Durham E-Theses 'They've took our jobs, they've took our town': Changing working men's lives in a solidaristic community Parker, Fred How to cite: Parker, Fred (2005) 'They've took our jobs, they've took our town': Changing working men's lives in a solidaristic community, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2750/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 University of Durham 'They've Took our Jobs, They've Took our Town'ะ Changing Working Men's lives in a Solidaristic Community A thesis submitted to the University of Durham In accordance to the requirements of the degree of Ph.D in the Faculty of Social Sciences School of Applied Social Sciences A copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it by should be acknowledged. Fred Parker September 2005 5 NAR 200Є Abstract This study is focused on the relationship of a group of older working class men, both to the type of work they have performed and known through their lives, and the place they live, Thomaby in Teesside, North East England. The dominant relationship between work and place was fractured in the 1980ร by the permanent closure of the town's major employer, though Thornaby and its people have always had close links to other neighbouring Teesside based heavy industries. Redevelopment has subsequently occurred, bringing mostly office and shop based employment - jobs that, according to these men, are not for them. This project examines how these men have adapted and redefined their lives, mostly without paid work, and explores how they view the now altered town in which they live. The study employs ideas based around 'sense of place', and also Bourdieu'ร concept of 'habitus'. This is then positioned into the historical context in which these people's lives have been played out. They grew up with Keynesian macro-economic management, the welfare state, and council houses for working men and their families. Subsequently, the incoming Thatcher government of 1979, promoted a different economic ideology, resulting in mass unemployment, as major employers, such as Thomaby'ร Head Wrightson, shut down for ever. A qualitative approach was employed, this backed up by secondary data, this helped to develop an image of the background and historical contexts of these peoples' lives. At the centre of this study was a series of formal interviews, these further backed up through simple conversations and general observations of people and their circumstances. The study concludes that people have adapted, often rationally, but not necessarily in a manner that government would want. For example, many use Incapacity Benefit as a viable alternative to low paid work. The issue of older workers without employment is not a new matter, but it has been aggravated as a consequence of the industrial policies of the Thatcher and Major governments, and the emergence into middle-age of the post-war 'baby boomers'. A shift to a supply-side approach to unemployment has enabled government to transfer the blame of unemployment onto the unemployed themselves. In the case of the North East, there is still a considerable shortage of jobs, though this appears not fully recognised by government. Until this is addressed, all policy can do is to 'plug holes and slow down leaks' as they occur. For the older former workers, the absence of employment has meant that their old discourse - in the manner in which many of them have associated with each other since childhood " has remained mostly intact. However, redevelopments are bringing in new ways of working, along with 'up market' private housing estates. Many of these men feel under attack from different directions. Other people appear to be arriving and turning the place which these men have known since childhood into somewhere else - somewhere different from the town they recognise. For them, their own discourse is likely to continue in parallel to a changed community, until they have died out. ііі Table of Contents Chapter One Introduction: the aims and objectives, with some considerations of method and meaning 1 1.1 Preface: why carry out this study? 1 1.2 The questions asked 4 1.3 A personal journey: perceptions of Teesside 9 1.4 The project explained 16 1.5 A personal journey: viewing and analysing Teesside, Thomaby and its people 19 1.6 Turning interviews and thoughts into research 29 1.7 The methodology used 35 1.8 Structuring 41 1.9 Sampling 44 1.10 Phases of the study 49 1.11 The sample used 54 1.13 Aims and objectives: summary 58 Chapter Two Place, sense of place, community and interaction 64 2.1 Introduction 64 2.2 Considering place 65 2.2.1 Considering changing nature of place and collective identities 74 2.3 Thornaby the place: an overview 86 2.3.1 Identity of Thomaby 86 2.3.2 Economic background and development 88 IV 2.3.3 Everyday life 96 2.3.4 Unemployment and policy 99 2.4 The formation and functioning of the solidaristic community 113 2.5 The nature of place and the relationship of the worker to changing place.... 129 2.6 The changing world of work and a 'vaporised' masculine workforce 140 2.7 Summary 155 3 Chapter Three The findings 159 3.1 Introduction: an overview 159 3.2 Methodology overview 160 3.3 The key themes summarised 166 3.3.1 Work 166 3.3.2 Benefit Life 167 3.3.3 Community löö 3.4 Work 170 3.4.1 Work histories of interviewees 170 3.4.2 Working lives: expectations - 'factory fodder' and changing aspirations 171 3.4.3 Wages and overtime 174 3.4.4 The changing nature of employment 182 3.4.5 Discrimination 18b 3.4.6 Trade unions and the politics of the workplace 191 3.4.7 Aspirations: getting a job 194 3.4.8 Aspirations and 'getting on' ： education and qualifications 198 V 3.4.9 Promotion 205 3.4.10 Getting out 210 3.5 Benefit life 213 3.6 Community 225 3.6.1 Looking at community from an outsider perspective 222 3.6.2 Looking at community from the insider perspective 234 3.6.3 Crime and its impact on community 239 3.6.4 Identity: Thornaby and its community in context 247 3.6.4.1 Thornaby, Stockton and Yorkshire 247 3.6.4.2 Is Ingleby Barwick in - or of 一 Thornaby? 252 3.6.4.3 Regeneration and change at Teesside Park and Teesdale: one bit of Thomaby given and another bit taken away 256 3.7 Conclusions 266 4 Chapter Four Conclusions and speculations about future prospects 271 4.1 Adapting to change 295 4.2 New places, new people, and a changing Thornaby 300 4.3 Older men and getting into work 303 Appendix Interviewees 316 Bibliography ะ'•^՞ւ VI List of tables, charts and illustrations Fig: 1 Thoraaby'ร location in relation to Middlesbrough and Stockton-on- Tees ,··„·.ไ 86 Fig: 2 South Stockton/Thomaby 1889 90 Fig: 3 Thornaby on Tees Approximately Early to mid 1950ร 91 Fig: 4 Thornaby 2003 92 Fig: 5 Thomaby'ร population growth across time · 93 Fig: 6 Housing tenure changes Thomaby, as a percentage 96 Fig: 7 Unemployment Benefit Claimants as % of Working Age population (August 2004), Thornaby wards .โ....โ........ 151 Fig: 8 Job Demand - Estimates of People who want work (August 2004), Tnomaby wards ！ 151 Fig: 9 Joblessness - People of working age not in employment (August 2004), Thomaby wards ' .โ..... 152 Fig: 10 Economic activity, Thomaby wards compared to national data based on 2001 Census data 152 VII Acknowledgements A lot of people contributed to the making of this thesis. Sadly it was not possible to use all of the material gathered in from them. Nevertheless, what is said is theirs, reflecting their hopes, aspirations and feelings about a range of issues. This is their story. I, in turn, have attempted to construct meaning from what they have said in a way understandable to all. ljust hope that I have done justice to that principle. They, in turn, have my absolute thanks and admiration. I would also like to thank my wife Audrey and other members of my family for putting up with me over the period this project has taken, particularly coping with my wonderfol range of moods, which were all tolerated. I would also specifically like to thank John Millican, without whom this project would never have got off the ground. A special thank you also goes out to Fred Robinson for supervising this study. Even through the dark periods he stood by me. In Fred, I know I have not just met a great thinker, but also made a friend.