言語研究 (Gengo Kenkyu) 72 (1977), 29•`6

Murmured Initials in and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents : The Case of , Province

Nobuhisa TSUJI

0. Introduction.

The Yue âã branch of Chinese is a set of closely related to "Standard " (henceforth Cantonese), the prestige form in Canton City and . Some Yue varieties spoken in the south-eastern part of Guangxi •L•¼ Province, , show murmured initials (cf. sec. 1) forming, at least on the phonetic level: 1) three- way contrasts of (stops and ), i. e. murmured vs. aspirated vs. unaspirated; and 2) binary contrasts of , i. e. murmured vs. voiceless. Since these murmured initials correspond historically to the Ancient Chinese quan-zhuo‘S‘÷ initials (voiced obstruents), they provide comparative evidence for reconstructing voiced obstruent series on the Proto-Yue stage. These Yue varieties are, namely, Cenxi—èŒk Rongxian —eŒ§, Yulin‹Ê—Ñ (formerly ‰T—Ñ),

Shinan •Î“ì (formerly äo‹Æ) and Binyang •o—, and they are henceforth referred to as the "Guangxi dialects"" in this study.

The aim of the present study is two-fold: 1) to describe a rough outline of the Cenxi" phonemic structure as an example of the five Guangxi dialects mentioned above ; and 2) to revise, on the basis of the Cenxi data, the Proto-Yue initial system as proposed in McCoy

1966.

1) The data from these Guangxi dialects were collected by the writer in Hong Kong, BCC, during 1971-72. I wish to thank Prof. M.J. Hashimoto and Prof. Hajime Kitamura for their valuable assistance. 2) The town of Cenxi (27 N, 111 E) is located about fifty kilometers south- west of Œæ•F in Guangxi Province.

29 30 Nobuhisa Tsuji

1. Cenxi Phonemics.

The notable phonological characteristics of the Guangxi dialects including Cenxi, vis-a-vis other Yue varieties, are the syllables with voiced frictions in the -laryngeal area which are recorded here as "murmur" and/or "breathiness".

Murmur and Breathiness. Ladefoged (1975: 122-23) states that

the position called murmur or breathiness is produced when "the vocal cords are only slightly apart : they can still vibrate, but at the same

time a great deal of air passes through the glottis", in contrast with :

1) a voicelesss sound produced when the vocal cords are pulled apart

so that they cannot be set into vibration by the airstream ; and 2) a

voiced sound produced when the vocal cords vibrate fully. In Cenxi,

these voiced frictions called murmur or breathiness extend over an

entire syllable when they are clear and strong. But when the frictions

have average strength, they are audible only with the release of the

initial and with the vocalic nucleus of a syllable. Thus, the

syllabic frictions are described in terms of the two segmental features :

an initial consonant with murmured release marked by [ -h- ]3) and

vocalic breathiness marked by an underline [ ]4). E.g. [ tfha 21 ] "tea" ’ƒ . Although the symbol [ -h- ] is used for typological reasons,

[ tffi-] for example, stands for an initial , not a cluster.

Degree of Murmur and Breathiness. The auditory degrees of

murmur and breathiness differ considerably from one dialect to an-

other, and also depending upon the types of the initials within single

syllables of a dialect. In Cenxi, they are strong and clearly audible

in syllables with initials, but less so with fricatives. With

liquid, nasal and glide initials, Cenxi shows no murmured release. "Voiced Aspiration" vs . Murmur. The murmured plosives in

Cenxi show a great deal of phonetic similarity to the so called

3) Brosnahan & Malmberg (1970: 90). 4) Abercrombie (1967: 93). Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto•Yue Voiced Obstruents: 31

"voiced aspirated" plosives in the Wu Έ dialects of Chinese . The term "voiced aspiration", however, is misleading if not incorrect in modern phonetic sense. According to recent findings in concerning the airstream mechanism through the glottis, the "voiced aspirated" sounds are neither voiced nor aspirated in their ordinary sense". The term "murmur" is used in this study for these reasons. Chao 1936 describes the Wu initials in question as lacking true voiced quality except in the intervocalic positions and as voiceless plosives followed by "voiced aspiration" or voiced laryngeal spirants. Kennedy 1952 and Sherard 1972 state that the corresponding initials in Tangsic and of Wu respectively are fully voiced.

The murmured initials in the Guangxi dialects of this study, with the voiceless onset followed by the murmured release, are phonetically closer to the Wu initials described by Chao.

1.1 Analysis.

1. 1. 1 Initial.

Phonetic Inventory. Chart 1. presents the phonetic inventory of

the Cenxi initial segments in broad phonetic terms.

Chart 1. Cenxi Initials

5) Lisker et al. (1971: 775), Abercrombie (1967: 148-9) and Ladefoged (1975: Chapter IV). 32 Nobuhisa Tsuji

The plosives (stops and affricates) show a three-way distinction at least on the phonetic level: 1) a murmured series (voiced by nature) ; 2) aspirated (voiceless) series ; and 3) unaspirated (voiced or voiceless) series. E. g. (for the numerals [1~51 for tones, see 1. 1. 3) :

(1)(2)(3) [pfio 21] "wife" 婆 [p'o 44] "break" 破 [bo 52] "wave" 波 [tfiou 12] "abdomen" 肚 [t'u 35] "earth" 土 [tu 35] "vinegar 酷 [kfii 12] "skill" 技 [k'al 52] "stream 渓 [kai 52] "chicken" 鶏 [tffia 21] "tea" 茶 [tf'e 52] "cars" 車 [tfe 52] "stop" 遮

The retroflex voiced stop [ (1.- ], however, does not have counterparts

in the murmured and aspirated series, unlike other plosive initials. As

indicated by parenthesis in Chart 1., [ d ] has a glottalized free vari-

ant [ ?d.-], e. g. [do•`?do 52] "much"‘½.

The fricatives are dichotomized into : 1) a murmured series ; and

2) a voiceless series. E. g. :

(1)(2) [fhin 21] "money" 銭 [fin 351 "line" 線 [fhui 21] "fat" 肥 [fui 52] "to fly" 飛 [h ail 12] "thick" 厚 [hail 44] "mouth" 口

The nasals, liquid and glides have no murmured counterparts and,

therefore, form a single plain series. E. g.: [mUk 2] "wood" –Ø ; [nUq

21] "farm" ”_; [pap 2] "enter" “ü ; [lam 21] "blue" —•; [5at 2] "bend"

; [Ian 22] "seal" ˆó. Note the glide [u-] has a free variant ‹ü with

voiced bilabial friction, [ p-

A Cenxi syllable may occur with zero initial : [ om 22] "dark" ˆÃ.

Distribution and Redundancy. The murmured initials (all obstruents)

occur only in syllables with breathy (cf. sec. 1. 1. 2. 1) and

with low-register tones (cf. sec. 1. 1. 3). The non-murmured ob-

struent initials, on the other hand, occur only in syllables with plain Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto•Yue Voiced Obstruents : 33

(non-breathy) vowels and with high-register tones. To be specific,

the murmured initials occur only with tones [21], [12] and [ 2 ] while their non-murmured counterparts occur only with tones [52], [35],

[44], [ 5 ] and [34]. For example, see the Cenxi forms cited above in this section.

In order to account for the redundancy concerning the initial murmur, vocalic breathiness and tonal register, there are theoretically three alternative ways :

Rule 1. a The murmured initial predicts the breathy and low within a syllable ; or

Rule 1. b The breathy vowel predicts the murmured initial and low tone within a syllable ; or

Rule 1. The low tone predicts the murmured initial and

breathy vowel within a syllable.

Rule 1. b is not acceptable as it would double the number of phone-

mic vowels in the lexicon. If Rule 1. a is chosen the tonal register

would become redundant, while with Rule 1. c the initial murmur

would be redundant.

It apears that on the descriptive level there is no decisive reason

to prefer Rule 1. a or 1. c, since these two rules would be of similar complexity formally. In the absence of applying descriptive reasons

for preference, the historical development of Ancient Chinese (cf.

sec. 2) tones appears to be relevant to the choice of one rule. That

is, the Ancient Chinese tones had split into two categories, 1) Yin

(presumably high register) in syllables with voiceless initials ‰A and

2) —z (low register) with voiced initials. And Rule 1. a, which

is a rule in the Cenxi phonological component, seems to "reflect" this

diachronic tonal split. Rule 1. a is therefore chosen, and the tonal

register and vocalic breathiness hence become redundant in Cenxi.

1. 1. 2 Final: Medial, Vowel and Ending.

In accordance with the tradition of Chinese phonology, the pho-

netic inventory of the Cenxi finals, i. e. the segmental component of

syllables excluding the initials, are presented in Chart 2. The term 34 Nobuhisa Tsuji "final" in this study should not be confused with the syllable final segment which is called here "ending" or "ending segment".

a ai au am ap an at ao ak u

a uai' flan uat

ian iak

ean eak

i ail am ap an at arj e ak

ai uen uat u

e en ek

i iu im ip in it In IIK

u ui un ut Ur) Uk

o of oil om op on of or) ok

y ƒ³n

Chart 2. Cenxi Finals

1. 1. 2. 1 Vocalism. Phonetic Inventory. Chart 3. presents the phonetic inventory of the Cenxi vowels. Since breathiness (cf. sec. 1.) may accompany any of the vowels below, the number of the phonetic vowels ipcluding the breathy counterparts is in fact twice as many as shown in the chart. But the breathy vowels are excluded from the chart for brevity.

i y u

I U

e ƒ³ a o

e a e

Chart 3. Cenxi Vowels

For example: [Ofiin 21] "money" ‘K, [Ain 44] "fresh" ‘N, [ffiik 2] "eat"

, [filc 5] "colour" •F; [pfiun 21] "tray" ”Õ, [bun 35] "half" ”¼ ; •H [fitm Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto•Yue Voiced Obstruents: 35

21]"red"紅,[hun35]"hole"孔;[P6en21]"sick病,[ben52]"soldier"

兵;[∫H£21]"snake"蛇,[tε44]"loan"借;[hom21]"hold in mouth" 含,[om44」"dark"暗;[tho021]"hall"堂,[doり44]"faction"党;[∫figi

22]"pledge"誓,[∫ ∂i44]"world"世;[∫fiai21]"firewood"柴,[∫ai44] "tosun"晒;[∫y52]"book"書;[θhφ21]徐(asurname) ,[hφ52] "market"墟 .

Distribution and Redundancy. Like Standard Cantonese, Cenxi has five tense-lax pairs of vowels : [i, I], [u, U], [e, e], [c, o] and [a, a].

Except for the compact pair [a, a] which are contrastive, e. g. a mini-

mal pair [earn 52] "three" ŽO vs. [ƒÆam 52] "heart" •S, the tense-lax

distinctions in the Cenxi vowels are predictable with respect to the

ending segments. That is, the following rules account for the redun- dant distribution of the non-compact vowels which is summarized in

Chart 4.

Rule 2. High vowels are lax [I, U] before velar endings and they

are tense [i, u] elsewhere.

Rule 3. Non-high front vowels are, like the high vowels above, lax [ e ] before velar endings and tense [ g ] elsewhere.

Rule 4. Non-high back vowels are tense [ a ] before velar endings

and lax [ o ] elsewhere.

See above examples given in Phonetic Inventory section.

Chart 4. Distribution of Non-Compact Vowels 36 Nobuhisa Tsuji

The front round vowels [y, ƒÓ] are in complementary distribution which is parallel to the distribution of the medial glides [ -i-,-e-] (cf. sec. 1.1.2.2) ; that is, the high variants [ y, ] occur with the pa- latal initials and the non-high counterparts [ p, ] occur elsewhere.

For example : [ fy 52 ] "book" •‘, [ nian 22 ] "yield" æ¨ ; [1c0 44] "a saw" ‹˜, [ Erean 35 ] "think" ‘z. Height in these segments are, there- fore, phonemically redundant.

The number of the Cenxi phonemic vowels are thus reduced to seven as illustrated by circles below :

1.1.2.2 Medial. Phonetically, Cenxi has three medial glides: two front [ -i-,-e- ] and one back [-u-] The two front medials are, however, in comple- mentation as discussed in 1.1.2.1 and therefore not contrastive.

1.1.2.3 Ending. Like most of the Yue dialects, the phonetic inventory of the Cenxi endings consists of nasal and stop series of and two glides as shown in Chart 5.

Nasal: -m -n -n Stop: -p -t -k Glide: -u -I

Chart 5. Cenxi Endings

The nasal endings [ -m, -n, -n ] and their stop counterparts shar- ing same points of articulation [ -p, -t,-k] are in complementation Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents: 37

respectively with respect to the types of tones. That is, the stops

occur only with the short tones (cf. sec. 1.1.3), and the nasal with long tones. Thus, the pairs [ -m, -p ], [ -n, -t ] and [-n -k ] are not

contrastive in the lexicon. The two glide endings remain contrastive.

1.1. 3 Tone.

Chart 6. presents the Cenxi tones. They are very similar to

those of Cantonese both in the number of the categories and in the

shapes of the contours. Note, however, Cenxi tone VIII, which corre-

ponds to Cantonese zhong ru-sheng ’†“ü•º [1 4], has a rising con-

tour. E. g. Cantonese [ PA : t 4 ], Cenxi [ bat 1 34] "eight " A.

As for the distributional redundancies of the tones and their

phonemic interpretations, see Sections 1.1.1 and 1.1. 2. 3.

i Roman numerals I-IX represent the nine phonetic tones in Cenxi. ii. Phonetic descriptions of the tones are given in contours as well as in numerals from [ 1 ] (lowest) to [ 5 ] (highest). iii. Under the Roman numerals, the corresponding historical categories are shown in Chinese script for reference.

Chart 6. Cenxi Tones 38 Nobuhisa TsuJI

2. Proto-Yue Obstruent Initials.

The aim of this section is to analyze the historical development of the Cenxi murmured initials from their Ancient Chinese sources through Proto-Yue, and to propose a voiced set of obstruent (stop, and ) initials for the Proto-Yue stage.

Ancient Chinese (henceforth AC) is the proto form of the major

Chinese dialect groups excluding the Min èƒgroup, e. g. Mandarin Š¯˜b,

Wu Œà, Hakka‹q‰Æ and Yue. The sound system of AC is a phonolo- gical complex built upon two major disciplines of different tradition and methodology. One is the traditional classification of Ancient sound categories belonging with the rime books and tables", which has long been studied in China since seventh century. The other is the modern comparative method applied on the descriptive data from the Chinese dialects and from foreign loans in some cases. The comparative reconstruction, however, has never been carried out independently from the highly developed traditional classification above." For the purpose of this study, AC is referred to basically as the system of contrastive categories and their distribution.9) Forms in alphabets or phonetic state- ments as given in Karlgren (1957) are also provided as a rough guide when necessary, but they should not be taken as the established recon- struction of AC..10)

Proto-Yue (henceforth PY) is a stage postulated between AC and

7) Rime Book: e.g. Qie-yun •Ø‰C compiled by Lu Fa-yan (601) and its revised end enlarged edition Guang-yun •L‰C (1008). Rime Table: e.g. Yun-jing ‰C‹¾ compiled in twelfth century (?).

8) The pioneering work by Karlgren (1940, 1954) is noted along with Chao (1941), Dong (1954), M.J. Hashimoto (1965), Hirayama (1967), Luo (1956), Martin (1953), Wang (1957) for the reconstruction of AC. Bodman (1967)

provides a comprehensive and concise survey on the research development for AC historical linguistics since World War II.

9) See Chinese Academy of Science (1964).

10) The Karlgren AC forms are marked by"**" and the proposed Proto- Yue (PY) forms by " * ". Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents : 39 the modern Yue dialects. That is, PY is one of the direct descendants of AC on the one hand, and it is the common ancestor of all (and only) the modern Yue dialects on the other.

2. 1 PY Voiced Obstruent Initials.

With respect to the manners of articulation, the AC plosive

(stop and affricate) initials show a three-way contrast : 1) voiceless unaspirated (quan-qing‘S•´) vs. 2) voiceless aspirated (ci-qing ŽŸ•´) vs. 3) voiced (quan-zhuo ‘S‘÷). And the AC fricative initial are in binary contrast: 1) voiceless (qing•´) vs. 2) voiced (zhuo ‘÷).

In the majority of the modern Yue dialects. e. g. Cantonese and

Taishan A U, the AC three-way contrast of plosives above is reduced to binary contrasts (voiceless unaspirated vs. aspirated) and the binary contrast of fricatives is reduced to single voiceless series. That is, the AC voiced plosives have been split into"' (and consequently merged with) the voiceless unaspirated and aspirated counterparts and the

AC voiced fricatives have merged with the voiceless counterparts in these dialects.12) See Chart 7.

In the Guangxi varieties of Yue, as exemplified in Cenxi above, the AC three-way and binary contrasts are retained since the AC voiced obstruents correspond regularly to the Guangxi murmured ini- tials and thus maintain the distinctions with the aspirates and una-

spirates (voiced or voiceless) in the case of plosives, and with the voiceless counterparts in the case of fricatives. See Chart 7. For example,1)Stop Initials=AC**pno>Cenxi bu 35布"cloth",**p'

uo>p'u44舗"shop",**b'uo>phu21歩"walk;2)Affricate

Initials:AC**tsiwo>Cenxi tSo 35阻"obstruct",**ts'two>t∫'o52

初"beginning",**dg'iwo>t∫h021鋤"hoe";3)FricativeInitials:

11) The split is conditioned by the tonal environment like in the majority of the Chinese dialects. But the details of the conditions are not rele- vant to this study. 12) A.Y. Hashimoto (1972), McCoy (1966) and Yuan et al. (1960). 40 Nobuhisa Tsun

Chart 7. Historical Correspondence of the Obstruent Initials

AC**siap > Cenxi sap 5 "damp", **ziap > sliep 2+. "ten".

2.1.1 Previous Contributions.

McCoy (1966) and And A. Y. Hashimoto (1970b) are two im- portant previous works contributing to the reconstruction of PY initials, and they are discussed briefly before proposing a conclusion in the following Sec. 2.1.2.

McCoy (1966). This Ph. D dissertation is a pioneering attempt at the overall reconstruction of the PY (his Proto Cantonese) phono- logical system. It presents phonemic analyses of Cantonese and eighteen other Yue dialects spoken in the (his Szeyap) ain region of , and it reconstructs PY phonology by combining his own data above with those of other Yue dialects from secondary sources, e.g. —z•] and ’†ŽR. Concerning the PY obstruent initials, McCoy reconstructs : 1) a binary contrast of plosives (voiceless unaspirated vs. aspirated), since the AC voiced plosives show the split/mergers mentioned above in all the dialects of his study ; 2) a single series of voiceless fricatives, since the AC voiced fricatives

show the mergers in all the dialects (cf. sec. 2.1 & Chart 7.). In

other words, McCoy postulates that the split/merger of the AC plo-

sives and the merger of the AC fricatives in the majority of Yue Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents : 41 dialects (and in all of his dialects) have completed by the PY stage. A.Y. Hashimoto (1970b). In this conference paper, A. Y. Hasimoto discusses "two possible features" of PY consonants, i. e. reconstruction of voiced plosive initials and of initial clusters.'" PY voiced plosives are proposed on the basis of carefully incorporated pieces of comparative evidence from a variety of Yue dialects. Her presentation is summarized below : 1) PY *g- The AC initial **k' has remained plosive [ k' ] par- tially but been deplosivized into [ h ] and [ f ] otherwise in the majority of Yue dialects. The AC initial **g' has been devoiced and merged into [ k' ] and [ k ], but none of [ ] deriving from AC **g' have been deplosivized in any of the Yue dialects. This suggests that the deplosivization of [ k'] took place when the reflexes of AC **k' and **g' were still distinct. The order of the derivation is illustrated by the writer as follows :

Thus, PY initial *g is reconstructed in contrast with *k and *k'.

2) PY Voiced Plosive Initials in General The modern Yue re- flexes of the aspirated and unaspirated series of the AC plosive initials (cf. sec. 2. 1) are regularly aspirated and unaspirated respectively. In contrast to the prevalent and regular shifts of these two series in Yue dialects, the reflexes of the AC voiced plosive initials show some dialectal variation: 1) the reflexes in Bobai are regularly aspirated (voiceless); 2) the reflexes

13) To the writer's knowledge, this is the first work which refers to these PY features. 42 Nobuhisa Tsuji in Tengxian"' are regularly unaspirated (voiceless); 3) the reflexes in Shunde are mostly aspirated but some in the collo- quial layer are unaspirated ; 4) the reflexes in Ping- hua are split into aspirated and unaspirated initials without any meaningful conditioning ; and 5) the reflexes in the majority of Yue dialects show aspirated-unaspirated splits conditioned by the tonal enviroments. The most reasonable solution to account for these diverse and irregular shifts of the AC voiced plosives is to set up a corresponding PY voiced plosives, since "the voiced initials could develop either voiceless aspirates or nonaspirates". 3) PY Voiced Fricatives With the PY voiced series of plosives referred above, the PY tonal registers would become redundant as in the case of the AC Yin-Yang sub-categories of tones. Consequently, reconstruction of PY voiced fricatives is "inevi- table" although there is no direct comparative evidence for them.

2. 1. 2. Conclusion. Since the reflexes of the AC voiced obstruent initials in the Guangxi dialects (as exemplified in Cenxi) have regularly remain dis- tinctive as the murmured initials and they are voiced by the nature of murmur, they provide conclusive and systematic evidence for recon- structing voiced obstruent initials for the PY stage (cf. Chart 7). Chart 8 presents the proposed PY obstruent initial system with the corresponding AC sources and Cenxi reflexes.

14) Like the Guangxi dialects of this study, Tengxian (also a Guangxi variety) show a three-way distinction, but only in the labial and dental stops. The reflexes of the AC unaspirated stops are implosive, those of the AC aspirated stops are aspirated as in all other Yue dialects, and those of the AC voiced stops are unaspirated (in comparison with the murmured reflexes in Cenxi). Murmured Initials in Yue Chinese and Proto-Yue Voiced Obstruents: 43

AC INITIALS PY INITIALS CENXI by KARLGEEN PROPOSED INITIALS

Chart 8: Proposed PY Obstruent Initial System 44 Nobuhisa Tsun

(Notes to Chart 8)

i. As a general rule, initials on a horizontal line correspond to each other. Solid lines are used only for non-horizontal corres- pondences, i. e. mergers and/or splits. ii. "** ", "* ", which are used in the text to denote AC and PY forms respectively, are omitted in the chart for brevity. iii. AC initials t, t' d' are palatal dentals, ts, dz' are retro- flexes, and t;, di' are palatals. iv. There is no voiced z- in PY. This structural gap is a result of the merger of the AC dental fricative z- with its affricate counterpart dz' - in almost all Yue dialects. PY voiced dental affricate dz- is proposed as the merger initial since its reflexes are affricates in the majority of the dialects. The Cenxi fricative reflex [0fi-] is one of the exceptional cases and is attributed to post7PY deplosivization. v. PY voiced palatal affricate d3 (

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