolvement, lack being. It can be facilitated by lifelong study, of energy and effort, misplaced priorities, and retraining sabatlcals, better career planning, FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 211 educational credits for what has been learn health is essential for well-being. Physical ed through work experience, and work credit involvement with self realization includes for time spent in schools. Cramming all of reducing emphasis on winning, highlighting one's education into narrow and arbitarary life fun, creativity, spontaneity, excellence, and stages of childhood and young adulthood pro challenge in sports activities. Learners are the longs boredom, irrelevance, inactivity and best judges of their own physical needs and poverty, and curtails practical and necessary capabilities. Social support systems should learning opportunities. Well-being is promoted expand participant sports facilities, and by allowing students to combine school and encourage activities which can be continued work, to join cooperative education programs, over a lifetime (Spreitzer, Snyder 1978). This and to alternate periods of work and educa idea of leisure, as one dimension of lifelong tion throughout life. learning sits well with the autodidact or self Flexible life scheduling should be joined with programmed learner who continuously learns public recognition of the way social support to add vitality and zest to life (Highet 1976). systems encourage or discourage personal self education for lifelong leisure works on the and social well-being over the life career. We principle of informal learning, personal in must learn to diversify experimental social and volvement, and choice. When people discount policy support programs, and to diversify professional, over-organized, and formal options and promote assessment of individual activities, they have more active control of all goals and plans. The issue of learning to cope aspects of their own life. with lifelong stress, strain, and burnout also indicates the importance of social support CONCLUSION systems to maintain Iife-course well-being. Well-being is best facilitated by a holistic Though scarcity theories may not govern the perspective on lifelong education, and involve use of human energy, and spontaneous ment with significant activities, people, and activity may actually expand human energy, institutions. The key is participation, and the facts of work stress, overload, and role learning to forge new relations, open avenues strain remain. Excessive amounts of work of growth, and challenge old Institutions to distract from a human the feeling of com offer needed support structures and support petence and mastery which degrades one's systems. We need a holistic understanding of sense of quality involvement (French, Rosen the forces that narrow our lives and restrict us thal, Cobb 1974). Options open the individual to rigid chronological stages, timetables, and as part of flexible life scheduling allows a roles. We can break out of the lockstep men better fit between changing personal needs tality concerning education, careers, health, and environmental support, particularly when retirement, and institutional change. Such the fit creates strain. restrictive mentality limits our ability to learn Well-being is ultimately tied to one's source and change. of belonging, connection and involvement with Developing skills, resources, and support significant others. Humans are social animals, systems require lifelong commitment and par and only become fully human through inter ticipaiton in these personally significant pro action, communication and learning. For jects. The challenge of a changing cultural and society to maximize well-being we must max social environment requires the individual to imize significant, meaningful relations, con recognize the complexity of events and the nections and support systems. Loss is impor necessity to develop and maintain skills in tant because it reveals elements of the social assessment, decision making, organizing bond, including seven dimensions: 1) intimacy activities, and political participation. and role relations; 2) mundane assistance; 3) linkage to others; 4) creation and REFERENCES maintenance of self; 5) support for nonconfor Baltes P, K Schaic 1973 eds Life-Span mity myths; 6) reality maintenance; and Developmental Psychology: Personality & Socializa 7) mainatenance of possible futures (Lofland tion. New York Academic Press Bensman J, R Lilienfeld 1979 Between Pubic & 1981 10). Private: Lost Boundaries of Self. New York Free Lifelong learning about optimal physical Press FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 212

Best F 1980. Rexible Life scheduling: Breaking the Education-Work-Retirement Lockstep. New York PETERS Continued from Page 206 , Praeger Birnbaum N 19n ed Beyond the Crisis. New York Oxford Giddens A 19n Review essay: Habermas's social Brim!'10 1966 Socialization through the life cycle. and political theory. Arner J ofSociol83 189-212 o Bom, S Wheeler eds Socialization After Habermas J 1971 Knowledge & Human Interests. Childhood. New York Wiley Boston Beacon Brim 0, 0 Baltes 1980 ads Lif&.Span Development Hollingdale R 1965 Nietzsche Lousiana State U & Behavior. Vol 3 New York Academic Press Press , Bronfenbrenner U 1975 Reality & research in Horkheimer M 1972 Critical Theory. New York ecology of human development. Proceedings, Amer Seabury Philosoph Society. 119439-469 Horkheimer M, T Adorno 1972 The Dialectic Douglas T, J Johnson 19n eds Existential Enlightenment New York Seabury Sociology New York Oxford Jaspers K 1965 (1935) Nietzsche Chicago Regnery . Dubin R 1979 Central life interests: Self integrity Jay M 1973 The Dialectical Imagination. Boston Little Brown In a complex world. Pacific Sociol Rev 22 405-426 Elder Glen 1974 Children & the Great Depression. Kaufmann W 1968 Nietzsche New York Random Chicago U Press House Foner A 1975 Age in society: Structure & change. Lightheim G 1971 From Marx to Hegel New York Amer Behavioral SCientist Nov 144-168 Seabury French J, W Rosenthal, S Cobb 1974 Adjustment Marcuse H 1964 One Dimensional Man. Boston as person-environment fit. Coello, Hamburg, Adams Beacon eds Coping & Adaptation. New York Wiley - 1968 Negations Boston Beacon Girdano 0, G Everly 1980 Controlling Stress & Nietzsche Friedrich Tension. Englewood Cliffs Prentice Hall 1964 (1874) Untimely Meditations; Gordon J 1980 Paradigm of holistic medicine. SChopenhauer as Educator. New York Russell Holistic Health Rev 3 234-259 & Russell Highet G 1976 The Immortal Profession. New York 19688 (1895) The Antichrist New York Viking Waybright Talley 1968b (1895) Beyond Good & Evil New York Klapp 0 1979 Opening & Closing: Strategies of I~ Modern Library formation Adaptation in Society. New York Cam 1968c (1872) The Birth of Tragedy. New York bridge U Press Modern Library Lasch C 1979 Culture of Narcissism. New York 1968d (1908) Ecco Homo. New York Modern Norton Library Lifton R 1976 Life of the self: Toward a New 1968e (1687) On the Genealogy ofMorals. New Psychology. New York Simon Schuster York Modern Library Lofland L 1982 Loss & human connection: explora 1968f(1892) Thus Spokezarathustra. New York tion in nature of th social bond. Wickes, E Knowles Viking eds Personality Roles and Social Behavior. New 1968g (1889) Twilight of the Idols. New York York Springer Verlag Viking Marks S 19n Multiple roles & role strain: Notes on human energy, time, and commitament. Arner Sociol Rev 42 921-936 Neugarten B 1969 Continuities & discontinuities of psychological issues into adult life. Human Developemnt. 12 121-130 Neugarten B, G Hagestad 1976 Age and the life course. R Binstock, E Shanas eds Handbook of Aging and the Social SCiences. New York Van Nostrand Reinhold Riegel K 1975 Toward a dialectical theory of development. Human Development 1850-64 Sennet R 1980 Authority. New York Vintage Books Spreitzer E, E Snyder, 0 Larson 1979 Multiple roles & psycohological well-being. Sociological Focus 12 141-148 ---1978 Social Aspects ofSport. Englewood Cliffs Prentice Hall Thurow L 1981 The Zero-Sum Society. New York PengUin Wilson C 1972 New Pathways in Psychology: Maslow & the Post-Freudian Revolution. New York Taplinger FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 213

VALIDATION OF A CORRECTIONAL CLASSIFICATION SYSTEM Lorraine T Fowler, Oklahoma State University Robert Jones, illinois Department of Corrections INTRODUCTION weighted to the maxima shown in Figure 1 A parolee is given constraints on where he with grade levels for low, medium, and high can live, whom he can see, the rules he must for risk and for needs. These scores determine follow, and the number of contacts required the parolee's classification level, which deter with his agent. The Illinois Workload Manage mines how much time the agent will spend ment System rejects the traditional caseload with the parolee, and the level of services concept that all community supervision and which the agent will try to provide. However, parole cases are equal in requirement for the all parolees are classified high for the first 30 parole agent's time, the client's needs, and days until the agent is well acquainted with the the probability of client failure. Research has case. After 30 days, the parole agent again shown that the number of contacts alone is evaluates the parolee's risk and needs levels, unrelated to the succe~ of parole. Therefore, and reevaluates each case every 60 or 90 the classification system must identify factors days. The system is then designed to deter which indicate the parolee's potential for suc mine the probability of successful termination cessful parole completion, so that effective of parole, and to assist agents in developing services can be provided. This is done by effective case action strategies. This valida analyzing the client's risk and need levels. tion study examines the extent to which these Risk assesment measures dimensions of instruments can accurately predict parole behavior such as the client's stability or outcome. violence in order to define the minimal amount of supervision required to protect public safety RESULTS while helping the client to succeed in com The data base contained 1168 terminated pleting parole. Needs assesment measures cases of a total of 4000 cases as of March the client's basic needs, such as living condi 1982. Of the terminated cases, 368 were from tions, food, clothing, education, and the Cook County, and 800 were from elsewhere client's personal problems, such as drug in Illinois. abuse and emotional instability, in order to Six factors emerged from the research. identify program needs. 1) The risk, scorebased casework level, and Scales for the risk and needs levels were final casework levels of the reevaluation devloped from survey data gathered from all instruments were better predictors than initial Illinois parole agents on the entire parolee risk evaluations. population. Input was also gathered from 2) There is some hope of predicting short-term district supervisors. Forms were then design outcomes from knowledge of the supervision ed with the items shown in Figure 1, to per level. The outcome of 2/3 of the cases was mit scoring to establish low, medium, and high appropriate to their classification. The reeval levels for risk, and for needs, to indicate uation risk scale alone does an excellent job necessary supervision level. The classiflC8tion of identifying clients most likely to succeed, level for each client comes from these two but does not distinguish well among the rest. forms, with a rating of low, medium, or high. 3) Demographic information does not have a To determine a parolee's overall risk level, the strong relation to termination type, nor does agent assesses the propensity for rule and law it add significantly to the variance explained violations. Two forms are used. The A Form by the scales. The most useful of the demo is established from the client's history prior to graphic items was age, meaning that older incarceration, as an initial evaluation, com clients do better on parole, at least in the short pleted 30 days after release from prison to term. parole status. The B Form is based on current 4) Two further analyses of termination types information during parole, with reevaluations were conducted. The best results were obtain every 60 to 90 days. ed with the following order of negative ter Each item on each of the four forms is mination from most serious to least serious: FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 214 new felony, technical violation, new mis FIGURE 1: EVALUATION SCALES demeanor, and those absent without A-Risk Prelncarceratlon Scale permission. Item Maximum 5) Independently, the risk and needs scales Weight hold some predictive power, but the B-Risk scale is the best, accounting for 31% of the Prior felony convictions 4 variance in termination type, as shown in Prior probation periods 4 Figure 2. For the possible combinations, the Probationlparole revocations 4 B-Risk and A-Needs combination has th$ best Age, 1st conviction 4 potential, explaining 48% of the variance. The Alcohol abuse history 4 client's pre-incarceration service needs and Other substance abuse 4 the most recent supervised assessment best Percent of time employed 2 identify the propensity for parole failure or Address changes past year 3 success. This combination provides very few Agent appraisal of attitude 5 mispredictions for either the low or the high Robbery, burglary, assaults 4 end of the scale. Score range: 0-40 6) These results can be used not only for con tinuous validation, but also for refinement of B-Rlsk Parole Evaluation Scale present instruments into administrative predic tion scales comparable to adult institution Item Maximum dangerousness and adjustment scales. It Weight would also be well to construct and test a third Total felony convictions scale of the client preincarceration environ 3 Probationlparole revocations ment, to distinguish the home and community 2 Age at 1st conviction setting from offender characteristics. 2 Current alcohol abuse 5 Current abuse, other substance TERMINATION TYPE REANALYSIS 3 Time employed, or in school Regression analysis was repeated with a 2 Address changes new coding of termination types, from least to 3 Current interperson problems most serious (1 - 6) in the order: discharge 5 Social interaction recommtmdsd; discharge expiration; absent 3 Comply on parole agreement without leave; technical violation; new mis 5 Use community resources demeanor; new felony. All other terminations, 4 Burglary, robbery assault including transfers, were eXCluded. 3 Statewide, there were 241 cases with an "A" Score Range: 0 • 40 form completed and terminated. With term types so coded, the A-Risk items explained A It B Needs scales 13% of the variance, compared to 11 % in the Item Maximum previous analysis. Agent's Impression ofclient Weight attitude was th$ first entry, explaining 7% of the variance in the stepwise regression Basic needs 7 analysis. Remaining items brought the mul Living arrangements 6 tiple R 2 to .13. Emotional instability 8 On the A-Needs scale, agent's Impression Mental ability 6 ofneeds explained 8% of the variance. Liv Psychosocial adjustment 6 ing arrangements were next in stepwise Substance abuse, all: 7 regression, and brought the R 2 to .09. (See Academiclvocational 7 Figure 2.) Academiclvocational and Agent impression of client need 7 psychosocialadjustment items were next, and Score Range: 0 - 54 brought the R 2 to .10. The effect of the other four variables was negligible. For the statewide B-Risk scale, compliance with the parole agreement, social interaction, FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 215

FIGURE 2: EVALUATION VARIABLE RANKING BY STEPWISE REGRESSION (* indicates significant predictors; F-ratio 2.49 or more.) A-RIsk, Prelncarceratlon B-Rlsk, During Parole *Attitude *Keep parole agreement *Age, 1st conviction *Social interaction Alcohol abuse *Employment, 12 months Prior convictions *Prior convictions Time employed, 12 months Age, 1st conviction Felony convictions Felony convicions B-Needs, Prelncarceratlon B-Needs, During Parole *Impression of client needs *Impression of client needs Living arrangements *Substance abuse AcademicJvocational *Living arrangements Psychosexual AcademicJvocational Emotional instability Substance abuse N• 241; Explained variance .14% N• 541; Explained variance 35%

TABLE 1: CORRECT OUTCOME PREDICTIONS BY TIME OF EVALUATION (%) Parol.. Scores: Low Medium High Predictive Total Outcome, predict: Success Success Failure Accurecy ea... Instrument n % n % n % \% N Preincarceration: A-Risk Level 11 92 30 81 100 44 46 278 A-Needs Level 113 69 45 51 15 56 67 278 During Parole: B-Risk Level 281 96 321 85 116 56 79 8n B-Needs Level 590 86 85 55 22 55 85 8n Combinations: A·Risk + A-Needs 11 92 30 81 100 44 46 278 A-Risk + B-Needs 8 89 20 91 54 39 42 169 B·Risk + B-Needs 281 96 322 85 116 53 79 8n B-Risk + A·Needs 34 95 63 81 40 74 82 169 and employment items explained 30% of the the previous total of 601 cases. The com variance in termination type. Address change pliance with parole agf88lT1ent soclallntBrac and IntBrpsrsonal problems had less predic tlons, prior felony convictions, and employ tive power than in the first analysis. On the ment items entered the stepwise regression B-Needs scale, all items explained 25% of the in that order, and accounted for 33.4% of the variance in termination type. In recoding ter variance in termination type. PrIor revocations, mination type, making absent without /save Interspsronal problems, alcohol abuse, less serious and removing extraneous ter address change, and offence items added minations, most A-Risk and B-Risk items gain little to the predictability of termination type. ed predictive power, and the scales gained For all items except agent's Impression of slightly in predictive power. client nBBds and substance abuse, the in There were 541 cases which had a B Form dependent multiple R 2'S decreased. in the completed before termination according to the second analysis, but all items together ac evaluation code, with a loss of 60 cases from counted for 27% of the variance. Since there FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 216 was some difference in analysis results com The combination of the A-Risk and A-Needs paring the Cook County (Chicago) results with scales produced the least powerful results, the remainder of the state, It Is recommend explaining only 17% of the outcome variance. ed that scales should be constructed and The results were about the same with the c0m tested separately for each jurisdiction at this bination ofthe B-Risk and the B-Needs scales. state of the art. The combination of A-Risk and B-Needs scales, and the B-Risk with the A-Needs ASSESSMENT: COMBINED INSTRUMENTS scales were used to examine the levels of suc The risk and needS scales held some predic cessful and unsuccessful outcomes. tive power when used Independently. Little Three points must be made here. 1) The risk added variance was accounted for when client scale still guides the calculation of the characteristics were Included In the regression scorebased casework level. Only in the models. The A-Rlsk and B-Risk and the A- and situaton where a client is scored high on the B-Needs scales were combined to find the needS and low in the risk scales, will the needs predictive power of conjoined instruments. At level be taken into account. 2) Because the this point, the B-Risk scale had the best agents did not participate in this analysis, the predictive power, The 12 Items accounted for casework level was represented by the matrix 31.4% of the explained variance In termina calculation only. 3) Only those who were tion type. The B-Needs items explained 25.4% evaluated with both an Initial and a reevalua ofthe variance, and A-Risk and A-Needs items tion were Included In the Interlnstrument accounted for 13.3% and 10% ofthe variance calculations. respectively. For all cases, the B-Risk and the A-Needs The combination of the B-Risk scale with the unity identified the lowestpercentage offalse A-Needs scale held the greatest predictive positives, which was 5% of all low parolee potential, explaining 48.2% of the variance. evaluations. The B-Risk- B-Needcombination The Needs items of compliance with parole identified 4.4% unsuccessful lows, and and social interaction, and the risk item, recognized 2% more successful high substance abuse were the only significant evaluated parolees. The B-Risk - A-Needs variables. The employment and the agent's combination misidentified only 16 of 169 Impression of client needs items entered clients. The A-Risk - B-Needs combination second and third, but did not independently misclaSsified61 % oftheirhigh clients. Despite reach significant F-ratios. The two Risk scales the smaller number ofcases, the B-Risk - A combined to explain 46% of the variance In Needs statistics were highest in explained the outcome variable. Both prior felony con variation. Some support was generated for the viction Items had significant F values, and B-Risk - A-Needs scales to aid in predicting compliance with the parole agreement and the outcome. employment Items from the B-Risk scale were Through the various analyses, the B-Rlsk In significant. Except for age at first conviction strument seemed to provide the most useful from the A-Risk scale and social interactions predictive potential. It had almost equal power from the B-Rlsk scale, remaining items had to identify misclassifled clients when used with only negligible effect on the predictability of both needs Instruments. Joining the various the parole outcome. Instruments did contribute to the predictive Separately, the A- and B-Needs scales accuracy of the scales. accounted for only 25% of the variance, but wben combined, they accounted for 44.7%. ASSESSMENT OF PREDICTIVE RESULTS Of the 6 significant Items, 5 were on the The seriousness of mispredlctlon and Its reevaluation scale. These, In order, were potential hazard to public safety must be agent's impression of client needs, examined, If the Instruments or combination academiclvocationat living arrangements, of instruments are classifying clients as low alcohol Qr drug abuse, and psychosocial or medium, and these clients are actually adjustment. These, with the sixth variable, committing serious violations, such as new emotional stability, from the A-Risk scale felonies or technical violations, there could be explained 42.2% of the variance. societal danger. Clients classified lowshould FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 217

be eligible for early discharge. These deci were recommended for early release. All sions cannot be made effectively if many clients who were recommended and receiv parolees are returning to prison for serious ed an early discharge were classified aslow offenses. Further, if a large proportion of or medium. On the other end of the con clients rated at a high casework level are not tinuum, the more serious violators were violating the law, or return to custody with only classified high while no low rated clients com· minor offenses, a great deal of agent time and mitted the more serious offenses. With this energy will have been wasted. In times of scale combination, the clients classified at the limited resources, rising rates of violent crime, low end of the scale were usually successful, public concern, and political pressure, great many being recommended for early dis care must be taken when implementing charge. Allofthe serious violators were rated classification system decisions. as either medium or high on the B-Risk - A To test the seriousness of both misprediction Needs scales combination. and predictive accuracy, the specific types of Thus, if predictions for recommendations for positive and negative terminations were early discharge are to be made, and those examined. Termination type frequencies were clients with the most potential to commit the calculated for each casework client level, low, more serious offenses are to be identified, the medium, and high, for successful and unsuc B-Risk - A-Needs combination should provide cessful outcomes, and crosstabulated for all a start toward accurate projections. This com instruments and combinations. Results of bination has already provided few mispredic interest are shown in Table 1. The incidence tions at both ends of the parolee rating scale. of correct and mispredictions should be noted It has demonstrated that the offenders with the for all scale trials. greatest potential for committing the least When the A-Risk scale was combined with serious and the most serious offenses can be the B-Needs scale (n =169), results were identified in most cases. Parole review board similar to those of the individual instruments. members should find these instruments for There were few unsuccessful lows and recommending low or medium classified mediums, but most of the accurately classified clients for discharge and for testing results of highs violated parole guidelines, or were con such use. victed of a felony. Of all three levels, 65% who terminated successfully were discharged from supervision via expiration of sentence. The hypothesis that the B-Risk - A-Needs combina tion provides the most predictive accuracy gained further support in this more precise analysis. About 75% of the negatively ter minated mediums and highs were terminated for the more serious violations. Conversely, there were 2 misrepresented lows, with the less serious outcomes of absent without leave and a misdemeanor offense. Results were also impressive for those successful cases. A larger percent of lows was recommended for discharge than of mediums and highs. With other positive terminations removed, 41 % of the lows and 15% of the mediums were recommended for discharge. None of the 8 highs were recommended to the parole board for early discharge. Prediction of outcome for the combination of the B-Risk and A-Needs scales was more , accurate than those projections made from the scales individually. Few highs and mediums FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 218

ATTITUDE BEHAVIOR CONSISTENCY AND THE CONCEPT OF POWER Harold G Graell)lck, Unl,,~ of Oklahoma Alan Acock, Virginia Polytechnic University Nancy J Finley, University of Alabama, Huntsville PREAMBLE 1969 65) Since LaPiere's seminal study (1934) there Several explanations are offered for the ap has been a long traditiOn of research on the parent inconsistency between attitudes and relatiOn between attitudes and behavior. Some behavior. DeReur and Westie (1963) argue call for more research in the established tradi that attitudes and behavior must be measured tion (Schuman, Johnson 1976). We propose at the same level of specificity in allY A-B con that the attitude-behavior (A-B) issue be sistency research. Attitude toward Chinese redefined and approached as a study of people in general is not expected to be a good power. This perspective brings the (A-B) con predictor of behavior toward a well dressed sistency ISSue to a more central position In middle class Chinese couple driving a new sociological theory, and clarifies the concept car. Attitude toward this specific type of cou of power in social interactiOn. ple would be a better predictor of behavior. Some researchers suggest that attitude DEFINITIONS OF ATTITUDE toward the behaVior is a better predictor of Rokeach (1968) defines an attitude as "a behaviOr than isthe attitude toward the object relatively enduring organizatiOn of beliefs (Ajzen, Fishbein 1973). Thus, attitude to overt around an object or situation predisposing one discrimination against Chinese people should to respond in some preferential manner." be a better predictor of overt discriminatory Similarly, Allport (1953) defined an attitude as behavior toward them than is attitude toward "a mental and neural state of readiness, Chinese people. organized through experience, exerting a Several authors have pointed to the impor directive or dynamic influence on the in tance of reference groups and individuals in div'tcIual's response to all Objects and situa conjunction with attitudes as determinants of tions with which it is related." These differ lit behavior. Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) suggest tle from more recent definitions by Summers that behavior int8ntion (I), which is an approx (1970) and Triandis (1971). A widespread imatiOn of btJhavior (B) is a functiOn of an at agreement appears on what is an attitude at titude toward performing the act (AJ, plus a the level of conceptual definitions. subjective norm, (SN). The subjective norm, We emphasize, the phrases "relatively en often called the normative component or the during" and "organized through experience." social factor Is a multiplicative function of the An attitude is something which the actor individual's perception of the belief (b) of a brings to a behavioral setting. It is the actor's reference group or reference person and the predisposition, or preferred behavior before individual's motivation (m) to conform to this meeting the particular setting. What an actor belief. This theory can be rpesented in the does in this behavioral setting is a function of formula: the actor's attitude plus other characteristics B CD I- w, (AJ + w (SN); of the setting. 2 LaPiere reported no consistency between the where: (SN) - b, m, ; w - weight. attitudes of hotel and restaurant managers toward Chinese people and the way a Chinese Other researchers have presented a model couple were treated in these establishments. containing essentially the same variables, but Since that early study, many researchers have the two independent variables are depicted as reported low correlations between attitudes having interactiOn effects rather than additive and behavior. One reviewer of this research effects. Acock and DeFleur (1972) suggest concluded: "It is considerably more likely that that individuals' behavior will be consistent attitudes will be unrelated or only slightly with their attitudes only if individuals perceive related to overt behaviors than that attitudes their reference group as sharing the attitude. will be closely related to outcomes." (Wicker As in the Rshbein and Ajzen model, social FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 219 support (88) is seen as the crucial variable, A-B consistency issue. Social interaction in along with attitudes, for predicting behavior. volves at least two actors having attitudes But the Acock-DeReur model contains an in toward the same behavior or object, which teraction term: may be the actors themselves. Power is not exercised in all social interaction. Rather, it B = w, [(A)(88)] is limited to those situations in which ego and Liska (1974) in reviewing social support alter have incompatible attitudes. In these theories of A-B consistency concluded that situations, if alter did what alter wanted, and this variable should be the central theme in behaved inconsistently with his/her attitude, future research. He suggests testing a model ego would be unable to do what ego wanted. which includes both additive and interaction There are other situations in which ego could effects. by the following equation: behave consistently with his attitude if alter behaved consistently with his attitude. In this B = w, (A) + w (88) + w [(A) (88)] 2 3 case, ego and alter have compatible attitudes. where w = weight. Power is not exercised in these situations since there is no actual or potential resistance by ego to alter's preferred behavior or by alter Emphasis on the role of other actors in the to ego's preferred behavior. behavioral setting relation between attitude Some situations, although initially character and behavior is an important contribution to ized by incompatibility between attitudes of the A-B consistency issue. The social compo ego and alter, become compatible nent of behavior is recognized and the A-B because one actor changes his attitude. 8uch consistency issue becomes a sociological a Change does not result from the exercies of rather than a psychologicl question. We power by one actor over the other. Rather, it believe that the powerof ego relative to other occurs because one actor has exerted In actors in a setting is a more crucial social fac fluence. According to Etzioni (1968) "Influence tor than the norms shared among actors. The and power are often used synonymously... It current emphasis on social support, in both is useful to keep these two terms separate in the additive and the interaction models is order to express a significant conceptual dis plagued by the oversocializ6d view ofman in tinction. An application of power changes the sociology (Wrong 1961). actor's situation andlor his concept of his situation - but not his preferences (attitudes). DEFINITIONS OF POWER Resistance is overcome, not because the Nearly all definitions of power in soicology actor subjected to the use of power changes stem from Weber (1947): "Power is the pro his "will" (attitude), but because resistance bability that one actor within a social relation has been made more expensive, prohibitive, ship will be in a position to carry out his own or impossible." will despite resistance .. " Lenski (1966) slight Etzioni suggests that the target of influence ly modified this definition of power as "the pro will behave consistently with his/her attitude bability of persons or groups carrying out their since the attitude has changed. As a result of will even when opposed by others." attitude change, ego and alter no longer have We think that in these definitions, a person's incompatible attitudes, and there is no longer will is a person's attitude toward a behavior. any resistance to overcome. On the other To carry out your will is to behave consistent hand, victims of power behave inconsistently ly with your attitude - to do what you are with their attitudes. predisposed to do before meeting a particular behavoral setting. We can thus paraphrase POWER &. A-B CONSISTENCY Weber and define power as: the capacity of A-B consistency theory focusing on the role an actor in a social relation to behave con of socialsupport has been emerging, and now sistently with his/her attitude despite seems to be the direction of future research. resistance. Sociologists have overemphasized the roles The phrase despite resistance is crucial, not of internalization and social approval in shap only for the concept of power. but also for the ing an individual's behavior, neglecting the FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 220 role of force, power, and coercion. According 1) In a situation of concordant attitudes, there to Wrong (1961 188), sociologists have ig is a strong positive correlation between at nored "the degree to which conformity is fre titude and behavior among all actors. quently the result ofcoercion rather than con 2) In a situation of discordant attitudes, there viction. Goode (1972) complained that the is no correlation between attitude and "systematic study of force as a distinct behavior among all actors because: a) there phenomenon or set of processes has been is a strong positive correlation between at singularly neglected .."Nowhere is this more titude and behavior among those actors apparent than in current literature on the rela having the most power in the social relation; tion between attitudes and. behavior. b) there is a strong negative correlation be When the concept ofpower is brought tothe tween attitude and behavior among those A-B consistency issue, it is clear why there is actors having the least power in the social not a perfect correspondence between at relation. titudes and behavior. There are many social In the equation expressing Hypothesis 1, A relations in which power is unequally is attitude, B is behavior, and subscript C distributed. If the two actors in such a relation refers to the concordant situation: have incompatible attitudes, it will be impos sible for both to behave consistently with their Be = Ae attitudes. In a situation of power inequality, Treating A and B as dichotomies, the equa ego has a favorable attitude toward going to tion predicts that in concordant attitude situa a ball game with alter, but alter has an un tions, an actor engages in behavior B if shelhe favorable attitude to this activity, either ego or has a favorable attitude toward behavior B. alter, butnot both will behave consistently with Hypothesis 2, concerning situations of his/her attitude, assuming that neither discordant attitudes is more complex. We changes attitudes due to influence. The actor assign codes to the variable categories as who has the more power in the social relation shown in Figure 1, where each is treated as will carry out his/her will despite resistance. a dichotomy. Now consider all possible com The other actor will not. binations of Ad and Pd under each condition, This situation could occur even if ego wanted as shown in Table 1. Recall that by definition, to go to the game alone. If alter wanted ego in a discordant attitude situation one actor will to stay at home, rather than go to the game have a + 1 value for a discordant attitude, and alone, then alter's attitude toward going to the the other will have a - 1 value for that discor game constitutes resistance to ego's prefer dant attitude. In the discordant attitude situa red behavior. Ego will overcome this resis tion, two categories of people will engage in tance and go to the game, thereby behaving the particular behavior, with a + 1 value for consistently with hislher attitude only if ego B: 1) those with a favorable attitude toward B has more power than alter in their relation. If and power, and 2) those with an unfavorable ego has more power, and goes to the game, attitude toward B, and no power. A person in then alter will not behave consistently with category a will behave consistently with hislher attitude since alter had a favorable at his/her attitude, while a person in category b titude toward staying at home with ego. will behave inconsistently with hislher attitude. We will label situations in which ego could Likewise there will be two categories of people behave consistently with his attitude as situa who will not engage in a particular behavior tions of discordant attitudes. Situations in with a value of - 1 for B in discordant attitude which both actors could behave consistently situations: 3) those with power and an un with their attitudes, where power is not exer favorable attitude toward B; and 4) those cized will be called concordant attitudes. A without power, and with a favorable attitude concordant attitude situation would exist if ego toward· B. People in category 3 will behave have a favorable attitude toward going to the consistently with their attitude, while those in game with alter, and alter had a favorable at category 4 will behave inconsistently with their titude toward the same action. attitude. The coding scheme in Figure 1 allows Our argument so far, suggests the following us to express these hypotheses in a single hypotheses on the attitude-behavior relation: equation: FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 221 FIGURE 1. DISCORDANT ATTITUDE CODES B. A. p. + 1 - engages in B + 1 - favorable attitude toward B + 1 - has power - 1 - does not engage in B-1 - unfavorable attitude toward B - 1 - has no power B" = (A) (P) TABLE 1: ATTITUDE, POWER, & BEHAVIOR COMBINATIONS The value of B. will be + 1 when 1) both A" and p. have values of + 1; or 2) both A. and (A) x (P) = B. p. have values of -1. The value of B" will be +1 +1 +1 -1 when 3) A" has a value of -1 and p. has +1 -1 -1 a value of + 1; or d) A. has a value of + 1 and -1 +1 -1 P" has a value of -1. -1 -1 +1

MORE COMPLEX RELATIONS Now assume that alter 2 has power over ego. Situations beyond elementary dyadic rela This might suggest that neither ego nor alter tions add complexity to our theory. Imagine 1 will behave consistently with their attitudes. the triad: ego, alter 1, and alter 2, each with We must now consider the distribution of the following attitudes: power in the alter 1 - alter 2 relation. If alter Ego: wants to attend game with alter; 2 has power over alter 1, then neither ego nor Alter 1 wants to attend game with ego; alter 1 will behave consistently with their at Alter 2 wants to attend movie with ego; titudes. However, if alter 1 has power over In this triad, the relation between ego and alter alter 2, the outcome is more problematic. Now 1 is a situation of concordant attitudes, and we would have to consider the power of alter the relation between ego and alter 2 is one of 1 over alter 2 relative to the power of alter 2 discordant attitudes. Alter 2's favorable at over ego. If alter 2's power over ego is greater titude to going to a movie with ego translates than alter 1's power over alter 2, then neither into alter 2 having an unfavorable attitude to ego nor alter 1 will behave consistently with ego's going to the game with alter 1. Our their attitudes. On the other hand, if alter 1's original hypothesis for concordant situations power over alter 2 is greater than alter 2's applies only to dyads. It suggests that both power over ego, then both ego and alter 1 will ego and alter 1 will behave consistently with behave consistently with their attitudes. their attitudes. We must now modify the Our longterm objective is to hypothesis to account for the power of alter develop a systematic theory which incor 2 in relation with ego. Ego and alter 1 will porates complexities such as these for social behave consistently with their attitudes only systems more complex than simple dyads. We if ego has power over alter 2, and can over plan to formulate hypotheses for all combina come the resistance stemming from alter 2's tions of power distriubtion and concor attitude. If ego has power over alter 2, then dance/discordance. We hope to reduce the two of the actors, ego and alter 1 will behave set of hypotheses to a small set of equations consistently with their attitudes. But if ego predicting a person's behavior as a function lacks such power, then alter 2, but not ego and of attitudes, and the relative power of other alter 1 will behave consistently with their at actors in the setting. From our theoretical titudes. It is impossible for all three actors to perspective, it is not surprising that resear behave consistently with their attitudes, chers find a less than perfect correspondence assuming no attitude change occurs. between attitudes and behavior. In discordant Numerous variations of this type complexity attitude situations, it is impossible for all actors can be introduced in our theory. Consider the to behave consistently with their attitudes. triad with the following attitude situations: We have not yet discussed the determina ego - alter 1 : concordant tion and measurement of the relative power ego - alter 2 : discordant of actors in a social relation. That is, we have alter 1 - alter 2 : discordant not discussed theories about the source of FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 222 power inequality in social interaction. Though persons, but just customers. When the man our theory of A-B consistency is not necessari agers received LaPiere's letter, there were ly linked to any particular theory of power, we many other potential customers besides the will rely on the dBpsndency thBoty ofpower group of Chinese mentioned In the letter. from the social exchange perspective (Emer Here, the managers could presume to obtain son 1962). According to this view, actors ex the same patronage from alternative sources. change resources. The power ofego over alter The managers had an unfavorable attitude to is a function of the dependence of alter on ego serving Chinese people, and had the power, for the things alter values. If alter is more via the availability of other customers, to dependent on ego than ego is on alter, then behave consistently with that attitude. ego has power over alter. The degree of Now consider the resources which the dependence of alter on ego Is a function of Chinese couple controlled which the service the value alter attaches to the resources which workers needed when the couple asked for ego controls andthe availability of alternative service. The couple had the potential of sources besides ego for obtaining these creating a disturbance which could result in resources. The fewer alternatives alter has, loss of job for the employee. The service the more c:Iependent he/she Is on ego. workers needed to avoid such a risk, and the LaPlere (1934) sent a letter to hotel and Chinese couple in that setting, and at that restaurant managers asking if they would ac moment, were the only source of patronage, commodate a group of Chinese. Nearly all a valued commodity. The service workers' replied that they would not. However, before lack of alternatives gave power to the Chinese these letters were sent, a Chinese couple couple. Assuming that the workers had an un traveling with LaPiere had gone in alone and favorable attitude toward serving Chinese, attempted to register, or to be seated for ser while the Chinese couple had a favorable at vice in the restaurant. In almost none of these titude toward being served, this was a situa establishments were they denied service. tion of discordant attitudes. The service Sorne interpreted this study to indicate that workers lacked power relative to the Chinese whites' behavior toward Chinese people was couple, and so, behaved inconsistently with not consistent with their attitude toward their attitudes. Chinese people. A moment's thought reveals that there were CONCLUSION two sets of subjects in the study. The first By considering the role of power in social in group included managers who did, express teraction, we have formed hypotheses which discriminatory behavior by responding by mail predict attitude-behavior consistency among that they would not serve Chinese people. The all actors in concordant attitude situations, but other group Included the clerks and waitresses only among powerful actors in discordant at who didnot engage in discriminatory behavior titude situations. We realize that the theory will when actually confronted by the Chinese become more complex as we consider more COl.lple. If we assume, as did LaPlere, that in elaborate social relations. We must address the 1930's there ware widespread negative more of the subtleties in the A-B consistency attitudes among whites toward Chinese as a literature. Finally, we have treated power as racial group, then one group, the managers, a zero-sum property without considering that behaved consistently with their attitude, while power inequality may vary in varying social the other group of service personnel behav relations. We have also omitted the situation ed inconsistently with their attitudes. Both of discordant attitudes where neither actor has were in a situation of discordant attitudes with power over the other. Perhaps in these rela- the Chinese people, assuming that the latter .tions, each actor alternates between behav had a favorable attitude toward getting regular ing consistently and inconsistently with hislher service. attitude. Such issues can direct future work Consider the resources the Chinese couple linking A-B consistency to the power concept. controlled· Which were valued by managers. Service managers need customers to operate their business. They do not require specific References concluded on Page 226 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 223 BANKING POLICY IN RELATION TO SMALL COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT Chester C Ballard, Longwood College, Virginia

INTRODUCTION a gatekeeping role, using their influence and Small community growth or decline is large the bank resources to manipulate outcomes ly the result of economic conditions over which in ways which accommodate those who have local leaders can exert influence. Some have invested their wealth, trust, and influence with argued that economic dominants tend tp guide the banker. local affairs by proxy (SChulze 1958). However Banks are an integral part of the local com there is increasing empirical support for the munity economy, and bankers often find rather intensive involvement of local elites in themselves involved in matters not usually the everyday concerns of both large and small acknowledged as banking concerns. It is not communities (Ratcliffe 1979). Particularly in unusual to find local bankers wearing many small communities, economic control of com civic hats, particularly in smaller communities munity development may be concentrated in where the number of potential civic leaders is the hands of afew powerful leaders, and those limited. In small communities, local bankers leaders are often bankers. Their commitment are key participants in shaping the develop of scarce developmental resources is a key mental destiny of the community. factor in the success or failure of community Communities may h~ve both growth and development goals. nongrowth coalitions of interest attempting to Bankers have received little explicit attention determine the development of the area. in the sociology of community and community Despite their growth or nongrowth goals, development literature. This is strange, since these leader groups depend on banks for the bankers are generally regarded by the public kind of resource mobilization needed to as powerful influentials in the structure of the secure growth or to prevent growth. Such American community. Sociologists generally development goals result from conscious de have failed to examine the extent of control cisions made by community leaders in deter over resources that bankers can exercise, and mining economic issues in the local setting. have overlooked the significance of the Small communities can be conceptualized as banker's role in community development. This types which can be classified by develop is unfortunate, since bankers have more mental goals, and developmental outcomes reason to be involved in such activities than as shown in Figure 1. many local leaders which sociologists have assumed to be important community decision makers (A SChaffer, R SChaffer 1970; Walton FIGURE 1: COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT TYPES 1970; Molotch 1976). Type Goal Outcome CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK A Growth Successful Bankers are not simply business men. It is B Nongrowth Unsuccessful the banker's job to represent the bank's in C Growth Unsuccessful vestors and shareholders when making invest 0 Nongrowth Successful ment decisions which affect the uses to which the capital and real estate owned by those in vestors and shareholders may be put. In this We would expect that bankers as key leaders sense, bankers hold tremendous potential in community growth or nongrowth coalitions power in community political issues which in shape banking policy to reflect their volve the community's growth and stability, developmental commitment. Examination of because these issues affect the community's three measures of banking policy toward property owners. Bankers must not only be growth will reveal the extent to which such good business operators, adept at turning a indicators predid resource mobilization by profit on investments and the redistribution of bankers to promote or inhibit growth. the community's wealth. They must also play FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 224

METHODS TABLE 1: BANKERS GROWTH COMMIT· Four communities were selected for study MENT LEVEL BY COMMUNITY TYPE according to typology dimesions in Figure 1. Type Growth Nongrowth Successful growth was determined by in Low Mid High Low Mid High crease in population and jobs added through industrial development. Successful nongrowth A 1 7 1 1 was determined by a stable population and B 262 1 absence of industrial development. A pur C 331 posive sample of strategic informants con o 1 1 2 sisted of bank directors and bank presidents in the four communities. Published banking data provided a secondary source of informa tion to infer banking policy. Bankers were ask TABLE 2: COMMUNITY RANK IN BANK ed as part of the interview schedule a series GROWTH MEASURES BY TYPE of questions concerning their growth or nongrowth community orientation. Bankers' Rank Expected Observed Ranking commitment to developmental goals are Ranking Deposit Loan L-D Ratio shown in Table 1. High ABO 0 In this analysis three commonly used BAAA measures of banking policy were assessed: B 1) growth in deposits; 2) growth in loans; and 3) the ratio of loans to deposits. The empirical Low c c B ly constructed typology of growth and non o o C c growth communities suggests that community types A and B, which experienced substan tial growth, should rank higher on these bank community. Sharing a small but expanding ing measures than community types CandO, resource is perhaps less desirable than which did not experience growth. The ex monopolizing a stable and stationary pected rankings and the observed rankings resource. are shown in Table 2, based on the assess Table 3 displays the growth In deposits for ment of banking policy measures. each type of community In the seven banks GROWTH IN DEPOSITS over the ten year period, 1968-1978. Some The growth in deposits measure reflects the growth in deposits is expected due to inflation. amount of capital that patrons hve placed on Assuming an average inflation rate of 6 per deposit. Although generally cited as an in cent yields a 79.1 percent increase in that dicator of banking growth policy, it may also period, and all seven banks showed some real indicate banking nongrowth policy. The pro growth. On this measure, the expected rank fitability of a bank does not appear to rest on ings were observed. Growth in deposits in the rate of growth in deposits in an absolute Community B occurred mainly from the oil sense. For communities experiencing growth, boom which began in 1974 and continued bank deposits may indeed reflect a particular through 1981. Despite the nongrowth goal of financial institution's ability to garner its share local bankers and other community leaders, of money in the local economy, and thereby Community B was engulfed by the oil boom its ability to profit from access to this capital. conditions which produced population growth But in small communities served by just one from 2800 in 1960 to over 4000 In 1978. Bank bank, growth in deposits may actually reduce deposits soared. Oilfield workers and the oil profitability. revenues and royalty checks were largely In communities served by only one bank, the responsible for the fact that this community monopoly itself may be quite profitable. led in the growth of deposits. Communites C Growth in deposits might be viewed as a and 0 were low on this measure, as expected. threat, since state banking officials may inter Increasing deposit figures will create growth pret growth in deposits to warrant the issuing conditions throughout the community as more a charter for a second bank in such a capitaJ is pumped into the local economy. The FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 225 TABLE 3: MEASURES OF BANKING POLICY BY COMMUNITY TYPE January 1, 1968 - January 1, 1978 Growth & Percentage Change, $ Millions Type Growth In Deposits Growth in Loans Loan-Deposit Ratio 1968 1978 Change 1968 1978 Change 1968 1978 Change A 9.8 28.0 186 4.6 15.3 233 47 55 16 B 12.4 42.1 240 7.7 20.7 169 62 49 -20 C 22.0 47.6 116 11.2 21.5 92 51 45 -11 D 2.7 5.6 107 .8 4.3 438 30 n 160 Source: Texas Banking Redbook Redbook Division, Bankers' Digest, Dallas.

magnitude of the deposit increase will be fur local needs, and may effectively inhibit growth ther reflected in business and industrial opportunities. A ratio of 67 percent or more development, and employment opportunities. of loans to deposits may indicate poor fiscal policy and unwise loan practices. The ratio GROWTH IN LOANS figure is also subject to wide fluctuation within Loan figures also indicate banking policy the fiscal year. Banks that wish to satisfy state progressiveness or conservatism. The growth regulators that they are serving local needs in loans measure indicates the bank's will may purchase a number of loan accounts from ingness to invest risk capital in the local remote corresponding financial institutions. economy. All other banks in the three com After auditors' and examiners' reports, those munities loaned out more money than the loans may then be resold to the corresponding bank in Community D. Therefore, aside from banks, which produces a sharp decrease in the anomaly presented by Community D, com the loans to deposits ratio. munity rankings on the growth in loans Clearly, the practice of purchasing cor measure are consistent with the hypothesiz responding bank loans points out the caution ed relation between banking policy and com that must be exercised when interpreting this munity growth. Community D was by far the measure. It is not enough to know loan figures leader in loan growth during the period with alone. One must also know the extent to which a 438 percent increase. This was clearly in the loans are made in the local economy. This consistent with the expected pattern. Since does not invalidate the measure, but it does Community D had only one bank, higher mean that the proportion of loans made locally demands were placed on the one bank to are more likely to affect the growth than the serve local needs for capital. During this sheer magnitude of the loan figures. period, Community D's bank did not offer in terest on time deposits. This kept capital CONCLUSION supply low, which kept lending funds propor The analysis tends to affirm that banking tionately small. With nongrowth banking policy does affect community growth with in policy, the meager capital available in Com creases in the banking policy measures munity D made a small absolute increase in leading to growth opportunities in business loans yield a very large percentage increase. and industry. Decreases on these measures All other banks in the stUdy communities loan would likely result in declining population and ed out much more money than Community job opportunities, since this would signal a D's bank. local economic recession. The three LOANS TO DEPOSITS RATIO measures ao support the general pattern of The loans to deposits ratio expresses loans banking policy aggressiveness and communi as a proportion of a bank's deposits. This is ty growth·conditions. But caution is necessary an indicator of banking policy toward local when interpreting the loan measuers which development. A figure of 40 percent or less are so deeply affected by factors external to may signal a bank's unwillingness to serve the community though intimately tied to bank- FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 226 ing policy. GRASMICK Continued from Page 222 No conceptual schema is perfect. Two of the four study communities, a and 0 confound REFERENCES ed the basic conceptual frame of this study. Acock A, M DeFleur 1972 A configurational ap proach to contingent consistency in the attitude Community a did not become an oil boom· behavior relationship. Arner Sociol Rev 37 714-726 town until after its selection for study as a Ajzen I, M Fishbein 1973 Attitudinal & normative nongowth community type. The ability of variables as predictors of specific behaviors. J Per bankers and other local leaders to guide the sonality & Social Psych 27 41·57 development deStiny of the community was - 19n Attitude-behavior relations: Theoretical analysis & review of empirical research. Psych BItn greatly reduced when the massive oil industry 84 888-918 Investment$engulfedCommunity a.Com· Allport G 1935 Attitudes. 798-844 in C Murchin munity 0 had only one bank, compared to two son ad Handbook ofSocial Psychology. Worchester banks in each of the other communities, which Clark U Press DeFleur M, F Westie1963 Attitude as a scientific confounded the schema and made com· concept. Social Forces 4217-31 parison with the other communities ques Emerson R 1982 Power dependence relations. tionable. Finally, banking policy measures Arner Sociol Rev 2731-41 need further study. The flow of scarce Etzioni A 1968 The Active Society. New York Free developmental resources in small com Press Fishbein M, I Ajzen 1975 Bslief, Attitude, Intention munities is a key component of the community & Behavior. Reading Mass Addison Wesley development process. Especially in times of Goode W 1972 The place of force in human socie national economic recession,a greater ty. Arner Sociol Rev 37 507·519 understanding of local growth and nongrowth LaPiere R 1934 Attitudes vs actions. Social Forces 13~237 conditions is needed. Lenski G 1968 Power & Privilege. New York McGraw Hill REFERENCES Liska A 1974 Emergent issues in the attitude Ballard C 1982 Small community growth: key role behavior controversy. Arner Sociol Rev 39261-272 of banks and bankers. Paper. Alpha Kappa Delta Rokach M 1968 Beliefs, Attitudes & Values. San Research Symposium. Francisco Jossey Bass Kammerer G 1963 The Urban Political CommunJ. Schuman H, MJohnson 1976 Attitudes & behavior. ty. Boston Houghton Mifflin Annual Rev of Socio/2 161-207 Molotch H 1976 The city as a growth machine. Summers G 1970 Introduction. 1-20 in G Summers Arner J of Sociol82 309-332 ad Attitude Measurement Chicago Rand McNally Ratcliffe R, M Gallagher, K Ratcliffe 1979 Civic in Triandis H 1971 Attitude & Attitude Change New volvement of bankers. Social Problems 26 298-313 York Wiley Schaffer A, R Schaffer 1970 Woodruff. North Weber M 1947 Theory of Social & Economic Carolina U Press Organization. A Henderson, T Parsons ads New Schulze R 1958 Economic dominants in communi York Free Press ty power structure. Arner Sociol Rev 231-12 WICker A 1969 Attitudes vs actions: Relation of ver Walton J 1970 Systematic survey of community bal & overt behavioral responses to attitude objects. power research. M Aiken, P Mott ads Structure of J of Sociallssuss 25 41-78 Community Power. New York Random House Wrong 0 1961 Oversocializad conception of man in modern sociololgy. Arner Sociol Rev26183-193 - 1979 Power: Its Forms & Uses. New York Harper Row FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 227

THE MALE ROLE: LIMITATIONS AND INTERVENTIONS J Thomas Isherwood, Western Kentucy University TOTAL ROLES ruled by their permission. Men play to win, and Role expectations of individuals are power protect what is theirs. Men expect that there ful determinants of behavior and social posi will be times when they must stand and fight. tion. All persons adapt to various role expec Aggression is necessary. Achievement and tations dedending on their envirnomental winning are sufficient purposes for any situation, but both men and women are activity. socialized to specific sex roles which may be Femlphoblc. All that is not prescribed male defined as total roles. Total roles are defined is female. To be feminine is the greatest failure as an inclusive set of behaviors and a sense of all. of self which permeates all aspects of life, and These role expectations for men form a takes precedence over other more situation systematic set of behavioral expectations. specific work or social roles which are incom Even though it is possible for the sake of ex patible with the total role. amination to view the behavior of men only as Much attention has been aroused regarding it is displayed in one of the four role sets, the effects oftraditional total role expectations greater understanding is achieved by con for women (Freeman 1979; Baker 1980). sidering the dynamic interplay among all four There is growing awareness among men and sets. Each set tends to form a behavioral cue women that many ofthese traditional role ex for another, and may be reinforced by a third. pectataions have served to limit opportunities They form an image of the ideal man. Perhaps while increasing emotional, social and finan no man achieves this ideal, but in failing to cial distress for women. Much less attention achieve, a man is aware of threats to his has been accorded the traditional total role ex masculinity. pectations of men, and the possible limitations these expectations may have on male life ROLE LIMITING CONSEQUENCES options (Goldberg 1976). Adherence to the traditioal role expectations for men is costly. Most men at some time MALE ROLE EXPECTATIONS struggle with their own self image as they The traditional male role appears to be compare it to the social ideal. We can show organized around the four following general the dynamics ofthis struggle by examining the behavioral expectations, synthesized from the intrapersonal and interpersonal costs of the ideas of many authorities (David 1976; Farrell traditional expectations. 1974; Fasteau 1974; Kaye 1974; Nickols 1975; lntrapersonally, many men are separate from Pleck 1974; Stoll 1978): themselves. They experience themselves by Functional. Men are able to do. They know functional and objective criteria, and are often the way things work, and can understand real removed from any other capacity to unders ity. They are competitive and active with this tand. They are handicapped in the personal knowledge. They have a worldly orientation tools which whey have available to understand with skills in a wide range of areas. They are themselves. To be functional and objective is expected to be skilled in occupations with a to be more concerned with the manipulation premium on technical task completion, as in of external events. To be introspective, or to business, mathematics, and science. They are feel and operate on the basis of those feelings, providers. is contrary to the dynamic interplay of the Objective. Men ,are logical and rational. Truth traditional role expectations. Research and understanding are determined byobserv indicates tht men have significantly lower pat able fact. Men are distrustful of introspection, terns of self disclosure, insight, and empathy, but bring meaning to events by manupulating and are less capable of loving, as compared the external. Men live by the Cartesian to women (Jourard 1971). Jourard says that Theorem: "I think (and acf), therefore I am." man's role is one of dispiritation. If we Dominant. Men are in control. They respect recognize that suicide rates represent a signifi power and its manifestation, and rule or are cant measure of intrapersonal dysfunction, FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 228 American suicide rate per 100,000 population necessary for a meaningful relation. By shar for men in 1978 was 20.2, compared to 6.9 ing feelings, the male perceives that he for women. becomes vulnerable. In a competitive atmos There are apparently significant relations be phere, this vulnerability may be threatening. tween sex roles and mental health problems. Consistent with the male role expection, show Although more women than men suffer from ing one's feelings is weak, and to be avoided diagnosed neurotic and psychotic disroders, at all costs. more men suffer from personality disorders. Many men have polarized attitudes regarding Rates for all types of substance abuse are the male sex role. Expressing positive feelings considerably higher for men. The distribution toward another male is often done at con of these disorders appears very strongly siderable risk. The choice is limited to either related to role expectation. adherence to all expectations, or being con There also appears to be a relation between sidered homosexual. Lehne (1976) argues that physical health and role expection. Men have homophobia must be eliminated before a shorter life expectancy, contact more serious change in sex roles for man can be achieved. iIIneses, and have more accidents than There are also insufficient role models of women. Many characteristics of the male role 'emotional intimacy among men. Men have few are dynamically stress producing, and in most opportunities to see and experience affection illnesses where stress appears to playa part between men, even between father and son. in the development of the disorder, men have This barrier is both cause and effect ofsex role higher rates than women. Thus, "looking training, and has a cyclic effect in succeeding closely at the major causes of death, a number generations. of them are directly related to certain The establishment of rewarding male-female behaviors such as cigarette smoking, drink relations suffers from the same male role ex ing, violence, and aggressive-competitive pectation barriers (Chafetz 1978). The Type A, coronary-prone behavior. All these establishment of male-female relations is behaviors occur more in men than in women, confounded even more by the polarized view and all can be viewed as extreme forms of cer of women implicit in the traditional male role. tain components of masculinity: risk-taking, From the male view, women are recipients of competition, status, power, and violence." "benefits" derived from the man's successful (Bascow 1980) fulfillment of the male role expectation. As the There are also interpersonal consequences man struggles to compete and fulfill the ex for the traditional male sex role stereotype. It pectations of his past socialization, he tries to appears that the functional, objective, domi bring meaning to all these behaviors by attri nant, and femiphobic characateristics of the buting them to the needs of wife and family. male role often fail to support the development Wife and family are expected to recognize and of meaningful interpersonal relations. Many value this functional dutyof men. Any request male authors have recently acknowledged the for time, sharing, intimacy, or companionship poor quality of interpersonal relations among become threats to successful completion of men (Fasteau 1974; Farrell 1974). Many adult the male role. men never have had a close friend. The bar The sex role expectation that men handle riers to emotional intimacy between males emotional, intimate situations independently appears directly linked to male role expecta of self disclosure of feelings, and that they tions. These barriers include competition, lack must respond only from a position of of self-disclosure, homophobia, and insuf dominance, functionality, and objectivity, ficient role models (Bascow 1980). severely limits the behaviors available in those Most men are socialized to believe that situations. For many men, the only available actions are separate from feelings, and that response is action. The expressed action or they must compete in all actions including aggression must then be justified consistent sports, work, sex, and conversation. These at ly with the male role expectations, or must be titudes are more conducive to separateness accepted passively with guilt and remorse and from others, rather than to the warmth loss of "masculinity." Today, there Is an epidemic of reported family FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 229 violence in the United States (Blumenthal options of male clients and restrict their 1972). Spouse abuse is estimated by the opportunity for self determination. Federal Bureau of Investigation to be the most Intervention with male clients demands con frequent crime in the nation (Martin 1976). stant awareness and sensitivity to the ac There Is a growing number of services to res curate social diagnosis of client issues. Just pond to women who are victims of this as feminist therapists have reexamined the violence, but there is general apathy to any traditional view of factors generating women's structured intervention with men, even in the issues, establishing that many issues are not criminal justice system. personal but rather, of a social and political nature, so do men's issues need examination PRACTITIONER NEEDS (FoxJey 1979). Such an examination may well Comprehensive strategies need to be lead to a greater reliance on interventions in developed and implemented by helping pro to the social and political structures and pro fessionals which reflect an understanding and cesses of our society, advocating change and integration of the possible limitatons fo the sex the expansion of alternatives for men rather role of men and women. Several authorities than limit professional actions to treating the have addressed this issue with vital sugges consequences of those limitations. tions for effective interventions with men (Bloom 1980; Brennecke 1980; Sheehy 1976; CONCLUSION Levinson 1978). There are negative conse Helping profesisonals have begun to quences for women in the helping relation with recognize the need for greater understanding the clinical therapist who fails to recognize and of the cultural, economic, political, and social address the limitations of the traditional male realities of the structure and processes of role stereotype (Maracek, Kravetz 1982). The society as necessary knowledge for effective failure of traditional sex role theories of practice with women, minorities, the aged, and behavior, practice skills, and values of these the handicapped (Sue 1981). Failure to assess professionals to address the limitations which these dynamics with male clients limits infor are imposed on women has led to an implicit mation available to the professional, and tacit assumption that those theories, skills, and ly supports nonproductive or destructive sex values accurately respond to the needs of role stereotyping. By increasing their men. Such limitations also exist in the conse knowledge of the economic and political quences of the male role stereotype, which are control exercised by sex role stereotyping, rarely considered by the helping professional. helping professionals can increase their A more accurate appraisal indicates that both awareness of the environmental factors which men and women historically have suffered impinge on client behavior. Without such from sex role stereotyping, which is used to knowledge, intervention can all too easily manipulate and control the division of labor become a method of social .control. This in the marketplace (Ginltis 1972). knowledge also appears to be an approach The widely held professional value of client which could integrate one polarization of self-determination must be reexamined, therapy in recent years. The issue is not that recognizing the effect of the male sex role we need "masculine" helping professionals, stereotype on male clients. To realize client but rather that more profesisonals need to self determination, helping professionals must develop a broader understanding of the pur be able to develop alternative options for client poses and power of traditional sex role action. Alternatives which are restricted by the expectations. professional worker's prejudice, bias, lack of Men have traditionally struggled under the information, or adherence to sex role oppression of a role expectation which is seIf stereotypes places limits on client oppor limiting, destructive of a complete and fulfill tunities for self determination. Helping profes ed existence, and dangerous to their health sionals who possess value orientations and well-being. This role model adapted well towards men limited by the functional, objec to the,industrial needs of society, and society tive, dominant, and femiphobic characteristics has generally benefited from the role limita of the male sex role unnecessarily limit the tions of men (O'KeIlY,1980). Men of future FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 230 generations of men may demand moreatten- Stoll C 1978 Female & Male Socialization, Social tion for their needs as indMduals, and less for Roles, Socisl Structure. Dubuque Iowa Brown the material social order bet'Iefits derMng from the tradltional'male sex role. REFERENCES Baker Mary 1980 Women Today: Multidisciplinary Approach to Women's Studi8s. Monterey califor nia Brooks Cole Bascow Susan 1980 S8x-role StMIotypes: Trad~ tion$ & AJItIrnstiv8s. Monterey Calif Brooks Cole Bayes M, P Newton 1978 Women in authority: SocIo-peychoI analysis. J ofAppI/IIdBshsv Sci 14 1 Blulll8llthat Monica 1972 Justifying V.,Ience: At titudfls of AmsricBn Msn. Ann Arbor Braun Brulnfleld Bloom Martin 1980 Life Span Dsll8/oprn8nt New YorkMacmIlJan Brennecke J. R Amick 1980 Signif1csnc8 of the Struggle Ws Shsrs. Encino C81ifomia Glencoe Chafetz Janet Saltzman 1978 Mascullns, Fsminins, or Human? Itasca Illinois Peacock David Deborah, Robert Brannon 1976 ed$ The Fot1)<-nlntl Perctmt Majority: The Ms/8 S8x RoI8. Reading Addison Wesley Farrell Warren 1974 The LibflrsttKJ Man. New York Random House Fasteau Marc 1974 The Ma/8 Mschin8. New York McGraw HiD Foxley 0eclJia H NonstIxist Counssling. Dubuque Iowa KendaJl Hunt Freeman Jo 1979 ed Women: AFeminist F'ersptK> tItt8. Palo Alto C8Dfomia Mayfield Ginitis Herbert 1972 Al*tatJon In capltaJist socl& ty.R Edwatds ed The CspItaIist S)st8m Englewood Cliffs Prentice Hall Goldberg Herb The Hszsrds ofB8ing Ma/8. New York Greenburger Associates Jourard SIdney 1971 The Tl'Ilnsparsnt S8If. New York Ven Nostrand Kaye Harvey 1974 MsI8 SurvIval New York Gosset Dunlap Lehne Gregory 1976 Homophobia among men. D David, R Brannon eels The Fot1)<-nins P8rc8nt Majority. Reading AddIson Wesley Levinaon DanIel 1978 The 8tIasons ofa Man:S Lifa New York BaJlantine Mar&C4tk Jeanne, Diane Kravetz 1982 Women & mental health: A review of feminist change efforts. H RubInstein. M Block eels Things that MstIfH: New York Macmillan . Martin Del 1976 Bsttersd WMIS. New York Pocket Books Nichols Jack 1976 M8n:S Lib8ration. New York Penguin O'Kelly Charlotte GWomen & Mf1n In SocI8ty. New York Van Nostrand Pleck J. J sawyer 1974 M8n & Msscullnlty. EngJewooc:J Cliffs Prentice Hall Sheehy Gail 1976 PBtJSB98S New York Dutton Sue Gerald 1981 Counssllng the Culturally em. fBrsnt New York Wiley - FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 231

COMMUNITY TYPE, SCHOOL SIZE, AND STUDENT BEHAVIOR Paul Llndaay, University of North carolina at Greensboro INTRODUCTION lower socioeconomic status and school In his "reassessment of conventional performance. wisdom," about rural education, Sher (1972) Although Barker's theory includes communi points to two characteristics of rural schools. ty as well as organizational setting$, the 1) Rural schols are smaller than urban effects ofthe community on student behavior schools. There are few small public schools have not -been studied as extensively as left in urban areas. 2) There is often a closer school size. It is axiomatic in sociological relation between school and community in the theory that the community context affects rural setting. There is a considerable body of many aspects of school life, from the level of empirical research on the school size factor. financial support to student and parent in Barker and Gump (1964) found more partici- volvement to specific types of learning pro pation and leadership experiences in extra blems. The urban black ghetto, white ethnic curricular activity and more student satisfac- neighborhood, affluent suburb, small town and tion in smaller high schools, using a Kansas rural community present different problems sample. These findings were replicated with and challenges to schools. Case studies have other regional and national-samples (Baird illuminated characteristics of such com- 1969; Lindsay 1982; Morgan, Alwin 1980). munities and their impact on schools (Levy Here we test the hypothesis that the type of 1970; P~hkin, Larkin 1979). We will compare community in which a school is located has schools in rural settings to those In three other independent effects on student behavior, con- community types: small town, large city, and trolling for school size. suburb. I propose that Barker's theory is The advantages of small groups, organiza- appropriate for explaining not only student tions and communities are suggested in participation and satisfaction, but also attend Barker's (1978) theory of behavior settings. A ance and retention in high school. Therefore, given setting, such as performance of a school attendance rates and dropout rates are includ play, has a limited number of places for active ed as dependent variables. There Is much participants. When the total number of per- diversity among rural communities. One sons In a setting is relatively small, the set- dimension of the rural community is the ex ting is more likely to be "undermanned" tent to which the population Is engaged In because a greater portion of those present are agriculture. A related hypothesis to be tested required to operate the activity. This leads to is that the degree to which students in rural higher rates of participation, which leads to high schools come from farm and nonfarm more satisfaction. The population size of a families will make a difference in attendance given habitat is a powerful determinant of and dropout rates. individual behavior. Barker illustrates his point with an example of a base ball game. Mead METHOD used this analogy to characterize the social Data from the base year and first follow-up process bywhich an individual learns what is surveys of the National Longitudinal Study of expected in a given social situation and the high school class of 1972 are used (Ric behaves in accordance with the expected role. cobono 1981). This is a representative sample Barker imagines an 8-person baseball team of seniors enrolled in public and private with no center fielder. Each player now is ex schools in the United States in the spring of pected to do more. Outfielders and Infielders 1972. A stratified sample of schools was adjust their positions and responsibilities to drawn representing public and private compensate for the gap in center field. The schools, geographic regions, schooJ size, pro -undermanned setting creates new obligations ximity of institutions of higher learning, for each participant. Barker's theory has been percentage minority group enrollment, income supported and extended by Willems (1969) level oUhe community, and degree of urban who finds that the effect of school size on ization. Then a random sample of 18 seniors sense of obligation is stronger for students of was drawn from each school. Further data FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 232 was provided by school administrators about higher than those in other types of com the students and the schools. The response munities, as shown in Table 2. Large city at rate in the base year survey was 71 percent, tendance rates are the lowest, with small town providing a sample of 16,683 students. This and suburban rates about the same. Dropout analysis was limited to public high· schools. rates for men and women are lowest in sub Cases with missing data on one or more urban schools, but rural schools compare variables have been exlcuded, yielding a sam favorably with small town and large city ple of 13,638 students. Due to the nature of schools. the main question in this study is the data, analysis will·proceed on two levels; whether differences in individual outcomes the individual and the school. 1) The effect of and school rates are due to the community community location on individual student par location or to the size of the school. ticipation and satisfaction r8'tes will be examin The relation between community type and ed. 2) The effect of rural location on school student outcomes is weaker When school size attendance rates and male and female drop is controlled. Generally, men's and women's out rates will be considered. The school level participation in extracurricular activities analysis includes data gathered in the first remains higher in both large and small rural follOW-up survey, in which the response rate schools. Results from small schools in cities was 92 percent. Excluding cases with miss and suburbs should be interpreted with ing data, the sample consists of 1060 schools. caution, since the sample size for these Communities are divided into four types: groups is small. Leadership experience and 1) Rural ortanning community; 2) Small town, satisfaction tend to be higher for women in under 50,000; 3) City, over 50,000; 4) Suburb both small and large rural schools, but not for of a city. Schools are classed in Table 1 and men. SChool size explains a considerable part Table 2 as large (L) with more than 150 of the advantage of rural schools with regard students enrolled in the senior class, and to these individual student variables. small (S) with 150 or fewer students in the In terms of Barker's theory of behavior set senior class. Indicators of student participa tings, When the variable to be explained is tion are based on student responses to a behavior of students in schools, the immediate quest"lOn aboUt their participation or leadership behavior setting factor, organization size, ap functions in nine categories of extracurricular pears more important than the wider setting activities. Indicators of satisfaction are based factor, type ofcommunity. However, there is on questions about Whether they feel that they an added independent effect of community are· a part of their school, and whether they location. In accounting for individual dif consider required courses in the curriculum ferences in participation, leadership, and a waste of time. Attendance rate, measured satisfaction, the community effect is stronger at the School level, is the approximate average for women than for men. daily percentage attendance. Dropout rates SChool rates of attendance and dropouts are for men and women, also measured at the also strongly affected by size of the school. school level, represent the percentage of With school size contrOlled, attendance rates students who enter the tenth grade, but drop in rural, small town, and SUburban schools are oot before graduation, eXcluding transfers to about the same, While large city attendance other schools. is poorest. There are insufficient small schools in Cities and suburbs for meaningful com· RESULTS AND DISCUSSION parison. Statements about city and suburban The advantages of rural schools with respect schools are based on large schools only. to student participation, leadership ex Dropout rates, on the other hand, are lowest perience, and satisfaction are shown in Table in suburban schools. Size makes an especially 1. Rural schools are higher in all categories important contribution to the dropout rates in than schools in small towns and cities, Which rural schools. When rural schools are small, in tum, are higher than large city and sub their dropout rates are considerably lower than urban sChools. Between the latter two types rates in similar size schools in small towns. there is very little difference. Similarly, rural However, dropout rates among large schools school attendance rates are considE!rably are higher for rural than for small town FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 233

TABLE 1: STUDENT ACTIVITY & SATISFACTION BY SEX, SCHOOL SIZE & COMMUNITY TYPE

(Percentages; N values in italics; Gamma decimals omitted.)

Response Rural Town City Suburb Gamma.os Size: S L S L S L S L S L Males 2 + activities 69 56 64 53 76 46 58 48 ns -08 Has leader role 38 27 36 28 41 25 28 25 ns ns Feels Involved 65 62 64 62 57 58 67 60 ns ns Curriculum OK 51 43 54 46 56 45 48 44 ns ns

(N) 1006 359 518 1404 37 1854 60 1516

Females 2 + activities 80 60 78 61 65 53 62 53 ·16 ·10 Has leader role 46 32 42 29 26 27 31 26 ·16 -0& Feels Involvad 71 68 68 64 58 61 69 57 ns ·10 Curriculum OK 62 54 61 52 56 49 65 48 ns ns

(N) 996 366 468 1489 62 1948 65 1490

TABLE 2: SCHOOL ATTENDANCE & DROPOUT RATES BY SEX (Percentages; N values in italics; Gamma. decimals omitted.)

Rural Town City Suburb Gamma.os Size: S L S L S LS LS L Attendance Over 95% 22 11 19 11 33 4 38 10 ns -07 Dropout Rate Under 5% Males 52 24 43 38 44 25 63 54 ns 23 Females 62 33 44 45 67 32 63 66 ns 26 (N) 165 54 79 229 9 287 8 229

schools. Among large schools. rural and large rates of participation, leadership, and reten city dropout rates are similar. For the variables tion in school are higher for all types of com explored here, many, but not all of the advan munity. Less expected, and closely related to tages of rural schools are explained by their our main interest. is that male-female dif smaller size, rather than by their community ferenc~s are greatest for schools in ruralloca location. There was no significant difference tions. This appears in Tables 1 and 2 in the comparing students frolTl predominantly farm sex categories. Females are 8 percent more families to those from nonfarm families, which likely than males to hold leader positions in may be due to the small number of schools rural schools, while their advantage elsewhere where this distinction could be made. is only about 2 percent. Controlling for school Interesting findings emerge in the com· size, this pattern prevails with few exceptions. parison of males and females. Not only do Comparing male and female dropout rates, in girls like school better than boys, but their Table 2, while women tend to stay in school FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 234 longer than men, there is no clear pattern of Barker R G, PV Gump 1964 Big Schoo( Small difference between rural and urban schools. School' High School Size and Student &lhavlor. Stanford U Press Larken RW 1979 Suburban Youth in Cultural SUMMARY Crisis. New York Oxford U Press The community setting does make some dif Levy G 1970 Ghetto School: Class Warfare in an ference in student participation, satisfaction, elementary School Syracuse U Press attendance, and dropout rates. However, Lindsay Paul 1982 Effect of high school size on student participation, satisfaeton and attendance. much of the rural advantage is due to the Educational Evaluation & Policy Analysis. 457-65 smaller ,size of the rural schools. Small size Mead G H 1934 Mind, Self, andSociety. Chicago seems to reinforce the advantages of rural UPress schools respecting attendance and dropout Morgan 0 L, 0 F Alwin 1980 When less is more: rates, while large rural schools tend to have School size and social participation. Social Psych Qtr(y 43 241-252 low attendnace and high dropout rates. Insofar Peshkin A 1979 Growing Up American: Schooling as the community type affects student par and the Survival of Community. Chicago U Press ticipation and satisfaction, this effect is Riccobono J, L Henderson, G Burkheimer, C stronger for women than for men. Finally, the Place, J Levinsohn 1981 National Longitudinal Study: Base Year (1972) Through Fourth Follow-Up advantage of women over men in participa (1979). Data Fiie US81'S' Manual Washington DC tion and satisfaction is greater in rural than in National Center for Education Statistics. urban schools. Sher J 1977 ed Education in Rural America: A Reassessmant of Conventional WIsdom. Boulder REFERENCES Colorado Westview Press Willems EP 1967 sense of obligation to high Baird L 1969 Big school, small school: A critical school activities as related to school size and examination of the hypothesis. J of Educational marginality of student. Child Development 38 Psych 60 253-260 1247-1260 Barker R G 1978 Habitats, Environments, and Human &lhavlor. san Francisco Jossey Bass FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 235 THE QUERIDA: THE SURROGATE DIVORCE SYSTEM IN THE PHILIPPINES Lloyd A Taylor, First Christian Church, Harrison, Arkansas ADJUSTING AN IMPERFECT SYSTEM into nonexistence, but they are still lega/Iy If there were a perfect human system, some married to each other until the death of one. would refuse to support it or share its benefits. Legal divorce does not exist. The Catholic Persons who do participate in a system may Church has been dominant in the Philippines be emotionally, mentally, or socially immature. since the Spanish occupation, which began Persons do change over time, and it is difficult 400 years ago. The Catholic Church claims to legislate regarding emotional behavior ex 85 percent of the population as com cept to punish violators. Such generalizations municants. The Church is adamant against apply to most human systems, including divorce, and is the leading force against any family systems, in any culture. Each culture movement to legalize it. There is considerable contains socially sanctioned ways by which selfrighteousness among Philippine citizens marriage bonds maybe effectively broken. In when they make invidious comparisons of the United States, marriages may be broken their divorceless society with the Western through annulment, separation, and divorce. World, and especially with the United States, When the marriage contract becomes insuf with its very high divorce rate. ferable, it may be broken with legal sanction and social approval. COHABITATION What is the adjustment in a system that Socia. needs cannot be suppressed, ignored, makes divorce absolutely illegal? In the Philip or displaced by legal codes. To attain the pines, once a marriage is legally contracted, desired end, ways are found to circumvent it can be dissolved only by the death of a religious, legal, and cultural obstacles. So it spouse. There are four conditions defined by is in the Philippine marriage and family law as sufficient for the court to declare that system. The Filipino has two modes to attain the marriage never existed, and to allow an the social effect of divorce while foregoing the annulment. 1) If within four years of marriage legal status of divorce. it can be shown that force or coercion was a The first method is avoidance ofthe marriage condition of the marriage (the Philippine term rite. If marriage is indissoluble, then why get pikotequals the American phrase, "shot gun married? Cohabitation without formal mar marriage). 2) If one party was previously mar riage becomes the solution for many. The ried and the spouse were still living, the couple has the benefits of cohabitation without marriage is bigamous. 3) If the officiant at the the IegaJ responsibilities of marriage. Cornmon wedding was not duly registered to perform law marriage is not recognized in the Philip it, there is no marriage. 4) If within eight years, pine law code, so there are no permanent one spouse becomes insane. Annulments are entanglements in cohabitation. possible in the Philippines, but they are rare, Living In is gaining popularity with those who feel because they are expensive and time disillusioned and stifled by the marriage institution. consuming. "Why go through the hassle of securing legal Legal separation is possible on three documents to prove that you are one with your mate?" comments an advocate of Uve-Ins. "It's ter grounds: 1) proven cohabitation by the rific to know that my man stays with me because husband and a woman not his wife over a pro he wants to, and not because he has to," says a longed period; 2) one instance of adultery by liberated career woman (Reben-Yllana 19757). the wife; 3) any attempted murder of one There are two major problems with this alter spouse by the other. native. 1) Due to the lack of legality and In legal separation, each spouse may take responsibility, there is little security for the tangible property which he/she brought to the woman or for the children which she may bear marriage. Property acquired after the marriage in this relation. separation and breakup of the is deemed common property, and may be live-in tie is as simple as walking away. divided as the judge determines. It is usually 2) There is no legitimacy for the children, and awarded to the innocent spouse. The two will no way to force parents to provide for them. now live separately, and the marriage fades, Some seek to avoid penalizing the faithful FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 236 paramour and her children by entering a all social classes. At the higher social levels, "death-bed marriage" pact. When the man having a querida, though not encouraged, is realizes that he is dying, he may summon a socially accepted. At the lower social levels, properly registered official of the court, usually there are mixed feelings regarding a man with a priest,to perform a wedding ceremony. The aquerida. Such a differential in attitude by law allows this, providing that the officiant social class is not unusual. A student gave an goes .before a court and files the proper expression common in his barrio about a pro papers. Such a lastminute wedding provides minent man who had a Querida: "It's all right. for a more equitable distribution of common He is rich, and can afford it." The Querida property, and legitimizes the children, allow system is often used by men whose work fre ing them a full share in the inheritance. quently takes them away from home, such as The extent of live-in arrangements is not mariners, brokers, salesmen, judges, and known. In July 1975 the Jaycees of Makati, itinerant workers. One respondent cited a an area of metropolitan Manila, held a free judge with a three-city circuit having a wife in mass wedding with all of the amenities, plus one city and a Querida in each ofthe other two. valuable door prizes. There were 499 couples who participated. Alfredo Manga, 65, and his SOURCE MATERIALS bride, Maria, 61 were wed after 8 children and The author taught three sections of a univer 40 years of cohabitation. The oldest couple sity course called "Sociology of Marriage and were a man named Balag and his bride, aged the Family" at Silliman University in 75 and 68 years (Bulletin Today 1975). The Dumaguete City of the Philippines, in following year, 1000 couples were united in 1975-1976. The students, mainly sophomores such a mass wedding in Manila. and juniors, did a term research project on marital relations resulting in 100 term papers, THE QUERIDA SYSTEM and provided information through structured Those who are already married are locked interviews. into. a permanent, binding contract. What Students varied by sex on their assessment recourse do they have if the marital bond of the Querida system. Men students offered becomes an intolerable shackle? The people six primary reasons for the querieda: of the Philippines have developed a surrogate 1) Wife cannot bear a child. orsubstitution divorce system which functions 2) Man receives prestige from peers. as a divorce procedure with some legal sanc 3) Sex life with wife is unsatisfactory. tion under another rubric. The Querida system 4) Reaction to forced marriage. serves a social and biological need, despite 5) Wife neglects personal hygiene & looks. religious and legal prohibitions. Querida is the 6) Desire for younger woman. feminine Spanish word for "loved one." The feminine form is typical because it is usually The older man's selection of a Querida is the man who abandons his wife to take a explained by a Philippine aphorism, "An old Querida. The masculine form is querido. carabao likes tender grass." The most com The origin of the Querida system is uncertain. monly cited cause by the men students was A similar practice exists among the Muslim to prove "machismo" or manliness. The Moros in the SOuthern Philippines. But Muslim Philippine housewife manages the household law permits both multiple marriage and and controls the money, so that there is little divorce, so the system is not analogous. The avenue for the married man to assert Spanish Friars, who were both political and machismo in his legitimate family. religious leaders during the long Spanish domination were not allowed to marry. This Women students listed 13 dominant reasons religious prohibition did not keep them from for the Querida. sexual liaisons with mates whom they called their queridss. Children of these non-marital 1) Money. The Querida is often well-paid. unions were mestizos, or "half-and-halts." 2) sex. This set the precedent. 3) Nagging wife at home. Today the Querida system is practiced by 4) Suspicious or distrustful wife. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 237 5) An uncaring wife. The querida and the affected families are 6) Search for assurance & acceptance. discussed openly and thoroughly in the most 7) Lack of fulfillment in marriage. frank terminology. This verbal dissection 8) Long separation due to work. makes life for the injured wife and children 9) Barren wife. much more stressful. 10) Absence of sharing in marriage. 4) The only recourse for the injured party is 11) Jealous wife. to await the death of the errant mate. Contract 12) Too young at original marriage. ing a new marriage before such death is 13) Too much parental influence at original illegal, and lays one open to the charge of marriage. bigamy. The wife left at home is bound to a marriage that no longer exists, tied to a mate The most common "cause" which the women who no longer cares about her, and denied students listed was: "Because he is a man." a real marital relation for herself. Many assume that man is polygamous by 5) Other effects, less frequently cited, were: nature (Liu 1971). spread of venereal disease; prejudicing girls against men, and causing them to hate and QUERIDA PROBLEMS distrust men as they do their fathers; and Five major problems result from the Philip murder, which may be sought to free the pine surrogate divorce system, and these desperate wife. problems are strikingly similar to those where divorce is legal, and some are intensified STUDENT ATTITUDES because this is a quasi divorce system with Regarding the taking of a querida, students minimal legal recognition. tended to apply very pejorative terminology. 1) There is a serious threat to family unity. Synonyms for the querida were: bitch, hus Much of the family income is spent on the band stealer, home breaker, flirt, kept woman, querida. The wife is hurt, but helpless. The whore, and goId-digger. No student used com average wife is left with the care of 6 children. plimentary terms for the querida. A male The social mas requires that she fulfill the student cited the saying: "Bed now; cry later." responsibilities of home management. Often A vehement woman senior said: "Whatever she is unskilled, and fit only for the most this querida business is all about, I'd be menial tasks. There is little chance of damned if I won't leave my husband the rebuilding a satisfying relation with her minute I'd know he is having a swinging affair husband. The querida system often produces or relationship of any kind with any woman in a broken home. any situation. To be taken for a fool is one 2) Children in the home lose respect for both thing I cannot stand." parents. A woman student related her emotional trauma on learning, as a college LEGAL PROVISIONS sophomore, that her father had sired a child Although divorce is not legal and· children by his querida, a girl of her own age. She born of querida liaisons are considered found it hard to accept her father's behavior, bastards, the law still recognizes the social or ever again to trust him. Shame and embar fact of the presence of such children. The law rassment are common results for children, also recognizes that where privileges exist, who are taunted by their peers about their there must be corresponding responsibilities. parents' behavior. This produces a strong The Legal Civil Code of the Philippines of 1950 emotional stress, because a child is taught the specifies three status groups of children. social value of absolute duty to parents from a very early age. 1) Legitimate children. These are children 3) When a man takes a querida it soon whose parents are legally married to each becomes common knowledge. All ramifica other. tions of the situation, real and imagined, are explored in the neighborhood gossip chain. 2) Natural illegitimate children. These are Women gather at the local convenience store children whose parents are eligible to be and the laundering place to share the scandal. married, but are not yet legally married. These FREE INQUIRY in CREM"IVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 238 are the offspring of live-in arrangements. These children acquire the status of legitimacy when the parents are 1118I'I'iEJd, even as adUlts, when their parents enter the "death-bed" marriage. By recognizing this status group, the Legal Code tends to legitimize common law marriages.

3) Spurious illigitimate children. These are children of parents who could not legitimate ly marry beeause ofthe previous marriage of one or both. Children of a man by his querida fit this category.

These three status groups of children were defined in the Legal Code for the express pur pose of defining inheritance rights. The live in mate and the querida do not have in heritance rights, but their children do. When a man dies, one half of his property goes to his legal spouse; the other half goes to his children to beshared as follows: Each surviv ing legitimate child receives one full share; each natural illegitimate child receives one half of a full share; each spurious illegitimate child receives three eighths of a full share. Thus the law recognizes the SOCial realities of extramarital and premaritai relations, and pr0 vides a degree of Justice in the distribution of inherited. wealth to· the children. REFERENCES Bulletin Today 1975 July 21 1 Legal Civil Code, PhHipplnes 1950 Revision. Vol 1. Llu WT Fertility Patterns In Cebu. Acculturation in thB Phi/ippin8s. Quezon CIty New Day PUblishers 167; 187 Rebano-Yllana Grace 1975 Marriage· Loveknot or Lovechaln? Bulletin Today October 26 7 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 239

FICS EDITOR DESIGNATE: July 1, 1984 Marilyn Affleck, University of Oklahoma, Norman 73019 Announcement: Dr Marilyn Affleck, Associate Professor of Sociology, will assume editorship of FREE INQUIRY in CREA TIVE SOCIOLOGYin July 1984. In assuming editor ship, Dr Affleck continues active service to the Oklahoma Sociological Association. She was president In 1974-1975, and representative to the National Council of State Sociological Associations from 1974-1976.

Biography: Dr Affleck received her bachelor's degree, cum laude, from the University of Oklahoma In 1954 and her master of arts degree from Brigham Young University in 1957. She received several scholarships while attending both schools, and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa at the University of Oklahoma. Starting in 1958, she taught various sociology and anthropology courses at Oklahoma Central State University for two years. She then left, to pursue a doctoral degree at the University of California, Los Angeles, specializing In minority group rela tions and sociological theory. Her dissertation, Marilyn Affleck directed by Meivin seeman, and supported by a grant from the National Institute of Mental to support minorities and women in disciplines Health concernedmarginaJity among mentally wbere they .are under-represented. Her retarded high school students. Completing her research then concerned conditions doctoral degree, she taught at Florida State associated with departmental success with University, and as an exchange professor at women graduate students. Florida A & M University. Dr Affleck was active in university and pro Dr Affleck joined the sociology faculty at the fessional service. She served as chair of the University of Oklahoma in 1968, and taught University of Oklahoma Academic Personnel courses in political sociology and classical Council, helped organize the women sociological theory, emphasizing Marx, employees' caucus, and is treasurer of the Durkheim, and Weber. In 1974 she received South Central Women's Studies Association. the University AMOCO teaching award. She served on the Council of Graduate She resumed full time teaching, fall term Schools Task Force assessing master's pro 1983, after a six year assignment in the grams, 1979-1982. Graduate College. She was Assistant Dean for She just completed a year of sabbatical leave two years, from 1976-1978, and served as to study the relation between feelings of time Interim Dean from 1978 until January 1980. pressure and stress among working women. After appointment of a permanent dean, she She now teaches in the women's studies area, continued as Assistant Dean until July 1982. including a course on women in higher In the Graduate College, she administered the education. State Regents Fee-Waiver Scholarship Pro She is the mother of two adopted daughters, gram and the Graduate and Professional Op Michelle, age 13, and Kimberly, age 12. They portunities Fellowships. She received federal are middle sc~ooI children interested in music grants for five years totaling $320,000 and athletics. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 240

THE PROMISE OF FREE INQUIRY IN CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Donald E Allen, Editor, 1978·1984 Status Quo 1978: Of some 60 sociology and Tulsa Universities formed the Sociology periodicals published when I assumed editor- COnsortium and pooled slender resources to ship, none served the lay reader. All tended support about 60 percent of the printing costs to be conservative, traditional, and highly for a slick journal edited according to these selective. SOme took pride in rejection rates principles. Remaining costs were to be met as high as 90 percent. If any of several by subscriptions, manuscript fees, reprint ~lewets faulted a paper, it was reaetfly re- sales, and other sources which the Editor jected. Restrictive and rejective editorial might generate. They constituted the Govern PractlCe.s' generated uniformity of contentand ing Board of the COnsortium, and specified ~.Articles were remarkably similar that subscription charges must be the same both within and between journals. Small new to all, regardless of income or endowments, journals str:ove to duPlicate the model created The publication name was shortened from by establi$hed journals. Free Inquiry: A Journal ofSociological Exp". Tradition va DIacovery. Nascent sciences sion to the present title. I instructed reviewers like sociolOgy cannot thrive under the restraint on the purpose and standards of the Journal, oftradltionalism. Part of socloIogy's problem and invited papers from sociologists of all is the fear of daring to innovate or to work in brands from all lands. After five years, the ways which might violate established perspec- Consortium support share dropped to 25 per tives. The history of the influential sciences cent. The rejection rate is 30 percent, and 232 is replete with courageous ventures in theory, articles have been published. University technology, and experimentation. The only library subscriptions have increased from 8 to well-recognized venturesome thing in 118, including some of the world's most sociology In the past half-century is Gunnar prestigious. It is planned to invite other 'Myrdal's American Dilemma. American schools to join the Sociology Consortium at society still feels the aftershocks of this an annualinflatlon-adjusted $100 fee of 1983 eminently serviceable piece of social science. dollarS, with membership on the Governing FlCS ecological Niche. I thought that the Board and participation in editing services. It sociology profession needed a channel to the is also planned to rotate the editorship every lay reader with potential interest in our Ideas, few years, as determined by the Governing methods, findings, and analyses. It appeared Board. For the sponsoring school the cost Is that most articles could benefit from editorial quarter time for the editor plus quarter time compression, and that a journal issue could secretarial support..A word processor is serve much better with a large selection of useful. The challenge is truly invigoratingI varied articles where the lay reader would Author Reactions. A few authors feel bruised more likely find something of direct interest. when papers are reduced by 25 percent in the Finally, the term jouma~ from French jourfor editorial compression process. But more "day" originally meant a dailyrecord of events authors are grateful for the improvement in and actions, as with the Wall Street Joumal, readability and suitability for publishing. Many and was later applied to other periodicals. A authors with novel or unusual data and journal offers a record of contemporary materials are very grateful to find a publishing thought and action, which means that a outlet. Others are encouraged to seek publica science journal can be rather generous and tion when they see the wide range of materials prompt in what it publishes, while not appearing in FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE squandering time or space on vacuous and SOCIOLOOY. RCS articles in the criminology nonsensical materials. Above all, it should and penology field are sought by the U.S: disseminate new ideas, theories, methods, Deparatment of Justice. Some have been and data, and new challenges in sociology. useful to United States COngressmen. Many The SOCiology Consortium. In December are used by undergraduate sociology majors. 1978, the sociology department heads of The lay market existsI We must recognize its Oklahoma, Oklahoma State, Central State, considerable potential for sociology. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 241

AUTHOR INDEX: Volume 11 1983 Gutknecht, Douglas. Lifelong Well- (Title listed with first author.) Being: A Humanist & Holistic Acock, Alan & Harold Grasmick 218 Assessment 207 Allen, Donald E & Willa Combs 163 Guy, Rebecca F & Lynn Weber Ballard, Chester C. Banking Policy in Cannon 84 Relation to Small Community Hummel, Carl F & John Miller 139 Development 223 Irrgang, Gloria K. Double Alcoholic Bankston, William B & Craig Forsyth 8 Marriage 89 Be~nel, Harry. Marriage Encounter Isherwood, J Thomas. The Male Role: Program Effect on Marital Relations 19 Limitations & Interventions 227 Bobys, Richard. Research Fraud Habenstein, Robert W. Age, Position- Factors & Effects 44 ing & Control in Garage Sales & Brocato, Billy R & Anthony Schroeder 61 Auctions 135 Cannon, Lynn Weber. Married Couples Harvey, P. H. Macho & His Mate 167 Sex Role & Perceived Friendship Hirokawa, Dale & Russel Endo 159 Relations 84 Hopper, Marianne. Moral Meaning in Colburn, Kenneth Jr & M Moore 129 Felony Jury Trials: A Dramaturgic Combs, Willa Ryan. Teaching Self-Help Perspective 189 in Limited Resource Neighborhoods 163 Hynson, Lawrence M., Jr. Wissen- Corbett, Sherry. The Process of soziologie: A Unique New of Lesbian Identification 81 Perspective for Theory 153 Crane, Jeffrey L. Adorno's Culture Jendrek, Margaret Platt. Federal or Industry & Esthetic Theory 101 State Court for Rape Cases? 95 Dasilva, Fabio B & Jeffrey Crane 101 Jendrek, Margaret Platt. Judge-Jury Dean, Dwight D. Alienation & Negative Options: Factors Involved in Voting in a School Levy 35 Counsel Decisions 175 Deegan, Mary Jo. A Feminist Frame Jones, Robert & Lorraine Fowler 213 Analysis of "Star Trek" 182 LaBeff, Emily. Criminological Theories Edgley, Charles & Elaine Fox 68 & Techniques of Neutralization 29 Endo, Russell. Japanese-American Lindsay, Paul. Community Type, Intermarriage 159 School Size & Student Behavior 231 Finley, Nancy J & Harold Grasmick 218 Linz, Michael & Richard O'Toole 156 Forsyth, Craig J. The Merchant Lembright, Muriel Faltz. Why Nursing Seaman as a Social Type: is not a Profession 59 A Marginal Life Style 8 Levy, Louis & Harry Becnel 19 Fowler, Lorraine T. & Laurel Rans 1 Mayo, James M Jr. Influence of Fowler, Lorraine T. Validation of a Urban Planners' Role Conflict 49 Correctional Classification System 213 Mehta, S Steven & Richard O'Toole 156 Fox, Elaine. Effects of Non-Physical Mejer, Jan H. Towards an Exo- Stigma on Venereal Disease 68 Sociology: Constucts of the Alien 171 Gessner, John C & Margaret Plass 198 Miller, John S. Dissemination of Infor- Grassmick, Harold G. Attitude Behavior mation to the Disadvantaged 139 Consistency & the Concept of Power 218 Moore, Mary C. Leisure as Pleasure Green, Dan S. The Sociology of The Case of Dr Watson for Program Evaluation 23 Sociology 129 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 242 Morgan, Karla D & Sherry Corbett 81 Schwab, William A. Neighborhood Olshan, Marc A. Development as Revitalization: Emergence of Post- Restoration of Meaning 13 Industrial Society 143 O'Toole, Richard. Defining Parent Sellerberg, Ann-Marie. Fashion Abuse & Neglect 156 Strategy·a la Mode 39 Pearman, William A. Rationalization Sharp, Paul & Barry Hancock 78 and Antique Collecting 55 Sloan, Tod S. False Consciousness Peck, Dennis L. Suicide & Youth: in Major Ufe Decisions 150 Official Assessment of Equivocal Taylor, Lloyd A. The Querida: Philip Death 73 pine Surrogate Divorce System 235 Peters, CaMn B. Transvaluation Thomeh, Aida K & William Pearman 55 Sociology: Nietzsche as Critical Turbett, Patrick J & Richard O'Toole 156 Theorist 203 Unkovic, Charles M. Seeking the Plass, Margaret S. Violence in Court- Alcoholic Personality: Road to ship Relations: A Southern sample 198 Nowhere 65 Rans, Laurel. Classification as a Key Unkovic, Charles M & Gloria Irrgang 89 to Develop Correctional Policy 1 Veevers, Jean E. On Being Uppity Rosenbaum, Sonya Wright & Gender Differences in Knowing Peter Rossi 121 One's Place 106 Rossi, Peter H. The First Negative Woods, Alberta Y Jordan & Income Tax Experiment: A Giant Dwight Dean 35 Forward Step 121 Wright, Sonya Wright Rosenbaum & Schell, Linda M & Charles Unkovic 65 Peter Rossi 121 Schnabel, John & William Pearman 55 Schroeder, Anthony B. Television & Family Interaction 61 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 243

SUBSCRIBER'S AND AUTHOR'S FORM

To: Editor, Sociology Dept, FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, Oklahoma 74078 Enclosed is my check to: Free Inquiry Journal, OSU for a one year subscription (May & Novemeber) @$10. FOR AUTHORS: Enclosed are 3 copies of my manunscript and my check for $20 for the manu script fee, including a year's subscription. MANUSCRIPTTITLE: _

ADDRESS (Print clearly) ______*Name

______* Street

______*City

______* State, ZIP

STATEMENT OF MISSION FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY: Sociologists convey discoveries, ideas & research findings to students, colleagues and lay readers interested in social processes. Policy objectives are: readability, creativity, diversity, compactness, and economy. READABILITY demands persuasive, interesting and lucid writing understandable to the literate lay person. It is lively enough to sustain interest, and sufficiently supported with evidence and logic to convince the skeptical reader. CREATIVITY demands inventive, innovative and venturesome approaches to problems, prop ositions, questions, structures, data sets, theory, and social phenomena. Strange creatures are welcome if their outlines are clear. No gaseous nor dusty nebulae. DIVERSITY calls for a persistent spread of materials in all areas of sociology, giving voice to all fields, positions, and technologies. We encourage sociologists in micro-, mezzo-, and macro sociology with 24 articles in at least 8 fields in each issue. Cross-cultural studies are most wel come. Foreign authors welcome. COMPACTNESS demands parsimony of style and format. Printed articles are short, compres sed editorially, and shorn of abstracts and summaries. No reviews, letters, or verbal vendettas. ECONOMY demands a rich product at least cost, with thin margins, small print, Same subscrip tion rate of $10. to libraries, institutions and individuals. Manuscript processing fee is $20. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 244 FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 245 TOTAL INFORMATION from sociological abstracts Lengthy, informative English abstracts - regard less of source language - which include author's mailing addresses. Complete indices - author name, SUbject, and periodical sources at your fingertips. Numerous advertisments for books and journals of interest to the informed sociologist. NOW over 1200 periodicals searched from 40 countires - 27 languages. Complete copy service for most articles and many conference papers. Special supplements of papers presented at an nual meetings of sociological associations. Computer-aided retrospective information re trieval. ACCESS TO THE WORLD'S SOCIOLOGY STUDIES IN ONE CONVENIENT PLACE. WHAT'S THE ALTERNATIVE? Time consuming manual search through dusty, in complete archives. Need for professional translations to remain in formed. Make sure you have access to SOCIOLOGICAL ABSTRACTS when you need it. Forcomplete infor mation on current and back volumes write: P.O. Box 22206, San Diego CA 92122 USA

Lengthy, informative English TOTAL INFORMATION abstracts - regardless of source language - which include author's from mailing addresses. Complete indices - author name, Language and Language book review, subject, and periodical Behavior Abstracts sources at your fingertips. Numerous advertisements for books & journals of interest to language practitioners. NOW over 1200 periodicals searched from 40 countries - in 32 languages- from 25 disciplines. Complete copy service for most articles. ACCESS TO THE WORLD'S STUDIES ON LANGAUGE - IN ONE CONVENIENT PLACE! WHAT'S THE ALTERNATIVE? Time consuming manual search through dusty, incomplete archives. Need for professional translations to remain informed. Make sure you have access to SOCIOLOGICAL ABSTRACTS when you need it. For complete information on current and back volumes write P.O. Box 22206,. San Diego CA92122, USA. FREE INQUIRY in CREATIVE SOCIOLOGY Volume 11 No 2, November 1983 246 * QJI QUARTERLY JOURNALOF IDEOLOGY QJI * Sociological Perspectives & Social Influences in: Economics, Pilosophy, Journalism, Sociology, Organization, History, Anthropology, Political SCience, Religion, Theory, Literature, SCience • Subscriptions: $9Individuals, $12 Institutions • Editor: Alex S Freedman, Dept of Sociology, Northeastem State University Tahlequah, Oklahoma 74464

INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF MODERN SOCIOLOGY & INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY

MANUSCRIPTS should be submitted in duplicate and in ac ceptable form. REFERENCES and FOOTNOTES should be according to the FORMAT used in AMERICAN SOCIOLOGI CAL REVIEW. Style instructions for guidance in preparing manuscripts will be provided upon request to the EDITOR. PROCESSING FEE of $1 O. must accompany each paper sub mitted to the either journal. Manuscripts not accompanied by the fee wil not be processed until such fee is received by the EDITOR. EDITORIAL OFFICE: Address correspondence on manuscripts, news and announcements to Man Sing Das, Ph.D., Editor, Department of Sociology, Northern Illinois University, DeKalb, il linois 60115, USA. BUSINESS OFFICE: Address correspondence on subscriptions, change of address, renewals, advertising, and reprints of individual articles and permission to quote from these journals to: In tematonal Journals, Vikas Publishing House Pvt, Ltd, 5 Ansari Road, New Delhi, 1199922, India. Place subscription orders through your subscription agent, or mail directly to Vikas Publishing Hoose. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Annual, RS 60, $16.; Single issue: RS 35, $8. Biannual. MISSION: Both journals are devoted to encourage cross-eultural, cross-national, and interdis ciplinary research and exchange of information concerning significant developments in com paratiVe sociology and sociology of marriage and the family. The journals publish articles of a theoretical, methodological, and empirical nature, book reviews, letters to the Editor, comments, rejoinders, annotated bibliographies, news, and announcements.

ARTll 'LE RI~PIU"\T SLR\'ll'L University Mlcrofrlms International

Repri Service, Pl_ ,end me full detail' on how I can onIer, I o PI_Include cal,logue of...Ileblelllle" I Name Till. _ I InstltutlonlCompany _ ~ment _ I Add...., _ ; CI~ Sta.. Zlp __ Mell to: University Microfilms IntematiolUll I Article Reprint Service ~NorthZ"bRoad Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 LI .I