The Anglo Indian Community in Kerala

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THE ANGLO INDIAN COMMUNITY IN KERALA

Thesis submitted to the University of Kerala for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History

K. V. THOMASKUTTY

Principal St.Johns College, Anchal

KERALA UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THIRUVANANTHAPURAM

September 2012

DR. T. JAMAL MOHAMMED Charitham, Kariavattom Thiruvananthapuram

CERTIFICATE

Certified that the thesis entitled THE ANGLO INDIAN COMMUNITY IN KERALA submitted for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy of University of Kerala is a record of bonafied research work carried out by K. V. THOMASKUTTY under my supervision. No part of the thesis has been submitted for any degree before.

Thiruvananthapuram DR. T. JAMAL MOHAMMED 07.09.2012 Supervising Teacher

K.V.THOMASKUTTY Principal St. Johns College, Anchal

DECLARATION

I, K. V. THOMASKUTTY, do hereby declare that this thesis entitled THE ANGLO INDIAN COMMUNITY IN KERALA has not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship or other similar title or recognition

Thiruvananthapuram K. V. THOMASKUTTY

07.09.2012

CONTENTS

Pages

PREFACE i - v

LIST OF PLATES v

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 - 7

CHAPTER II HISTORICAL EVOLUTION AND EXPANSION OF ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY IN KERALA 8 - 37

CHAPTER III SOCIO-CULTURAL TRAITS, PATTERNS, LIFESTYLE AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF ANGLO-INDIANS IN INDIA 38 - 69

CHAPTER IV ANGLO-INDIANS OF KERALA, A CASE OF COCHIN SETTLEMENT 70- 94

CHAPTER V THE CHANGING STATUS OF THE ANGLO- INDIANS IN THE POST INDEPENDENT ERA- 95 - 128 A CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS

CHAPTER VI THE PEAGEANTRY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN INSTITUTIONS AND STRUGGLE FOR EXISTANCE 129-154

CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION 155-164

APPENDICES 165-197

GLOSSARY 198-200

BIBLIOGRAPHY 201 – 209

4 PREFACE

The European domination in India lead to the evolving of a new biological hybrid ethnic group called the Eurasians later came to be known as

Anglo-Indians. Over a period of time they became a noticeable minority in India having distinct characteristics of their own. A small minority living in the mainstream of the society holding English as their mother tongue and following western style of life is a unique feature exclusively of Anglo-Indian. Their devotion, love of music, art, costume, cuisine and gender equality has some striking differences from the traditional Indian society. Despite constitutional protection, reservations and nominations facilities they doomed to their privacy and the general public in Kerala maintained a false impression about their origin, social life and organisation. Historical background, socio-cultural patterns, resemblance to European life and the complexities coiled the community which face the threat of extinction aroused the curiosity to go deep in to their life in its totality. No serious study has been made on the Socio- economic traits and cultural heredity of the Anglo-Indian Community in

Kerala.

The study is based on an exhaustive examination of authoritative sources, primary as well as secondary. A good deal of materials for the study have been collected from Central Archives and Directorate of State

Archives, Thiruvananthapuram, Archives of Kerala Legislative Assembly and office of the Anglo-Indian Association in Cochin. The reports of various commissions and committees appointed by Government of Kerala from time to time, Cover files, confidential files and various Department

Files available in the State Archives have been consulted. Materials such as the Proceedings of the Kerala Legislative Assembly, Various Acts and

Proclamations were also used for the study.

Apart from the literary sources stated above, non- literary sources such as interview with Anglo-Indians also provided ample amount of data for this research work. In interviewing the Anglos certain criteria had to be accepted since indiscriminate interview could not be resorted to. A representative character was adopted. People from different walks of life had to be selected for the purpose. The matter collected from the interviews was corroborated with the information gathered from the written documents.

Secondary sources like Manuals, Gazetteers, Research papers,

Newspapers, Journals and published works relevant to the present study were obtained from different institutions such as Kerala University Library,

Libraries of the Department of History, Department of Politics and

Department of Sociology of the University of Kerala and State Central

Library, Thiruvananthapuram. I am obliged to the librarians of all these libraries for their pleasant support.

It gives me immense pleasure to express my thanks to a great number of people whose invaluable contributions has made this thesis possible.

Words won’t suffice to express my gratitude and indebtedness to my guide, Dr. T.Jamal Mohammed, formerly professor in History and Principal,

Mannania College of Arts and science, Pangode, Trivandrum, for the unflinching encouragement, scholarly help and timely advice given by him throughout my research work. From the depth of my heart, I record my sincere thanks and obligations to him for his valuable guidance at all stages of my research.

I am also obliged to Most Rev. Dr. Samuel Mar Irenios, Auxiliary

Bishop of the Major Archdiocese of Thiruvananthapuram for the constant encouragement and support. Thanks are also due to Dr. Suresh

7 Jnaneswaran, Head of the Department of History and Dean, faculty of Social

Science, University of Kerala for his timely help.

Thanks area also due to the librarians and staff of Kerala University

Library, departments of History, Sociology and Politics for their support. I also gratefully remember all the staff at the various Archives and

Association offices.

I am thankful to my colleagues and friends especially Dr. K.Alexander,

Divya, Resmi and also Meera and Sreenidhi of the Department of law for their generous support and assistance.

A host of Anglo-Indian friends generously helped me in this research.

Anglo-Indian Association Manjanakad president Mr. Andrew Rodrigues,

Mrs. Grace Rodrigues, Mrs. Hyasinth, Mr. Jenson D’Costa, Mr. Dexter

D’Cruz, Mr. Lester Concesso, Mr.Kevin Rozario and the Anglo-Indian community in Manjanakad, Vypeen, Fort Cochin, Kollam, Thankassery and

Alleppey. Thanks are also due to Fr. Rijo Mynattiparampil, Asst. Vicar, St.

Mary’s Church Njarakkal, Fr. Joseph Sugun Leons Kollam, Msgr. Ferdinand

Kayavil Kollam for their unconditional support and timely assistance. My time spent with the Vypeen Anglo-Indian community is something unforgettable. They have given me easy access to their community, provided

8 all the official and private documents and people available for interviews and interaction.

I would like to thank my wife Annie and my children Bro. George

Thomas, Dr, Joseph Thomas and Jobin Thomas for their support and forbearance during the entire research period. My brother Msgr. Johnson

Varughese kaimalayil, has been a constant source of inspiration and encouragement. I acknowledge my debt of gratitude.

Last, but not the least, I sincerely express my gratitude to Soumya, who is more than a daughter to me, supported me all throughout my research and took much pain in getting things done. I thank God the

Almighty, and His eternal Word together with the Holy Spirit for all that I am and for helping me complete this thesis.

9 Plate I Vasco da Gama, the first Portuguese Navigator to India

Plate II Memoirs of Vasco da Gama at Kappadu, Calicut

Plate III Vasco da Gama Church, Fort Cochin

Plate IV Our Lady of Hope Church, Vypeen built in 1606

Plate V St. Angelo Fort, Kannur

Plate VI Part of Emmanuel Fort, CochinPlate

Plate VII The malabar House of Fort Cochin, a perfect specimen of Anglo-Indian

Architecture

Plate VIII Interior of an Anglo-Indian House

Plate IX Gate of an Anglo-Indian House with the Peculiar House Name

Plate X Interior of an Anglo-Indian House in the Heritage area, Fort Cochin

Plate XI A Unique Anglo-Indian Custom

Plate XII A typical Anglo-Indian Costume

Plate XIII An exclusive Anglo-Indian Gathering

Plate XIV Thiruvathira performed by the Anglo-Indians during their Onam Celebrations

Plate XV Anglo-Indian members of Indian Hockey Team - 1928 Summer Olympics

Plate XVI An art form in Anglo-Indian Style

Plate XVII Princes Street of Fort Cochin

Plate XVIII Berger Street of Fort Cochin

Plate XIX Old Street of Fort Cochin

Plate XX Anglo-Indian Association office, Ernakulam

Plate XXI Infant Jesus Church Ernakulam

10 Chapter II HISTORICAL EVOLUTION AND EXPANSION OF ANGLO INDIAN COMMUNITY IN KERALA

The Anglo-Indian communities are the Indo-European minority community of India whose evolution, expansion, and socio positioning are inseparably collaborative contained by the politico, ethnic and cultural problematic of the European colonization in India.1 Anglo Indians have historically endured a disturbed and non assimilative position in India.2

Since the commencement of their evolution as a group in India, the Anglo

Indians were largely sidelined by native Indians who made no distinction between them and the British imperialists. Even though India is the homeland of the Anglo-Indian community and also being constitutionally documented as one among India’s six minority groups, they continue to occupy a controversial position within the discourse of Indian national identity and thus has historically been regarded as ‘un-homed’ in India, the land which paradoxically constitutes the community’s historical recollection most importantly, the domain of their collective memory.3

Historical Background

The evolution of Anglo-Indians can be traced back to the time of

European expedition to the unknown East. The 16th century CE, after a

11 millennium in the dark ages, a handful of courageous and determined explorers, driven by a thirst of power, glory and wealth, sailed from Europe to conquer this unknown land.4 The first Europeans who succeeded in this endeavour were the Portuguese by the arrival of Vasco-da-Gama at the coast of Malabar in 14985, followed by the Dutch, French and finally the

British. The continued stay of European men in this sub continent paved the way for politically justified relations with the native women and this union resulted in the birth of a novel community, previously known as

Eurasians and later Anglo-Indians.6

The historical evolution of Anglo-Indians as a social group started in

India with the arrival of Portuguese and its establishment as a colonial power.7 The beginning of this was the successful expedition of the well- known sailor Vasco-da-Gama, who started his voyage from Lisbon on 8th of

July 1498. The manuals and naval records suggest that his expedition lasted around eight months and it came to an end at the port named

Kappadu near Calicut on 18th of May 1498.8 This was the actual foundation of both European colonization and the evolution of Anglo-Indians as a hybrid community in India.9

Gama’s request for the permission to leave a repository behind him in charge of the merchandise he could not sell was dealt with a disappointing report by the Zamorin asking for taxes in return.10 Thus the willingness for a

12 political discourse and magnanimity of Zamorin of Calicut short lived. Gama broke up his relation with the Zamorin and sailed to Cannanore. There he managed to form a trade agreement with the Kolathiri. In 1499 Gama reached back Lisbon with fleets of ships crammed with spice.11

The next move from the Portuguese emperor was little systematic and eventually after six months, Gama under the patronage of King Henry had sent around 1500 men in 33 ships to India under Captain Pedro Alvarez

Cabral, out of which only 6 could reach the shore. Cabral could make good relationship with the Zamorin.12

The second attempt under Gama succeeded in finding a storehouse at

Calicut. The acceptance that Portuguese got here envied the Arabs who were enjoying the monopoly of trade in Calicut. Competition in trade and consequent conflicts between them finally made Cabral leave Calicut early.13

He left the shore after destructing some Arab ships and moved to Cochin. In

24 December 1500 Cabral reached Cochin where he got a warm welcome.

The then king of Cochin Unnirama Thirumulppadu permitted him to establish a trading station there and left some of his men to take care of it.

Later Cochin became an important centre of the Anglo-Indians.14This is marked as a major event in the history of Anglo-Indians.15

13 Before leaving, Cabral abandoned some men from the team. But the

King of Kannur was generous in accepting them and making arrangements for their stay and survival here. Thus Portuguese culture and life style sprouted in Cochin and Kannur. After Cabral, Joao-da-Nova and followed by

Vasco-da-Gama made their visit to India. Nova couldn’t make any trade agreements, but Gama’s activities were a clear reflection of the colonisation plans of the Portuguese.16

The very next year Gama anchored at Anchidweep at Kannur and visited the native ruler. On his way to Calicut, Gama wrecked a ship carrying Muslim Hajjis, as a warning to the Muslim traders in hindering their growth in Calicut.17 The Portuguese noticed earlier that it was the

Zamorin who makes their establishment in Kerala tough, and wanted the

Zamorin to push out all the Muslim merchants from Calicut. As expected, the Zamorin denied Gama’s wish and as revenge Gama attacked Calicut and moved to Cochin.18

An agreemenst was signed by Vasco-da-Gama with the ruler of

Cochin.19 The provisions of the agreement favours that, the people should sell spices and other things to the Portuguese in the price which has decided by the King and Portuguese.20 Gama got the right to build barracks for the Portuguese forces. This was another mile stone in the establishment

14 of Anglo-Indians in Kerala21. Before going back to Portuguese Gama came to

Kannur and left 200 men there in purpose.

This new group joined with the already established people who were abandoned by Cabral and together these groups mingled with the natives and sprinkled their Portuguese culture. Gama left some of his men in

Cochin too. The Zamorin who had rivalry with Gama asked the King of

Cochin to confer them to him. The King denied this and the Zamorin attacked Cochin to get them. The Portuguese force was so weak in resisting the Zamorin and finally they accepted the defeat.22

This war started by Zamorin catalysed the expansion of Anglo-Indians in Kerala. On 2nd September 1503, a huge Portuguese force reached Cochin under Francisco Albuquerque to help the King of Cochin and placed him back to his position. In return, as a token of gratitude the king provided adequate space for the building of a Portuguese Fort23. On 27th September

1503, they started the building of a fort in the name of Dom Manuel which subsequently developed as a Portuguese settlement. The Anglo-Indian development fortified in connection with the Manuel fort. Albuquerque formed a strong force for the fort and gave all the responsibilities for maintaining the force to Duarte Pacheco.24

15 The Portuguese force led by Duarte Pacheco, a Portuguese Naval admiral, conquered the Zamorin at Kodungallore and started to make a fort there in 1504. After the native chief of Kodungallore took refuge under the

Portuguese, the Anglo-Indians started spreading towards north from

Cochin. The King Manuel of Portugal had decided to keep a permanent force in Kerala to save the Portuguese interests and towards the same he sent

Fransisco Almeda to Cochin as his representative to look after the fort who later became the first viceroy of Portuguese. This moulded Cochin a

Portuguese settlement in Kerala.25

Almeda gave remarkable contributions in the spreading of the Anglo-

Indian community. Their growth in Malabar area was accelerated in connection with the building and strengthening of St. Angelo Fort and other

Forts in Kannur and Calicut. After Almeda, Alfonso de Albuquerque took charge of viceroy who aimed the widening of Portuguese empire in India.26

Under his leadership the Portuguese attacked the Zamorin, but couldn’t conquer him; instead they could make him sign in an accord.27 According to this agreement they got right to build a fort at Calicut and buy spices at the same price that they got from Cochin. But the continuous attack from the

Arabs forced them to give up the fort. This necessitated a major structural change and the Portuguese shifted their capital from Cochin to Goa.28

16 However, the change in Portuguese capital never affected the spreading of Anglo-Indians in Kerala. After Albuquerque, Loposores took charge as the viceroy. He tried to convert Kollam as their centre. They were able to build a fort at Tangassery, named Fort Thomas and eventually Tangassery became a major Portuguese settlement in Kerala.29 In the meantime Kunjali

Marakkar, a close aide of the Zamorin became a major threat for their domination in the Indian Ocean.30 Nuno da Kunha built a fort at Chaliyam in 1531 and regained their supremacy over Indian Ocean, which was attacked and ruined the Zamorin in 1571. But the hostility between the

Kunjali and Zamorin opened a new relationship with the Portuguese. This gave a more assured life to the Portuguese descendants. Zamorin gave permission to build a factory at Ponnani in 1584. Portuguese and Zamorin attacked the Kunjali fort and caught KunjaliIV and assassinated him at Goa in1600 and brought his head to Kannur which was kept for display in a public place, an act worsened their image among the common people.31 The

Portuguese established factories and settlements in Cochin, Palliport,

Kannur, Calicut, Chaliyam, Purakkad, Kayamkulam and Quilon to carry on trade in pepper, spices and other articles.32 They also built forts in most of these places like Fort Immanuel in Cochin, Fort Thomas in Tangasseri

(Quilon) and Fort St. Angelo in Kannur in order to protect their factories.

The origin and growth of the Anglo-Indian community starts around these

17 forts and military centers.33 The Portuguese men who came here with the force at the beginning of the invasion were mostly unmarried. The need for a female partner for the Portuguese soldiers and the traders was inexorably felt. This made the government who had spent huge amount of money for their wellbeing in India to bring Portuguese women here. Later they found this as not economic and decided to legalize the relationship between the

Portuguese men and native women, which in reality had started even long back. In the initial stages, such intermarriages were permitted for men of good character only and there were only some 100 marriages were recorded in 1600.34

Origin and expansion of Anglo-Indians

Historically the origin of the Anglo-Indian community dates back to many centuries to the earliest years of contact between Europe and India, precisely a period of four centuries to the time when Vasco da Gama, the

Portuguese Navigator, landed at Calicut on the West Malabar Coast of India in May, 1498. Within two years of 1500 there was at Diu a Portuguese

Governor the great Alfonso d Albuquerque.35 As a means of establishing the

Portuguese authority in India he encouraged his countrymen to marry

Indian women.36 He did not however give permission to marry except to men of approved character. The women whom they married were the daughters of the principal men of the land. But nevertheless, the Portuguese failed to

18 establish themselves permanently in India and one of the vital causes of the

Portuguese failure was the arrival of the Dutch and the English in the opening years of the 17th century. The offspring of these mixed marriages between the Portuguese and Indians were known as Luso-Indians. When the Portuguese, under pressure, abandoned their Indian possessions the

Luso-Indians rapidly sank in the social scale and within a space of two centuries the majorities of them had reverted to Indian stocks, and are known today as Goanese, a very common community in Goa, Bombay and the West Coast. But in the larger cities of India like Calcutta, Bombay and

Madras, the better type of Luso-Indians retained their European characteristics and many of them ultimately amalgamated with the newly born mixed community, the Anglo-Indians.37

The birth of the Anglo-Indian community in contradistinction to the

Luso-Indian community dates back to the year 1600 when Queen Elizabeth granted a Charter to the East India Company to initiate trading operations with India. The English at first merely visited Indian ports as traders. By

1612 a factory had been established at Surat and another in Madras in

1639. Bombay was a centre for trade purposes in 1668. In 1698 the East

India Company purchased the Zemindary of three villages, one of which was called Calicutta, from which Calcutta derived its name. Very soon it was crucial to construct fortifications and employ soldiers to defend the factories

19 against attacks from the Mahrattas and other marauders of those early days. Thus there gradually grew up colonies of English men only in all the trading factories along the shores of India, for the East India Company had forbidden women from accompanying their men folk to India.38

Owing to the fact that the English missed the companionship of their women, and suffered from the monotony and tedium of life in a strange and tropical land, many of them formed alliances with the Luso-Indian and

Indian women.39 Moreover the English discovered that the offspring of mixed marriages, the Anglo-Indians, were of great service to them in many ways.40

The Court of Directors of the East India Company on 8th April, 1687, thus addressed their President at Madras: ‘The marriage of our soldiers to the native women of Fort St. George is a matter of such consequence to posterity that we shall be content to encourage it with some expense, and have been thinking for the future to appoint a pagoda of Rs. 5 to be paid to the mother of any child that shall hereafter be born of any such future marriage, upon the day the child is christened, if you think this small encouragement will increase the number of such marriages’.41 The offer of the Directors was accepted and put into effect so that the British in this way became officially responsible for the birth of the Anglo-Indian Community.

Gradually however, as the numbers of Anglo-Indians increased, the practice of Britishers marrying Indian women fell into disrespect, because the

20 necessity for it had disappeared.42 The new arrival could always wed a girl of mixed parentage, and it became customary for him to do so.43

From the earliest times the Anglo-Indian community stood for the cause of England. They enlarged the inadequate forces of the East India

Company; they spilt their blood on many a battlefield, they rendered estimable services in scrutinizing and bringing information of the enemy. In the early days Anglo-Indians were not branded with the mark of inferiority44.

If their fathers could afford it, they were sent to England for their education, and returned to India in the covenanted services of the Company. Those who were not lucky enough to be sent to England were given the best education obtainable in India and occupied the majority of the positions in the uncovenanted Civil service, and in the warrant ranks of the Company’s army. They fought under Clive at Arcot. They perished in the Black Hole of

Calcutta. They were to be found in the front line of battle at Plassey.45 These were the years of their prosperity, their quiet days. The days of chaos and hardship were fast approaching.46

The days of prosperity of the Anglo-Indian community may roughly extend from 1600 to 1785. On the 14th of March, 1786, the first of three repressive orders was promulgated against the community. By the first order of March 1786 the wards of the upper orphanage school at Calcutta,

21 recently established under the auspices of the East India Company for the orphans of British Military officers, were prohibited from going on to

England to complete their education, and thus qualifying for the covenanted services.47 A second order passed in April 1791 stated that ‘no person the son of a native Indian shall henceforth be appointed by the court in employment in the Civil and Military forces of the Company.’ The third

Resolution passed in 1795 stated that all not come dowm from European parents on both sides were disqualified for service in the army except as fifers, drummers, bandsmen, and farriers. These repressive measures were due partly to a fear of mutinies such as had occurred in the English force under Clive in Bengal in 1776 and in the Madras army which revolted and imprisoned Lord Pigott, Governor of Madras, in the same year; partly to a panic in India and England caused by thinking the possibilities of a rebellion in India led by the now numerous Anglo-Indians.48 This experience had happened about this time to the Spaniards in San Domingo; and partly to a desire on the part of shareholders of the East India Company for the support with regard to filling appointments in India which up to now was in the hands of the Indian Government, for the shareholders saw in the

Company’s service attractive careers for their sons and other near relatives.

Thus Anglo-Indians had been deprived of every honorable career in the military forces and the door was closed against them with regard to civil

22 appointments.49 Thus within the brief period of 10 years lying between 1786 and 1795, by the standing orders of the great East India Company, Anglo-

Indians had been reduced to the status of a outlawed and down-trodden race.50 Immediate action was taken in order to give effect to these regulations, and these conditions with slight variations were in force till the outbreak of the Mutiny in 1857.51 Anglo-Indians in every branch of the army were discharged from the service without any compunction as to their future. Owing to the fact that hence forth they were regarded more like

Englishmen, they had been debarred from acquiring land or residing further than 10 miles from the nearest Presidency town or Company’s settlement.52

Hence they could not turn to agriculture or trade. Thrown out of the soldiering, the only profession to which they had been reared, there was nothing for them to do but transfer their services to Indian chiefs, and they were received with open arms. Others of them formed their own groups of irregular infantry and cavalry; while hundreds of Anglo-Indian warriors won their spurs in the ranks of armies not belonging to the East India

Company.53

The East India Company had hardly cast Anglo-Indians out of its army, when it found itself beset by foes. The Marquis of Wellesley had arrived in

India in 1798 and had introduced his ‘Subsidiary System’ which initiated the Mysore and Mahratta wars. At this time to the English in Europe were

23 at death-grips with the French and Napoleon in the Revolutionary Wars and could send very little help to India. So ‘A Proclamation was issued summoning all British and Anglo-Indian men and officers who were serving with the Mahratta army under Perron and in other Indian States, to return to the Company‘s forces. The Proclamation concluded with a warning that those who failed to rejoin the British ranks would be treated as traitors.’

There was no need for the threat. The Anglo-Indians heard the ‘Call of the

Blood’ and absolutely conformed. The war against the Maharattas was concluded abruptly and inconclusively. The Court of Directors had grown weary of Wellesley’s ceaseless and costly campaigns, and recalled him. A

Non-Intervention policy was once again adopted and expenditure on the military side reduced.54

During the first half of the 19th century (1800-1850) the Anglo-Indian community made the first serious attempts to provide for the education of their children.55 Being shut out from the army they realized that a good education was needed for the various callings in civil life. In response to this urge, and with the help of influential men and societies La Martiniere

College was established in 1836, St. Xavier‘s College in 1834, and many other institutions too numerous to mention. ‘The spirit of self-help of this period is worth bearing in mind.’56 In spite of improved educational facilities the prospects of the community during the first half of the 19th century

24 were none too rosy. In fact for many the future was black. The political, social and economic, disabilities of their community was freely discussed in every Anglo-Indian home and ultimately it was resolved that ‘a petition’ should be presented to the British Parliament on their behalf.57 A suitable document was drawn and J.W. Ricketts was unanimously elected agent to present it to the Houses of Parliament. Ricketts arrived in London with this precious Document on 27th December 1829 and it was at length duly presented to Parliament. Owing to the political upheavals in England about this time the petition did not produce the results which were expected of it.

The struggle for Catholic Emancipation and the Reform bill of 1832 was in progress. The people in England had too many of their own problems to cope with to find time for the petition of the Anglo-Indians. ‘The communal activities of the Anglo-Indians about the period 1820-1830 had a local but nevertheless important result. It called for the sympathy and good-will of influential friends in the country, who gave their moral support to the aspirations and reasonable demands of a patient and enduring section of the British inhabitants.’58

In 1833 the Charter of the East India Company was renewed.

Influenced no doubt somewhat by the Anglo-Indians ‘petition, Section 87 of the said Act stated that –‘No native of the said territories, nor any natural born subject of His Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason of his religion,

25 place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from holding any place, office, or employment under the said Company.’59 In theory all posts were thrown open to people of any race in India, but in practice only the subordinate trades were bestowed upon Indians and Anglo-Indians, since higher services could be filled only by recruitment in England.60 Fortunately for Anglo-Indians, about this same time (1833), English took the place of

Persian as the official language of the Courts and Government offices.61 In future English was to be the only medium of correspondence in commercial houses. English being their mother-tongue, the Anglo-Indians had an advantage in this direction and very soon many of the community found employment under Government and in commercial firms as clerks, though in subordinate positions. This advantage, however, was only temporary because Lord Bentinck, who was Governor-General from 1828 to 1836, with the cooperation of Lord Macaulay who drew up his famous Minute on

Education in 1835, determined that the linguistic disadvantage of Indians should be removed, and accordingly instruction in English was ordered to be imparted in Indian schools.62

Fortune once again came to the rescue of Anglo-Indians for soon new avenues of employment were opening up for them. In 1825 the first railway had run in England.63 In 1845 the East India Railway was projected in

India.64 Simultaneously railway schemes were set on foot in Madras and

26 Bombay. The first train in India ran from Bombay to Thana in 1853. In

1851 the Telegraph system was inaugurated.65

Anglo-Indians found ample employment on the railways, and in the telegraph and custom services. These departments needed men of adventurous stock who were willing to endure the hardships, risks, and perils of pioneers. The Anglo-Indians had in them the spirit of their forefathers and placed in navigation Companies with captains, second officers, engineers and mechanics. From them were recruited telegraph operators, artisans and electricians. They supplied the railways with station staffs, engine-drivers, permanent way-inspectors, guards, auditors - in fact every higher grade of railway servant. The Mutiny of 1857 too had proved beyond doubt the absolute loyalty of the Anglo-Indians and removed the suspicion which had been responsible for the repressive measures of the latter part of the 18th century.66

The modern period for the Anglo-Indians may be begun in the year

1911. It was in this year that the term Anglo-Indians was substituted by

Government for the old name Eurasians, by which the community was known. In the 20th century Indians have made rapid progress in every direction. The universities, colleges and schools, of India have turned out thousands of young men well-fitted to hold posts in all the departments of

27 Government and in civil capacities too. The Morely-Minto Reforms of 1909, the Montagu-Chelmsford of 1919, and the Indian Bill of 1935 have given

Indians an increasing share in the Government of their country. As the

Indians are fitting themselves more and more to undertake leadership in all phases of life in India, it is only in the natural order of affairs that Anglo-

Indians should lose the near monopoly they once held and find in the struggle to secure employment more difficult.67

Today young men of Anglo-Indian community with a good high school education, and some with degrees, are roaming the streets in search of employment, and unemployment is widespread. Hundreds, of the community are to be found today in all the large towns begging for their daily bread. The community as a whole is downhearted and discouraged, and had not yet found a solution for its difficulties. In many senses the community had faced more difficult problems and been through more trying circumstances in this modern age than ever before in its history.68

Anglo-Indian Expansion in Kerala

The Anglo-Indians of Kerala are chiefly the ancrstors descendants of the Portuguese, who settled down in the west coast of Malabar in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. There is a sprinkling of the Dutch, the

French and the English descendants also among them. But most of them

28 have intermingled by inter-marriages now. Persons of unmixed European blood also are there. The surnames Almeida, Abrao, Alweyn, Aruja, Bivera,

Coutinho, Carvalho,Cabral, Coelho, Correya, D’costa, D’Couto, D’Cunha,

D’Cruz, D’Rose, D’Silva, D’Souza, D’Claus, Dias, Durome, Fereira, Faria,

Fernandez, Figerado, Figueres, Furtado, Furtal, Furtas, Gomez, Gonsalvez,

Lopez, Luiz, Livero, Mendez, Nunez, Nevis, Netto, Noronho, Olivero, Paiva,

Padua, Pereira, Pinheiro, Pinto, Prakasia, Rodriguez, Rozario, Rebeiro,

Rebello, Saiza, Severenvce, Sequira, Surrao, and Zimenthy indicate

Portuguese origin; Gallyot, Hoogewerf, Hendricks, Jacobs, Jacques, Lobo,

Meyn, Van Ross, Van Reyke and Van Spall-Dutch origin; Labauchardier and

Lafrenais-French origin and Jackson, Mcleod, Price, Platel, Williams and

Watts-British origin. There are a few offsprings of Germans, Swiss and

Italians also among the Anglo-Indians of Kerala as Guenthers, Schmidts,

Guezlers and Niglis. However, it is seen that some of the Portuguese names were adapted by converts to Christianity in the south during the Portuguese

Period.69

It was the Portuguese king, Dom Manuel who sanctioned the marriage of Portuguese men, who had rendered good services to native women. These marriages were most often from the high ranking and rich families which enabled them to learn the native language, Customs and manners and helped them to establish better contacts with the native population. It has

29 been recorded that the Raja of Cochin arranged the marriage of a

Portuguese Officer with a Namboothiri lady.70

The Portuguese were in Kerala for a period of 165 years. Vasco Da

Gama landed at Calicut on May 18, 1498, followed by Pedro Alvarez Cabral who came to Cochin on 24th December, 1500. The Portuguese had settlements in Quilon, Kayamkulam, Poracad, kochi, Cranganore,

Palliport, kozhicode, Chaliyam and cannanore. They also built forts at Kochi,

Palliport, Cranganore, Quilon, Calicut and Cannanore. With the surrender of Cochin to the Dutch on January 6, 1963, the Portuguese supremacy in

Kerala ended. The Protestant Dutch followed a policy of religious persecution. Hence most of the mixed races who were Catholics fled from the towns to interior places where they could follow their religion unmolested. However, in their own interests, the Dutch revised their policy subsequently and tried to attract back those who left. The Mestices, as the mixed races were then called were allowed to erect a church at Vypin. The present church of Our Lady of Hope at Vypeen was accordingly built and the altar and the old screen from the Church of St.Francis at Fort Cochin were transferred to that Church.71

When the Dutch surrendered to the British on October 19, 1795, many among the Dutch preferred to remain in Cochin. But they were gradually

30 reduced to such great distress that the British Government had to settle pensions on them. The Dutch and their descendants inter married with

Portuguese descendants.72 During the period of the British, some of them married girls of mixed blood while some others had connections with Thiya women of Malabar. The progenies of such connections most often followed the life of their mothers and seldom came forward to claim that they were of mixed race. But in case of solicitous fathers, the children were sent to

Anglo-Indian schools where they were well educated and looked after. Such progenies thrived in life because of the special treatment they received at the hands of British Government. Some of the Frenchmen also settled down and married girls of mixed decent. Thus we find among the Anglo-Indians of

Kerala, people with the blood of European who came chiefly from countries like Portugal, Holland, France and Great Britain.73

Anglo- Indians in Alleppey

There is very close affinity between the Anglo- Indians of Cochin and

Alleppey. The Anglo- Indians belong to the Latin Church, and till 1952

Alleppey Diocese was part of the Cochin Diocese and most of the Anglo-

Indians in Alleppey had originally come from Cochin and its suburbs. There are Anglo-Indians came from Kollam and Kayamkulam who reached there

31 for business and employment. Early settlers in Alleppey were men who hold important positions in the erstwhile Travancore Government and important positions in the Commercial banking Houses established by the Europeans.

Mr. A.J Veiyra the Chief Secretary of Travancore, Mr. A. J. Van Rose the excise Commissioner of Travancore Government, Mr. Robert Cleur the magistrate of Alleppey, Walter Cleur, the Chief Customs officer of Alleppey,

Dr. Robert Veiyra, Dr. Charles Veiyra, Dr. John La Bouchariere and Dr.

Gomez Medical Officers of the local hospital were the pioneers of Anglo-

Indian settlers in Alleppey. Some of the members of the Anglo-Indian community established well in commercial sector especially the export of coir products. Thomas S.D’Cruz, C.J.hantney, E.Bout, Joe Fernandez and

Edward Fernandez were the most important among them. The members of the community are well connected with the Latin Catholic Diocese of

Alleppey. The Anglo-Indian association is very active in Alleppey. The Anglo-

Indian Community in Cochin maintains distinct entity having their own customs and mode of life.

Anglo-Indian Settlement in Cannanore

The first Church in Malabar and the first Portuguesze Church in India was built in Cannanore by the Portuguese. When Vasco d agama reached

Calicut on 20th May 1498 he failed to get the permission from the King to

32 build a fort at Calicut. Hence Gama contracted the Kolathiri , the local king of Cannanore and obtained permission to construct a fort at Cannanore.

The construction of the fort was undertaken by Joao Da Nova and he built store house and a Church at the shore of Cannanore. Portuguese Viceroy

Francisco de Almeida built the castle and the Fort at Cannanore. The Anglo-

Indian Community developed in and around the Cantonment area at

Burnacherry where the Holy Trinity Church situates. They developed the St.

Treasa’s Anglo-Indian School and St. Michael’s Anglo-Indian School in to renowned education institutions. The Anglo-Indian Association is very active in Cannanore. It has its activities right from 1952. The Anglo-Indian teachers at At, Treasa’s and St Michael’s schools sufficiently supported the activities of the organisation. Now due to large scale migration there is around 50 Anglo-Indian families in Burnacherry. Anglo-Indian community in Cannoore will be remembered due to the Fort St. Angelo, the vibrant

Activities of Anglo-Indian MLA C.F.Pereira, the Chief of Indian Naval Staff

Admiral R.L.Pereira,Mrs. Ancel Netto and Mr. Desmond Netto IPS.

Anglo-Indians in Calicut

Calicut had the Anglo-Indian experience from 1498 when Vasco da

Game reached Kappad. Bishop Dr. Maxwell Valentine Noronha, an Anglo-

Indian became Bishop of Calicut in 1980. The prominent Anglo-Indian in

33 religious order could be seen in late Archbishop of Shillong Dr. Hubert

D’Rozario SDB who was from Calicut. The two Anglo-Indian girl’s high schools confirm the strong hold of the community in Calicut. Large scale migration after independence weakened the structure and functioning of the association.

Anglo-Indians in Chathiath

Chathiath is one of the important centres of Anglo-Indians in Kerala.

Pachalam, Vaduthala are the adjacent areas where the Anglo-Indians live in large number. With nearly 1000 Anglo-Indian families in the parish of

Chanthiath, there is a strong feeling of Anglo-Indian presence and unity.

The members of the community were called by others as Saipanmar or

Parangikar and considered as the higher strata of citizens at this area. Anglo-

Indian Association is very vibrant and the Chanthiath-vaduthala Anglo

Indian Association is the biggest association in the union. Edword

Rodrigues, Francis Correya, Francis Severance and Joseph Diaz were the early leaders of the community.

Anglo-Indians in Kollam

Portuguese established their settlement in Kollam and their authority could be assessed from the remains of the Fort St. Thomas, near

Thangassery. In later years, Dutch and French and finally English came to

34 Cochin. The descendants of these Europeans now formed the present Anglo-

Indian Community in Quilon. Apart from Thangassery Anglo-Indians lived at Chavara, Neendakara, Clappana, Eravipuram, Kovilthottam and the surrounding areas of the present Quilon city. Mr. S.P.Luiz, A.A.D. Luiz and

Stephen Padua were responsible for the strengthening of the community in this area. The two Anglo-Indian Schools- the Infant Jesus High School for

Boys and the Mount Carmel High School for girls are situated here. The great names to remembered are Gen. Noronha who lead the UN Missions in

Congo, Ms. Janis Spink, athlet, Dr. N.P. Fernandez and a number of priests including Msgr.A.J.Rozario, the Vical General of the Diocese of Quilon and nuns from this area did wounderful service for the community.

Notes and References

1. Moritz Deutschmann, Cultural History of British Colonialism in India, German, 2011, pp. 1-15.

2. Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo Indians as a Racially Mixed Minority in India, Leiden, 1973, p. 122.

3. Ibid., p. 34.

4. Frederick Charles Danvers, Portuguese in India- Being a History of the Rise and Decline of Their Eastern Empire, New Delhi, 1988, pp. 22-47.

5. L. L. Mehta, Advanced Study in the History of Modern India: Volume One: 1707 – 1813, New Delhi, 2005, p. 323.

35 6. Ronald Daus, Portuguese Eurasian Communities in South East Asia (Local History and Memoirs),Singapore, 1989, p. 35.

7. Ibid., p. 68.

8. Richard Worth, Vasco Da Gama, New York, 2009, pp 33-49.

9. Lionel Caplan, Children of Colonialism: Anglo-Indians in a Postcolonial World, New York, 2003, p. 112.

10 Richard Worth, Op.cit, p. 55.

11 A.Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Indian History, Kottayam, 2007, pp. 176- 178.

12 M.N. Pearson, The Portuguese in India, Cambridge, pp 120-124.

13 Richard Worth, Op.cit, pp. 61-66.

14 A. Sreedhara Menon, Op. cit., p. 231.

15 Ibid.

16 Ibid., p. 178.

17 Richard Worth, Op.cit., pp. 66-68.

18 Sreedhara Menon. A, Op.cit.p. 179.

19 Sanjay Subramanyam, The Career and Legend of Vasco d agama, New York, 1997, p. 14.

20 Ibid.

21 P. J. Cherian, Perspectives on Kerala history: the second millennium, Thiruvananthapuram, 1999, p. 34.

36 22 Sreedhara Menon A., Op. cit., pp.179-80.

23 T. V. Mahalingam, South Indian Studies, Mysore, 1990, pp. 404 - 405

24 Henry Mores Stephens, Albuquerque, p. 31.

25 Richard Worth, Op. Cit. p.72.

26 Henry Mores Stephens, Albuquerque, New Delhi,1897, p. 35.

27 Frederick Charles Danvers, The Portuguese in India: A. D. 1571-1894,

London, 1894, p. 146.

28 Ibid.

29 Census of India, 1961, Volume 7, p. 132.

30 Pius Malekandathil, Maritime India: Trade, Religion and Polity in the Indian

Ocean, Delhi, 2010, p. 90.

31 Ibid., pp. 131-140

32 Celsa Pinto, Trade and Finance in Portuguese India: A Study of the

Portuguese Country Trade 1770-1840 (XCHR Studies Series No. 5), Celsa,

1994, p. 122-217.

33 Ibid.

34 Ibid.

35 Morse Stephens, Albuquerque and the Early Portuguese Settlement in India,

New Delhi, 2003, p.134-145

37 36 Ibid.

37 Karin Larsen, Faces of Goa, New Delhi, 1997, p.411.

38 Asiatic Journal and monthly miscellany, (Vol.-23)

39 Sultana Choudhry, Multifaceted Identity of Interethnic Young People:

Chameleon Identities, England, 2010, p. 31

40 Esther Mary Lyons, Unwanted!: Memoirs of an Anglo-Indian Daughter of

Rev Michael Delisle Lyons of Detroit, Michigan, Kokata, 2005, p. 33.

41 Nicholas B. Dirks, Colonialism and Culture, Michigan, 1992, pp.122-126.

42 C. J. Hawes, Poor Relations: The Making of a Eurasian Community in British

India 1773-1833, London, 1996, pp.6-19.

43 Ibid

44 Alison Blunt, Domicile and Diaspora: Anglo-Indian Women and the Spatial

Politics of Home, Blackwell, 2005, p.134.

45 Peter Harrington, Plassey 1757: Clive of India’s Finest Hour, London, 1994,

pp. 34-35.

46 Johnson O’Toole, Confessions of ‘A Gay Globetrotter’, London, 2003, p.

124.

47 Austin Anthony D’Souza, Anglo-Indian education: a study of its origins and

growth in Bengal up to 1960, London, 1996, p. 15.

38 48 Nancy Lucille Brennan, The Anglo Indians of Madras; An Ethnic Minority in

Transition., Syracuse, 1979, p.78.

49 Mark Harrison, Public Health in British India: Anglo-Indian Preventive

Medicine 1859-1914, Cambridge, 1994, p. 22.

50 Bharati Debi & Anshu Prokash Nandan, The Anglo-Indians of Calcutta: a

community of communities, Kolkata, 2005. p. 6.

51 Evelyn Abel, The Anglo-Indian community: survival in India, Delhi, 1988,

pp.33-38.

52 Ibid.

53 Ibid.

54 C. N. Weston, Anglo-Indian revolutionaries of the Methodist Episcopal

Church, p. 104

55 Austin Anthony D’Souza, Anglo-Indian education: a study of its origins and

growth in Bengal up to 1960, Delhi, 1976, p.94.

56 Arnold P. Kaminsky & Roger D. Long, India Today: An Encyclopedia of Life

in the Republic: An Encyclopedia of Life in the Republic, Volume 1, p. 39.

57 Austin Anthony D’ Souz, Op.Cit., p. 88.

58 Subodh Kapoor, The Indian Encyclopaedia, Volume 1, California, 2011, p.

268.

39 59 G. S. Chhabra, Advanced Study in the History of Modern India, New Delhi,

2005, p. 75

60 Zareer Masani, Indian Tales of Raj, Berkeley, 1987, p.151.

61 Harish Trivedi, Colonial Transactions: English Literature and India,

Manchester, 1995, p. 37.

62 C. N. Weston, Op.cit., pp. 107-8

63 Sidney Homer and Richard Sylla, A History of Interests Rates, New Jersy,

2005, p. 179.

64 Daniel Thomer, Investment in Empire: British Railway and Steam Shipping

Enterprise in India, 1825-1849, p. 66.

65 Evelyn Abel, Op.cit., p. 32. 4

66 William Ferguson Beatson Laurie, Sketches of some distinguished Anglo-

Indians: with an account of Anglo-Indian periodical literature, London,

1887, pp.100-120.

67 Evelyn Abel, Op.cit., p. 43.

68 Saurav Gangopadhyay, Anglo Indians Yesterdays and Today, p.488.

69 P. Achutha Menon, The Cochin State Manual, Ernakulam, 1911, p.311.

70 Sreedhara Menon A., Op.cit. p. 162.

71 Report of the Backward Classes Commission, (Vol-1).

40 72 P. Achutha Menon,Op. cit. p. 311.

73 Ibid.

41 Chapter III SOCIO-CULTURAL TRAITS, PATTERNS, LIFESTYLE AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF ANGLO-INDIANS IN KERALA

Anglo–Indians who lived in Kerala for centuries made lasting contribution to the culture and tradition of our country. They formed a new ethnicity of their own, unique in all respects. The women of Kerala who lived with Europeans gradually adapted to the western culture and the Christian faith; logically their children were as well brought up with the same culture and faith of their parents.1 The Anglo–Indian community gradually developed a distinctive way of living, projecting a blended version of both

Indian and European influences and had an obvious inclination towards the latter.2 Besides British, the Portuguese, the Dutch and the French contributed their part in determining this hybrid community; however, the impact of the British was more dominant compared to the others.3 Anglo–

Indians adopted the religion, distinctive customs, manners, language, diet, clothing, and speech of their European progenitors.4 Over the years those

Anglo–Indians in Kerala, successfully integrated into the main stream of

Indian society and developed a western style of living, influenced by Indian culture.

Social Life

42 The Anglo-Indians were on the margin of two cultures and two races of people.5 This position held by the Anglo-Indians largely determined their social status in India. Language was an important factor that kept the

Anglo-Indians distinct and remote from the Indians. Most of them were reluctant to learn local languages and Hindi.6 So the Indians regarded the

English-speaking Anglo-Indians as foreigners and socially segregated them.

Besides Indian customs, traditions and practices were alien to the Anglo-

Indians and hence they were reluctant to mingle with Indians. At the same time, the life style and attire of the Anglo-Indian women created a kind of distaste among the Indians. The absence of a common culture, language, religion and way of life restricted them from having unified sense of a community as Anglo-Indians and desist from mingling with outsiders.7

The conditions changed with the Indian independence. The post- independence era tells a different story. Anglo-Indian leaders advised them to be more faithful and committed to India. Frank Anthony urged them to think themselves as Indians and called for close interaction with other communities of the main stream. The introduction of western music and new forms of carnivals enabled better interaction with the local people as did the familiarity of the Anglo- Indians with the Latin rite, feasts of saints and other rituals. Wherever the Portuguese landed, as a token of their

43 gratitude to the Lord, a Church was erected. In Cochin itself they built sixteen churches and chapels.

The Anglo-Indian participation in the political and social activities is noteworthy. Their representation in the Legislative bodies, social leadership and active involvement in the activities of the Latin Catholic Church testifies to their socio-political involvement. The majority of the Anglo-Indians were literate. It is reported that generally the girls would go for higher levels in education while the boys choose some technical education which would help them get a job easily. This is related to the social practice in courtship where a boy has to bear the expenses of taking a girl out.

Luso-Indians were very industrious. As mechanics, smiths, carpenters and later in laying railway tracks and drawing telegraph lines during the

British period they undertook a task with utmost satisfaction. The women took up the professions of tailoring, teaching, nursing and opted for religious vocation to serve as nuns in the convents in and outside the country. Luso-Indian women were excellent administrators in the offices of the commercial establishments. The Luso-Indian men with pleasing personalities attracted the attention of the British and later rulers and served as intermediaries to fill the communication gap between the British and the Indians as they were multi-lingual.

44 Anglo-Indians were people with excellent civic sense and they followed social etiquettes and manners with great care. Their community had no social taboos and inhibitions unlike the rigid caste system which prevailed in the Indian society. They shared water, food and other consumable items with the members of other communities. They also shared churches and cemeteries with the members of the Roman Catholic Church. They enthusiastically participated in church ceremonies, rituals and festivals with others. There was a variety of recreation and entertainment in their life.

Watching movies, playing music and dancing provided recreation for them.

The Anglo-Indians had a special taste and innate talent for music. Even in an average Anglo-Indian family one could find a piano. Some of the Anglo-

Indians were pop singers and they popularized pop music in India.

Customs and Traditions

The Anglo-Indian community in Kerala developed as a unique group with distinguishing features derived from the cultural traditions of Europe.

Both discarded by and rebuffing their Indian heritage, Anglo-Indians followed a way of life similar to that of the overseas British citizens. They gave up the aspects of Indian culture which lacked a Western orientation.8

Over decades, this picking and choosing of identity references has had a major impact on their position in society both within and outside India.9

45 Through centuries, until the Indian independence, the British served as their reference group.10

Although Anglo-Indians received English cultural patterns as their own, they never reached a safe terrain of social equality.11 At the same time they were never really an integral part of the cultural or social sonata of indigenous India. Manners and mannerisms of the Anglo Indians, especially women caused much censure from the native people. Esther Mary Lyons rightly narrates it as: “they did not consider the ballroom dancing and going to club till late at night was good and respectable for women. Besides they did not think the club where liquor was served was meant for a decent and respectable Indian woman. Most Indians considered the Anglo-Indian and

European women cheap just because they went to the club, drank with men and did ballroom dancing in public with different men while the Indian women were very conservative and kept indoors, had arranged marriages, the Anglo Indian women lived a more liberated western style life and had the same freedom and equality in the community as did the British women”.12

The Anglo-Indian customs, their cuisine, attire, language and ceremonies were different from that of the local community. Though they embraced the Catholic faith their lifestyle was strikingly different from the

Catholic traditions of the Kerala Church. Ceremonies and festivals were part

46 of Anglo Indian life. Marriages, baptisms, birthdays, house warmings,

Christmas, New Year’s Eve, and other such occasions were celebrated with great pomp and pleasure. Often the celebrations were beyond their financial capacity but they kept it up as merrymaking and luxurious life were integral to their character.13

The Anglo-Indians of Kerala, over the years of mixing and mingling have been assimilated into the main stream of Kerala society. However, they tried to maintain the purity of their unique culture. This ethnic community emerged out of mixed marriages between European men and Indian women but at present they seldom promote mixed marriages. People outside the

Anglo-Indian community also have some reservation to marrying from the community. However there are instances of inter marriages in recent times.

Such dilutions have affected the retention of their exclusiveness.14

One of the greatest contributions of the Portuguese was the introduction of mixed marriages. In a caste ridden society where the marriages and mingling were restricted to certain classes and castes, the

Europeans shattered the caste structure. With the official permission on the part of the Portuguese and subsequently other European powers, they began to marry Indian women. The Portuguese took spouses from different communities in Kerala. They married Thiyya women in Malabar. After

47 marriage these women naturally embraced Christianity. Mixed marriages in

Kerala by that time became very common, and there are reports that in

1600CE, hundred such marriages were held in Kodungalloor;15 the majority of such marriages were from the Thiyya community.16

The oppressed population in the lower strata of the caste system began to enjoy unusual freedom and change in the social status with the marriages. Thus the mixed marriages brought about a silent but fundamental revolution in the social structure of the society. The set of people who were forbidden the freedom and dignity were elevated to a different social stratum with these marriages.17 This has special significance to the women at the grass root level especially those who were branded as untouchables and marginalized the vaisyas and the sudras. The new social status, freedom from untouchability and the manifold stigmas of caste system encouraged many to follow the suit.18 It was followed even later during the Dutch and the English rule. The prolonged period of British rule, their authority and vibrant presence in the Kerala community, made great impact in the customs manners and rituals of the people. The marriage ceremony also underwent great change during this time, an evolution akin to the European style.

48 The Anglo-Indian family relationship was officially brought into existence as a result of the policy of the East India Company. In 1978 the company directors decided to present a pagola to the mother of the Anglo-

Indian child. These ‘pagola marriages’ were by no means confined to middle class or lower class Indian women.19 The British secured their wives mainly in two ways, either by treaties with Indian princes or chieftains or by marriage to widows or camp followers. Usually the women were baptized and the marriage was performed according to Christian rites. This period was known as the ‘Brahminising’ of English rule, when it was felt that these marriages or alliances with the local people would attract the sympathy and support of the Indian population.20

Normally Anglo-Indians are endogamous, but seeking spouses outside the community is also not uncommon. During the earlier period not only the community but colour also mattered in their choices in marriage. The white prefer white and the black opt for the same complexion. But later on the colour preferences and other restrictions in the selection of marriage gradually faded. Normally the age of marriage is in between 25-30. The

Anglo-Indian marriage has a specific system. The betrothal or engagement takes place in the house of the girl and as a symbol of betrothal the boy slips the engagement ring on the girl’s finger. The date and venue of

49 marriage will be decided at the time of engagement and it will be announced in the church on three consecutive Sundays.21

The marriage takes place in the parish officiated by the priest. The wedding is attended by close friends and immediate relatives of the bride and the groom. The Anglo-Indian bride conventionally wears a white gown in the western style and the groom wears a suit. The full skirted gown is usually made with around seven meters of exotic material. With the intermingling and affiliations with other Christian denominations and families, brides wearing white or cream saris are also seen.22 The bride’s head is covered with a white decorated veil and a tiara23 or a bunch of flowers and she holds a bouquet in her hand. The Anglo-Indian marriage ceremony is enchanting with music and special rituals along with the Holy

Mass. The priest welcomes the couple as they walk along the aisle till they reach the altar. The ceremony involves a sermon by the priest called a homily emphasizing the sacredness and sanctity of marriage. Following the exchange of wedding rings, the bride and the groom hold each other’s right hand and make a solemn promise of lifelong commitment stating that they will stay together in thick and thin to each other in the name of God.24 This is followed by the blessings of the priest to lay the foundation of a new family based on love in Christ. Then they sign the marriage register.25

50 Under the influence of the Roman Catholic Church in Kerala customs like ‘minnukettu’, ‘mangalasutra’ and the concept of ‘manthrakodi’ crept in to the marriage ceremony of the Anglo-Indians, especially among those section of them who follow the customs and traditions of the local community. (Minnu or Thali is a leaf shaped gold pendant with a cross sealed on it, worn on a thread with strands drawn from the sari

(manthrakodi)). Those gathered during the wedding ceremony actively participate in all the rituals and shower their blessings on the couple. The ceremony is followed by a reception with a live band.26

Anglo Indians are very fond of fashion and dressing up. Clothes and adornment constitute a major portion of their family expenditure. Quite contrary to the interest of the women of Kerala, Anglo-Indians show very little interest in gold ornaments. They are more interested in clothes, especially in European style garments.27 Two piece dresses which stretch up to the feet, jackets that extent up to the knee, over coats, pants, suits, bush-shirts, jerkins and cow-boy jeans are some of their favourite clothing.

They are people with great colour sense and prefer cosy and colourful dresses.28 For funeral ceremonies they wear black. The Anglo-Indian women usually wear frocks or blouses and skirts of different style. Mini-skirts and high heels are common.29 Dresses made up of gorgeous materials such as silk, georgette and nylon are trendy with upper class and middle class

51 women. Some girls also wear slacks, like boys. In dressing, the men use

European outfits. The women first had dresses styled like the Portuguese and later adopted other European patterns.30 One speciality of some Luso-

Indian women in Kerala was the ‘Kabaya’ (a Malaysian dress) with checked long cloth from hip to toe and a top without color and with long sleeves.31

This dress is still worn by Luso-Indian women in interior parts of Kerala.

This was the dress of the women brought by Alfonso de Albuquerque from his Malacca mission, who were wedded to Portuguese soldiers in early 16th century.32 This is the answer for the Mangolian features of some Luso-

Indians in Kerala.

But in recent years Anglo Indians follow the dressing patterns of the local people. On formal occasions they wear shirts, coats with stiff collars, bow-ties and boots, narrow lapels and boaters. In ordinary life the middle and lower class people are not very particular about their clothes whereas the upper class are very cautious and spend a large amount in procuring the latest varieties.33 Generally in many families they use old dresses for making outfits for the children. This is mainly due to economic reasons.

Short hair, miniskirts, facial make up and high heels are some of the identifying features of Anglo Indian women. They habitually visit beauty parlours and fashion centres. Unlike Indian women, they do not use flowers

52 or tilak or other ornaments to beautify their hair and face. The dress pattern followed by the Anglo Indians and Indian women has been mutually influenced. In the early period the use of the sari was very rare among the

Anglo-Indian women. But later on they started wearing Indian clothes like sari and blouse and salwar-kameez.34 And on the other hand many women of Kerala have started to follow the Anglo-Indian style of dressing.

The Anglo-Indian influence in the food habits of Kerala is very obvious.

The Anglo-Indian culture was evolved by combining both the European and

Indian cultures, even though the community adopted the religion, manners and ways of dressing of their European forefathers, their food is a mixture of both western and Indian. Perhaps, the Anglo-Indian cuisine is the very first example of ‘fusion food’ in the world; it is a result of reinventing and revamping popular European dishes with a dash of exotic Indian spices giving it a completely new flavor. Thus a completely new contemporary cuisine came into existence, which was neither too bland nor too spicy, but with a distinctive flavor of its own.35 It became a direct reflection of the multi-cultural cuisine.36

Anglo-Indian cuisine is a gourmet’s delight and is mostly prepared using English spices such as pepper, bay leaves, cloves, nutmeg, cinnamon.

Indian condiments such as chilies, cumin, coriander, turmeric, ginger,

53 garlic are also added in moderation. Yoghurt and milk are also used in certain preparations to offset extra pungency.37 The Luso-Indian food habits are unique; they prefer bread and meat stew for ‘Almosa’ (breakfast). They serve dishes like ‘Vindaloo’ (beef or pork) and ‘Cutles’(cutlets). For evening snacks they make ‘sowlinge’(with rice powder), ‘Penthe feethe’ (rice powder wet and shaped with a comb and fried in oil). They prepare soup on holidays and feast days.38

Food habits constitute an important component of group identity. The merging up of the eastern and western culinary habits in the Anglo-Indian cuisine creates an enchanting experience of taste.39 Anglo-Indian cuisine reflects the cultural affinity, taste and style of England. The flavour in the

Anglo-Indian kitchen reminds one of the fusions of traditional Indian and exotic western taste. Anglo-Indian special preparations, especially the

Christmas cake evoke the sweet memories of Christmas with its pomp and pleasure. Christmas has its enduring charm and rich tradition and the

Anglo-Indians added colors to it.40 Gloria Clifford of Fort Cochin seems excited while describing Christmas. The shops in Fort Cochin announce the arrival of Christmas with glittering decorations, colourful illuminations,

Santa masks, Christmas tree and stars. For them the preparation for

Christmas starts a month in advance. They make special plum cake and homemade wine. It is made of grape, banana, carrot and beetroot.

54 Christmas day is celebrated with a great banquet, and socializing on a large scale. It is celebrated with sports, games, music and dance.41 Such is the case with all the special occasions said, Mrs. Grace Rodridges.

The Anglo-Indians are non-vegetarians. They eat beef, pork and fish.

Vegetables and eggs are also consumed. Fruit consumption is moderate while the consumption of milk and milk products is high. Staple foods are rice and wheat. Eating with a spoon and a fork is a typical habit. Some of them prepare wine in their houses using grapes and other fruits, which is specially served during marriages and festivals like Christmas, along with cake.42 Another special item of food they prepare is a roasted turkey. Among the economically weaker sections of their society, expensive food is being replaced by cheaper local food.

The naming of the dishes is unique and original with rhythmic sounds like Doldol, Kalkal, Ding-Ding and Posthole. While Anglo-Indian Cuisine is said to be influenced by the various European invasions in India, it was the

British, who left an indelible mark on Kerala Cuisine. This new cuisine was often called “Club food”, referring to the food served even today in Country

Clubs throughout India. Roasts, stews, bakes, sandwiches and white bread are a legacy of the British, and the Anglo-Indians took these to new heights, making them part of their daily cuisine.43 Other dishes such as fish and

55 chips, cutlets, croquettes, sausages, bacon, ham, egg variants, puddings, custards, and a savoury treat known as Welsh rarebit became a part of the

Anglo-Indian culinary inventory.44

The Sunday English Breakfast of eggs, bacon and kippers, buttered toast, cheese, butter, jams; English roast dinners complete with steamed vegetables, roast potatoes, Yorkshire pudding and gravy, English sausages, colloquially known as “bangers and mash”, pies and puddings, especially the Yorkshire pudding and bread pudding, sandwiches became very popular.45 The concept of the English high tea in the afternoon was another remnant of the British.46

The Anglo-Indians are very jubilant in nature. They are free from inhibitions and taboos attached to social gathering and free mingling. Both men and women freely mix and mingle with each other which were unfamiliar to the traditional Indian society Wine and cake are integral part of their life, indispensable for receiving gusts at home. At every occasion, the

Anglo-Indians invariable offer wine and cake to every guest enters their homes. On Christmas time the use of wine increases many fold. The use of liquor is not strange in their social life. Both men and women take liquor.

Women generally prefer beer and it is a usual thing at the dining table. Men take whisky or brandy. They love to take a chota peg. The term Chota peg is claimed to be of Anglo-Indian origin.47

The baptism ceremony is another blissful occasion in an Anglo-Indian home. The birth of a child is often regarded as a divine blessing and there is no distinction between a boy and a girl. They whole heartedly welcome the newborn. On the fourteenth day the christening rites will be performed as per Roman Catholic Church norms. Parents have the right to choose the godfather and godmother from among the relatives. The selection of the godparents has importance as they have great influence in the life of the child. The baptismal ceremony is followed by a splendid meal.47 ‘The

Bowthise’ (Baptism) and wedding are the two instances where the Luso-

Indians retain their identity. Banquet and posh dressing and dancing differentiate the Luso-Indian community from others. Cake and wine are served on occasions like baptism and wedding.48

Another exclusive Anglo-Indian custom is manifested in their funeral ceremony. Death is a solemn occasion. The well-knit relations of the Anglo-

Indians are explicit at the funeral ceremony. The friends and relatives gather in large numbers and the women invariably wear black clothing based on their relation with the departed. Tremendous changes took place in the life of the Anglo-Indians and women have abandoned the habit of mourning in full black. Moreover, the Anglo Indians have given up many of the traditional rituals and practices mainly due to heavy expenses.

57 Kinship Relationship and Matrimonial Traditions

Family relations are very strong among Anglo-Indians. Their life in the railway colonies and cantonments has physically separated them from the main stream of society. Their preferential attitude to interact with the

Europeans and other Anglo-Indian groups virtually resulted in the development of socio-economic patterns of their own.49 Their employment in the Indian government services such as railways, customs, post and telegraph and the army necessitated frequent and periodic transfer from one place to another. This has ultimately disrupted their family life and many struggled hard to adjust to the changed situations causing their children to be poor performers.50

The Anglo-Indians follow the nuclear family system. Extended families are seldom found. Interpersonal relationships within the family are very strong and love and respect links the families together and quarrels are rare. Among them there is a great deal of cooperation on different occasions like birth, marriage, and festive occasions like Christmas and New Year and in times of suffering.51 Their religion and rituals help them to keep their solidarity. The Luso-Indians being ardent Catholics, apart from church services, family prayer is obligatory. After prayers the young members wish the elders ‘Boanoite’ (good night) and kiss them on their cheeks.

58 Women enjoyed respectable position in the family and are good housewives. They have the right to inheritance. There is great demand for

Anglo-Indian women for placement as teachers, secretaries, nurses and in public relations.52 They have the potential and many are professionally qualified. In the social, economic, religious and political avenues, they perform at par with men.

Large scale migration has affected their kinship relations. Today there are only a few Anglo-Indian families in various Anglo-Indian settlements in

Kerala like Cochin and Kollam as most of them have been migrated to different countries.53 Various associations of Anglo-Indians play significant role in strengthening their relations. The All India Anglo-Indian Association working today infuses a new hope to the remaining Anglo-Indians of

Kerala.54

Anglo-Indian Art and Architecture

The coming of the Portuguese changed the style of Kerala Architecture.

Till then there was no great difference in the architectural style followed by the Hindus and the Christians. The Portuguese introduced the Greco-

Roman style of Architecture. They built the St. Francis Church in Cochin, the earliest centre of Anglo-Indians, in the Latin style. It was in this church that the body of Vasco da Gama was kept until it was taken to Portugal.55

59 This style of church construction gradually spread across the country very soon. They adopted new architecture not only in the construction of the churches but also of the houses. The churches were built in Gothic style.

The fine architectural skills of these churches have left its lasting impressions on the many other churches built in Kerala later.56 There is a move from the Government of Kerala to recreate the old scenic beauty of these bygone eras in certain areas giving the street Portuguese, Dutch or

British characteristics with a view of attracting tourists.57 During the time most of the Anglo Indian houses were known as bungalows. The traditional style of giving the family name to the houses changed under the Anglo

Indian influence. For example ‘love dale’, ‘rose dale’, ‘love cottage’, ‘star dale’,

‘blue house’, ‘rose cottage’ are some of the new house names that gained ground.

The native rajas imposed a lot of restriction on the construction of buildings which continued up to the establishment of the Portuguese. The

Raja of Cochin authorised the Portuguese to built buildings and fortresses with stones and tiles. The Portuguese constructed a palace at Mattanchery and handed it over to the Raja to be his palace. There were few buildings in

Fort Cochin with underground cells; these cells were used to accommodate their slaves. They enjoyed a lot of privileges and their ancestors lived along

60 the important streets of Lilly Street and Burgher Street. The architectural style further improved and local people made a lot of buildings in the same manner during the British rule.

The Anglo-Indians comprise of both professional and amateur artists and architects. Tilly Kettle, John Zoffany and Arthur Davis were the experts who arrived in India in the second half of the Eighteenth century. John

Smart and Ozias Humphery were the great artists of the time. They were followed by renowned British artists like George Chinnery.58 All these artists painted in oils, but the most typical medium was water color. The trend in

Britain was for charming, raw nature and that the artists visit India to depict an extraordinarily inconsistent India with the description of travelers and later, of missionaries. Captain William, Captain Grindlay and Sir

Charles D’oly were some of the comparatively proficient amateur artists of the 19th century. By the latter half of the Nineteenth century, the interest in the picturesque had diminished and even professional artists limited themselves to narrative paintings demonstrating some unique and easily identifiable moral precept. The European intervention helped to stir up native interest in art.

The influence of the British is more conspicuous in the field of architecture. The house-building pattern quite common in Kerala is peculiar

61 for Luso-Indians. Usually in front and in two sides there will be the veranda.

The front portion is built as a portico for the guests. Chair and table were the important furniture in the guest room. The hall is called ‘saala’, the kitchen is called ‘Kusinja’. All the houses had separate dining rooms and bed rooms. The houses were provided with wide doors and windows. The roof will be tiled and these were called ‘Portuguese tiles’ till recently.

The microscopic Anglo-Indian community’s contribution to India’s mainstream cultural scene has been varied and significant. Stephen Padua remarks, “There was a time when we were the complacent lot, cocooned in their own world. Slowly the scenario changed- the Indian population had to meet the demands of the day, we were still basking in past glory. All avenues had closed; the rest had overtaken them by leaps and bounds in most spheres. Unable to survive, we were left groping in the dark. But survive we did. Our optimism won the day for us. The warm, loving people that we are, we showed the world that we had neither a care nor a worry in the world. Ready to break into a song or a dance when the occasion demanded, we were full of the joie de vivre of life. Those who understood the worth of our culture and way of living imbibed it. Our customs and manners soon became theirs and we too absorbed the good from the Indian cultural scene in a mutually beneficial exchange. Still as a community we have a

62 strong cultural identity of our own, which is the very essence of our existence”. 59

Anglo – Indian Education; A Critical Evaluation

The Anglo Indian contribution in the field of education is remarkable.

They are people whose mother tongue is English and they follow a western pattern of living. The English language is the symbol of their identity. They established Anglo-Indian schools mainly to foster the English language and their culture. Therefore the Anglo-Indians prefer Anglo-Indian schools and in its absence, as a lesser option they go for other English medium schools.

Although Anglo-Indian schools have their reputation and attraction all over the country, the Anglo-Indians do not benefit much out of it. Very few go for higher education and advanced learning.60 Before and during the early days of the post-independent period employment to some of the subordinate positions in the Indian government services were reserved for the Anglo-

Indians. Therefore they seldom bothered about higher education till the schemes for ‘Indianisation’ was implemented.61

The Anglo-Indian Schools were established for the educational advancement of the community. There were day schools and residential schools. Due to the firm base in English and considerably higher quality of education imparted by the Anglo-Indian schools, these schools were

63 preferred by the upper-class people who wanted their children to be trained in an academic environment and to acquire fluency in the English language.

Anglo-Indians are offered “free ships” in this school but it is inadequate to accommodate all the Anglo Indian children. Economic issues kept the

Anglo-Indian students outside these schools. Thus the Anglo-Indian schools appear to fail the very children that they were set up to help.62

Besides the economic issue, the Anglo-Indian students faced the problem of learning Indian languages. They were poor performers in class for the Indian languages. Often they failed to speak, read and write Indian languages and hence they became the repeaters in the class. They were branded the “duffers” and were accused of disrupting the class. The Anglo-

Indian students were to a large extent ignored in the classroom. The sad part is that the system has not been made accountable for the academic failure of the Anglo-Indian students. Anglo-Indian English medium schools did not have a well thought out plan to teach English as a second language to the students of the community. The third issue is religion. Approaching the question of religion was hampered with political problems. Any attempt to change or reinterpret religious education could well be treated as silliness or deception. Christianity at the present time is taught outside the school timetable. The schools experience of religious education went on alienating the Anglo-Indians from the non Anglo-Indians.63 Anglo-Indian schools were

64 established in India for two reasons. The first was that the British colonialists wanted a flexible, economical, literate and faithful workforce to fill “reserved” low-level positions in crucial services such as the railways, customs and excise, post and telegraph and police. The second was that the

Christian missionaries wanted to evangelize the Indian population and saw the Anglo-Indian population as an ideal entry point.

The British left the community a legacy for subordination. The schools consciously mould a racial, linguistic and religious framework of the Anglo-

Indians to their political, social and economic roles in India. The basic suppositions which trigger this, helps explain the colonial legacy which still exists in these schools. The obvious objective of the British administrators and Christian missionaries was to trim down disparity of educational opportunity for the Anglo-Indians. However, the educational system did not decrease inequality because the amount of schooling attained by Anglo-

Indians has always been disproportionate when compared with non Anglo-

Indians. Moreover, it has not been the ultimate motto of the colonial administrators nor Christian missionaries to produce students who were competitive, motivated and desirous of pursuing higher education.

Disparities in the Anglo-Indian’s educational accomplishment and the rapid

‘Indianisation’ of the services affected the income of the Anglo-Indian families.64

65 The social implications of the Anglo-Indian school system are significant. It reproduced the class structure of a great divide which the

British government and Christian missionaries had created for the community. The schools also helped to preserve and extend the power, prestige and wealth of the British government and Christian missionaries, by linking the English language and the Christian religion to a specific community. The British educational policy has some specific motives and the Anglo-Indian schools reflected these policies to some extent. It convinced the Anglo-Indian community that they were the best workers in India for subordinate jobs. The British recognized the necessity of restricting educational outcomes for the Anglo-Indians. The Anglo-Indians built up their ambitions on this limited educational experience which resulted in what they were given to believe was a fair shot at unequal economic reward.

Young men left school and entered subordinate services which lasted a lifetime. They rarely left school to enter higher education.

The predesigned educational policy and framework led to an economic structure within the Anglo-Indian social progression in which disadvantage was worn as a badge of honor. They felt satisfied and never tried to think beyond. Ambitions and initiatives were chained and fettered on a friendly comfortable social structure. They believed that to serve the British, speak the English language and attend a Christian church was the honorable

66 thing to do with their life. The unequal incomes and inequality of access to higher education lay in the dynamics of their economic life. This determined institutionalized disparity in educational and economic outcomes created an element of backwardness in the community. On linguistic terms Anglo-Indians never felt and did not want to be called backward because they speak English as mother-tongue. The existence of the exclusive much-sought-after Anglo-Indian schools prevented Anglo-

Indians from addressing their own educational backwardness.

Anglo-Indian culture has its innate beauty and charisma. Its customs and manners are unique. But with the onslaught of time and external interferences, their culture underwent gradual transformation. Most of their customs and manners were either ignored or vanished. But at the same time they have not fully integrated into the community of Kerala. This created an identity crisis which clubbed with their social alienation and economic crisis compelled into migration. The surviving Anglo-Indians fail to disseminate their culture in its totality to the younger generations.

67 language, family life, marriage, religion, education, cuisine and social standing has been analysed. These are largely contributing factors in the making of a community structure.

Notes and References

1. Tushar Kanti Sanyal, Anglo – Indians of Kolkata A Study of Social

Alienation, Kolkata, 2007, p. 89.

2. Mary A. Procida, Married to the Empire: Gender, Politics and Imperialism in India, 1883-1947, Manchester, 2002, p. 61-62.

3 Bharati Debi and Anshu Prokash Nandan, The Anglo Indians of Calcutta A community of Communities, Kolkata, 2006, p. 14.

4 Brigitte Bonisch-Brednich and Catherine Trundle, Local Lives: Migration and the Politics of Place, Surrey (England), 2010, p. 119.

5 Stephen Padua, Threads of Continuity, Cochin, 2005, p.112.

6 Caralie Younger, The Anglo-Indians Neglected Children of the Raj, Delhi,1987,p.76.

7 Frank Anthony, Britains Betrayal in India, London, 2007, p.378.

8 Mary A. Procida, Op.cit.pp. 61-63.

9 Ibid.

10 Mary A. Procida, Married to the Empire: Gender, Politics and Imperialism

in India, 1883-1947, Manchester, 2002, p. 212.

11 V. R. Gaikwad, The Anglo-Indians, Bobay, 1967, p. 28.

68 12 Esther Mary Lyons, Unwanted!: Memoirs of an Anglo-Indian Daughter of

Rev Michael Delisle Lyons of Detroit, Michigan, Kolkata, 2005, p. 91.

13 Kumar Suresh Singh, People of India: Maharashtra, Volume 1, Bombay,

2004, pp. 84-86.

14 Interview with Nelson Rebeira, Manjanakkad, Cochin.

15 S. N. Sadasivan, A social History of India, New Delhi, 2000, p. 434-35.

16 Jennifer Jane Frost, Kinship and Fertility in Kerala, Los Angeles, 1992, p.

103.

17 Anjana Singh, Fort Cochin in Kerala, 1750-1830: The Social Condition of a

Dutch Community in an Indian Milieu, Netherlands, 2010, pp. 110-112.

18 S. N. Sadasivan, Op.cit. pp. 434-35.

19 Gloria Jean Moore, The Anglo-Indian Vission, Melbourne, 1986, p. 4.

20 Emma Roberts, Scenes and characteristics of Anglo Indian weddings, p.

30.

21 Jaya Hariprasad, Marriage and Nation: Victorian Literature, the Anglo-

Indian Tradition, and the 19th-century Indian Novel, Ann Arbour, 2009,

pp. 84-105.

22 Shiva Kumar Gupta, Marriage Among the Anglo-Indains, Lucknow, 1968,

pp. 61-66.

69 23 Sara Jeannette Duncan, Set in Authority, Canada, 1996, p. 87.

24 Catholic Bisop Council, The Rite of Marriage, New York, 1970.

25 Shiva Kumar Gupta, Op. Cit. pp. 62-63.

26 Interview with Nancy Rebeira of Cochin on 28-08-2012.

27 Kumar Suresh Singh, People of India: Maharashtra, Volume 1, Mumbai,

2004, p. 83.

28 Lionel Caplan, Op. Cit., pp. 198-204.

29 Sarah Lamb, Aging and the Indian Diaspora: Cosmopolitan Families in

India and Abroad, Bloomington, 2009, p. 57.

30 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era :

Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, New Jersy,

2002, pp. 49-50.

31 Ken Albala, Food Cultures of the World Encyclopedia: [Four Volumes],

California, 2011, p. 232.

32 K. G. Jayne, Vasco Da Gama and His Successors 1460 to 1580, London,

2004, pp. 71-89.

33 Frank Anthony, Britain’s betrayal in India: the story of the Anglo-Indian

community, London, 2007, pp. 361-64.

34 Blair R. Williams, Op. Cit., p. 51.

70 35 Mobile References, Travel Oxford and Cambridge, UK: Illustrated Guide

and Maps, Mobile reference. com, 2010.

36 Panikos Panayi, Spicing up Britain: the Multicultural History of British

Food, London, 2010, p.54.

37 Lizzie Collingham, Curry: A Tale of Cooks and Conquerors, New York,

2006, p. 118.

38 Margaret Deefhollts, The Way We Were: Anglo-Indian Chronicles , New

Jersy, 2006, p. 150.

39 Patricia Brown, Anglo-Indian Food and Customs, Mumbai, 1998, pp.1-45.

40 Interview with Gloria Clifford of Fort Cochin on 18-08-2012.

41 Interrview with Mrs. Grace Rodridges of Vypin on 21-05-2012.

42 Frank Anthony, Op. Cit. p.370.

43 Linda Civitello, Cuisine and Culture: A History of Food and People, New

Jersey, 2011, pp. 270 – 72.

44 Lizzie Collingham Op. Cit. pp. 160-170.

45 Jeanne Jacob, The world cookbook of Anglo Indians, New Delhi, 2007,

P.23.

46 Theomothy Rims, Anglo-indian cusine; an art of synthesis culture, New

Delhi, 1995, p.34.

71 47 Chota Peg is a vernacular term for a drink of brandy or whisky and

soda water, which one drink in the early evening on the veranda while

wearing one’s soalr topi.

48. Frank Anthony Op. cit. p. 370.

48 Lionel Caplan, Children of Colonialism: Anglo-Indians in a Postcolonial

World, New York, 2003, p. 217.

49 Coralie Younger, Anglo-Indians Neglected Children of the Raj, New Delhi,

1987, p. 104.

50 S. Afsheen, Under Five Flags: Life Like a Turbulent River Flows,

Bloomington(USA), 2011, p. 71.

51 Union of Anglo-Indian Associations, Golden Jubilee Souvenir, Cochin,

2003, p. 71.

52 Bharati Debi and Anshu Prokash Nandan, The Anglo-Indians of Culcutta:

A Community of Communities, Kolkata, 2006, p. 19.

53 Narayana Jayaran, The Indian Diaspora: Dynamics of Migration, New

Delhi, 2004, p. 21-22.

54 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo

Indians as a Racially Mixed Minority in India, Leiden, 1973, p. 100-102.

55 Robert Arnett, India Unveiled, Georgia, 2006, p. 103.

56 Sreedhara Menon, Cultural Heritage of Kerala, Kottayam, 2008, p. 141.

72 57 The Hindu, 6 June 2012.

58 Francesco Pellizzi, Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics, 53/54: Spring and

Autumn 2008, Massacheusetts, 2008, p. 262.

59 Frank Anthony, Op. cit, p.396.

60 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era :

Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, Madras,

2002, pp. 99-106.

61 Laura Bear, Lines of the Nation: Indian Railway Workers, Bureaucracy,

and the Intimate Historical Self, 2007, pp. 105-107.

62 Blair R. Williams, Op. cit., pp. 103-113.

63 Lionel Caplan, Op. cit., pp. 94-95.

64 Laura Bear, Op. cit, pp. 64-65.

Chapter- IV ANGLO-INDIANS OF KERALA, A CASE OF COCHIN SETTLEMENT

The Anglo-Indian communities in Kerala are known in many names including Eurasians, Feringhee, Chattakaran and the Luso Indians.1 The article 366 of the Constitution of India refers the terminology Anglo-Indian to define “a person or whose father or any of whose male ancestors in the male line is or was of European descent but who has domiciled the territory of India and is or was born with in such territory of parents habitually resides therein and not established there for temporary purposes only”.2

Considering its historical expansion and territorial grouping, the Anglo-

Indians of Kerala are broadly classifieds in to twin subgroups; the

Tangaserry sect of Kollam claiming the British origin and the next is Cochin sect under the Portuguese origin covering the regions Vallarpadom,

Mulavukavu, Edakochi, Palluruthi and Kochi3.

Many people have raised the need of an authentic history of Anglo-

Indians in Kerala. As a constitutionally recognised community, the Anglo-

Indians have their own historic tradition of origin and growth. The descendents of Europeans in India, through centuries faced several socio-

74 economic, cultural and political changes. Portuguese the early colonisers of

India from Europe came to India in the 16th century, married Indian women and their progenies were called Feringi.4 Later the amalgamated grouping became a community called Luso-Indians. In the next centuries, the Dutch and British occupied the monopoly of Indian trade and they mixed with the existing Luso-Indians. These events marked the Anglo-Indian history of

Kerala.5

Growth and Expansion of Eurasian Luso-Indian communities in Kerala

The famed Portuguese navigator Vasco da Gama in 1498 looked for areas where he could collect spices. The visit of Pedro Alvares Cabral in

1500 made the Portuguese realize possibilities in Cochin for trade and this slowly led to the launching of a factory at Cochin, Cannanore, and QuiIon.6

Albuquerque started constructing forts. Settlements were established at

QuiIon, Cochin, Calicut and Cannanore. This helped to improve the prospects and to establish connections through them to unlock secrets of the localities from where different articles of trade could be obtained”.7Portuguese fort at Cochin (Fort Emmanuel), Cannanore (Fort

Angelo), QuiIon (Fort St. Thomas), Palliport (Vypeen island, north of Cochin) are standing monuments of Portuguese power in India. Each Portuguese settlement was protected by Portuguese and later the Luso - Indian families

75 stayed together inside the settlement with their cattle, carpentry workshop, smithy, tailoring, shoe making, baking etc.8

The Dutch invasion of Kerala severely disturbed not only the political arena and Portuguese supremacy, but totally affected the very social, religious and cultural life of Cochin and specially the Luso - Indians. The churches were destroyed, educational institutions and even the renowned library was burnt. The surrender of Portuguese at Cochin in 1663 was the beginning of the decline of Portuguese power in Kerala. The Portuguese and the Luso - Indians were the target of attack by the Dutch. So, these people were forced to protect themselves by fleeing to the interior villages of Kerala.

After the Dutch invasion and the consequent inter-marriages with the

Dutch and the British people the Luso-Indian community became more

‘European’ and thereby started to be termed as Eurasian.9

Eurasians of Quilon settled in the adjoining areas like Thangassery,

Clappana, Mavelikkara and Kayamkulam. They were settled in Aleppey and at Poracad. At Cochin and its suburbs like Nazareth, Saude, Cheriakadavu,

Palluruthy, Edacochin, Thevara, Perumanoor, Chathiath (Pachalam and

Vaduthala). They also settled at Varapoly, Moolampilly, Mulavukadu,

Bolgatty and Vallarpadam. At Vypeen Island the Luso-Indians were settled

76 at Manjanakkad, Ochanthuruthu, Elamkunnapuzha, Palliport and at

Kunjithai.10

The Luso - Indians in Calicut were concentrated near to the Cathedral

Church, and many were settled at Tellicherry further north to Calicut. One of the oldest of Luso-Indian settlements was at Cannanore (Where Fort

Angelo is situated). A concentration of Luso - Indians could be seen in and around Ambazhakkad (in the present Trichur district) where a Jesuit

Mission was functioning. The present Kadukutty and Padiyoor near

Mathilakam are near to this Ambazhakkad. During the First and the Second

World Wars many Luso - Indians residing near Cochin and other coastal areas further migrated to areas like Kadukutty and Padiyoor.11

During the British period many Eurasians came to Munnar and

Wayanad areas for employment in tea factories and plantations. They were good carpenters, smiths and mechanics. Later, many of them became civil contractors in the British estates and some of them turned to plantations and became estate owners. In all the above centres now the Eurasians have formed their own Associations joined with the other descendants of

Europeans, to maintain unity and cultural identity. Apart from the above,

Eurasian settlements are existing at Perumpadappu ,about 120 families, a place near Cochin, on the other side of Kumbalangi, separated by the

77 backwaters, Kandanad (including Kothad, Korambadam, Charianthuruth and Chennor, nearly 50 families, these are islands north-east to Vypeen),

Chathanad (nearly 30 families mostly Rebellos, an island near to Palliport),

Nettoor (Nearly 40 families mostly migrated from Venduruthy, a nearby island on occupation of the Navy), Kumbalangi (5 families, mainly Oliveiros),

Vengola (about 20 families , near to Perumbavoor where 195 acres of land was allocated in 1952 from the Govt. for a housing colony for Anglo –

Indians.)

Analysing the Socio-Economic and Political condition of Anglo- Indians in Kerala: Image from texts and field visits at the Cochin settlement

The districts of Ernakulum in Kerala are the platform centres of Anglo-

Indians and during the colonial era these were the major European strategic points.12 The demographic observations suggest that the Anglo-Indian population is on decline possibly due to their large scale migration to

Australia, Canada and to other European countries. Referring to the case of the Cochin settlement there are around 110 families with a population of

500. The 1931 census report marks the Anglo-Indians of Kerala with the population of 3026.13 The other areas of Anglo-Indian concentration in

Kerala are Alappuzha, Thiruvananthapuram, and Vayand.

78 The Anglo-Indians in Cochin usually use English for communication within the family and within the kin group. The script is also English.14But in recent times the reports from Cochin community exposes that most of the

Anglo-Indian registered Malayalam as their mother tongue. This definitely shows their affinity to common culture. The reports are similar in Kollam also. The Anglo Indians of Kollam send their children to Malayalam medium schools and they speak in Malayalam to people outside their community.15

The Anglo-Indians traditionally maintain a western kind of dressing pattern. This was almost true in the case of Cochin community also. But now a transition is evident and they started wearing an amalgam of both

Indian and European method and style of dressing. Anglo Indian women in

Kochi wear lunki from waist to heel with the long sleeve blouse popularly called Kavaya reaching up to the elbow. The women never wear much jewellery. 16

The Anglo Indian community in Cochin have a healthy as well as lavish eating pattern. They are Non vegetarians. They consume egg, fish, pork, beef and vegetables. Their fruit consumption is moderate. The use of milk and milk products are higher among them. Their staple foods are rice and wheat in the form of bread. They maintain the colonial methodology of eating and eating manners including the use of spoon and fork.17 The use of wine

79 especially during the occasion of weddings and birthday parties shows the imitation of European model to Anglo-Indian culture. They occasionally prepare dishes such as European cake and Turkey roast etc. But this is absent among the economically backward groupings of their community.18

The religious sectarianism is evident among the Anglo-Indians of

Cochin. But this never effects their social interaction. Due to their educational priority and social standards, the Anglo-Indian community in

Kerala owns a superior status within the local social hierarchy. The function of this class based hierarchy is to regulate marriages and social interaction.

The society is also classifieds on the surname basis to exhibit the descent.

Surnames like Fernandes, Diaz, and Decrus suggest Portuguese descent while Johnson and Saro indicate English descent, Nerohana of French descent Rodriguez of Dutch descent. But in Cochin most of the younger generation are unwilling to use surnames.19

Community level endogamy is strictly adhered to by the Anglo-

Indians.20 If any case of an endogamy is reported within the society, then the member and his spouse and may be his family will be socially boycotted.21But the field surveys from Palluruthi suggests that the inter community weddings with Latin Christians are on increase among Anglo-

Indians. The communities at Cochin are featured by territorial demarcation.

80 The wedding age is comparatively higher among the Anglo-Indians of Kerala.

It is about 30 among men and 25 among women. Most number of marriages among Anglo-Indians are love affairs and the arranged marriage is quite rare among them. That the boy or girl gets the liberty to choose his or her partner is a peculiarity of Anglo-Indian family system, but it is evidently imposed that it should not be an inter community selection. There are reports of the occurrence of arranged marriages for those who are working outside, but even in that case the parties get the liberty to know each other under parental supervision. The engagement function also known as betrothal usually takes place either in the Parish church or at the bridegroom’s residence. The officiating of priest in engagements is not a necessary thing among the Anglo-Indians of Kerala. The ring exchange, offering wines to the partner and kissing are the characteristics of Anglo-

Indian weddings.

On the eve of the marriage function the bridegroom holds a bachelor party. There is no fixed time gap between Anglo-Indian engagement and wedding. On the eve of the marriage the bride dresses in white and is escorted by the bridesmaids and relatives, and comes to the church and is led to the altar by her father. The bridegroom is led by best men who are often his brothers. After ascertaining their readiness, the priest blesses them, and first the boy and then the girl slips the wedding ring on fourth

81 finger of the right hand. Both of them take holy vows in the church to be faithful to each other until death parts them. Then they sign the wedding register. The wedding feast is elaborate. First cake and then wine is served.

After proposing and accepting of the toast, non-vegetarian food is served.

Men also have drinks. Ballroom dancing will take place in the evening in honour of the couple. First night is usually held in the bride’s house. The expenses of the feast are shared often by both the parties.22

On the third day, they proceed to the bridegroom’s house where a reception is held. Premarital sex is strictly prohibited. Monogamy is adhered to; levirate or sororities are not practised. Wedding ring with the initials of the partners inscribed inside the ring is the only symbol of marriage (Indian

Christians inscribe the initials outside the ring apart from the custom of tying the thali). Dowry is not in practice. After marriage, the newly married couple start a new household separately. Divorce is not allowed. Widow and widower remarriages are permitted.23

Micro families among the Anglo - Indian are usual and stay unaffected.

Macro families are rare to find in Cochin among Anglo-Indians. Among the family system, interpersonal, primary and secondary relationships are very high with the bondage of love and mutual respect instead of fear, and sense of compulsion. The presence of conflicts and disagreement are not very

82 common among the Anglo-Indians of Cochin. It can arise due to checks on the freedom of youngsters or when they misuse it. They follow equigeniture principle of inheritance. In case of an obituary of the head of the household, it is generally the spouse or mother who will control the members of the family. The family chieftainship is absent among Anglo-Indians. The families of the Anglo - Indian are found to be interrelated lineally or affinally. Thus they form allied family clusters.24Among them there is a great deal of cooperation on various events such as birth, marriage, festive occasions like

Christmas and New Year and at times of distress.25

Interpersonal relations in the Anglo - Indian family have some problems at the socio-psychological level as the children often migrate to distant places and abroad searching for better prospects. The parents may be forced to stay behind to look after the property or they may not like to leave the country. The Anglo - Indian women have the right to inheritance and enjoy equal status with their men though not in all spheres.26 Their activities are not confined to the kitchen. In the middle class, upper middle class, and upper class families they engage cooks in the kitchen. In many households, women are also earning members, employed as teachers, secretaries, nurses. Many are professionally qualified. In social, religious

83 and political activities they have equal participation. They control family expenditure. The rituals are performed by priests.27

Among the Anglo - Indian there is no pre-delivery rituals or restrictions, except that in the case of the first delivery the women may be taken to her parental house by her mother, preferably in the fifth or seventh month of pregnancy. The delivery takes place mostly in the hospitals. The expenses are shared by the husband and his in-laws.28 Like many other communities in Kerala the Anglo-Indians also do a custom of offering the new born kid honey containing gold particles.29 On the seventh or eighth day of the child’s birth, the baptism and name giving ritual takes place to which family members and friends are invited. The first child’s baptism usually takes place in the mother’s parish church and its paternal grandparents will be the godfather and godmother. They will be responsible for the proper

Christian upbringing of the child if orphaned. The child is given the name of the patron saint. The surname is added to the baptismal name. On the fortieth day after delivery, there is a purificatory ritual and is known as

‘churching’. The mother and child have no restrictions in their movements in the house and there is no suggestion of pollution. The first birthday is celebrated with feasting and dancing. When the child attains the age of seven or eight, the sacraments of Holy Communion and confirmation are

84 administered. Both are often held together and are followed by a feast. The godparents give presents to the child.30

The Anglo - Indian keep the accomplishment of puberty by a girl confidential and there are no rituals or ceremonies and no pollution is attached to it.31 During the Anglo – Indian death rites, the priest administers extreme unction which is a sacrament to absolve the recipient of all sins by thought, word and deed. The priest anoints the body with holy olive oil.

After death, the body is washed, dressed in special clothes and placed in the coffin. The body is kept in the main hall with legs towards the entrance, a crucifix and lighted candles are placed at the head. Relatives and friends bring flowers and offer prayers. Usually, nobody eats in the house and close relations keep awake throughout the night.32 The body is taken in a funeral procession to the church. After reaching the church, the coffin is placed on a raised dais facing the altar. The office of the dead is sung, sometimes a mass is also said, and then the body is taken to the cemetery. Before closing the coffin, the blood relatives imprint the parting kiss on the forehead of the deceased and then the coffin is lowered into the grave.33 Till the seventh day, evening prayers are said in front of the photograph of the departed. Every day the members of the family of the deceased go to the cemetery and visit the grave, say prayers, light candles and offer flowers. On the seventh day, there will be a requiem mass and prayers at the grave. On the thirtieth day

85 and first anniversary and subsequent anniversaries these ceremonies are repeated. The major changes in lifecycle rituals are that they are becoming less traditional and less elaborate because they are expensive.34

The local parish churches of the Anglo - Indian also exercise some socio- religious control. Those who commit open sins against the teachings of the Church can be excommunicated. The church and the community associations give rewards to its members for outstanding achievements or services rendered for the common good. The Anglo - Indians do not appreciate interference in their personal affairs by the Church or by their own ethnic organizations. Most of the Anglo - Indians of Kerala are followers of the Christian religion of the Roman Catholic sect and follow the Latin

Christian mode of worship. They do not have any family, clan, village or regional deities. The patron saints of the local parishes in which they are members are venerated with special reverence. The major centres of pilgrimage are St. Mary’s shrine at Vallarpadom and Velanganni. For them, the sacred specialist is a Roman Catholic priest (priests from their own community are few) who officiate at the naming ceremonies, marriage, funeral rites and at other sacraments.35

Economically, the present day Anglo-Indians in Kerala can be divided in to three sections. The well-to-do section in the community constituting

86 only one percent, middle class twenty nine percent and rest seventy percent belongs to the lower strata living a hand-to-mouth existence. Landlords, contractors, businessmen and officers who were very few in number form the well-to-do section living in bungalows. Petty traders, carpenters, masons, mechanics, blacksmiths, tailors, clerks and other members employed in different categories constitute the middle class living in stone- built and tiled houses. Those who are engaged in causal labour which is not a source of steady income, like pottery, bead making, and rope making could be categorized among the lowest section, most of them living in thatched huts. But irrespective of resources, the community as a whole is lavish. They make merry and do not think of tomorrow.36

Anglo-Indians perhaps believes in the Epicurean philosophy- “Eat drink and be merry, for tomorrow we die”. It is a fact that many of them were impoverished as they did not pause to think of the future37.

Christenings, birthdays, weddings and religious feasts are celebrated with lavishness. A few of them ventured in to the field of ship building, furniture and pottery. During the period between 1820 to 1870, Poney Gueizelar and his son Cornelius Gueizelar of Vypeen were considered to be master builders of ships. Anglo-Indians had an inherent aptitude for making beautiful pieces of furniture, as they were excellent craftsmen. They employed several men in their factories, irrespective of caste or creed,

87 trained young men in the trade and contributed to the economic growth of the state. There were also excellent tailors and lace-makers among the men and women of the community. Some of them were well known as interior decorators too.38

The Anglo-Indians in Moolampally, on the outskirts of the city of

Cochin, are masters of pottery. When Albuquerque had the Portuguese men married to Indian women, he also taught them different trades as tailoring, smithy, carpentry, cobblery, banking, pottery, boat-building etc. It is correctly presumed that the forefathers of the community in Moolampally have been trained in the art of pottery during the days of Albuquerque and hence it is now a traditional trade there handed down from father to son, their speciality being terracotta flower pots, banking-ovens made of clay and cooking pots.

Similarly, the cottage industry of making beads for the rosary, so much an integral part of the Catholic religion, also flourished in Kadukutty where a large colony of Portuguese descendants settled down. From the days of yore, this cottage industry had carried on from generation to generation.

Beads for rosaries are made from the dried seeds of the Palmyra tree with the help of simple machinery. The beads thus produced are purchased by monasteries and convents which made use of them for making rosaries39.

88 Traditionally, the Anglo-Indians were able to find jobs easily in the

Government during the pre-Independence period and for some years after

Independence (till 1960) as they were given special constitutional safeguards. Some Anglo-Indians are in the defence services, some were in the Railways and Post and Telegraphs. The technically qualified and the educated have migrated to Australia and Canada. Some are employed as medical representatives. The Anglo-Indian women also prefer taking up jobs in higher professional fields.

Speaking about the political condition of Anglo-Indians in Kerala, there is no traditional council among the Anglo-Indian. Though they are a closed and insulated group they have not developed any political institution. They have two associations in Kerala, The Union of Anglo - Indian Associations, particular to Kerala and The All India Anglo - Indian Association, an offshoot of an all India Body. These bodies have some control over the members; members of the council at all levels to the above bodies are elected. The control of the members is in matters relating to the interests of the community at large. Maximum punishment offered is social boycott and non co-operation. Crime and offences are not dealt with by these bodies.

Most of the members are still preserving the traditional values and customs of the community.40

89 Among the Anglo-Indians here at Cochin, many individuals are proficient in modern plastic art and craft. Music and dance are important aspects of the Anglo-Indian social life. Some individuals are proficient in playing western musical instruments. Both men and women dance. It is found in their interaction with other communities that the Anglo - Indian have no inhibitions in accepting or exchanging water, food with others.41

Anglo-Indian Settlements at Cochin a) Edakochi

The Anglo-Indian community at Edakochi is one of the largest settlements at Cochin. At present the Edakochi community carries about

250 Anglo-Indian families. The European decedents settled in and around

Edakochi and established themselves prominent in all spheres. Most of the men are turned to business and some of them are constructors. A few started ice plants and fishing units on their own. Frank Antony Anglo

Indian school (now it has been renamed as Pauline Victors Mendez

Memorial Anglo-Indian School) one of the largest Anglo-Indian educational centres started in 1945 is situated here at Edakochi. The Anglo-Indian association of Edakochi also laid important contributions for the growth and development of their community.42

90 b) Kadukutty:

Anglo-Indian Community in this hamlet named Kadukutty originated from the Portuguese. They were influenced by the regional culture prevailing in that area, as the society in that region included Hindus and Syrian

Christians. Though the social functions and other cultural functions were based on Portuguese traditions such as marriage, baptism, burial etc. there was a lot of local influence in their living. They adopted the regional language Malayalam mixed with Portuguese terms and the elders greeted their relatives in the Portuguese way. Many women wore ‘Kabaya’ - a long two-piece dress and other women folk wore the European type dress.43

Portuguese descendants were engaged in a variety of professions - agriculture, carpentry, lime-manufacture and white-washing. Some were engaged in making rosary beads and it was a cottage-industry for many years. There were also good technicians and experts in black-smithy. The farmers were somewhat well-to-do people.44 The region is not educationally advanced. Only after the inception of the Anglo - Indian School, did the children start learning the English language. Some of the prominent families were known by their surnames Correya, D’costa, Simethy, D’silva and

Rodrigues. During the period of Second World War some Anglo - Indian families of Portuguese origin migrated from Cochin to this hamlet and settled there and mingled with the early settlers.45 c) Fort Cochin

91 Fort Cochin is one of the earliest Portuguese settlements in India and the same place where they built its first fort, The Fort Emmanuel .The Fort can still be seen in land and sea. The ‘Kottapalli’ Santa Cruz Basilica and

‘Kottavaloppu’ are the words still used by the people of the locality.46 Fort

Cochin is the cradle of the Eurasian culture, and this place has a history of more than 500 years of European connection. After Vasco da Gama landed in Calicut in 1498, Pedro Alvares Cabral was the second Portuguese man who came to Kerala and landed in Cochin in 1500. Cochin was the headquarters of the Portuguese till 1530 and the Portuguese operations lasted in Cochin till the Dutch defeated them in 1663. Vasco da Gama was buried in the St. Francis Church at Fort Cochin. The 500 year old Santa

Cruz Bascilica, and the Dutch Palace are the attractions of this centre. Fort

Cochin has areas like then Vasco da Gama Square, the Albuquerque Jetty and European style of bungalows. The streets still bear the European names. At present the Fort Cochin community carries around 320 Anglo-

Indian families.47 d) Vallarpadam

The community at Vallarpadom has its own significance in the history of Anglo-Indians of Kerala. The Portuguese establish the ‘Church of our

Lady of Ransom’ at Vallarpadom to implement their religious interest. Here around 100 Anglo-Indian families reside and most of them are the original

92 descents of Portuguese. The lady wing of Anglo-Indian association and the

Youth Moment of Anglo-Indian community functions here at Vallarpadom.

St. Antony Anglo-Indian L.P school is functioning under the supervision of

Central Board of Anglo-Indian Education is located here. This school was founded in 1945.48 e) Cochin East

The Anglo-Indian community at Cochin East is a small one among the rest. The migration of Anglo-Indian families from islands and other remote areas in and around Ernakulum for the sake of education of their children and for jobs in the industrial establishments resulted in the formation of newer communities in the eastern parts of the city namely Kaloor,

Palarivattom, Vyttila, Kakkand etc. Around 120 Anglo-Indian families reside here.49

Expansion of Anglo-Indian Associations in Kerala

The Anglo-Indians are a cohesive group and they shape their own organizational setup. There are 36 centres in Kerala and they have these associations affiliated to the ‘Union of Anglo-Indian Associations, Kerala

State’ with its nerve centre at Perumanoor, Cochin. There are independent

Associations established at Calicut, Cochin and Quilon, allied to the ‘All

93 India Anglo-Indian Association, New Delhi’, which is an organization formed mainly by the descendants of the British.50

The historical tradition of Anglo-Indian Associations and institutions in

Kerala is a matter of toleration over a long period of time. It was the intrepid effort for continued existence by a minority community and the impact of the grave and combined attempts of a scattered grouping to escape from annihilation. It was one of hard toil; silent suffering and sincere sacrifice of a batch of well-meaning men to bring up their brethren. Anglo-Indian

Associations existed in different parts of Kerala even before the formation of the Union of Anglo-Indian Associations. But there was no coordination among them especially because the members of the community were residing in three different political areas viz. British Malabar, Cochin and

Travancore States.51

The Anglo-Indian Associations of Kerala were late in forming organizations and establishing institutions for educational and socio- economic advancement. In Travancore State there was an association at

Thiruvananthapuram which, though well-organized and financially stable right from its inception, met with a premature death as early as 1939. Since then there was no association in that area till the end of 1950. From available records it is seen that late Chevalier C.Paul Luiz, was a pioneer in

94 the field. Timber King Chevalier Luiz had abundant resources and vast influence at his disposal and was the most suitable person for the task. He convened a meeting of the leaders of the community at his Perumanoor office on March 11, 1922 when Prof. S.F. Nunez, C. Jockin Luiz, Dominic

D’Silva, Edward Gunter, J. Coeur, Augustine Dias and Rev. Fr. Charles

Noronha participated and co-operated with Chevalier Luis in this primarily socio-economic move. The association however did not live long. But it did have its impact. Chevalier Luiz could get Prof. Nunez nominated to the first

Legislative Council of Cochin State to represent the community.52 He could also get sanction to run an Industrial School for poor Anglo-Indian boys and girls. At present there are two Anglo-Indian associations that deserve special mention. Union of Anglo-Indian Associations is an exclusive one for the

Anglo Indians in Kerala. The second one is the branch of the All India Anglo-

Indian Association. These bodies have some control over the Anglo Indian communities since the councillors to both the organizations were decided through a process of election.53

Notes and References

1 R.S Whiteway, The rise of Portuguese power in Kerala, London, 1899, pp.110-

189.

95 2 Granville Austin, The Indian Constitution: cornerstone of a nation, Oxford,

1956, p.312.

3 R.S Whiteway,Op.cit., p.128.

4 F.C Danvers, The Portuguese in India, London, 1894, pp.71-72.

5 Ibid.

6 R.S Whiteway,Op.cit.,p.108.

7 R.G Ravenstein, A Journel of the first voyage of Vasco da Gama, London, 1898, p.48.

8 Ibid. manual, Bombay, 1929, pp.137-139.

1 4 Ibid.

14 Ibid.

9 V.R Gaikwad, The Anglo-Indians, New York, 1963, pp.15-34.

15 R.S Whiteway, Op.cit., p.58.

16 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era :

Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, New Jersy,

2002, p.128.

17 Ibid.

96 18 A.Galletti, Dutch in Malabar and Madras, Madras, 1911, pp.123-124.

19 Ibid.

20 Blair Williams, Op.cit., p.77.

21 Data gathered from a personal interview: Mrs.Adaline D’Monte of Princes street, Fort Cochin.

22 C.S Fernandes, Anglo-Indian marriage, New Delhi, 1971 p.12.

23 Data gathered from a personal interview: Mr. Antony Barua, Cochin

24 Mrs.Adaline D’Monte

25 C.S Fernandes, Op.cit.,p.20.

26 T.K Sanyal, Anglo – Indians of Kolkata A Study of Social Alienation, P. 89.

27 Bharati Debi , The Anglo Indians of Calcutta A community of Communities.

Kolkata, 2006, p. 14.

28 Evelyn Abel, The Anglo Indian Community: survival in India. Delhi, 1988, p.132.

29 R.S Whiteway, Op.cit., p.188.

30Stephen Padua, Threads of Continuity, Cochin, 2005, p.69.

31 Mrs.Adaline D’Monte

32 Data gathered from a personal interview:Mr. Kevin D’rozario, Cochin.

97 33 Coralie Younger, Anglo- Indians;Neglected Children of the Raj, Delhi, 1952, p.12.

34 Ibid.

35 R.S Whiteway, Op.cit., p.61.

36 Stephen Padua, Op cit.,p.4

37 Data gathered from a personal interview: Mrs. Betsy Fernandez, Burger street, Fort cochin.

38 Betsy Fernandes

39 Charles Dias, Golden jubilee souvenir of Anglo-Indian association-1953-

2003(Union of Anglo-Indian Association.

40 Information collected from field visit: Anglo Indian association, Edakochi.

41 Information collected from field visit: Anglo Indian association, Kadukkutti.

42Data collected from personal interview: Mr. Charles Austin, Kadukkutti.

43 Information collected from field visit: Fort Cochin, St.Marries Anglo Indian

Girl’s school, Mrs.Coral,

44 Jubileu De Ouro, Golden jubilee souvenir, The Union of Anglo-Indian

Association, Kerala.

45 Ibid.

46 Ibid.

98 47 C.Achutha Menon,Op.Cit.p.139

48 R.S Whiteway, Op.cit., p.33.

49 Ibid.

50 Ibid., 80.

99 Chapter V CHANGING STATUS OF THE ANGLO- INDIANS IN THE POST INDEPENDENT ERA- A CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS

The survival of the Anglo Indians in India was one of the major challenge and response as theorized by Arnold .J. Toynbee. They faced challenges both from within and outside; external challenges from their early masters1 and internal challenges from their Indian counter parts.2

They responded to these challenges sometimes successfully but most of the time unsuccessfully. The prospects of the Anglo Indians met with varying fortunes. Offspring’s of the new ethnic and linguistic group gradually developed under favourable European policy and attitude, especially that of the British. The Anglo-Indians are primarily Western in their outlook on life and in their lifestyle.3 Not only in their costume, faith and language, their social functioning where men and women enjoyed equal status and choosing their own spouse stands quite unusual in the Indian society.4

At the early stages the Europeans intended to develop an indigenous supporting group and generously encouraged their men to marry Indian women. The British even gave one pagola/ gold mohar for each child born of a European father to the Indian mother.5 A new ethnic group slowly but

100 steadily developed. During the initial stages the offspring’s were treated alike the European and they could find ready employment in the East India

Company. Many went to England for higher studies and new schools were established at Madras, Bangalore and Lucknow for equipping those remain in India for studies. The Anglo-Indians were treated at par with the

Europeans and there is no taboo attached to the marital or extramarital relations of the English with Indian women. They felt as Europeans both in culture and proclivity.6

By the latter half of the 18th century the British power was considerably established and the as per the strengthening of their authority the policy towards the Anglo-Indians began to change. They naturally unsolicited the strengthening of a parallel ethnic group in the colony and feared a threat from the side of the Anglo-Indians and framed policies for their progressive exclusion from British society and industry in India.7 This was evident from the repressive orders8 imposed at the instigation of the Court of Directors which ultimately leads to social and economic impoverishment.9

The authorities who generously opened the doors of employment for the

Anglo Indians discharged them from all ranks in the army. The easy entry of the Anglo Indians to Company’s civil, military and marine offices was severely restricted and the Anglo-Indians felt that they were discriminated.

101 The unexpected restriction on the people with the same culture and inclinations reduced them to economic impotence and they felt that they are socially dishonoured.10

The excessive dependence on government positions discarding the lucrative openings in trade and industry was one of the major reasons for their low economic status. They were excluded from the commercial life of

India and they missed the achievement motivation. They were satisfied with the middle level guaranteed jobs in government services and the British never permitted them to go beyond a certain level.11

By this time the Company entered in to war with the Marathas. The crisis situation warranted them to reverse their policy of antagonism towards the Anglo Indians. In 1798, a Proclamation was issued ordering

Eurasians to rejoin the Company’s armies. Relieved from the British regiment most of the Anglo Indians were placed in the service of local kings and chieftains. Therefore this was not a welcome call for most of them as it would cause the danger of financial loss and risk of death. Ignoring their early experience of oppressive attitude and injustices shown to them the

Anglo Indians readily responded to the British appeal for assistance.12

Immediately after the Second Maratha war, the British unscrupulously changed their mind. They once again wrecked the Anglo Indian dignity.

102 Disregarding the ferocious fighting, loss of life, hardships and sufferings the

British discharged all the Anglo-Indians from the British regiment in India.13

Unexpected eviction from service and consequent miseries made a change in the life and attitude of the Anglo Indians. Some offered their services to the

Indian princes. The turbulent period enabled many of them to think in a different way. Finding the restrictions and sufferings of the rewardless soldiering, many entered trade and commerce. In order to arrest the erosion of inner strength they also started Anglo Indian Schools during this time.

After 1820 the British reversed their approach towards the Anglo

Indians. This may be seen by the following Company order dated the 26th

June, 1821:14

“The Hon’ble Governor-in-Council having been pleased to

resolve that a corps of Artificers shall be raised for the service

of this Presidency (Madras) consisting for the present of one

Sergeant Major, 10 Sergeant Instructors and 100 Artificers,

directs that it shall be composed of sons of Europeans born

in India, and that it be denominated the Corps of ‘The

Carnatic Ordnance Artificers’ ... They will be enlisted as

European soldiers, will be paid, mustered and returned

accordingly ... The Artificers will be clothed in the usual

103 Ordnance uniform agreeable to the mode that obtains with

respect to European troops.”

With the offering of low level positions in government and company the condition of the Anglo-Indians began to improve. The career prospects of the

Anglo-Indians get better when English replaced Persian as the official language of the government. The Anglo-French war restricted the availability of British men in India which in turn further enhanced the job opportunities of the Anglo Indians. Anglo-Indian dependence on government employment continued till the 20th century.15

Post-Independence period

Since 1942 it was clear that the British has to quit. By 1947 when the

British were making preparations to pack from India, the Anglo-Indians were not in a mood to digest the hard reality of an India without British hegemony. A feeling of insecurity was rampant among the Anglo Indians at all levels for they feel unprotected in the absence of their English masters.

The imaginary fear spread across the community lead to a conclusion of large scale migration to England, Australia, and Canada.16 To the great surprise of those who stay back, the constitution makers of India provided much more protection and care than they expected with constitutional

104 safeguards. They continued to enjoy job reservations in various civil and military avenues.17

However the Anglo-Indians faced a host of problems in the post independent era. During the early stages they were unwilling to accept inferior jobs. At the same time most of them were not academically qualified and kept themselves alien to Indian languages.18 The need for occupational specialization in the post independent age made them vulnerable to unemployment. Even when employed, most of them found their place in the lower stratum of civil service. Very few are in the private business or entrepreneurial areas.19 They struggled hard to maintain a western way of life with the meagre income in India. All these situations together have an adverse impact on the social structure and family economy.

The Anglo Indians also undergo an identity crisis. The white skinned

English speaking Anglo Indians had an upper hand whereas the dark skinned found it difficult to be recognized in the community. Often the dark skinned felt the rejection from within and outside.20 While being faithful to their mother country, their language, culture and inclinations make the society feel that they are alien and there are instances when they themselves feel so. During the visit to the Anglo Indian houses we could invariably find picture of British royal family to crown the European

105 aesthetic interior. Most of the Anglo Indians were not in favour of assimilation to Indian society. In between assimilation and migration they prefer migration. In the course of discussion one of the Anglo Indian friends opined: “if we have to stay in India we have to assimilate and loose our identity”.21

Constitutional Status Determined By Definition

The post independent era marked a different history of the Anglo

Indians. They were given unprecedented recognition and elevated status by incorporating them in the constitution of India which was denied to many larger minorities in the country. According to the definition under Article

366(2) of the Constitution of India

“an Anglo-Indian’’ means a person whose father or any

of whose other male progenitors in the male line is or was of

European descent but who is domiciled within the territory of

India and is or was born within such territory of parents

habitually resident therein and not established there for

temporary purposes only”

The definition embraces Indians of purely European – male - ancestry, descendants of old Portuguese colonies, mesticos22 of Goa and people of

Indo- French and Indo Dutch descendants.

Constitutional Protection

106 The Constitution of India provided for the protection of the interest of the Anglo-Indians in three ways; general, special and specific.

A. General provisions

The constitution treats the minorities at par with the other people.

Article 14 of the Constitution of India provides for Right to Equality and

Article15 prohibits discrimination of any type.

Part III: Fundamental Rights; Right to Equality

Article 14 guarantees them equality before law. Article14 of the

Constitution of India states that the State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India.

Article15 provides for the Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth.

15(1) The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them.

15 (2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex,

place of birth or any of them, be subject to any disability, liability,

restriction or condition with regard to—

107 (a) access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment; or

(b) the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or dedicated to the use of the general public

15(3) Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any special provision for women and children.

15(4) Nothing in this article or in clause (2) of article 29 shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the

Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.

15 (5) Nothing in this article or in sub-clause (g) of clause (1) of article 19 shall prevent the State from making any special provision, by law, for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes or the

Scheduled Tribes in so far as such special provisions relate to their admission to educational institutions including private educational institutions, whether aided or unaided by the State, other than the

108 minority educational institutions referred to in clause (1) of

Article30.

PART IV: Directive Principles of State Policy

Article 44 makes provision for Uniform civil code for the citizens.

Accordingly the State shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territory of India.

PART XV : Elections

Article 325 provides for general electoral roll and Article326 endow with for right to universal adult franchise to all, including the minorities.

325. No person to be ineligible for inclusion in, or to claim to be

included in a special, electoral roll on grounds of religion, race, caste

or sex.— There shall be one general electoral roll for every territorial

constituency for election to either House of Parliament or to the

House or either House of the Legislature of a State and no person

shall be ineligible for inclusion in any such roll or claim to be

included in any special electoral roll for any such constituency on

grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or any of them.

326. Elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative

Assemblies of States to be on the basis of adult suffrage.— The

elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly

109 of every State shall be on the basis of adult suffrage; that is to say,

every person who is a citizen of India and who is not less than

eighteen years of age on such date as may be fixed in that behalf by

or under any law made by the appropriate Legislature and is not

otherwise disqualified under this Constitution or any law made by

the appropriate Legislature on the ground of non-residence,

unsoundness of mind, crime or corrupt or illegal practice, shall be

entitled to be registered as a voter at any such election.

B. Special Provisions

There are certain provisions under part-III of the constitution which specially aimed to safeguard the interests of the minorities in the country.

Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution endow with protection to the linguistic, educational and cultural rights of the minorities.

Part III: Fundamental Rights; Cultural and Educational Rights

29. Protection of interests of minorities.—(1) Any section of the

citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof having a

distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right to

conserve the same.

Article 29(2) provides for equality of educational opportunities

29(2) No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational

institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State

110 funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any of

them.

Education being a pivotal instrument of development, the Constitution also assures the right of the minorities to establish educational institution of their choice.

30. Right of minorities to establish and administer educational

institutions.—

(1) All minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have

the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their

choice.

C. Specific provisions

To ensure that the problems faced by the Anglo Indians are appropriately addressed, the constitution makers made a deliberate attempt by giving constitutional safeguards under Articles 331 and 333 which provides that the President or governor of a State can nominate members of the Anglo-Indian community to the Parliament and Legislative Assembly if they feel the community is not adequately represented. This is in addition to the protection provided by the constitution for the religious and linguistic minorities.

111 PART XVI: Special Provisions Relating to Certain Classes

331. Representation of the Anglo-Indian Community in the House of

the People. — Notwithstanding anything in article 81, the President

may, if he is of opinion that the Anglo-Indian community is not

adequately represented in the House of the People, nominate not

more than two members of that community to the House of the

People

333. Representation of the Anglo-Indian community in the

Legislative Assemblies of the States.— Notwithstanding anything in

article 170, the Governor of a State may, if he is of opinion that the

Anglo-Indian community needs representation in the Legislative

Assembly of the State and is not adequately represented therein,

nominate one member of that community to the Assembly.

Besides the representation in the legislature, a temporary preference with regard to employment and educational grants for Anglo-Indians for a period of ten years was also provided by the constitution.

336. Special provision for Anglo-Indian community in certain

services.— (1) During the first two years after the commencement of

this Constitution, appointments of members of the Anglo-Indian

community to posts in the railway, customs, postal and telegraph

112 services of the Union shall be made on the same basis as

immediately before the fifteenth day of August, 1947.

During every succeeding period of two years, the number of posts

reserved for the members of the said community in the said services

shall, as nearly as possible, be less by ten per cent than the

numbers so reserved during the immediately preceding period of two

years:

Provided that at the end of ten years from the commencement of

this Constitution all such reservations shall cease.

(2) Nothing in clause (1) shall bar the appointment of members of the

Anglo-Indian community to posts other than, or in addition to, those

reserved for the community under that clause if such members are

found qualified for appointment on merit as compared with the

members of other communities.

Article 337 provides Special provision with respect to educational grants for the benefit of Anglo-Indian community.

337. Special provision with respect to educational grants for the

benefit of Anglo-Indian community.—During the first three financial

years after the commencement of this Constitution, the same grants,

113 if any, shall be made by the Union and by each State for the benefit

of the Anglo-Indian community in respect of education as were made

in the financial year ending on the thirty-first day of March, 1948.

Representation of the Anglo-Indian community in the Parliament and

Legislative Assemblies.

The provision in the constitution for ensuring adequate representation in the legislative assemblies marks a great achievement for the Anglo

Indians. It enabled them to have a say in the legislative bodies and keep their live presence in the main stream of Indian politics. The representation given to the Anglo Indians was initially for a period of ten years. In 1959 by the eighth amendment of the constitution the period was enhanced to twenty years. Further it’s extended for ten years each by the twenty third, forty fifth, sixty-second, seventy ninth and ninety fifth constitution amendments as detailed in the following table.

The constitutional makers foresee time bound effort on the part of the

Government machinery and the general public for the enhancement of the special category communities like Scheduled caste / scheduled tribes and

Anglo Indians.23 The most depressing fact is that the overall status, socio- economic condition and political influence of the community remained unchanged or even worsened than that of the independent period.24

114 Anglo Indian leaders represented the Community in the Lok Sabha

The Anglo Indians are urban dwellers. Exact number of Anglo Indians living in India is not available. Some of them name themselves as

Europeans and many of them assimilated to the main stream of other communities. However it is estimated that roughly 80,000-125,000 Anglo-

Indians are living in India. Most of them are based in the cities of Delhi,

Kolkata, Chennai, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Kanpur, Mumbai and

Tiruchirapalli. Anglo-Indians also live in Kochi, Goa, Secunderabad,

Visakhapatnam, Lucknow, Agra and some towns of Bihar, Jharkhand and

West Bengal.25

They have been represented by the leaders of the community and the most prominent among them was Frank Anthony. From 1952 to 1996 Frank

Anthony represented the Anglo Indians in the Lower house of the parliament. His leadership, influence and exposure to law contributed to the constitutional safeguards in the young republic. He tirelessly fought for the rights of the Anglo Indian community in India. He was a true patriot and loyal to India.26 He appealed the Anglo Indians: “let us cling and cling tenaciously to all that we hold dear, our language, our way of life and our distinctive culture. But let’s always remember that we are Indians. The community is Indian. It has always been Indian. Above all, it has an

115 inalienable Indian birth right. The more we love and loyal to India, the more will India be loyal to us.”27

The list of Anglo Indian Representatives in Lok Sabha is given below:

Sl. No. Constituency Name of Member

FIRST LOK SABHA 17.4.1952 – 4.4.1957

1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony

2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow

SECOND LOK SABHA 5.4.1957 – 31.3.1962

1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony

2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow

3. Nominated Shri. D. Ering

THIRD LOK SABHA 2.4.1962 – 3.3.1967

1. Nominated

2. Nominated

3. Nominated

116 FOURTH LOK SABHA 4.3.1967 – 27.12.1970

1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony

2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow

3. Nominated Shri. D. Ering

FIFTH LOK SABHA 15.3.1971 – 18.1.1977

1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony

2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow

3. Nominated Shri. D. Ering

SIXTH LOK SABHA 23.3.1977 – 22.8.1979

1. Nominated Shri A.E.T. Barrow

2. Nominated Shri. Rudolph Rodrigues

SEVENTH LOK SABHA 10.1.1980 – 31.12.1984

1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony

2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow

117 EIGHTH LOK SABHA 31.12. 1984 – 27.11.1989

1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony

2. Nominated Shri. A.E.T. Barrow

NINTH LOK SABHA 2.12.1989 – 13.3.1991

1. Nominated Shri. Joss Fernandus

2. Nominated Shri. Paul Mantosh

TENTH LOK SABHA 20.6.1991 – 10.5.1996

1. Nominated Shri. Frank Anthony

2. Nominated Maj.Gen.Robert E Williams

ELEVENTH LOK SABHA 15.5.1996 – 4.12.1997

1. Nominated Shri. Neil O’Brien

2. Nominated Shri. HedwigRego

TWELFTH LOK SABHA 10.3.1998 – 26.4.1999

1. Nominated Dr. Mrs. Beatrix D’Souza

118 2. Nominated Lt.gen. Neville Foley

THIRTEENTH LOK SABHA 10.10.1999 – 6.2.2004

1. Nominated Dr.Mrs.Beatrix D’Souza

2. Nominated Shri Denzil B Atkinson

FOURTEENTH LOK SABHA 17.5.2004 -31.5.2009

1. Nominated Mrs. Ingrid Mcleod

2. Nominated Shri. Francis Fanthome

Article 333 of the Constitution of India provide for the nomination of an

Anglo India representative if not adequately represented. Since the study concentrates on Cochin, the list of Anglo Indian Nominated members of

Kerala Legislative Assembly is given below.

Sl. No Constituency Name of Member

FIRST KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1957-1959

1 Nominated Shri. W.H. D’cruz

SECOND KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1960-1964

2 Nominated Shri. C.F. Periera

119 THIRD KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1967-1970

3 Nominated Shri. S.P. Luiz

FOURTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1970 1977

4 Nominated Shri. Stephen Padua

FIFTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1977 – 1979

5 Nominated Shri. Stephen Padua

SIXTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1980 –82

6 Nominated Shri. Stephen Padua

SEVENTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1982 – 1987

7 Nominated Shri. Stephen Padua

EIGHTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1987 – 1991

8 Nominated Shri. Niclos Rodrigues

NINTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1991- 1996

9 Nominated Shri. David Pinheiro

TENTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 1996 – 2001

120 10 Nominated Shri. John Fernandez

ELEVENTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

11 Nominated Shri Ludy Luiz

TWELFTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

12 Nominated Simon Britto

THIRTEENTH KERALA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

13 Nominated Ludy Luis

Education and language

Education and language are the vital components in the development of the Anglo Indian Community. They established Anglo Indian Schools for the fostering of their exclusive culture and language. This has been clearly articulated by the constitution makers by incorporating the rights of the

Anglo Indians to run educational institutions of their choice. However there has been great demand for the elimination of British system of education and English language28 The community is scared of such a move from the majority towards a defenceless microscopic minority. The leaders of the

Anglo Indian community raised their voice against this demand which is

121 fatal and would lead to the total extinction of the community. They found their only refuge in the constitution and judicial system of the country. The

Anglo Indians fought several successful legal battles in their attempt to preserve their constitutional rights.

The community attitude relating to these problems is reflected by the following remarks of Frank Anthony29, the then president of the All India

Anglo-Indian Association:

“Remember this, without our schools and without our

language English, we cannot be an Anglo-Indian Community.

We may be like the Feringis of Kerala who claim to be

originally of Portuguese descent but who have merged into

the lowest stratum of the Indian Christian community, with

their mother-tongue as Malayalam. Without our language,

without our schools, we cannot be an Anglo- Indian

Community. We may be anything else. And that is why we

have mounted increasing vigil in respect of our schools and

our language”.

The All-India Anglo-Indian Association is the representative agency for most Anglo-Indians in India, maintains a large section whose function is to

122 supervise and foster British-styled education. It organizes and manages a curriculum and administration of Cambridge–styled education. These schools were intended to be available for Anglo-Indian Education.30 Hence any adverse effect on the school system will have its repercussions in the flourishing of the community.

There were numerous cases of resistance from various parts of the country on the language policy and even some state governments took stand against English education system. Since education and English language are the life blood of the Anglo Indians any move against English education has its reflections on the emotional life and social security of the Anglo

Indians. Whether or not English will be hold as a medium of education and communication continues to be a problem for the Community. The government has, at various times, tried to replace English and make Hindi the lone national language of the country.31 The natural opposition on the part of the Anglo Indians to such replacement is seldom heard due to their lack of political strength. It was only because of regional and linguistic group opposition, as well as periodic violence, the government has not been able to establish Hindi as the national language. Thus the Anglo-Indian has temporarily been spared. The Anglo Indians face many difficulties for the retention of their language medium.32 The latest incident came from

Karnataka. The 1994 language policy was challenged in KAMS vs State of

123 Karnataka & Ors33 and a three- judge bench of Karnataka High Court comprising of CJ Cyriac Joseph,Manjula Chellur and N.Kumar JJ , ruled out that a state Govt. order issued in 1994 mandating Kannada or the mother tongue as the compulsory medium of instruction in all primary schools classes (I-V)state wide, is violative of the fundamental rights of the promoters\owners of 11,954 unaided or independent primary schools in

Karnataka. Therefore the order was quashed by a full Bench of the high court in 2008. “The judgment clearly states that every citizen has the right to select the medium of their choice.” Judgment of the full Bench was challenged by the government in the Supreme Court. In July 2008 the

Karnataka High Court had directed the state government to permit English medium schools. Similar cases arose from different parts of the country. The

All India Anglo Indian Association fought legal battles in all cases. English being the chief identifying mark of the Anglo Indians, any fight for its protection is both language- development oriented and language-survival oriented. In T.M.A. Pai Foundation And Ors v Union India34 it was held that promoters of educational institutions are exercising their fundamental rights to engage in an “occupation “under Article 19 (1)(g) and that establishing and administering an educational institution is a legitimate occupation. J. Kumar observed that “it is implicit in the said right to

124 establish an educational institution, the right of a citizen to choose the medium of instruction in which knowledge is to be imparted”.

The government restriction on the usage of English in the public school system would adversely affect the effective functioning of the schools and the morale of the community. Moreover the western oriented education system run by the Anglo Indians become unaffordable to the members of the community. Thus the community faces two important issues on the one side the government interference and opposition from the side of the political parties and majority communities which generates fear, anguish and crisis among the rank and file of the community. For the establishment of the unquestionable constitutional rights they have to spend their time and energy for frequent litigations and settlements. The second problem is the ever increasing cost of education. The community runs the Anglo Indian schools at various parts of the country primarily for the training of their own members but they cannot afford to send their children to such schools. In many Anglo Indian schools the Anglo Indian enrolment is very low.35

The constitutional guarantee for the establishment of a school system for the development of the community is something sacred to be observed.

Since they rarely speak the vernacular language in a flair manner, any move on the infringement on the freedom in the use of English will be fatal.36

125 Their distinct entity shall not be threatened by nationalism or all India feeling.

Language policy in India has tailored itself to the changing demands and aspirations of people over the period of time from 194737 to the present.38 The question of a national language – which was wisely addressed during the formative years of independence by not declaring any language as the national language – has now been permanently settled. English today is almost a compulsory second language.

Conclusion

The constitutional makers laid down irrevocable protection to this ethnic group by way of various constitutional provisions discussed above.

But in fact all the efforts failed to make the desired result. The presence of the representatives of the community in the Lok Sabha or the assembly has been a boon to the deplorable community. However, many of the members nominated to the legislative bodies across the country found themselves helpless to articulate the needs of the community in the floor of the House.

Moreover the nominated members are not answerable to the community and they assume office not by way of a plebiscite and the stress and strain of an election. Besides constitutional protection and stipulated nomination, the preservation of a culture which faces the danger of imminent extinction is the responsibility of the nation as a whole. Traits and traditions the Anglo

126 Indian culture has its innate beauty and richness which is something to be protected and enriched for the opulence of the cultural synthesis of our great country.

Notes and References

1 Coralie Younger, Anglo-Indians, neglected children of the Raj, p. 146

2 Noel Pitts Gist, ‘Cultural vs. social marginality: the Anglo-Indian case’,

Phylon, vol. 28, pp. 261-275.

3 Esther Mary Lyons, Unwanted!: Memoirs of an Anglo-Indian Daughter of

Rev Michael Delisle Lyons of Detroit, Michigan, p.87.

4 Kumar Suresh Singh & B. G. Halba, People of India Karnataka, p.353.

5 Gloria Jean Moore, The Anglo-Indian Vission, Melbourne, 1986, p.4.

6 Gaikwad, V. R., The Anglo-Indians: a study in the problems and processes

involved in emotional and cultural integration, p.24.

7 Owen Snell, Anglo-Indians and their future. p. 14.

8 Within a decade the British passed three orders targeting the Anglo

Indians. The first one was in 1786 which prohibited the wards of the

Upper Orphanage School at Calcutta from proceeding to England to

complete their education to qualify for the covenanted services.

127 The second order was passed in 1791 by which the Indian born Children

of Britishers were prohibited from being employed in the civil, military

and marine services of the company.

The third order of 1795 prevented the employment of all persons not

descended from European parents on both sides in the army except as

fifers, bandsmen, and drummers

9 Ibid

10 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo-

Indians as a Racially- mixed Minority in India, p. 38.

11 D’Souza, A. A., Anglo-Indian education: a study of its origins and growth

in Bengal up to 1960. p.

12 Evelyn Abel, The Anglo – Indian Community: Survival in India, p. 19.

13 Corlie Younger, Anglo-Indians, Neglected children of the Raj, p.12.

14 Herbert Alick Stark, The call of the blood: or, Anglo-Indians and the Sepoy

mutiny, p.49

15 W. B. Vasantha Kandasamy, Florentin Smarandache and K. Kandasamy,

Reservation for Other Backward Classes in Indian Central Government

128 Institutions Like Its, Iims and Aimms: A Study of the Role of Media Using

Fuzzy Super Frm Models, p.212.

16 Quentine Acharya, The Way We Were: Anglo-Indian Chronicles, p. 40.

17 Sumeet Jain, ‘Tightening India’s “Golden Straitjacket”: How pulling the

straps of india’s job reservation scheme reflects prudent economic

policy’, 8 Wash. U. Glob. Stud. L. Rev. 567(2009).

18 Winifred Crum Ewing, Willem Adriaan Veenhoven and Stitching Plurale

Samenlevingen, Case Studies on Human Rights And Fundamental

Freedoms: A World Survey, Volume 2, p. 175.

19 Bridget White, Kolar Gold Fields - Down Memory Lane: Paeans to Lost

Glory!, p.65.

20 Subodh Kapoo, The Indian Encyclopaedia, Volume 1, p.1553.

21 Data gathered from a personal interview: Anil D’silva, Ernakulam.

22 Mixed Portuguese and Indian.

23 National Committee for Xth International Congress of Anthropology and

Ethnological Sciences, Xth International Congress of Anthropological and

Ethnological Sciences, India, December 10 to 21, 1978, Volume 1.

129 24 Clive Dewey, Anglo-Indian Attitudes: Mind of the Indian Civil Service,

p.153.

25 Wright, R & Wright, S 1971, ‘The Anglo-Indian community in

contemporary India’, Midwest Quarterly; vol. 12, no. 2, pp. 175-185.

26 Tenth Lok Sabha Member’s profile, Lok Sabha Archives, New Delhi

27 Glenn D’Cruz, Midnight’s Orphans: Anglo-Indians in Post/Colonial

Literature, p.189.

28 S. Bhattacharya, Philosophical Foundation of Education, Part 1, p.15.

29 Mr. Anthony’s Presidential Address, The Anglo-Indian Review, 57:39

(November-December; 1966).

30 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era:

Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, p.151.

31 Amy B.M. Tsui and James W. Tollefson, Language Policy, Culture, and

Identity in Asian Contexts, p.187.

32 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo-

Indians as a Racially- mixed Minority in India, p.132.

33 KAMS vs. State of Karnataka & Ors (Writ Petition No. 14363/1994).

130 34 2002 8 SCC 481.

35 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo-

Indians as a Racially- mixed Minority in India, p.119.

36 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era:

Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, p.136.

37 Heinrich Mario Nink, English in India: History, features and users, p.7-8.

38 James W. Tollefson, Language Policies in Education: Critical Issues,

p.165.

131

Chapter VI PAGEANTRY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN INSTITUTIONS AND STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE

An ethnic hybrid group holding unique culture, customs and practices, protected by unprecedented constitutional safeguards, and reservation started a new life in the new world unprotected by the British. Anxieties and reservations slowly banished and the Anglo-Indians began to adapt to the new environment. Still the inherent problems of a small minority community having different language, customs and manners quite different from Indian mainstream had their own problems.1 Their initial concern was the building up their society without losing the identity of their culture.

Nature of their institutions reflects the core concern of the Anglo-Indians.

They give importance to the bringing up of educational institutions to promote their language and protect their culture.2 Employability of their people has been another apprehension. In the time of stress and strain of social assimilation, acceptability and career building they sought asylum in their church and faith. As years passed by the community feeling and organizational demands necessitated by the Indian settings limited them to exclusive groups of their own and associations were formed.3 Their

132 educational institutions, charitable organisations, social and religious organizational are discussed here. Over the years their institutions mainly educational institutions began to be suffocated by external pressure and

Church failed to give the required moral strength and they felt their existence in danger.

Anglo-Indian Schools

Schools constitute the predominant Anglo Institution established and maintained by the community. It has been primarily aimed to preserve the unique culture and tradition of Anglo-Indians, which are their proud heritage. In 1945, the Government of Cochin approved the beginning of

Anglo Indian- Schools in the state.4,5 Initial sanction to start the schools was mainly because of the poor educational facilities and deteriorated standards and the style and frame of Anglo-Indian Schools functioned in Madras,

Mumbai and Bengal were in the minds of the founders. The thirteen Anglo-

Indian schools started during the time were:

1.C.C.P.L.M.A.I.L.P.S., Perumannoor 2. Frank Antony E.P.S.,

Edacochin, 3. Loretto Anglo-Indian Lower primary School, Saude 4. Holy

Family E.P.S., Chathiath, 5. St. Francis Anglo-Indian Lowers primary

School, Bolghatty, 6. St, Antony’s EP School, Vallarpadam, 7.Cruz Milagrez

EP School, Ochenthuruth, 8. European Primary School, Elamagunna

133 Puzha, 9. Luiz Anglo Indian Lower Primary School Kadukutty, 10. Don

Bosco EP School, Padiyur, 11. Sacred heart Anglo Indian Lower Primary

School, Moolampilly, 12, St. Sebastian Anglo-Indian Lower primary School,

Palluruthy, 13. Infant Jesus Anglo-Indian Lower Primary School,

Ernakulum.6

Later on similar schools were started in Varapuzha and Kunjithai. But in due course of time the schools at Ernakulum, Palluruthy, Moolampilly and Varapuzha were ceased to exist. The Perumannoor and Saude schools were upgraded to High School and Kadukutty, Vaduthala and Edakochi to upper primary level.7

The development of the school system and language has been integral to the development to Anglo-Indian culture and their survival in the country. Despite constitutional safeguards the community failed to get definite answer to their problems. One typical example can be traced from the proceedings of the Kerala Legislative Assembly. Shri. Stephen Padua,

Anglo-Indian representative in the Kerala Legislative Assembly raised a question on the floor of the Assembly on 27.04.1971: ‘will the Minister for

Education and Home be pleased to state: Whether the Central Board of

Anglo-Indian Education, Kerala state Ernakulam, Cochin-15 a Corporate body will be given sanction to upgrade at least one from among the eleven

Primary Schools run by them with effect from the beginning of the next

134 academic year?’ The minister answered: ‘ No definite assurance can be given. The Board may try their chance by applying for upgrading the school when the Director of Public Instruction invites applications for opening and upgrading schools, by notification in the gazette, next time. The application will be considered on merits’8

The Anglo-Indians prefer to send their children to the Anglo- Indian

Schools itself, for those schools were established with the specific purpose of imparting English education and Anglo-Indian culture to the offspring of the community.9 But most of them were unable to bear the educational expenses due to the economic crisis and unemployment. Converting the

Anglo-Indian schools in to the aided sector might have resolved the problem but the government restrain from bringing them to aided sector due to political reasons. The Government fears that if the Anglo-Indian schools were brought under aided category ‘all the other recognized schools will also ask for it’.10 Many often the Anglo-Indian representatives and the Anglo-

Indian Associations fail to convince the Government the significance of

Anglo Indian schools and why they should go the Anglo-Indian schools itself. Shri. Stephen Padua the Anglo-India representative in the Assembly explains things but it was not sufficient to persuade the government to take appropriate action.11

135 Today the Anglo-Indians are not much particular about the Anglo-

Indian Schools because they believe that nothing different happens there; no room for the propagation of culture, tradition and customs12. The quality too is not adorable. There are numerous English medium schools and some are with name Anglo-Indian, though not established by and for the community. Moreover, the community does not have sufficient trained personnel to deploy as teachers.

Anglo-Indian Associations

Vasco-de-Gama set in motion a process of interaction between the western and Indian cultures. The Portuguese were good in developing intercultural relationship with local population. They combined religious fervor with economic motives, developed a new social understanding with the people with whom they lived in the new world. This cultural inflow continued during the time of French and Dutch. With the coming of the

British the community gained momentum, strength and confidence. But the

British at times cared them and ignored other time according to the change in the mood and need of Great Britain.13 The Eurasian community which evolved through the different hegemonies began to share common set of interests, values and cultural elements which formed the base of psychological feeling of oneness. Organizational structure which is another constituent of a community to satisfy various needs and desires of its

136 members in their social life evolved with the discrimination by the British and the alienation from the Indians. During the early days of nineteenth century witnessed an organized community life with in the Anglo-Indian minority. They realized that the survival of the community required an organizational defensive action, for which they formed the Anglo Indian

Association.14

The community surfaced at the lap of Christian faith following the inter marriages and consequent embracing of new faith. Though, not at par with the British, the Church treated the Anglo-Indians as brethren- children of the same God. As leaders became more and more conscious of the general welfare of the community, the organizational support became a requirement of the needy. Throughout the nineteenth century a lot of organisations came in to prominence and some were exclusively for the Anglo-Indians.one such earliest organization was the Eurasian and Anglo-Indian Association, established in Bengal in 1876. After three years the Anglo-Indian and

Domiciled European Association of Southern Indian was founded.15

Anglo-Indian Associations were formed at various parts of Kerala even before the formation of the Anglo-Indian Union. But there was the absence of effective coordination between the various units functioning in Cochin,

Travancore and Malabar. On 11the March 1922 a meeting was convened by

137 Chev. C. Luiz at Perumannoor and laid the foundations of a new organization with Paul Luiz as president and Prof. S. F. Nunez as secretary.

This initial attempt was insufficient to continue the organizational structure. However, Prof. S. F. Nunez was selected to represent the Anglo-

Indian at the first legislative council of Cochin State. Various efforts were made to reinvigorate the organizational framework of the Anglo-Indians in the state. On 30th December 1934 the South Malabar Anglo-Indian

Association was inaugurated at Vallarpad16am. This also met the same fate of the previous organizations. During this time Sir. Henry Gidney the

President-in-chief of All India Anglo-Indian Association visited Ernakulum and Fort Cochin and established branches of the Association. In 1940

Frank Anthony became the President – in - chief - of the All India Anglo-

Indian Association.

In 1945 Mr. Stanley Luis became the president of the Anglo-Indian association. His nomination to the Cochin Legislative council made a breakthrough in the life of the Anglo-Indians. The Government sanctioned a dozen primary schools to the community, few scholarships and half-fee concession to the members of the community.17 The federated Anglo-Indian

Association with fourteen branches was amalgamated with the All India

Association in 1946. But the policies, programmes and terms of the association alienated them from the organization18. Critical to the policies of

138 the All India Anglo-Indian Association, the representatives of all the Anglo-

Indian Associations in the Travancore Cochin State met at Perumannoor on

14th October 1951 and decided to form the Union of Anglo-Indian

Associations. Mr. A. A. D’ Luiz was the man behind the formation of the

Union of Anglo-Indians. He has drafted the constitution and got it registered19. There are 36 Anglo-Indian Associations in the state and All

India Association of Anglo Indians has three units in the state at Tangasseri,

Cochin and Vaypeen.

Early Leaders

The Anglo-Indian Community owe to the great leaders right from the inception of the community in the State. The commendable services rendered by Dr. Henry Gidney and others during the colonial period cannot be ignored. He was ferocious leader who fought against racial discrimination against the Anglo-Indians. His representation before the Simon Commission and as a member of all the three Round Table Conferences, won in enhancing the political representation, educational safeguards and job reservations. He taught the Anglo Indians that they are first and last, sons of India.20

Chev. C. Paul Luiz

Chev. C. Paul Luiz was a planter and a timber merchant. He was very influential with the maharaja of Cochin. Under his influence Church

139 procured new buildings and lands. He formed the first Anglo Indian

Association in the State of Cochin in the year 1922.

Chev. C. J. Luiz

Chev. C. J. Luiz was a business man by profession who owned shopping complexes at Broadway Ernakulum commonly known as Luiz market. He represented the Anglo-Indians at the erstwhile Cochin State legislative Assembly. He generously donated his wealth and properties to the church. The premises of the present St. Sebastian’s Church, kadavanthra was donated by him.

Shri. A. A. D. Luiz

Shri. A. A. D. Luiz was the son of Chev. Paul Luiz. He was a law graduate, who later entered business. He took much pain for the development of the Anglo-Indian Community. He rendered his service as the president and later on the Secretary of the Union of the Anglo Indian

Association. Shri. A.A.D. Luiz represented the community in the Travancore

Cochin Legislative Assembly during 1953-54. He has written ‘the Anglo-

Indians of Kerala’ and the ‘backward classes in India’ He showed keen interest in protecting the interests of the community and to build up the

Anglo-Indian Association21. Under his initiative the government of

Travancore-Cochin granted educational concessions and reservation for appointments22.

140 Stanley P. Luiz

Stanley P. Luiz was the founder President of the Anglo-Indian

Association of Kerala State and represented the Anglo-Indians in the Kerala

Legislative Assembly during 1967-70.When the anti-communist socio- political movement known as Liberation Struggle- in Malayalam Vimochana

Samaram- broke out he lead the agitation at Ernakulum as convener. He always stood with the Latin Catholic Church and defended the cause of

Anglo-Indian community.

Peter Correia

Peter Correia served as the vice president of the Catholic Association,

Archdiocese of Varapoly. He has been the Chairman of the erstwhile

Ernakulum Municipality. In 1972 when the Government of Kerala tried to impose restrictions on the educational institutions, Peter Correia was in the forefront to lead the agitation. He was honoured by His Holiness Roman

Pope with the title of ‘Bene Merenthi’

Stephen Padua

Stephen Padua associated with the activities of Anglo Indians from early times. He closely associated with the management of eleven Anglo-

Indian schools run by the All India Board of Anglo Indian Education. He served the Anglo-Indian community as the secretary and president in chief of the Association and also the Chairman of the Central Board of Anglo-

141 Indian Education. He represented the community in the Kerala legislative

Assembly from 1970 to 1986. It was under his initiative the Anglo-Indians in Malabar area were included in the list of Other Backward Classes.23He also rendered service as the president of the Thevara urban Co-operative

Society.

Mrs. Elsie D’souza

Mr. Elsie D’souza, the wife of Capt. Dr. Robert D’souza, after her professional life in United States of America, came back to India and assisted several organizations. She was the founder president of the Anglo-

Indian Education Fund and continued in that position till her death in

1999. She also rendered her service as the president in chief of the Union of

Anglo-Indian Association, vice president of the Catholic Association of the

Archdiocese of Varapoly and active member of the Women’s Association,

Ernakulum.

Joseph Pinheiro

Joseph Pinheiro was a born leader and an eminent educationalist. He was in the field of education for long as teacher and head master of the St.

Mary’s High School, Alwaye. He gave dynamic leadership as the secretary of the Central Board of Anglo-Indian Education and instrumental in bringing up the eleven Anglo-Indian schools in the State. His contributions for the

142 church and the education field were recognized by the Roman Pope with the title ‘Bene Merenthi’.

Frank Anthony

Frank Anthony was the greatest among the Anglo-Indian leaders. He was a proficient jurist and educational expert and an experienced parliamentarian. He has a long parliamentary career. Starting from 1952 he was incessantly a nominated member in the Lok Sabha till his departure in

1993, save a brief period in between, representing the Anglo-Indian community. His contribution in the field of education is remarkable; he has been the chairman of the Council for the Indian School certificate

Examinations. He set up three Anglo-Indian schools in Delhi, Calcutta and

Bangalore. The Anglo-Indian community is indebted to him for the political representation, educational privileges and job reservation, though meager, which they enjoyed in the post colonial period.

Anglo Indian Youth Movement

An Anglo-Indian Youth league for Travancore-Cochin was founded in

1946. But it has only a plaid growth. In 1969 Stephen Padua proposed the idea of an Anglo-Indian Youth organisation and a youth meet was arrang3ed in Ernakulam in November 1969. The meeting gave birth to the All Kerala

Anglo-Indian Youth Movement. The main objective of the organisation was to encourage Anglo-Indian youth to pursue higher education, help them to

143 procure employment and to foster art and culture. Leadership training is another area of its intervention. The AKAIYM has 21 units in the state spread over Chathiath, Cochin East, Elamkunnapuzha, Ernakulam,

Edacochin, Kadukutty, Kunjithai, Manjanakkad, Moolampilly, Mulavukadu, manjummel, Nazareth, Ochanthuruthu, Perumannoor, Palluruthy, palliport,

Thevara, varapuzha, vaduthala, Vallarpadam and Wayanadu.

The Portuguese Cultural Institute

Lion share of the Anglo-Indians are the descendants of Portuguese. In order to maintain the culture of the Portuguese offspring in Kerala, to revive

Portuguese language and to foster the good old traditions of the community the Cultural Institute was established in 1989 by the efforts of Mr. Stephen

Padua, Charles Dias, F.M. painter and Linus Rodrigues. More than thirty

Luso-Indian settlements in Kerala, fort St. Angelo (Cannoor ), Fort at

Palliport, Fort at Kottapuram, Fort St. Thomas(Kollam), Fort Emmanuel

(Cochin), Forts at Calicut are the standing monuments of the Portuguese tradition. The Portuguese Cultural Institute promotes the study of

Portuguese traditions, customs, language and rich heritage of the

Portuguese.

Charitable Organisations

There is no dearth of charitable organisations targeting the Anglo-

Indians in the world. Calcutta Tiljallah relief (CTR), an organisation

144 registered in United States of America in 1999 with the mission to help impoverished Anglo-Indians in India, Canadian Social Service for Anglo-

Indians ( CASSAI) an organisation registered in Canada aimed to provide medical support to seniors and educational assistance to Anglo-Indian

Children and youth living in the Indian subcontinent, Anglo-Indian

Concern, a charitable organisation registered in United Kingdom for addressing poverty and sickness and advancement of education for Anglo-

Indians in India and the Australian Anglo-Indian Melbourne rangers Club, a charitable organisation in Australia are some of the important organisations. The deplorable condition of the Anglo-Indians in India after independence gave sufficient scope for international concern for the cause of

Anglo Indians and concerted action with the country.

The Anglo-Indians in the state have developed a system of assistance with the pockets of their settlement. Invariably they are members of either r of the Anglo-Indian associations and the office bearers of the local unit take care of any such situation which demands assistance. Even though they belong to the Latin Church, there is parish based units exclusively of the

Anglo Indians, where they discuss their issues, problems, sorrows and joys.

Besides the local shock absorber system there are some forums to help the

Anglo-Indians in the state.

Anglo-Indian Educational and Charitable Society

145 The society had a humble beginning for the Anglo-Indian education

Fund inaugurated by Mr. Justice T.C.Raghavan of the Kerala High Court on

5th April 1964. The meeting was presided over by Mr. S.S. Koder. The main objective of the society is to provide required fund for the clever students of the Anglo-Indian community to pursue their higher education. Mrs. Elsie

D’Souza was the founder president and Mr. Charlie Rodrigues took charge as the president following the demise of Mrs. Elsie D’Souza in 1998. During the initial stages the society24 the students were given loan which they have to repay on getting employed. But later on the loan system was replaced by giving financial assistance on merit cum means basis. Hundreds of Anglo-

Indian students were benefited out of it.

The Anglo-Indian Education Fund was constituted with the object of promoting higher and technical education for the Anglo-Indian boys and girls. It was an initiative of the Union of Anglo-Indian Association while Mr.

R.C. Fernandez was the president in Chief. The Education fund celebrated its Silver Jubilee in 1990 in the presence of Mr. K Chandrasekharan,

Minister for education and law, Government of Kerala, Rt. Rev. Dr. Francis

Kallarakal, the Bishop of Kottapuram and Mr. K.J.Sohan, the Mayor of

Cochin.

146 The central Board of Anglo-Indian Education played a vital role in helping deserving children of the community. it has established three endowments of Rupees 25000 each as S.P. Luiz memorial Endowment,

A.A.D. Luiz Memorial Endowment and Union of Anglo-Indian Associations

Golden Jubilee Memorial Endowment of rupees fifty thousand.

Socio-religious organisation

The Syrian Christian community is referred to by historians as Malabar Church and St. Thomas Christians or Nasrani is no doubt the oldest Christian Church in India. Later in the 16th century, by the missionary work of Francis Xavier emerged the Latin Church. They are mainly the converts from Hindus and spread across the costal belt of

Kerala. The Anglo-Indians has close association and affinity with Latin

Catholic church. Their life and culture has been closely linked to the Latin

Catholic Dioceses in the State. The early leaders of the Latin Church were drawn from the Anglo-Indian community and the Church gained a lot from the cordial relationship with the Anglo-Indians. The leadership of Chev C.

Paul Luiz, Chev. C. Luiz the outstanding role played by Mr. S.P. Luiz in the struggle against the State Government in 1957 to shield the interests of the

Catholic Community and the support Mr. Stephen Padua had given for the cause of Latin Catholics in Kerala were not insignificant. Mr. A.J.Lopez, Mr.

Peter Correia (Former Municipal Chairman, Ernakulum Municipality), Mrs.

147 Elsie D’Sousa, Mr. Charles Dias and Mr. Ignatius Gonsalvez were the top leaders of the Catholic Association, Archdiocese of Varapoly and their strong

Support to the cause of the Latin Catholic Community was much apparent.

The offspring of the Portuguese are strong Catholics and they spread over the costal belt of Kerala mainly in the Varapoly Diocese. They are also settled in the Dioceses of Cochin, Kollam, Trivandrum, Alapuzha,

Kottapuram and Calicut. The Anglo Indians are very pious, devoted and respected their priests and nuns. The contribution of the numerically small community to the development of the church is remarkable25. They love to donate cash and kind to the church for construction and celebration. Many are serving the church as priests, nuns and even leading cloistered life.

From among the Anglo-Indian priests, Father Raphael Figuereido Salgrado was chosen to the dignified position of a Bishop. Father John Rebeiro was another distinguished member of the community who contributed much to the church. He served as the assistant vicar and later vicar of the Santa

Cruz Cathedral. He has renovated the Cathedral building and reprinted the frescos at the ceiling of the dome. He revived the feast of Our Lady of

Pompei. Fr. Lawrence Pereira, Fr. Charles Fonseca, Fr. Richard Rozario,

Msgr. Vincent Fernandez, Fr. Harry D’Souza, Msgr. Emmanuel Lopez and

Msgr. A.J.Rozario are the few among the most renowned Anglo-Indian priests who strengthened the community.

148 The Anglo-Indians are very zealous in constructing churches, shrines, chapels and other related institutions. Infant Jesus Church, Ernakulam, St.

Francis xavier’s Church Sampalur and the Sacred heart Church Areepalam were built by them26. The Infant Jesus Church was constructed under the initiative of the D’Costa family. The land also was donated by them.

Formerly they were members of the St. Mary’s Church, Ernakulam but later on the Portuguese descendants built the Infant Jesus Church exclusively for them. Sampalur was the centre of Portuguese Jesuits. There was a good

Anglo-Indian community in Sampalur and its neighbouring villages of

Kadukutty, Mathilakam, Areeplam, Padiyur, Thurithippuram and Muttikal.

The first printing press in Kerala was established At Sampalur by the

Jesuits27. The Anglo-Indians in Sampalur and Kadukutty took the initiative in the construction of the St. Francis Xavier’s Church. Later on churches were constructed at Kadukutty and Chalakudy. Anglo Indians in Padiyur and Areepalam built the Sacred Heart’s Church, Areepalam. St. Sebastian’s

Chapel Vallarpadam, Loretto Anglo-Indian Church, Saude and Lady of Hope

Church, Vypeen are also built by the Anglo-Indians. The Congregation of St.

Teresa and the St. Teresa’s Convent, St. Teresa College and allied institutions are exclusively of Anglo-Indian28.The founder of the convent

Mother Teresa was a Portuguese progeny from Madras.

Struggle for existence

149 At the closing part of the British rule, the Anglo-Indians scared of something worse would happen in their life in free India. But the national leaders made all the precautions to ensure adequate protection and provided every safeguard for the development of the community. The amount of protection provided by free India was adorable and acceptable to the Anglo-Indians who stay back. 29But in due course of time when new rules and regulations are made and commission reports admitted, the

Anglo-Indians feel that the changed situations are putting them in danger of gradual extinction. Being a small minority community facing alienation from the social mainstream, having no strength to exert political pressure, often found helpless before the arbitrary findings and verdicts of various commissions appointed by the government. They felt abandoned and isolated especially when they feel that the church to which they are attached to is pulling them down.

Alienation from the Church

The Anglo-Indians live in close assimilation to Latin Catholic Church.

They share the church, priest, institutions and many of the customs and practices. But they feel discriminated and sidelined. Open protest to the attitude of the church, representations and memorandums to the diocese head and Roman Pope has become common. In an interview with Andrew

Rodriguez, the president of the Anglo-Indian Association Manjanakad is of

150 the view that the present level of discrimination and betrayal is unbearable and cannot be continued long. Even church offices are denied to the Anglo-

Indians. The Latin Church authorities are purposefully keeping them aloof from all the important church forums.30 He said: ‘we have built the church…. we have donated the land …. we have donated all the money…. still we are giving.... and.… and now they are keeping us aloof from all.... take the case of Infant Jesus Church. It is an Anglo-Indian Church. It is known as Parangippalli. all through the years since the establishment of the church in 1822, we have been keeping our cultural, religious linguistic identity there…. surrounding around the Infant Jesus Church. Now everything is brought to a mess by the Varapoly diocese. They have stopped the convention of administering the temporal affairs of the church by Anglo-

Indian trustees.’ But the Latin Catholic Church Authorities denied all these and rejected all these as fabricated and baseless allegations31. Same feeling in its aggravated form has been shared by all Anglo-Indians.

The Anglo-Indians want English Mass; want their children to have catechism classes in English and want to follow western style. Hence the best option they propose is a new diocese, with their own Churches, Priests and Bishops.32

Discrimination from the Official machinery

151 The Nettoor Damodaran Commission was appointed by the

Government of Kerala in 1967 to study and report the issue of job reservations in Kerala. Mr. Alexander Parambithara, one of the leaders of the Latin Catholic Church and parliamentarian was also the member of the commission.33 Being a member and leader of the Latin Catholic Church, his association with Anglo-Indians at all strata and his wide exposure to the problems and sufferings of the Anglo Indians, everyone expected generous approach from the part of the Nettor Commission. But quite contrary to the expectations, adding great shock to the Anglo-Indian community in particular, the commission did not recommended job reservation to the

Anglo-Indians under the pretext that the Anglo-Indians are adequately represented in the government services. But this argument was refuted by official statistical reports from the Government. The Government reports revealed the shocking fact that the Anglo-Indians were not only inadequately represented but also very poorly represented in state government service. The effort made by the Anglo-Indian MLA Stephen

Padua in this regard is worth mentioning. Later on in 1978 the government was pleased to allow 4% reservation for Latin Catholics and Anglo-Indians in the 3+1 proportion.

In order to fix the pattern of educational reservations the Government of Kerala appointed a Commission under the chairman ship of Shri. G.

152 Kumara Pillai in July 1964.34 Chev. L. M. Pylee, prominent educationalist and former Minister was one of the members of the Commission. He was closely associated with the prominent Anglo-Indian leaders of the state and had direct knowledge on the backwardness of the Anglo-Indians. His awareness on the educational and economic backwardness of the community has echoed in his articles especially one in the Anglo-Indian

Journal. But when the Kumara Pillai Commission submitted its report in

1965, the Anglo-Indian community was ignored. The Commission did not recommend reservation for the Anglo-Indians in the professional colleges and other technical institutions. Naturally the community believed that it was with the knowledge and deliberate move of Chev. L. M. Pylee. 35

With grief and anguish the Anglo-Indians, often made reference to the

Commission report which pronounced total exclusion of the Anglo-Indians from educational reservation by the words: “Latin Catholics other than

Anglo-Indians”. They characterised it as ‘the typical example of calculated damage perpetuated by co-religionists born out (of the feeling of inferiority complex or) of ulterior motives to push down their own brethren. The results of the finding of the Kumara Pillai Commission were disastrous concerning the Anglo-Indians of Kerala’36.

153 It took decades for them to get their grievances redressed at least partially. Stephen Padua who has represented the Anglo Indians in the

Kerala Legislative Assembly for four terms made some efforts for the redressal of many of the grievances of the Anglo-Indians. By the efforts of the Anglo Indian leaders and representative of the Assembly, they got one sear reserved for MBBS, BDS, BFSc/ BVSc, Engineering, polytechnic, BSc

(MLT), BSc (Nursing), B.Pham, and one seat each in Government ITIs were reserved for them. Mr. Stephen Padua and Mr. David Pinheiro MLA took the lead. But it is alleged that the one seat granted to the Anglo-Indians has been snatched by the Latin Catholics in false certificates.

Injustice has been a never ending story for the Anglo-Indians37 The

Anglo Indians are very much agitated over the Government order making them to share the nominal reservation been sealed by the majority communities have further been narrowed down by the Government order to share the seat with the Jews.

Notes and References

1 Blair R. Williams, Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remmants of a Bygone Era :

Anglo-Indians in India, North America, and the UK in 2000, New Jersy,

2002.

154 2 Noel Pitts Gist and Roy Dean Wright, Marginality and Identity: Anglo

Indians as a Racially Mixed Minority in India, Leiden, 1973, p. 117.

3 Frank Anthony, Britain’s betrayal in India: the story of the Anglo-Indian

community, London, 1969, p. 166.

4 Order No. D1- 19458/1131 dated 12.7.1946, Director of Public

Instruction, CochinGovernment.

5 Procedings of the Government of his highness The maharaja of Cochin,

Education Department, Order No. E3- 37285 dated 27.12.1947.

6 Leslie Beveira, The central Board of Anglo-Indian Education, Union of

Anglo-Indian Association Golden Jubiee Souvenir, Cochin, 2003, p. 31.

7 Ibid., p. 31-32.

8 Kerala Legislative Assembly Proceedings, 1970-77, p. 2810.

9 Michael C. Shapiro and Harold F. Schiffman, Language And Society In

South Asia, Delhi, 1981, p. 215.

10 Ibid., p. 918.

11 Ibid., p. 919.

12 Interview with Mr. Jerson D’Costa, Vypeen, Cochin dated 28.8.2012.

13 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Op. cit., p. 37-39.

14 Ibid., p. 96.

155 15 V. R. Gaikwad, The Anglo-Indians, Bobay, 1967, p. 35 .

16 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Op. cit., p. 5, 20.

17 V. Benei, Manufacturing Citizenship: Education and Nationalism in

Europe, South Asian and China, New York, 2005, p. 247.

18 Noel Pitts Gist & Roy Dean Wright, Op. cit., p. 102.

19 The Literary, Scientific and Charitable Societies Act, 1953.

20 Margaret Deefholts, Women of Anglo-India: Tales and Memoirs, New

Jersy, 2010, p. 204.

21 Circular, A. A. D’Luiz dated 9th December 1955.

22 Order No. R. Dis. 15238/ 50/ CS, Government of Travancore-Cochin

proceedings,2.12. 1953.

23 G.O. Rt. No. 2220/73/DD dated 21.12.1973, Government of Kerala.

24 Registration No. 310/07, Travancore Literary Scientific and Charitable

Societies Registration Act 1955.

25 Stephen Padua, The Anglo-Indians in Kerala, p.124.

26 Stephen Padua, Anglo- Indians in Kerala, p.145.

27 Ibid., P.146.

28 Stephen Padua, The Anglo-Indians of Kerala, p.157.

156 29 Bindeshwar Pathak, B. N. Sreevastava, Constitutional Safeguards For

Weaker Sections And The Minorities In India, New Delhi, 1999, p. 39-

45.

30 Memorandum presented by Anglo-Indians against Discrimination in

Educational reservations, July13, 2012.

31 Interview with Church official( name not disclosed).

32 Stephen Padua, History of Anglo-Indians in Kerala, p.170.

33 Encyclopaedia of Backward Castes, Volume 2, By M. L. Mathur, Gyan

Publishing house, 2004, p.52.

34 Kevin D’Rozario, Educational Resrvations Injustice to the Anglo Indians.,

Union of Anglo Indian Association, Golden jubilee Suvineer1953-2003

p.74.

35 Ibid, p. 75.

36 Interview with Adrew Rodridges, Union of Anglo-Indian Association,

president, Cochin.

157

Chapter VII

CONCLUSION

Asserting the documented sources and field visits the Anglo-Indian community is still preserving a blend of European and Indian cultural traits but, neither western nor eastern, save a fusion which has an identity and uniqueness of its own. Intricate features of their culture including their language, family life, marriage, religion, education, cuisine and social standing has been analysed. These are largely contributing factors in the making of a community structure.

As like any other cultural cluster, the tracing up of the historical origin and expansion of Anglo-Indian community, in the academic arena is

158 originally a much valid element. We observed the historical roots of the community, the socio, economic and cultural causation for its emergence and incorporated it with the existing sources. The colonizing inquest the maritime competition along with the corporate interest among the European powers created the justification of the discourses namely imperialisation and colonization. The Portuguese was succeeded in cementing the early seeds of colonization in India. As we discussed earlier, the implementation of the mixed colony system by the Portuguese governor Albuquerque and his partners created the amalgam of a new Eurasian race here. The latter group such as The Dutch, The French and The English also followed the same method with nominal changes.

In short we witnessed the growth a new group of hybrid group started growing in the Indian soil and they later derived to known as ‘Anglo-

Indians’. Here we discussed the Anthropological and ethnographical dimensions within the preview of the community’s historical origin, growth and expansion here.

In short the Anglo-Indian community is holding a plethora of historical tradition and legacy and importantly the studies cementing that the community is still put its maximum effort in preserving the same.

159 Asserting the textual sources and field visits the Anglo-Indian community is still preserving the same of a western amalgam culture in their cultural traits and social life. We analyzed the complex features of their culture including their language, family life, marriage, religion, educating, cuisine, health etc. These are largely contributing factors in the making the structure of a community. They priority of them in preserving the existing culture and the rejection of entering the peripheral of a popular culture are the remarkable peculiarity of this community.

The formation of all the above mentioned features of the community in its present form is not asserting a single culture origin. As we stated earlier, it’s the combined or an amalgamated synthesis of multi cultures. Along with the particularities of Anglo-Indian culture, the discussion on its derivation from various cultural units is also equally significant. The contributions of

Anglo-Indian community to the macro cultures are also significant. They formed to in the perennial structure and self pretesting its imagery to the complex structure is the reformer part here. Thus in every manner the

Anglo-Indian community is the best example of the followers of a hybrid culture in the world.

The geomorphologic conditions and the shattered political orientation of Kerala in the 15th and 16th century welcomed the Europeans here. The

160 colonizing methods and religious policies of European powers specifically the Portuguese, Dutch and English was succeeded in forming the birth of a hybrid community Anglo-Indians. Since we moved to many more centuries forward, the community of Anglo-Indians is still exiting in the cultural premises of Kerala. As we stated in the above part, Cochin is one of the largest hub of this community in Kerala. The study here also describing the historical origin, expansion and placing of Anglo-Indian, Luso-Indian and

Eurasian communities in various parts of Kerala including Cochin, QuiIon,

Wayanad, Tangasseri, and Kayamkulam. The discussions are also laid on the aspects such as the shift how occurred in grooming from a grouping to community, formation of social mobility within and outside the community etc. The quantitative analysis of family survey is attributing to various socio- cultural and economic traits among including the employment, education, and migration details. The field surveys and family visits suggest that the community is still functioning with all known notable features with social and responsibility with community mobility. In short it is evident that the

Cochin community is one of the living examples an existing or preserving hybrid cultures in Kerala.

Peaceful interaction of the Anglo-Indians with local population has been the core of Anglo-Indian success in the subcontinent. There is no instance of fight or relentless quarrel which would jeopardise social security

161 and economic growth. They avoid all areas which may bring them in hostile confrontation with the people and authorities. Anglo-Indian interacts with outside community through their schools and other institutions. Students from different caste, creed and colour study in those schools. At present there is acute shortage of trained teachers from that community. Hence they recruit

teachers from outside community. The number of Anglo-Indian teachers is limited in the schools. These students and teachers from different communities exist harmoniously in their school environment. This peaceful atmosphere is one of the reasons for the success of their schools and other institutions.

Anglo-Indians had an innate quality of good communication skill. They are open-minded. Positive inter community relationship with the surrounding community in an enduring quality has made them succeed in all their endeavours. They maintain high level of social solidarity in their parishes and in their exclusive groups. The Anglo-Indians in Kerala mostly belong to the Latin Catholic Church. Whether it is Vypeen, Fort Cochin,

Mattancherry or Thangassery, irrespective of their numerical strength, the

Anglo-Indians maintain good inter community relationship. Their skill in positive inter community relationship is more evident in the exclusive group gathering of the Anglo-Indians.

162 They were able to survive as a minority keeping up their distinct individuality in an atmosphere which was alien to their tradition, way of life and language. Kerala customs, tradition and way of life are quite different from that of the Anglo-Indians. English is their mother tongues. They follow all the western style of life without disturbing the people. They have night clubs, ball dance, and other celebrations but it in no way would disturb other people. On the other hand on Christmas Eve, they used to make all the confectionaries, cake and wine and distribute it in all the neighbouring houses. Thus they keep their individuality and survive without disturbing anyone.

Anglo Indians live in the Kerala society and live harmoniously with the local people but they speak only English and live like Anglo–Indian.hey easily adapt themselves to the changing circumstance but at the same time will not permit to lose their basic characteristics. This is the reason why even after more than five centuries of existence in the midst of adversities and inconveniences, they maintain the cultural traits intact.

The Anglo-Indians confined to pocket areas, but their institutions are for general public. The Anglo-Indian schools are established for the benefit of their own children. English language and the particular customs and manners are vital to the Anglo-Indians. But the Anglo-Indian schools were made use by the general public. They are not offended to it and keep on

163 improving the quality and structure of the school system. Thus even while they limit and confine to their cantonment, their services and contribution are made available to all irrespective of caste creed or colour. Not only has the school system, the activities of the Anglo Indian associations, charitable and philanthropic activities never been restricted with the four walls of the community.

They have no life devoid of religion. Faith is their life blood. The

Portuguese mariners were very pious sailors. It is said that in every

Portuguese ship there was a priest and whenever they reach another shore they establish a church in memory of their arrival. They regularly participate in Holy Mass and respect priests and nuns. Almost all the Anglo

Indians of Kerala are Zealous Catholics of Latin rite. They are very much devoted to their religion, church and priests. They do not lag behind in contributing to the Church and church controlled institutions. They also take pride in celebrating feasts in the church ceremoniously and with splendor. The tradition of building chapels, shrines and churches is being followed without break by their successive generations.

The Anglo-Indian community had to suffer a lot of difficult situations in their long struggle for existence as an insignificant minority. When India became independent there was a general tendency among the people of

164 India towards everything that was related to the British or European. It was quite natural that the people of India had developed a feeling of anti

Europeanism due to the long years of suppression which they had to suffer from the foreigners. Therefore the anti European feeling among the Indians stood on the way of the progress of the Anglo-Indians who were destined to be in India after the eclipse of the British rule. Even though there was a democratic government in India the Anglo-Indians had no major role to play in it. The constitution of India has specific provisions to protect the racial, religious, social and economic interests of the linguistic and religious minority. But in actual practice their interests were not given proper attention by the authorities concerned. In this situation it was difficult for any community to survive. But the Anglo-Indians tried to read the writings on the wall and adjust themselves to the socio-political conditions of the country in which they had to spent many more years to come. Perhaps it was due to this situation that every Anglo-India in India use to nurse a feeling in their mind to go to England, Australia or any other European country to settle themselves permanently there. Since they are born and brought up in India, due to many factors both emotional and economic, they cannot migrate permanently to England because there they have to start from zero. In spite of this feeling the Anglo-Indians have been successful in

165 becoming the part and parcel of India and feel themselves to be equal in all walks of life. We cannot point out a single instance of revolt organised by them against any sort of injustice done to them by the Government, even though there are many instances of clear-cut injustice meted out to them.

By the vast experience in India, the Anglo Indians have taught themselves the art of social adjustments with deep delicacy and smooth approach. The Indian society views the Anglo-Indians as a community of loose morality. But this impression is the by product of a preconceived notion regarding the behaviour pattern of the Europeans which is very often open and without inhibitions. The difference the social values of Indian and

Europeans is the reason behind the approach of the Indians towards the

Anglo-Indians.

The Anglo-Indians add beauty and ethos to the cultural terrain of a big country like India with multitude of religions, languages, customs and traditions. Their contributions in the field of education, language and service sectors like nursing are incalculable. At present this unique culture is at the verge of extinction. Most of the members of the Anglo-Indian community have already migrated to European countries and the remaining are on the way. The youngsters are not happy to stay back in India. It is the

166 responsibility of the government and the people at large to protect the

Anglo-Indian culture from eclipse.

167 Glossary

• Adakkam- burial ceremony after death. • Almosa- Breakfast in Portuguese tradition. • Bertalha-wine in Portuguese • Boanoite- Saying goodnight in Portuguese. • Bowthise- Portuguese connotation for Baptism • Chimmini- Kitchen roof, Portuguese term later owned by Malayalam. • Dweepe- Island • Housie- A kind of gambling among Anglo-Indians. • Idavaka- a church based division • Inam-Category • Kalyanapattu- Wedding songs popular among Latin Christians of Kerala. • Kappi- Rope twister used for taking water from well.

Portuguese term later owned by Malayalam. • Kappitthan- Captain of the ship. • Kasera-Chair, Portuguese term later owned by Malayalam. • Kottakkar- Inhabitants of Fort • Kulkul- A dough looks like mixture of flour and rolled on fork. It is frosted in sugar. • Kushinja- Kitchen • Lanthakkar- Vernacular idiom to signify the Portuguese in Kerala. • Mesha- dining table or normal table, Portuguese term later owned by Malayalam. • Minnukette- a custom of Christian marriages. • Muri- Room or small house, Portuguese term later owned by Malayalam. • Palaka- a plain wooden piece • Palliakkar- Vernacular term in Malayalam for Christians. • Pallikkoodam –Vernacular term in Malayalam of School, Originated from Portuguese tradition where the schools were attached to Churches. • Parangi- Vernacular usage to signify the Portuguese in Kerala. • Paranthakar- Official class in Northern Kerala • Qurbana- Holly offering or holly scarifies. • Saala-Long hall for prayer usually an integral part of Anglo Indian houses • Tekkumcore-an ancient power division of Kerala • Thiyya-Term to denote lower caste community in Northern Kerala. • Tirumulpaade- denote a veteran native ruler of Northern Kerala.

168 • Toppe- Cultivating premise near house. • Tura-Port in Malayalam. • Turuthe-gulf or island • Varantha-sitting space outside houses, Chair, Portuguese term later owned by Malayalam. • Vindaloo-Beef or pork in Portuguese.

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204 205 BIBLIOGRAPHY A. Primary Sources

Kerala State Archives, Nalanda, Thiruvananthapuram

Confidential File - File No: 614 of 1940

1869, 1880 of 1944

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Cover Files - File No: 1224 of 1888

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