言語研究 (Gengo Kenkyu) 72 (1977), 29•`6
Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents : The Case of Cenxi Dialect, Guangxi Province
Nobuhisa TSUJI
0. Introduction.
The Yue âã branch of Chinese is a set of dialects closely related to "Standard Cantonese" (henceforth Cantonese), the prestige form in Canton City and Hong Kong. Some Yue varieties spoken in the south-eastern part of Guangxi •L•¼ Province, China, show murmured initials (cf. sec. 1) forming, at least on the phonetic level: 1) three- way contrasts of plosives (stops and affricates), i. e. murmured vs. aspirated vs. unaspirated; and 2) binary contrasts of fricatives, i. e. murmured vs. voiceless. Since these murmured initials correspond historically to the Ancient Chinese quan-zhuo‘S‘÷ initials (voiced obstruents), they provide comparative evidence for reconstructing voiced obstruent series on the Proto-Yue stage. These Yue varieties are, namely, Cenxi—èŒk Rongxian —eŒ§, Yulin‹Ê—Ñ (formerly ‰T—Ñ),
Shinan •Î“ì (formerly äo‹Æ) and Binyang •o—z, and they are henceforth referred to as the "Guangxi dialects"" in this study.
The aim of the present study is two-fold: 1) to describe a rough outline of the Cenxi" phonemic structure as an example of the five Guangxi dialects mentioned above ; and 2) to revise, on the basis of the Cenxi data, the Proto-Yue initial system as proposed in McCoy
1966.
1) The data from these Guangxi dialects were collected by the writer in Hong Kong, BCC, during 1971-72. I wish to thank Prof. M.J. Hashimoto and Prof. Hajime Kitamura for their valuable assistance. 2) The town of Cenxi (27 N, 111 E) is located about fifty kilometers south- west of Wuzhou Œæ•F in Guangxi Province.
29 30 Nobuhisa Tsuji
1. Cenxi Phonemics.
The notable phonological characteristics of the Guangxi dialects including Cenxi, vis-a-vis other Yue varieties, are the syllables with voiced frictions in the guttural-laryngeal area which are recorded here as "murmur" and/or "breathiness".
Murmur and Breathiness. Ladefoged (1975: 122-23) states that
the position called murmur or breathiness is produced when "the vocal cords are only slightly apart : they can still vibrate, but at the same
time a great deal of air passes through the glottis", in contrast with :
1) a voicelesss sound produced when the vocal cords are pulled apart
so that they cannot be set into vibration by the airstream ; and 2) a
voiced sound produced when the vocal cords vibrate fully. In Cenxi,
these voiced frictions called murmur or breathiness extend over an
entire syllable when they are clear and strong. But when the frictions
have average strength, they are audible only with the release of the
initial consonant and with the vocalic nucleus of a syllable. Thus, the
syllabic frictions are described in terms of the two segmental features :
an initial consonant with murmured release marked by [ -h- ]3) and
vocalic breathiness marked by an underline [ ]4). E.g. [ tfha 21 ] "tea" ’ƒ . Although the symbol [ -h- ] is used for typological reasons,
[ tffi-] for example, stands for an initial segment, not a cluster.
Degree of Murmur and Breathiness. The auditory degrees of
murmur and breathiness differ considerably from one dialect to an-
other, and also depending upon the types of the initials within single
syllables of a dialect. In Cenxi, they are strong and clearly audible
in syllables with plosive initials, but less so with fricatives. With
liquid, nasal and glide initials, Cenxi shows no murmured release. "Voiced Aspiration" vs . Murmur. The murmured plosives in
Cenxi show a great deal of phonetic similarity to the so called
3) Brosnahan & Malmberg (1970: 90). 4) Abercrombie (1967: 93). Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto•Yue Voiced Obstruents: 31
"voiced aspirated" plosives in the Wu Έ dialects of Chinese . The term "voiced aspiration", however, is misleading if not incorrect in modern phonetic sense. According to recent findings in articulatory phonetics concerning the airstream mechanism through the glottis, the "voiced aspirated" sounds are neither voiced nor aspirated in their ordinary sense". The term "murmur" is used in this study for these reasons. Chao 1936 describes the Wu initials in question as lacking true voiced quality except in the intervocalic positions and as voiceless plosives followed by "voiced aspiration" or voiced laryngeal spirants. Kennedy 1952 and Sherard 1972 state that the corresponding initials in Tangsic and Shanghai of Wu respectively are fully voiced.
The murmured initials in the Guangxi dialects of this study, with the voiceless onset followed by the murmured release, are phonetically closer to the Wu initials described by Chao.
1.1 Analysis.
1. 1. 1 Initial.
Phonetic Inventory. Chart 1. presents the phonetic inventory of
the Cenxi initial segments in broad phonetic terms.
Chart 1. Cenxi Initials
5) Lisker et al. (1971: 775), Abercrombie (1967: 148-9) and Ladefoged (1975: Chapter IV). 32 Nobuhisa Tsuji
The plosives (stops and affricates) show a three-way distinction at least on the phonetic level: 1) a murmured series (voiced by nature) ; 2) aspirated (voiceless) series ; and 3) unaspirated (voiced or voiceless) series. E. g. (for the numerals [1~51 for tones, see 1. 1. 3) :
(1)(2)(3) [pfio 21] "wife" 婆 [p'o 44] "break" 破 [bo 52] "wave" 波 [tfiou 12] "abdomen" 肚 [t'u 35] "earth" 土 [tu 35] "vinegar 酷 [kfii 12] "skill" 技 [k'al 52] "stream 渓 [kai 52] "chicken" 鶏 [tffia 21] "tea" 茶 [tf'e 52] "cars" 車 [tfe 52] "stop" 遮
The retroflex voiced stop [ (1.- ], however, does not have counterparts
in the murmured and aspirated series, unlike other plosive initials. As
indicated by parenthesis in Chart 1., [ d ] has a glottalized free vari-
ant [ ?d.-], e. g. [do•`?do 52] "much"‘½.
The fricatives are dichotomized into : 1) a murmured series ; and
2) a voiceless series. E. g. :
(1)(2) [fhin 21] "money" 銭 [fin 351 "line" 線 [fhui 21] "fat" 肥 [fui 52] "to fly" 飛 [h ail 12] "thick" 厚 [hail 44] "mouth" 口
The nasals, liquid and glides have no murmured counterparts and,
therefore, form a single plain series. E. g.: [mUk 2] "wood" –Ø ; [nUq
21] "farm" ”_; [pap 2] "enter" “ü ; [lam 21] "blue" —•; [5at 2] "bend"
; [Ian 22] "seal" ˆó. Note the glide [u-] has a free variant ‹ü with
voiced bilabial friction, [ p-
A Cenxi syllable may occur with zero initial : [ om 22] "dark" ˆÃ.
Distribution and Redundancy. The murmured initials (all obstruents)
occur only in syllables with breathy vowels (cf. sec. 1. 1. 2. 1) and
with low-register tones (cf. sec. 1. 1. 3). The non-murmured ob-
struent initials, on the other hand, occur only in syllables with plain Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto•Yue Voiced Obstruents : 33
(non-breathy) vowels and with high-register tones. To be specific,
the murmured initials occur only with tones [21], [12] and [ 2 ] while their non-murmured counterparts occur only with tones [52], [35],
[44], [ 5 ] and [34]. For example, see the Cenxi forms cited above in this section.
In order to account for the redundancy concerning the initial murmur, vocalic breathiness and tonal register, there are theoretically three alternative ways :
Rule 1. a The murmured initial predicts the breathy vowel and low tone within a syllable ; or
Rule 1. b The breathy vowel predicts the murmured initial and low tone within a syllable ; or
Rule 1. c The low tone predicts the murmured initial and
breathy vowel within a syllable.
Rule 1. b is not acceptable as it would double the number of phone-
mic vowels in the lexicon. If Rule 1. a is chosen the tonal register
would become redundant, while with Rule 1. c the initial murmur
would be redundant.
It apears that on the descriptive level there is no decisive reason
to prefer Rule 1. a or 1. c, since these two rules would be of similar complexity formally. In the absence of applying descriptive reasons
for preference, the historical development of Ancient Chinese (cf.
sec. 2) tones appears to be relevant to the choice of one rule. That
is, the Ancient Chinese tones had split into two categories, 1) Yin
(presumably high register) in syllables with voiceless initials ‰A and
2) Yang —z (low register) with voiced initials. And Rule 1. a, which
is a rule in the Cenxi phonological component, seems to "reflect" this
diachronic tonal split. Rule 1. a is therefore chosen, and the tonal
register and vocalic breathiness hence become redundant in Cenxi.
1. 1. 2 Final: Medial, Vowel and Ending.
In accordance with the tradition of Chinese phonology, the pho-
netic inventory of the Cenxi finals, i. e. the segmental component of
syllables excluding the initials, are presented in Chart 2. The term 34 Nobuhisa Tsuji "final" in this study should not be confused with the syllable final segment which is called here "ending" or "ending segment".
a ai au am ap an at ao ak u
a uai' flan uat
ian iak
ean eak
i ail am ap an at arj e ak
ai uen uat u
e en ek
i iu im ip in it In IIK
u ui un ut Ur) Uk
o of oil om op on of or) ok
y ƒ³n
Chart 2. Cenxi Finals
1. 1. 2. 1 Vocalism. Phonetic Inventory. Chart 3. presents the phonetic inventory of the Cenxi vowels. Since breathiness (cf. sec. 1.) may accompany any of the vowels below, the number of the phonetic vowels ipcluding the breathy counterparts is in fact twice as many as shown in the chart. But the breathy vowels are excluded from the chart for brevity.
i y u
I U
e ƒ³ a o
e a e
Chart 3. Cenxi Vowels
For example: [Ofiin 21] "money" ‘K, [Ain 44] "fresh" ‘N, [ffiik 2] "eat"
, [filc 5] "colour" •F; [pfiun 21] "tray" ”Õ, [bun 35] "half" ”¼ ; •H [fitm Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto•Yue Voiced Obstruents: 35
21]"red"紅,[hun35]"hole"孔;[P6en21]"sick病,[ben52]"soldier"
兵;[∫H£21]"snake"蛇,[tε44]"loan"借;[hom21]"hold in mouth" 含,[om44」"dark"暗;[tho021]"hall"堂,[doり44]"faction"党;[∫figi
22]"pledge"誓,[∫ ∂i44]"world"世;[∫fiai21]"firewood"柴,[∫ai44] "tosun"晒;[∫y52]"book"書;[θhφ21]徐(asurname) ,[hφ52] "market"墟 .
Distribution and Redundancy. Like Standard Cantonese, Cenxi has five tense-lax pairs of vowels : [i, I], [u, U], [e, e], [c, o] and [a, a].
Except for the compact pair [a, a] which are contrastive, e. g. a mini-
mal pair [earn 52] "three" ŽO vs. [ƒÆam 52] "heart" •S, the tense-lax
distinctions in the Cenxi vowels are predictable with respect to the
ending segments. That is, the following rules account for the redun- dant distribution of the non-compact vowels which is summarized in
Chart 4.
Rule 2. High vowels are lax [I, U] before velar endings and they
are tense [i, u] elsewhere.
Rule 3. Non-high front vowels are, like the high vowels above, lax [ e ] before velar endings and tense [ g ] elsewhere.
Rule 4. Non-high back vowels are tense [ a ] before velar endings
and lax [ o ] elsewhere.
See above examples given in Phonetic Inventory section.
Chart 4. Distribution of Non-Compact Vowels 36 Nobuhisa Tsuji
The front round vowels [y, ƒÓ] are in complementary distribution which is parallel to the distribution of the medial glides [ -i-,-e-] (cf. sec. 1.1.2.2) ; that is, the high variants [ y, ] occur with the pa- latal initials and the non-high counterparts [ p, ] occur elsewhere.
For example : [ fy 52 ] "book" •‘, [ nian 22 ] "yield" æ¨ ; [1c0 44] "a saw" ‹˜, [ Erean 35 ] "think" ‘z. Height in these segments are, there- fore, phonemically redundant.
The number of the Cenxi phonemic vowels are thus reduced to seven as illustrated by circles below :
1.1.2.2 Medial. Phonetically, Cenxi has three medial glides: two front [ -i-,-e- ] and one back [-u-] The two front medials are, however, in comple- mentation as discussed in 1.1.2.1 and therefore not contrastive.
1.1.2.3 Ending. Like most of the Yue dialects, the phonetic inventory of the Cenxi endings consists of nasal and stop series of consonants and two glides as shown in Chart 5.
Nasal: -m -n -n Stop: -p -t -k Glide: -u -I
Chart 5. Cenxi Endings
The nasal endings [ -m, -n, -n ] and their stop counterparts shar- ing same points of articulation [ -p, -t,-k] are in complementation Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents: 37
respectively with respect to the types of tones. That is, the stops
occur only with the short tones (cf. sec. 1.1.3), and the nasal with long tones. Thus, the pairs [ -m, -p ], [ -n, -t ] and [-n -k ] are not
contrastive in the lexicon. The two glide endings remain contrastive.
1.1. 3 Tone.
Chart 6. presents the Cenxi tones. They are very similar to
those of Cantonese both in the number of the categories and in the
shapes of the contours. Note, however, Cenxi tone VIII, which corre-
ponds to Cantonese zhong ru-sheng ’†“ü•º [1 4], has a rising con-
tour. E. g. Cantonese [ PA : t 4 ], Cenxi [ bat 1 34] "eight " A.
As for the distributional redundancies of the tones and their
phonemic interpretations, see Sections 1.1.1 and 1.1. 2. 3.
i Roman numerals I-IX represent the nine phonetic tones in Cenxi. ii. Phonetic descriptions of the tones are given in contours as well as in Arabic numerals from [ 1 ] (lowest) to [ 5 ] (highest). iii. Under the Roman numerals, the corresponding historical categories are shown in Chinese script for reference.
Chart 6. Cenxi Tones 38 Nobuhisa TsuJI
2. Proto-Yue Obstruent Initials.
The aim of this section is to analyze the historical development of the Cenxi murmured initials from their Ancient Chinese sources through Proto-Yue, and to propose a voiced set of obstruent (stop, affricate and fricative) initials for the Proto-Yue stage.
Ancient Chinese (henceforth AC) is the proto form of the major
Chinese dialect groups excluding the Min èƒgroup, e. g. Mandarin Š¯˜b,
Wu Œà, Hakka‹q‰Æ and Yue. The sound system of AC is a phonolo- gical complex built upon two major disciplines of different tradition and methodology. One is the traditional classification of Ancient sound categories belonging with the rime books and tables", which has long been studied in China since seventh century. The other is the modern comparative method applied on the descriptive data from the Chinese dialects and from foreign loans in some cases. The comparative reconstruction, however, has never been carried out independently from the highly developed traditional classification above." For the purpose of this study, AC is referred to basically as the system of contrastive categories and their distribution.9) Forms in alphabets or phonetic state- ments as given in Karlgren (1957) are also provided as a rough guide when necessary, but they should not be taken as the established recon- struction of AC..10)
Proto-Yue (henceforth PY) is a stage postulated between AC and
7) Rime Book: e.g. Qie-yun •Ø‰C compiled by Lu Fa-yan (601) and its revised end enlarged edition Guang-yun •L‰C (1008). Rime Table: e.g. Yun-jing ‰C‹¾ compiled in twelfth century (?).
8) The pioneering work by Karlgren (1940, 1954) is noted along with Chao (1941), Dong (1954), M.J. Hashimoto (1965), Hirayama (1967), Luo (1956), Martin (1953), Wang (1957) for the reconstruction of AC. Bodman (1967)
provides a comprehensive and concise survey on the research development for AC historical linguistics since World War II.
9) See Chinese Academy of Science (1964).
10) The Karlgren AC forms are marked by"**" and the proposed Proto- Yue (PY) forms by " * ". Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents : 39 the modern Yue dialects. That is, PY is one of the direct descendants of AC on the one hand, and it is the common ancestor of all (and only) the modern Yue dialects on the other.
2. 1 PY Voiced Obstruent Initials.
With respect to the manners of articulation, the AC plosive
(stop and affricate) initials show a three-way contrast : 1) voiceless unaspirated (quan-qing‘S•´) vs. 2) voiceless aspirated (ci-qing ŽŸ•´) vs. 3) voiced (quan-zhuo ‘S‘÷). And the AC fricative initial are in binary contrast: 1) voiceless (qing•´) vs. 2) voiced (zhuo ‘÷).
In the majority of the modern Yue dialects. e. g. Cantonese and
Taishan A U, the AC three-way contrast of plosives above is reduced to binary contrasts (voiceless unaspirated vs. aspirated) and the binary contrast of fricatives is reduced to single voiceless series. That is, the AC voiced plosives have been split into"' (and consequently merged with) the voiceless unaspirated and aspirated counterparts and the
AC voiced fricatives have merged with the voiceless counterparts in these dialects.12) See Chart 7.
In the Guangxi varieties of Yue, as exemplified in Cenxi above, the AC three-way and binary contrasts are retained since the AC voiced obstruents correspond regularly to the Guangxi murmured ini- tials and thus maintain the distinctions with the aspirates and una-
spirates (voiced or voiceless) in the case of plosives, and with the voiceless counterparts in the case of fricatives. See Chart 7. For example,1)Stop Initials=AC**pno>Cenxi bu 35布"cloth",**p'
uo>p'u44舗"shop",**b'uo>phu21歩"walk;2)Affricate
Initials:AC**tsiwo>Cenxi tSo 35阻"obstruct",**ts'two>t∫'o52
初"beginning",**dg'iwo>t∫h021鋤"hoe";3)FricativeInitials:
11) The split is conditioned by the tonal environment like in the majority of the Chinese dialects. But the details of the conditions are not rele- vant to this study. 12) A.Y. Hashimoto (1972), McCoy (1966) and Yuan et al. (1960). 40 Nobuhisa Tsun
Chart 7. Historical Correspondence of the Obstruent Initials
AC**siap > Cenxi sap 5 "damp", **ziap > sliep 2+. "ten".
2.1.1 Previous Contributions.
McCoy (1966) and And A. Y. Hashimoto (1970b) are two im- portant previous works contributing to the reconstruction of PY initials, and they are discussed briefly before proposing a conclusion in the following Sec. 2.1.2.
McCoy (1966). This Ph. D dissertation is a pioneering attempt at the overall reconstruction of the PY (his Proto Cantonese) phono- logical system. It presents phonemic analyses of Cantonese and eighteen other Yue dialects spoken in the Siyi (his Szeyap) ain region of Guangdong, and it reconstructs PY phonology by combining his own data above with those of other Yue dialects from secondary sources, e.g. Yangjiang —z•] and Zhongshan ’†ŽR. Concerning the PY obstruent initials, McCoy reconstructs : 1) a binary contrast of plosives (voiceless unaspirated vs. aspirated), since the AC voiced plosives show the split/mergers mentioned above in all the dialects of his study ; 2) a single series of voiceless fricatives, since the AC voiced fricatives
show the mergers in all the dialects (cf. sec. 2.1 & Chart 7.). In
other words, McCoy postulates that the split/merger of the AC plo-
sives and the merger of the AC fricatives in the majority of Yue Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents : 41 dialects (and in all of his dialects) have completed by the PY stage. A.Y. Hashimoto (1970b). In this conference paper, A. Y. Hasimoto discusses "two possible features" of PY consonants, i. e. reconstruction of voiced plosive initials and of initial clusters.'" PY voiced plosives are proposed on the basis of carefully incorporated pieces of comparative evidence from a variety of Yue dialects. Her presentation is summarized below : 1) PY *g- The AC initial **k' has remained plosive [ k' ] par- tially but been deplosivized into [ h ] and [ f ] otherwise in the majority of Yue dialects. The AC initial **g' has been devoiced and merged into [ k' ] and [ k ], but none of [ ] deriving from AC **g' have been deplosivized in any of the Yue dialects. This suggests that the deplosivization of [ k'] took place when the reflexes of AC **k' and **g' were still distinct. The order of the derivation is illustrated by the writer as follows :
Thus, PY initial *g is reconstructed in contrast with *k and *k'.
2) PY Voiced Plosive Initials in General The modern Yue re- flexes of the aspirated and unaspirated series of the AC plosive initials (cf. sec. 2. 1) are regularly aspirated and unaspirated respectively. In contrast to the prevalent and regular shifts of these two series in Yue dialects, the reflexes of the AC voiced plosive initials show some dialectal variation: 1) the reflexes in Bobai are regularly aspirated (voiceless); 2) the reflexes
13) To the writer's knowledge, this is the first work which refers to these PY features. 42 Nobuhisa Tsuji in Tengxian"' are regularly unaspirated (voiceless); 3) the reflexes in Shunde are mostly aspirated but some in the collo- quial layer are unaspirated ; 4) the reflexes in Nanning Ping- hua are split into aspirated and unaspirated initials without any meaningful conditioning ; and 5) the reflexes in the majority of Yue dialects show aspirated-unaspirated splits conditioned by the tonal enviroments. The most reasonable solution to account for these diverse and irregular shifts of the AC voiced plosives is to set up a corresponding PY voiced plosives, since "the voiced initials could develop either voiceless aspirates or nonaspirates". 3) PY Voiced Fricatives With the PY voiced series of plosives referred above, the PY tonal registers would become redundant as in the case of the AC Yin-Yang sub-categories of tones. Consequently, reconstruction of PY voiced fricatives is "inevi- table" although there is no direct comparative evidence for them.
2. 1. 2. Conclusion. Since the reflexes of the AC voiced obstruent initials in the Guangxi dialects (as exemplified in Cenxi) have regularly remain dis- tinctive as the murmured initials and they are voiced by the nature of murmur, they provide conclusive and systematic evidence for recon- structing voiced obstruent initials for the PY stage (cf. Chart 7). Chart 8 presents the proposed PY obstruent initial system with the corresponding AC sources and Cenxi reflexes.
14) Like the Guangxi dialects of this study, Tengxian (also a Guangxi variety) show a three-way distinction, but only in the labial and dental stops. The reflexes of the AC unaspirated stops are implosive, those of the AC aspirated stops are aspirated as in all other Yue dialects, and those of the AC voiced stops are unaspirated (in comparison with the murmured reflexes in Cenxi). Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents: 43
AC INITIALS PY INITIALS CENXI by KARLGEEN PROPOSED INITIALS
Chart 8: Proposed PY Obstruent Initial System 44 Nobuhisa Tsun
(Notes to Chart 8)
i. As a general rule, initials on a horizontal line correspond to each other. Solid lines are used only for non-horizontal corres- pondences, i. e. mergers and/or splits. ii. "** ", "* ", which are used in the text to denote AC and PY forms respectively, are omitted in the chart for brevity. iii. AC initials t, t' d' are palatal dentals, ts, dz' are retro- flexes, and t;, di' are palatals. iv. There is no voiced dental fricative z- in PY. This structural gap is a result of the merger of the AC dental fricative z- with its affricate counterpart dz' - in almost all Yue dialects. PY voiced dental affricate dz- is proposed as the merger initial since its reflexes are affricates in the majority of the dialects. The Cenxi fricative reflex [0fi-] is one of the exceptional cases and is attributed to post7PY deplosivization. v. PY voiced palatal affricate d3 ( REFERENCES Abercrombie, D. 1967. Elements of General Phonetics. Edinburgh : University of Edinburgh Press. Bodman, N. C. 1967. "Historical Linguistics", in T. A. Sebeok ed. Current Trends in Linguistics, Vol. II. The Hague: Mouton. Brosnahan, L. F. & Malmberg, B. 1970. Introduction to Phonetics. Cambridge: W. Heffer and Sons. Chao, Yuen Ren. 1928. Studies in the Modern Wu Dialects, Tsinghua College Research Institute Monagraph No. 4. Peking. MurmuredInitials in Yue Chinese and Proto-YueVoiced Obstruents: 45 1936. "Types of Plosives in Chinese" Proceedings of the Second- International Congress of Phonetic Sciences. Cambridge. 1941. "Distinctions within Ancient Chinese" Harvard- Journal of Asiatic Studies. 5.203-33. Cambridge. 1947. Cantonese Primer. Cambridge- : Harvard University Press. Chen Zhu(陳 柱).1928.「 磐 西 北 欝 容 方 言 」 『国立 中 山 大 学 語 言 歴 史 学 研 究 所 週 刊 』 第 二 集 第 十 九 期 Dong Tong-he(董 同 漸).1954『 中 国 語 音 史 』 中華 文 化 出版 事 業 委 員 会:台 北 Harms, R.T. 1968. Introduction to Phonological Theory. Englewood Clffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Hashimoto, Anne Y. 1970a. "The Liang-Yue Dialect Materials", Unicorn. 6. 35-51 1970b. "Two Features of Proto-Yue Initials", mimeograph paper pre- sented at 3rd Sino-Tibetan Reconstruction Conference. Also in Unicorn 9, 1972. 1972. Studies in Y ue Dialects I: Phonology of Cantonese. Cambridge: at the University Press. Hashimoto, Mantaro J. 1965. "Phonology of Ancient Chinese". Ohio State University Dissertation. (University Microfilms, Ann Arbor: No.66-62-65). Hirayama, Hisao(平 山 久 雄).1967.「 中 古 漢 語 の 音 韻 」 『中国 文 化 叢 書Vol.1 言 語 』 大 修 館 ・東京 Chinese Academy of Science.1964 r方 言 調 査 字 表 』,北 京 Jakobson, R. et al. 1952. Preliminaries to Speech Analysis. Cambridge : MIT Press. Jakobson, R. & Halle, M. 1961. "Tenseness and Laxness", in D. Aber- crombie et al. eds. In Honour of Daniel Jones. London : Long- mas, Green & Co. (Reprinted in Selected Writings of Roman Jakobson, I. 550-55. The Hague : Mouton.) Kanda,Masao(神 田 正 雄).1937.『 広 西 総 覧 』 海 外 社,東 京 Karlgren, Bernhard. 1940. "Grammata Serica, Script and Phonetics in Chinese and Sino-Japanese " Bulletine of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities. 12.1-471. 46 Nobuhisa Thin - 1954. "Compendium of Phonetics in Ancient and Archaic Chinese". ibid. 22. 211-369. -1957. "Grammata-1957. Serica Recensa", ibid. 29. 1-332. Kennedy, G. A. 1952. "Voiced Gutterals in Tangsic ", Language. 28.4. 457-64 Ladefoged, P. 1975. A Course in Phonetics. New York : Hartcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc. Lisker, L. et al. 1971. "Distinctive Features and Laryngeal Control", Language. 47. 4. 767-85. Luo Chang-pei(羅 常 培).1956.『 漢 語 音 韻 学 導 論 』 中華 書 局,北 京 Martin, S.E. 1953. The Phonemes of Ancient Chinese. Supplement to the Journal of the American Oriental Society, No.16. McCoy, J. 1966. "Szeya Data for a First Approximation of Proto- Cantonese". Cornell University Dissertation. Schane, S.A. 1973. Generative Phonology. Cambridge: MIT Press. Sherard, M. 1972. "Shanghai Phonology" Cornell University Disser- tation. Stanley, R. 1967. "Redundancy Rules in Phonology", Language 43. 2. Pt. 2. 393-436. Wang, Li. 1932. Une prononciation Chinoise de Po-pei (province de Kouang-si) etudige a l'aide de la phonitique experimentale. Paris: Imperimerie de Presses Universitaires de France. -(王 力).1957.『 漢 語 史 稿 』Vol.1科 学 出 版 社,北 京 Wang, W.S-Y. 1967. "Phonological Features of Tone", International Journal of American Linguistics. 33.2.93-105. Wiens, H. I. 1967. Han Chinese Expansion in South China. (Origi- nally published under the title : China's March towards the Tropics.) The Shoe String Press. Yuan Jia-hua(袁 家 騨)et al.1960.『 漢 語 方 言 概 要 』 文 字 改 革 出版 社,北 京