Michael Ramos-Lynch 1
Common Ground with People’s Republic of China: How the Central Tibetan Administration Envisions an Autonomous Tibet
Michael Ramos-Lynch
Brown University
Michael Ramos-Lynch 2
Acknowledgements
I want to first thank the members of the CTA and the pro-independence supporters who took the time to let me interview them. Everyone I encountered along the way was friendly and informative. I learned an immense amount in a very short period of time and for that I am truly grateful. I want to give a special thanks to Karma la who helped set up my interview with Samdhong Rinpoche. Without him, the interview, which was instrumental to my research, would not have been possible.
I also want to thank Cynthia and Tawni, my two advisors, for guiding me along the way and answering my questions. Tawni was especially instrumental in helping me develop a number of my interview questions for Samdhong Rinpoche.
Michael Ramos-Lynch 3
Table of Contents
Research Questions 4
Background Literature 4 - 20
Method 20 - 21
Results 21 - 25
Discussion 25 – 31
Appendix (Interviews) 31 - 53
References 54 - 55
Michael Ramos-Lynch 4
Research Questions
The present exploratory study poses one primary question and a number of secondary questions. The primary question is: How does the Central Tibetan
Administration envision an autonomous Tibet? The secondary questions are: Who are the lead officials in determining what a policy of autonomy will look like for Tibet? What has been China‟s reaction to such a policy? What has been CTA‟s response to China‟s reaction? What degree of support has the CTA received regarding its drafted policy of autonomy? To what extent, if at all, has such support proved helpful in creating a productive dialogue with China regarding CTA‟s vision of an “autonomous” Tibet? Do the different Departments of the CTA have different visions and goals for an autonomous
Tibet? These questions are addressed in the mixed-models research described herein.
Literature Review
Three strands of social scientific literature comprise the background for the present study. The first describes the materials (e.g. Chinese Constitution) that the
Central Tibetan Administration is using in order to design their own policy of autonomy.
The second describes a number of the autonomous regions in China as well as a brief discussion on the political theory of autonomy. The third addresses the use of ethnographic research to uncover insights about processes related to diverse individuals in society most generally and to Tibetans and Central Tibetan Administration members living in Tibetan exile more specifically. Each will be briefly described in turn.
Michael Ramos-Lynch 5
Chinese justification for influence over Tibet: Before discussing the Chinese
Constitution it is important to understand the (public) reason that China believes it has the right to enjoy authority over Tibet. The PRC justifies having control over Tibet through its understanding of historical events that transpired during the 13th Century when
Imperial Mongolia was expanding (PRC white paper 2004). Tibet concedes the fact it fell under Mongol influence during this time, but argues that it, in fact, had various degrees of control over various parts of China after this period. (CTA white paper response, 2004).
Therefore, according to the CTA, the authority that China seeks over Tibet is unjustified and rooted in an ignorant understanding of history (CTA white paper response, 2004).
While a large and growing number of Tibetans and Tibetan supporters argue that
Tibet should be completely independent and free of Chinese authority (Students for a
Free Tibet, Tibetan Youth Congress, Lhasang Tsering), the Dalai Lama, and therefore the
CTA since the Dalai Lama is the head figure of the CTA, propose a “middle way approach”(Dalai Lama speech 2001). This “middle way” is a kind of compromise where the PRC gets to assume Tibet in its territory and gain credibility with regard to its human rights and national stability while Tibet gets to preserve its cultural customs and its geographic environment. (Dalai Lama speech 2001 ¶12 )
Under the framework of the “middle way approach” the CTA has attempted to dialogue with China regarding an autonomous Tibet. The Dalai Lama believes that
“genuine autonomy”, (not the “autonomy” enforced on Tibet under the guidelines of the
17-point agreement, a documented that the Chinese Government at the time used to justify occupation of Tibet), is the best possible policy for both sides. According to the
Dalai Lama, this “genuine autonomy” will give Tibetans the right to control their own Michael Ramos-Lynch 6 education system, create their own health policies, establish protections to preserve their culture and practice religion, but will allow China to “be responsible for the conduct of foreign and defense affairs.” (Dalai Lama speech 2001 ¶12 ) Given that the CTA is pursuing “genuine autonomy” it makes sense to review, among a number of other documents produced by the Chinese, the sections of the Chinese Constitution that address autonomy.
CTA Materials of Autonomy
Chinese Constitution: Article 4 of the Chinese Constitution is of particular importance to the issue of Tibetan autonomy. The Article states,
Regional autonomy is practiced in areas where people of minority
nationalities live in compact communities; in these areas organs of self-
government are established for the exercise of the right of autonomy. All
the national autonomous areas are inalienable parts of the People's
Republic of China. The people of all nationalities have the freedom to use
and develop their own spoken and written languages, and to preserve or
reform their own ways and customs.
This is the most general Article that affords a large number of rights to autonomous regions. There are a number of other Articles that discuss more specific rights of autonomous regions, for example, declaring that autonomous regions have, among others, the right to, “independently administer educational, scientific, cultural, public health and Michael Ramos-Lynch 7 physical culture affairs in their respective areas, sort out and protect the cultural legacy of the nationalities and work for the development and prosperity of their cultures.” (Article
119). Article 114 states that, “The administrative head of an autonomous region, prefecture or county shall be a citizen of the nationality, or of one of the nationalities, exercising regional autonomy in the area concerned.” And Article 121 reads, “In performing their functions, the organs of self-government of the national autonomous areas, in accordance with the autonomy regulations of the respective areas, employ the spoken and written language or languages in common use in the locality”. While the PRC claims that Tibet, or the Tibet Autonomous Region, already enjoys genuine autonomy it is clear that the current political and government climate in the TAR does not adhere to the Chinese Constitution. This will be discussed in detail later, but in brief, the TAR does not have the right to use Tibetan language, nor do Tibetans have the authority to administer their own various political and government affairs, nor is a Tibetan the effective administrative head of the TAR. Therefore, the current “autonomy” of the TAR is unconstitutional pursuant to the Chinese Constitution.
White papers: On 23 May 2004, the Information Office of the People's Republic of
China's State Council issued a policy “White Paper” entitled, “Regional Ethnic
Autonomy in Tibet”. The position put forth in this white paper is that a dialogue between
People‟s Republic of China and His Holiness are not possible. The white paper reads,
“The destiny and future of Tibet can no longer be decided by the Dalai clique. Rather, it can only be decided by the whole Chinese nation, including the Tibetan people” (PRC
White paper 2004). Part of the justification for this comment comes from the PRC Michael Ramos-Lynch 8 position that the Tibet region of China already enjoys autonomy and any effort on part of
His Holiness or His supporters is merely an attempt to give Tibet independence and politically separate Tibet from the rest of China.
The “White Papers” that the PRC has published cover a wide range of subjects: from autonomy and Tibetan suffrage to education policy to environmental and health policy. In order to illustrate the content of the “White Papers”, the issue of Tibetan suffrage and the Tibetan education system, as discussed in the “White Papers” will be explore herein.
On the issue of suffrage, the white paper suggests that Tibetans have the right to vote and even run for office once they reach the age of 18. It also explains that the first democratic election occurred in Tibet in 1961 and Tibetans have had the right to elect their government leaders ever since. (PRC white paper 2004). However, the DIIR contrarily suggests that Tibetans do not have the right to vote for any meaningful office.
Moreover, the DIIR, in refuting the accuracy of the PRC white papers, points to the fact that no Tibetan has ever held the rank of Communist Party Secretary, the highest government position in Tibet.
On the issue of Education policy in Historical Tibet, the white paper includeds a large degree of fallacy. To show the full extent of the inaccuracies included in the paper an excerpt is included below:
The old Tibet had no school of the modern types, and the attending rate of
school-age children was less than 2%, with 95% of young and middle-
aged people being illiterate. By the end of 2003, Tibet had 1,011 schools
of various types and levels and 2,020 teaching centers, with a total of Michael Ramos-Lynch 9
453,400 students, the enrolment proportion of primary schools rising to
91.8% and the illiteracy rate dropping to less than 30%. Since 1985, the
Central Government has established Tibetan classes /schools in 21
provinces and municipalities, training up to 10,000 college and secondary
technical school graduates. (PRC white paper 2004).
According to the DIIR, there were a large number of medical schools and secular education schools that data back to the 5th Dalai Lama (DIIR white paper Education, 1)
China has facilitated modern schools for Tibetans, but there are two major issues associated with these schools. Firstly, the overwhelming majority of the education budget for “TAR” goes to state-run schools where the student population is mostly Chinese.
Schools in rural areas where most of the Tibetan students live are largely ignored. In fact, according to Qun Zeng, Vice Director of the Education Commission of the TAR said,
“There is, on an average, fewer than a single complete primary school for each of 897 townships in the region, with the result that only about 60.4% of school-age children are in school- the lowest rate in all China.” (Qun Zeng, 1997)
Secondly, the education system created by China is attempting to teach Tibetan children to oppose the Dalai Lama. For example, in 1994, regional party secretary Chen
Kuiyuan stated, “The success of our education…lies, in the final analysis, in whether our graduating students are opposed to or turn their hearts to the Dalai clique and in whether they are loyal to or do not care about our great motherland and the great socialist cause.”
(Kuiyuan Education Speech, 1994) Michael Ramos-Lynch 10
While the CTA does not specifically refer to the “White Papers” it its
“Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People”, it is clear that they influence the thought process and policy design of autonomy of which the CTA is producing.
Current Autonomous Regions in China
There are multiple regions in China that are mostly comprised of ethnic minorities and are declared “autonomous” under the People‟s Republic of China (PRC)
Constitution. The authority of the regions is rooted in the Constitution and the Law on
Regional Autonomy. The National People's Congress (NPC) must give approval before enabling anyone to pass legislation. However, other regions that are not “autonomous” do not carry this extra burden or layer of bureaucracy. Stein has suggested this means that regions in China that are not “autonomous” are effectively more autonomous that the regions labeled as “autonomous” (Stein 2003).
The PRC Constitution enables autonomous regions to manage their own finance, economic, art and culture, public security, education, and language polices. Another difference between “autonomous” regions and normal provinces that do not have such a status is that the Governmental leader of the autoonomous region is the “Chairman” while the Governmental leader of the province is the “Governor”.
Demographics
There are a total of five autonomous regions in Tibet. Tibet is the only region that has a population comprised of over half the regional ethnic minority (Tibetan). Three of Michael Ramos-Lynch 11 the other regions have a majority Han Chinese population. The fifth autonomours region,
Xinjiang has a large number of Uyghurs, though not quite half of its total population is comprised by this ethnicity. However, this is a somewhat controversial figure since a number of Xinjian independence supporters suggest that there are more Han Chinese in the region than the PRC is actually reporting.
History
Inner Mongolia was the first autonomous region to be created in China. It was founded in 1947. The People‟s Republic was established in 1949. Xinjiang became the next Chinese autonomous region in 1955. Guangzi and Ningxia became autonomous in
1957. Tibet was the last region to be declared autonomous in 1965.
Political Theory of Autonomy
A major flaw in the “Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy” is that nowhere does the document actually define “genuine autonomy”. The Memorandum does state that it is merely proposing a policy that adheres to the “principles of autonomy of the Constitution of the People‟s Republic of China”, but unfortunately, not even in the PRC Constitution is “genuine autonomy” or “autonomy” defined. One could argue that the difficulty in dialogue between the two parties is rooted in the lack of a defining the major issue of debate. In essence, one could justifiably claim that neither side really understands what the other is discussing. Due to this lack of clarity on the part of both the PRC and the
CTA, it is critical to understand the mainstream definition and concepts of autonomy so as to grasp as best as possible the arguments that the PRC and CTA are exchanging. Michael Ramos-Lynch 12
Attracta Ingram argues that political autonomy is “singled out from other human goods for special protection by a scheme or rights” because it is the human good that is most responsible for enabling people to live satisfying lies. In order to prevent slavery, poverty, repression…one must have the right of individual autonomy. (Ingram 112).
There is a difference between individual autonomy and political autonomy, but one cannot effectively exist without the other. Individual autonomy is, at the most rudimentary level, the right of someone to govern themselves. Political autonomy is, at the most fundamental level, the right of the general body politic to govern itself. People who do not have the right to govern themselves certainly do not have the ability to contribute to a body politic that has the right to govern itself. Likewise, a body politic that does not have political autonomy cannot protect the individual autonomy of its citizens.
Therefore, the actual physical manifestation of these ideas are paramount to one‟s ability to live a satisfying life.
Rousseau argues that the quality of autonomy is paramount to living a meaningful life and that human dignity is so distinct that in order for humans to lead fulfilling lives they must have autonomy. For any attempt to control a human or dominate him/her is incompatible with the human‟s dignity and his/her ability and need to live a significant life.
More specifically, according to Rousseau, individuals can achieve their own autonomy through abiding by the general will. He argues that the general will and sovereignty go hand in hand. Positing that the goal of sovereignty is the welfare of society and consequently the general will cannot err in regard to protecting the welfare of society, he claims, “For since the sovereign is formed entirely from the private Michael Ramos-Lynch 13 individuals who make it up, it neither has nor could have an interest contrary to theirs.
Hence, the sovereign power has no need to offer a guarantee to its subjects, since it is impossible for a body to want to harm all of its members.” (Rousseau, 150).
On a similar note, despite arguing that some individuals may have to be “forced to be free” for the good of the general will, Rousseau argues that, “in giving himself to all, each person gives himself to no one. And since there is no associate over whom he does not acquire the same right that he would grant others over himself, he gains the equivalent of everything he loses, along with a greater amount of force to preserve what he has.” (148). Given this line of reasoning, it is clear that Rousseau would support the
Tibetan effort to obtain “autonomy”…or to at least stop the PRC from interfering with their lives in a way that prevents them from leading significant and meaningful lives.
Rousseau would argue that the effort on part of the PRC in not enabling the Tibetans to govern themselves and preserve their culture is incompatible with the distinct quality of human dignity that Tibetans possess and consequently, the PRC‟s effort to occupy Tibet is ultimately an irrational and immoral one.
Qualitative Methodologies and Ethnographic Research
A large number of my sources are from interviews and observations I made while at the CTA headquarters and around Mcleoud Ganj when discussing the issue of
“genuine autonomy” with supporters and non-supporters of the “middle way approach”.
Since the use of an ethnographic approach to research is relevant to the primary question posed in the present study, namely, how the CTA envisions an autonomous Tibet, a word concerning the rationale for my choice of method appears in order. Although many Michael Ramos-Lynch 14 different types of qualitative methodologies--of which an ethnographic approach employs several--have been presented within the research literature, certain general features or characteristics that cut across these methods have been identified.
For example, Fraenkel and Wallen (2008) have identified a considerable number of such general characteristics. However, those most germane to the design and analysis of the present investigation have included:
1. Naturalistic inquiry. Qualitative researchers have typically studied real-world
situations as they naturally unfold with openness to whatever emerges, that is,
there has typically been a lack of predetermined constraints on study
outcomes.
2. Holistic perspective. Qualitative researchers, similar to Gestalt psychologists,
have characteristically assumed that “the whole is greater than the sum of its
parts.” This has implied a focus on multiple variables with complex
interdependencies rather than a focus on two or more discrete variables in
linear relationship.
3. Dynamic systems. Regardless of a focus on an individual, a group, a system,
or a culture, qualitative researchers have typically assumed that change is
continuous and ongoing so that a concern with process complements and/or
even surpasses a concern with product or outcome.
4. Inductive analysis. Qualitative researchers have characteristically immersed
themselves in the details of the data toward uncovering important dimensions
and/or relationships rather than testing theoretically derived hypotheses. In
line with this, Michael Ramos-Lynch 15
Berg (2006) has noted that, in different qualitative studies, theoretical analysis
has preceded or followed study design and data collection.
5. Design flexibility. Qualitative researchers have typically been open to design
and methodological flexibility as their understanding deepens and/or as the
situation changes.
According to Agar (1996), the purpose of ethnographic research has been to develop a holistic, unbiased understanding of a particular phenomenon, for example, a society, group, institution, setting, or situation, which occurs in a particular environment over time. Here, we have been concerned with the CTA institution over the course of
May 2009. In line with such an approach, Johnson (2000) has suggested that the purpose of ethnography has been to provide "…a descriptive account of social life and culture in a particular social system based on detailed observations of what people actually do" (p.
111). In discussing how to fulfill this purpose, Hobbs (2006) has posited that
“…description resides at the core of ethnography, and however that description is constructed it is the intense meaning of social life from the everyday perspective of groups members that is sought” (p. 101).
These statements have implied that, toward these ends, ethnographers may routinely employ a combination of techniques. Referring to ethnographic research as “the most complex of all research methods,” Fraenkel and Wallen (2008, p. 501) have noted that its key techniques have typically been in-depth interviewing and the ongoing participant observation of a situation. However, these methods have often been supplemented by informal conversations, biographies, photographs, documents, films, recordings, and the like (cf. Spoehr, 1975) in an attempt to capture the “whole picture.” Michael Ramos-Lynch 16
Relatively early on, Wolcott (1966) has identified three crucial components to ethnographic research including: a detailed description of the culture-sharing group under investigation; an ongoing analysis of the group with respect to perceived themes and perspectives; and an interpretation of the group in terms of meanings and generalizations about human social life more generally. “The final product is a holistic cultural portrait of the group--a pulling together by the researcher of everything he or she has learned about the group in all its complexity” (Fraenkel & Wallen, 2008, p. 502). In line with this, common ethnographic concepts have included the notions of: culture (e.g., focusing on a social group‟s observable patterns of behavior and/or its customs, beliefs, and knowledge); holism (e.g., conceptualizing whole entities as having an existence other than the mere sum of their parts); contextualization (e.g., placing data within a larger perspective); thick description (describing field work in great detail with frequent extensive quotations from participants); member checking (having participants review what the researcher has written as a check for accuracy and/or completeness); triangulation (comparing one‟s sources of information as a validity check); and crystallization (experiencing occasions when different kinds of data “fall into place” to form a coherent picture).
Critics of ethnographic research have cited its dependence on a particular researcher‟s observations, the impossibility of eliminating at least some observer bias, and the nonexistence of its generalizability. In contrast, strengths of ethnographic research have been noted to include: the provision of a more comprehensive perspective than that obtained from other research methods; the ease to which it lends itself to problems that are not easily quantified; its appropriateness for studying behavior and Michael Ramos-Lynch 17 experience best understood in their natural settings; and perhaps most compellingly the possibility of revealing sources, nuances, and subtleties that other methodologies may miss. Since relatively little data on how the CTA actually functions with regard to seeking and designing a policy of “genuine autonomy” for Tibet--the context under scrutiny--has appeared in the literature thus far (see below), an ethnographic approach was chosen as a first step in the present research.
Toward illustrating aspects of the above notions with implications for describing the CTA institution, consider the book Tally‟s Corner (Liebow, 1967), which has often been touted as an example of ethnographic research par excellence. Specifically, Liebow wrote Tally‟s Corner as his dissertation in sociology at the Catholic University of
America in the early 1960s. It was based on his observations of African American males living near a particular street corner in Washington, DC, which he obtained by immersing himself in the community of these men. In choosing whom and what to observe, Liebow let his initial observations and interactions with community members guide his research.
For example, instead of choosing to focus on men below the age of 30 years or on men who were married, he instead focused on a wide range of people, patterns, and characteristics that emerged as significant factors in the community during the research process.
Tally‟s Corner was, in fact, the inspiration to use an ethnographic approach for this particular study. I was deeply moved by Liebow‟s writing and use of ethnography when I was first introduced to the book during my qualitative methods class at Brown.
Not only did I think that the book was one of the best written texts that I had ever read but also that Liebow‟s ability to integrate himself into the environment had required a Michael Ramos-Lynch 18 wide range of skills on which he had to call at a moment‟s notice. Moreover, his conclusions and subsequent theory development were very relevant to me during the preliminary formulation of my research ideas, which have served as the basis for the present research. Specifically, after reading Tally‟s Corner, I became convinced that ethnography was an ideal approach for highlighting social injustice in any environmental context and for explaining the story of hardship to individuals outside of the particular environment being studied.
For example, Liebow has identified “a shadow system of values” in his participants and how these complementary alternative values (e.g., unskilled labor as triumph, infidelity as power) had enabled them essentially to adjust to their life circumstances. That is, the adoption of such values had served to help them find worth and honor in their lives, which had tragically been affected by social structures set up to hinder them from success and happiness (cf. Rodman, 1963, on the related construct of
“value stretch”). While my observations do not lead me to believe that a shadow system of values has applicability to the problem at hand, namely, gaining “genuine autonomy” in Tibet, I do believe that an alternative system of values has pragmatic use in examining this issue. For example, cultural pride and a longing to return “home” has possibly helped fuel Tibetan refugees‟ national and cultural identity as well as their ability to gain a high socioeconomic status relative to the Indians they live near while in exile, according to
Methfessel. This phenomenon is not rooted in a “shadow system of values”, but certainly in a system of values that is, at least to some degree, unique.
It is rather unique for a group of people with diverse interests, positions, and background to be arguably highly united in the pursuit of one common goal: returning to Michael Ramos-Lynch 19 a Tibet as a “genuine autonomous region”, a common goal that arguably shapes a large number of Tibetans‟ values pertaining to cultural and national pride. My personal experiences of talking on a daily basis with Tibetan refugee students at Sarah Institute of
Buddhist Dialectics (IBD), living in with a Tibetan family for three weeks, and making a number of visits to the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) has provided me the opportunity to witness just how strong this pride is. For instance, the topic of autonomy for Tibet in all of these different situations was a primary source of conversation. The fact that these diverse situations, people, and places consistently produced conversations surrounding a supportive view of Tibetan autonomy not only suggests that autonomy is a topic of discussion that is pervasive among the Tibetan refugee community, but also implies that Tibetans are, for the most part, united in sharing a rather broad concern and strong sense of pride for Tibet. For example, according to His Holiness the Dalai Lama,
Since last March widespread peaceful protests have erupted across the whole of
Tibet. Most of the participants were youths born and brought up after 1959, who
have not seen or experienced a free Tibet. However, the fact that they were driven
by a firm conviction to serve the cause of Tibet that has continued from
generation to generation is indeed a matter of pride (March 10, 2009 speech).
Even though these conversations occurred in different places with different people, it is clear that Tibetans are united by the specific cause of returning to a Tibet free of invasive
Chinese occupation. Based upon my personal observations concerning the socioeconomic status of Tibetan refugees and my reading of Methfessel, I feel confident in saying that Michael Ramos-Lynch 20
Tibetans are united by the Tibet issue and that such a unity has led to a strong sense of cultural and national identity, an observation I feel comfortable making only after using an ethnographic approach.
Method
The present investigation has been characterized as a mixed-models study with an exploratory design (Fraenkel & Wallen, 2008). Specifically, this study has employed various qualitative data to develop a holistic representation of how the CTA envisions autonomy. The primary qualitative methods used were interviews. Secondary qualitative methods included participant observations and reviewing primary documents. The exploratory aims of the study made participant observation ideal for obtaining data insofar as the ethnographic aspect of this work was inherently investigative and interpretive.
I interviewed three varyingly well-known pro-independence activists and five
CTA Department Secretaries and Ministers, in addition the Prime Minister of the CTA,
Samdhong Rinpoche. In addition, I reviewed a large number of documents published by the CTA as well as the pro-independence activists. These various documents have been carefully evaluated and examined for their reasoning, intended audience, and bias…among a number of other factors. Also, during my visits with these interviewees and to the CTA, I recorded a number of non-participant observations. After reviewing the notes and the evidence I gathered in sum, I determined which observations were sufficiently pertinent to include in a discussion of the other data that I collected.
Michael Ramos-Lynch 21
Results
Analysis of “Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People”
When first reviewing the “Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan
People” (Memorandum), one will likely find it remarkable how small the document is considering the colossal purpose it is meant to serve: establishing a dialogue with China regarding how the CTA envisions an autonomous Tibet. The entirety of the document is
19 pages. Considering that certain sections of the document related to policy design are only a couple of paragraphs it becomes very clear how the document is so small. For example, the entirety of Section IV, subsection 4, “Education”, is only four paragraphs long. Section VI, “Nature and Structure of Autonomy” is only 12 paragraphs long. The
19 pages of the documents are comprised of only seven sections. The seemingly extreme brevity for a document of this high degree of importance leads an observer to two possible assumptions about the document in general: one) the document is concise and succinct or two) there is simply not sufficient information in the document to create an effective dialogue with PRC regarding how the CTA actually envisions “autonomy”.
Upon a careful reading and review of the document, and in consideration of other evidence surrounding the CTA attempts to establish a dialogue with PRC, one will quickly see that the reason the document is so short seems to be threefold. First, specific policies are not discussed in the document at all. There are a number of policy areas that are discussed, such as public security and education, but the degree to which these areas are discussed are limited to the CTA pointing to the authority that the Chinese
Constitution gives autonomous regions to decide specific policies themselves. The closest the Memorandum comes to discussing any specific policy it wishes to carry out in Michael Ramos-Lynch 22 autonomy is in Section IV, subsection 9, “Public Security” in which the CTA states, “In matters of public security it is important that the majority of security personnel consists of members of the local nationality who understand and respect local customs and traditions. What is lacking in Tibetans areas is absence of decision-making authority in the hands of local Tibetan officials.” This statement stands out in the document since it actually implies that the means to getting more authority for Tibetans in Tibet consists of placing a larger number of Tibetans in security personnel. While a large number of other sections in the Memorandum call for Tibet to have authority over a particular policy, such as Education, it does not suggest or even imply any means for how such authority should be achieved. For instance, section IV, subsection 4, “Education”, states
Whereas, under Article 19 of the Constitution the state takes on the overall
responsibility to provide education for its citizens, Article 119 recognizes
the principle that „The organs of self-government of the national
autonomous areas independently administer education…affairs in their
respective areas…
The obvious aim of this statement is to declare that Tibetans need the authority to administer their own education system, but the detail regarding how they will actually go about doing so or even about how the transition from the current system to one completely administered by Tibetans is absent.
The lack of specificity and detail is not unique to the Memorandum. The CTA, based upon my personal observations and interviews, seems to generally function without Michael Ramos-Lynch 23 a high degree of specific information (i.e., planning, policy details or even policy drafts) regarding the future, namely, the time in which the CTA will meet its goal and create a genuine autonomous Tibet.
Interviews with CTA Members
Even while conducting interviews at the CTA…or even while just trying to setup interviews…it was apparent that a large number of CTA members find it difficult to speculate on the future (at least in the context of which I was asking them to do so).
Although Samdhong Rinpoche feels very comfortable stating that Tibet will be autonomous during the lifetime of His Holiness, his statement is a rare exception. When I asked the Education secretary, the Finance secretary, the Religion and Culture Minister, and the security minister were not able to answer basic questions concerning what policies would occur in autonomy. For instance, when asked about what policies would be pursued in autonomy to preserve religion and culture the Religion and Culture
Minister replied, “I don‟t know.” While I do not have the authority to say that the
Department heads should be able to speculate at least to some degree, it does seem that the PRC could use the lack of specificity of the Department heads that clearly carries into the Memorandum as a reason to not dialogue with Tibetans. A very reasonable PRC supporter could say that the CTA is not sufficiently prepared to dialogue…as evidenced by the lack of specific policies outlined in the Memorandum.
Pro-Tibetan Independence supporters
Michael Ramos-Lynch 24
Tenzin Tsundue is a Tibetan political activist who has authored a number of books on subjects of Tibetan exile and Tibetan independence. He has been detained numerous times for protesting various events in India by shouting phrases like “Free
Tibet” and holding the Tibetan flag. In one of his recent books, “Semshook”, he discusses his views on why Tibetan Independence should be pursued in favor of “genuine autonomy” and the middle way approach.
Tenzin argues that the middle way approach is not politically feasible or practical, like a number of other pro-Tibetan independence supporters. He argues, “The middle way approach, though philosophically a wonder, isn‟t practical with China.” He justifies this claim by suggesting simply that the policy has not worked thus far and that it has largely resulted in an “eventless” wait to hear China respond. Tenzin explains, “The masses wait for the exile government; the government waits for the delegation and the delegation in turn waits for the Chinese. The key is in Beijing, not in Dharamsala.” (Tenzin Tsundue
14).
Tenzin goes on to suggest that the most effective way to end this “eventless” wait would be to officially declare Tibet an independent country. This would energize the movement and would help unify the Tibetan community in which a large schism has formed. He suggests that the community is divided between the “conformists”, the middle way supporters and the “non-conformists”, the independence supporters. Of course, this outcome would be rather convenient for Tenzin‟s side…seeing as how it would unify the community by having them all essentially agree with him and those who take a similar stance to him. Regardless of this seemingly rather convenient shortcut to
Tibetan unity, he does convincingly point out that Tibetans could help resolve the Michael Ramos-Lynch 25 disconnect by simply understanding that almost all Tibetans, no matter their political stance, only want the best for Tibet and its people. (Tenzin Tsundue 15).
There is another kind of disconnect according to Tenzin, very much related to the first. He discusses his observations of Parliament at the CTA and notes a number of things. The first is that a large amount of time is actually spent arguing over relatively trivial matters in the scheme of things. He notes, “Almost 90% of it [parliamentary proceedings] is about allegations, funds, laws and bylaws; very seldom are there discussions on the freedom struggle or in the language of the exile government, „to find a solution to our struggle‟.” He goes on to describe a specific instance in which Members of Parliament (MPs) argue over whether or not evaluating the middle way approach is undermining His Holiness. Tenzin suggests that arguing against His Holiness or even discussing a time without him, upon his passing away, is considered an “ill omen”
(Tenzin Tsundue 46). (Views of other pro-Tibet independence supporters such as
Lhasang Tsering and Tendor of SFT are addressed below. They were not included in the results section because they did not comment as heavily as Tenzin did on the CTA, but offered information that is nonetheless relevant to the overall issue of this paper).
Discussion
While I was not able to observe parliament, I do feel that there was largely a mixed bag of responses in the CTA when I inquired about how the passing away of His
Holiness would affect the policy design for “genuine autonomy”. Samdhong Rinpoche went as far as to say that “genuine autonomy” will actually be achieved during the lifetime of His Holiness, implying that there is no reason to concern oneself with how such an event would affect the CTA‟s vision for autonomy. Granted, he did say that there Michael Ramos-Lynch 26 is a Charter in place that will provide the necessary guidance to continue in the absence of His Holiness‟s leadership. However, the DIIR Secretary essentially said in his interview that His Holiness plays such a minor practical (as opposed to symbolic) role in the CTA that his passing away would not affect the CTA‟s vision and goal for autonomy to a large degree. Not because there is a Charter set in place that is meant to provide guidance in the absence of His Holiness, but because His Holiness does not currently provide a strong degree of guidance on a regular basis for the CTA in the first place.
Certainly, it would be inappropriate for me to root a judgment on how whether or not discussing the death of His Holiness is an “ill omen” as Tenzin suggests it is often considered to be by (conservative and traditional) Tibetans, but it does provide a valuable insight into how these two important figures who are both relatively high-ranking officials in the CTA view the matter. From my interviews and interactions with these two men, it certainly seems that there are at least instances of each phenomenon present in the
CTA – in terms of viewing His Holiness‟s death as an “ill omen” and something to be specifically avoided when discussing “Genuine autonomy” and something to be generally avoided since His Holiness does not have an effectively large practical influence on the current CTA. Ironically, either way…the outcome seems to be the same. The death of His
Holiness is likely avoided for two very different lines of reasoning when discussing
“genuine autonomy”.
For these reasons, as one might expect, the death of His Holiness is not ever mentioned in the Memorandum. In fact, there are a large number of things (namely, specific policies that are to be implemented in a Tibetan autonomy) that are never discussed in the memorandum. However, the briefness present in the document serves as Michael Ramos-Lynch 27 an asset to the CTA.
The strength of brevity in Memorandum is twofold. First, on the most basic level a shorter document is more accessible to others and international allies who devote their time and resources to helping Tibet is a major resource that the CTA cannot afford to neglect by creating inconveniently accessible publications. Also, PRC is probably more likely to read a shorter document than a longer one. Second, the brevity enables the CTA to not give PRC more details than they need. According to the Chinese Constitution, all
Tibet needs is approval to be an “autonomous region”…it does not need to provide specific details to the PRC of the policies it will implement in its own autonomous area.
One obvious obstacle regarding dialogue with the PRC in creating such a detail- free Memorandum is that the Memorandum is susceptible to PRC skepticism that an autonomous Tibet will divide the country. Article 89 of the Chinese Constitution states that the State Council “has the right to exercise such other functions and powers as the
National People's Congress or its Standing Committee may assign it.” This statement alone suggests that what is published in the Constitution is not necessarily what will be implemented in the country.
The CTA has arguably made a patient, tactful, and thoughtful attempt to achieve genuine autonomy for Tibet through using the rhetoric and reason that is included in
China‟s own Constitution. The CTA makes a very convincing case of how their envisioning an autonomous Tibet lies completely within the legal bounds outlined in the
Constitution. One of the CTA‟s most convincing points is that China is not adhering to
Section 6 Article 114. The Article states, “The administrative head of an autonomous region, prefecture or county shall be a citizen of the nationality, or of one of the Michael Ramos-Lynch 28 nationalities, exercising regional autonomy in the area concerned.” The effective administrative head of the TAR has never been a Tibetan. This is obviously a violation of the Constitution.
However, Article 4 and Article 89 of the Chinese Constitution largely undermine the CTA‟s arguments regarding the Constitution. Article 4 states, “any acts that undermine the unity of the nationalities or instigate their secession are prohibited.” Now while this claim may be unfounded and highly criticized, the PRC argues that the Dalai
Lama is a separatist (Chinese White Paper, 2004). As long as the PRC officially holds this view, it seems as though they are within the bounds of their Constitution to reject any variation of “autonomy” that the CTA proposes. As long as the Dalai Lama is the head of the CTA and is considered a separatist and someone who “undermines the unity of the nationalities” then it seems Constitutional for the PRC to outright reject any attempt by the CTA to negotiate the terms of “autonomy”. For this reason, perhaps the Chinese
Constitution is not the best possible argument the CTA has for obtaining the autonomy they wish for the Tibetan region. However, there is no easy alternative.
Lhasang Tsering, a Daharamsala-based activist, author, and bookstore owner, suggests that Tibetans unite with other marginalized peoples of China to create a type of guerilla network that involves people trying to dismantle the lines of infrastructure in
China. He argues this would be more effect than the middle way approach to autonomy because this would actually force China to listen to Tibet‟s requests. Otherwise China has no incentive to help the Tibetans. Tendor, Deputy Director for SFT, suggests that the middle way approach to autonomy is outdated and that freedom is the only worthwhile goal. He, like Lhasang, suggests that China cannot be reasoned with and that Tibetans Michael Ramos-Lynch 29 and the CTA should pursue some form of action other than an attempt of courteous dialogue with the PRC.
Regardless, determining the effectiveness of the current CTA‟s attempt to dialogue with China is not the burden of this paper. Nor is the burden to suggest alternative methods for achieving autonomy or freedom…or any combination of the two.
The burden of this paper rests with describing how the CTA envisions an autonomous
Tibet. This has been answered in extensive detail. In summation, the CTA is unclear about the specific policies that will occur once in Tibet. The CTA is apprehensive about speculating on anything specific at all regarding how “genuine autonomy” will actually manifest itself in terms of policy design and implementation in Tibet. However, the CTA stands firm on defending “genuine autonomy” through the Chinese Constitution. The
CTA insists that it is taking a democratic ideology in discussing the policy of autonomy with Tibetans in general and that the policy will change if the majority opinion of
Tibetans changes. In the meantime, the CTA will continue to make courteous attempts to appeal to China for engagement in a dialogue regarding “genuine autonomy” for Tibet.
What We Can Do As Westerners
Depending upon our opinion regarding Sino-Tibetan relations, we may want to help encourage China to engage in a dialogue with Tibet. If so, it is important to be aware of our Western archetypes concerning what is “good” and “bad” regarding methods one would use to accomplish a particular task. In particular, the seemingly general practice of working towards a large goal (genuine autonomy) without specific sub-goals, policies, or plans of action in mind is not necessarily a “good” or “bad” practice.
A large number of us with our Western archetypes of how to plan and work might Michael Ramos-Lynch 30 argue that not having more specific policy outlines and ideas about what actual genuine autonomy will look like is a “bad” practice. However, it is imperative that we as
Westerners do not interfere with the current attitudes, methods, policies of the CTA and that we reserve our judgment. If we want to help the CTA, there are a number of websites where we can donate money and find opportunities to volunteer. In addition, many people at the CTA and Tibetans who I met in Dharamsala stressed to me how useful spreading information about Tibet is to the movement. The CTA is grateful for our help and wants our help, but there is a clear line between providing assistance and trying to change the CTA‟s current plan of action for engaging the PRC. We should be very aware of that line and make sure that we do not cross it. This is a Tibetan struggle. It is not a
Western struggle.
Future Research
While I tried to present both sides of the argument from the CTA and pro-Tibetan independence perspectives, I was not able to talk to everyone I would have liked. There were scheduling conflicts at the CTA and so I had to often limit my interviews to the most important questions. Moreover, not all of the CTA Secretaries and Ministers were available to interview. Also, there is a huge number of pro-Tibetan independence supporters who represent a relatively wide array of different views regarding how to best obtain Tibetan independence. I was only able to interview a small number of these people and therefore this paper only considers a portion of the diverse pro-Tibetan independence views. I would like to consider evaluating this subject, but with the aid of more information in the format of more formal interviews and informal discussions with CTA members, non-CTA middle-way supporters, and pro-Tibetan independence supporters. Michael Ramos-Lynch 31
Additionally, I would love to visit both TAR and Beijing in order to discuss Tibetan autonomy with PRC officials. I believe this would add a very necessary and interesting component to the paper. Unfortunately, I did not have the resources to visit and meet with
PRC officials by this particular date. However, I would love to reconsider the issue at hand by reframing the paper with the aid of formal interviews and informal discussions with PRC officials.
APPENDIX
Interviews
Pro- Tibetan independence interviews
Group Interview with Tendor, deputy director of Students for a Free Tibet
“We didn‟t choose our exile. I‟d rather be born in Tibet and live there.” – this is the first statement he said. He went on to say…
“The current generation has a stronger bond with the Dalai Lama because his increased visibility makes younger generations feel more comfortable than past generations in his presence. Because of this, the younger generation feels more comfortable disagreeing with him. I believe he is a Bodhisattva, but Bodhisattva is not a good foreign policy.
Ideally it would be, if countries were friendlier with each other. Tibet will be free in my lifetime.
Tibet is a faith-based culture. There is not a lot of effort put toward thinking rationally.
Some support the middle way because it‟s the strategy of HH. Others support it because they believe independence is not possible. Some support the middle way and then join a protest for an independent Tibet. Michael Ramos-Lynch 32
Autonomy is a complex arrangement between the oppressor and the oppressed. The nature of autonomy is you must negotiate with your oppressor. The same thing happened in 1951. China abused the 17-point agreement. It did not honor the negotiation. The middle way is based on trusting someone who has already betrayed you many times. The strategy should be to raise the cost for the Chinese staying in Tibet so it will become too expensive for them to continue to stay. And we should make them lose face.”
Q: The Tibet cause is quite sheik in America. What should Americans actually do to support Tibet?
A: “Nothing lasts in America for very long – supporting Tibet was sheik in the 90‟s, stopped in 2001 or 2002. People who joined the cause during those years are in it for the long haul. The difference between American public support and American Government support for Tibet is that the U.S. Government has done relatively a lot, which is sad because it‟s still not much. However, according to a CNN poll, over 80% of Americans believe that Tibet should be free. The U.S. mostly funds Tibetan groups. For example, it gives about 15 Fulbright scholarships. They awarded the peace prize to HH. Many people say it‟s peanuts and not all that effective. Many Tibetans fly the U.S. flag in Tibet because 1) it‟s illegal to fly the Tibetan flag. To them the U.S. flag represents freedom. 2)
People believe Congress really supports Tibet (possibly because the Chinese Government is a rubber stamp so they believe the U.S. Government always supports Congress. 3) It pisses Chinese off became many Chinese do not like the U.S. Government.”
Q: What are the methods you would use to carry out your strategy of making Chinese occupation in Tibet too costly? Michael Ramos-Lynch 33
A: “‟Strategy‟ has been missing from Tibetan discourse. Faith is the main driving force.
They think…if you keep walking in the dark, you‟ll get somewhere. The strategy is to make the cost of occupying Tibet too expensive relative to the benefit the Chinese get from occupation. Tactics include: social pressure, economic pressure and political pressure. Within a year we will publish a document that explains tactics/strategy well. No
Losar movement threw Chinese off. They tried to force Tibetans to look happy for the world. Often non-violence towards celebrating culture. Not celebrating the culture confused the system. “
Q: What will be the role of technology in your efforts?
A: “Major developments include mobiles and computers. Older Tibetans used to think technology would distract from Dharma pursuits. Technology may be our savior. It definitely changed the landscape of the movement. We spend 17/18 hours online a day.
But in the struggle – it‟s making a huge difference. „Voice of America‟ and „Radio Free
Asia‟ are the best U.S. contributors. Mountain dwellers are often the more informed than people in live in urban areas because they sit and listen to the radio all day.
Interview with Lhasang Tsering
On issue of the so called middle way policy of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and therefore the CTA, in my view…is first and foremost morally wrong and politically and practically unrealistic. I say it is morally wrong because in my humble view the struggle for freedom is not about winning and losing…it is about right and wrong. In my view, the struggle for truth and justice of right and wrong must go on regardless of whether or not you will Michael Ramos-Lynch 34 win. I say at the same time it is politically unrealistic because as I see it, China has no need to negotiate with a bunch of helpless refugees. On the question of mutual benefit…I‟m saying where is the mutual benefit on part of China to willingly and voluntarily walk away from Tibet. A lot of the time many people failed to understand why china invaded Tibet in the first place. Many people are not aware because we have for long been appealing to the world to help 6 million Tibetans. Many people think Tibet is a small country. The population is tiny…the land is huge. It is in fact not possible to get a true picture today because under china‟s colonial rule...in my words China is a colonial power… 60% of what world recognizes today as China is occupied territory and of that
Tibet is some 25%. . But old traditional Tibet under China‟s rule is divided into some 6 parts. This so called TAR [Tibet Autonomous Region] is only about 50% in terms of land area and only has third of population. So there is huge size of Tibet that is a factor, but more than that is strategic location. Also…the fabled mineral wealth of Tibet. Some of your own strategic thinkers are suggesting that the next Great War might be fought over fresh water and Tibet is the source of many great rivers of Asia. To that extent, their control over these huge strategic resources is…as I see it...in practical terms…totally unrealistic to expect china to hand over what they earned through war and conquest.
Do you have any alternative to the middle way approach?
In my view the struggle for freedom must go on. The fact of alternative comes into play when you talk about means. Here again I must emphasize when you talk about the struggle for freedom…winning and losing does matter. But for me again it‟s not about winning and losing. The motive for business is profit. I‟m making profit I continue Michael Ramos-Lynch 35 business I‟m not making profit I stop business I change business. But here again…the struggle for freedom being of right and wrong cannot and must not be a change in our goal and policy. But even from practical point of view I have outlined a strategy here. I see today possibilities in China where we have a great opportunity. China is a very unstable society. This regime in Beijing has massacred more of its people than any other regime in history. In terms of the current so called economic development...it‟s not benefitting everyone equally. There are disparities. So many factors…China is waiting to implode. It just needs a little push. Also, as I mentioned earlier…with 60% of its territory being occupied…we could unite with these people to give us greater strength. The key factor…as I see it….in China‟s current strength...is economic development. The soft underbelly of China‟s increasingly market-oriented economic presents a new opportunity
I‟m not talking about that halfhearted boycott made in china. That has its moral factor and at the international level it could also play a role. I‟m talking about strategy where we carry out action in China to hurt economic infrastructure. For example, a girl cuts a telephone wires...would you need CIA support? For a young man to throw an iron rod across power lines to cause a blackout…would you need a UN resolution? Power supply…communications...roads…resources. The soft targets of power and communications…if phones are not working business will be in difficulty. No power supply...no factory production…in any respect. Also globally. The pride of big brother has been hurt. China today is exploiting using former soviet satellite sites as new playground to dump their cheap goods. Cheap raw material. People after all…nations…are made by people, not mountains and valleys. People will do for pride what they will not do for love or money. The pride of old big brother has been hurt. That Michael Ramos-Lynch 36 is the other factor. The world‟s second economic power Japan has reason to be seriously worried about not just China‟s growing economic power…but their old memories. China is a nation with long memories. 1930‟s is not that long ago. They have not forgotten the massacre and China is looking to settle scores. If we can get our act into place these factors could come in. People are beginning to see that China is not aiming to not just be a super power but the ultimate super power. Here, a weaker China would still mean the mark of billions…but not the market that will dictate terms to the West. These are the different factors we could use to our advantage. It‟s like betting in a horse race. You cannot se and know the outcome. Politicians are taking a gamble when they support unknown causes. We are not supposed to know which horse is going to win. Even in a horse race you can say for one thing for certain…in the process of betting nobody can bet on a horse that is not in the race. It could be your favorite...but if it‟s not in the race you can‟t bet on it. As I see it, we are not in the race of running for freedom. These countries cannot make a bet on a Tibetan horse because for the simple reason our horse is not in the race. Finally…as a Buddhist, everything is impermanent and changing. Why must we accept that China‟s occupation is permanent? This is the basis for middle way policy…that Tibet cannot be free.
An excerpt from a group interview with Tenzin Tsundue and an examination of his book
“SEMSHOOK”(16 and 43)
“The CTA just recently published a Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy. You should definitely look into it, if you researching how they envision an autonomous Tibet…I‟m an Michael Ramos-Lynch 37 activist who favors Tibetan independence over autonomy, but the document is still very useful.”
Pro-Mddle Way Interviews (CTA)
Interview with Samdhong Rinpoche:
1) What has been Tibet‟s reaction to Chinese commentary on the CTA‟s memorandum that outlines the policy of autonomy that the Government-in-exile is seeking?
It is difficult to react in an appropriate manner. But we sum up in two comments. Number one: there are few things which we mentioned in the memorandum. They did not understand correctly. They intentionally interpreted it in a different way. We are willing to explain those things which they misunderstood. And the rest…they intentionally misinterpreted. For that…we cannot do anything.
2) Students for a Free Tibet and Tibetan Youth Congress represent a rather youthful outlook on the Tibet issue. Their position is clearly one that favors Tibetan independence.
They argue that since the PRC did not honor the 17-point agreement there is no reason that the PRC would honor a policy of autonomy. How is the CTA incorporating their concerns in designing a policy of autonomy? How would you respond to SFT and other
Tibetans who fear that the Chinese Government‟s past is reason to not trust them now?
Michael Ramos-Lynch 38
We are living in a democratic society and each one has the right to carry their own political ideologies or objectives or pursue them. So we do not have any rejection to them. Regarding their argument…this is too much generalization. PRC in 1951 and PRC in 2009 are quite different. A number of changes have taken place…not only in PRC but also in the world. We are living in the 21st century. Apart from that…it is too early to doubt the PRC. If they breach an agreement…only then can we question their trustworthiness. Without reaching any agreement only to refrain from engaging them on basis of past history…then there is no solution to the problems. The problem is with
PRC…whether we are seeking independence or autonomy. Without approaching PRC we cannot achieve it just from sitting idly in Dharamsala. We have to engage them. And when the time arrives…when a truly agreeable solution comes…only then can we say if they are trustworthy or not. It is too early to say.
3) Once the Dalai Lama passes away…what will happen if the people vote in a referendum to not continue the institution of the Dalai Lama? Do you think the amount of
Tibetans who currently support the middle way approach will reduce in number? If so, how will this impact CTA‟s efforts to establish an autonomous rather than independent
Tibet?
We do not foresee the CTA to that period when the present Dalai Lama is no more there.
We believe that in any way the Tibet issue will be resolved during his lifetime and that he will be able to go back to Tibet in his lifetime. This is our belief. Despite of that future…no one knows. Should the Tibet issue remain unresolved and Dalai Lama pass Michael Ramos-Lynch 39 away in exile…our Constitution and Charter provides very clearly how to continue and set up and carry out responsibilities of his holiness. Regarding middle path approach…of course we are in democratic set up. Whatever the majority wants…the policy will follow.
That policy should not be linked with Dalai Lama. Even during his lifetime there may be a majority not wanting to support middle way approach…then of course it will be changed. We live in a democratic society and whatever the people mandate - that will be followed.
10) In section VI of the memorandum, there is a large degree of discussion regarding the difficulties that arise from not having clearly defined divisions of power between the regional Government and central Government. However, there seem to be no suggestions regarding how strict boundaries and definitions and parameters for how the two governments can work with one another in the future might be drawn. Is the CTA working on making some of these suggestions? If so, what are they?
Definitely. We have ides. But it is too early because they have not agreed to the present
Memorandum. In that Memorandum, we only raise the difficult points. There are contradictions between Constitution provisions and between autonomy law and the instances are very complicated and due to divisions of power then they are very much overlapping with each other. We have raised the legal points. If they were willing to trust us on the memorandum then of course they might have their own ideas. We have our own ideas. Without amending the constitution how we can find a way to define the parameters and boundaries…what are exactly exclusive responsibilities and powers of local Michael Ramos-Lynch 40 autonomy Government and what are necessary to go with Central Government…the contradictions can be solved out.
12) Does this memorandum represent the last degree of compromise that the CTA is willing to make with the PRC? For instance, what if the PRC disagreed with Section 4
(“Education”) in the memorandum and wanted both Chinese and Tibetan to be the main mediums of education rather than just Tibetan. Could the CTA make this compromise? Is there any policy mentioned in the memorandum on autonomy on which the CTA is willing to negotiate and consider further compromise?
I don‟t think so there is necessary a compromise. We are only talking about provisions of
Constitution and Autonomy Law. Both these laws mention that local language will be main language. We never said anywhere in Memorandum that Chinese will not be taught.
It will be bilingual. But main language, it means main language, the language of instruction…the principal will be Tibet. All other languages…even in exile we teach our students three languages. Language of instruction…mother tongue…and third language.
We never said we will not teach Mandarin. That is just their confusion that we are excluding Chinese language. If we are excluding Chinese language then we must say it.
The word means main...the principal. That implies that there are some other languages also.
Michael Ramos-Lynch 41
4) How would the process of electing communist party officials work ? Would there still be a communist party representative involved as apart of most offices throughout the autonomous region?
The constitution and autonomy law do not mention anything clearly about the relationship between party and the governments. But, the system as we follow in the center and provinces of autonomous regions of today…they do have the system. One party leadership and involving in any government offices there are the leaders of the party. That we have not challenged at any level. Since we have not challenged the system, the system will remain. But this will not interfere with the theory of autonomy.
5) In recognizing the three major issues of CCP: “cholkasum” (largely housed outside of
TAR…process of making them one autonomous region)…Dalai Lama (living in
Beijing…separatist)…version of autonomy actually independence. How are you planning on dealing with them? These three issues were not prevalent in the
Memorandum.
As far as Cholkasume is concerned, they are misinterpreting it. The entire region where Tibetans reside traditionally - those regions are belonging to autonomous areas.
We are not asking anything that is not autonomous at this moment and should be freshly established autonomy. We are not asking in order to implement autonomy provisions and particularly to preserve Tibetan language and cultural tradition. This autonomous area should be administered by one autonomous administration…one autonomous Michael Ramos-Lynch 42 government. This is not a new thing. Right during the 17-point agreement and establishment of Committee for autonomous regions…we subsequently discussed how to make entire Tibet region in one umbrella of autonomous region. There is no room for any suspicion or any doubt. If we are asking some area which is not already in established autonomy areas…then of course we are being ambitious in expanding autonomous area.
We are not saying that. There are already in autonomy…so there should be one administration. I think this is absolutely reasonable. I think it is easy for autonomous region to implement autonomy and objectives of autonomy. That we are asking…and if
PRC has sensibility and rational mind to respond to logic…it can be done, which will be beneficial to both sides.
And the second issue?
His Holiness never asked to return. His Holiness‟s return is not an issue to discuss with
PRC. Our dialogue is entirely focused to future of people of Tibet and how they can enjoy autonomy provisions. We never asked for His Holiness to return to Tibet or
Beijing. If they don‟t want his return…that is not an issue to be disputed.
And they misunderstood our definition of autonomy. We used the Chinese Constitution provisions to describe our autonomy. If this is independence then they should explain. If
Constitution provisions are for independence then they need to amend the Constitution.
They should blame Constitution…not us. We have not mentioned a single thing which does not have in the Constitution provision of autonomy.
Michael Ramos-Lynch 43
6) Why are not all schools in exile teaching Mandarin to the students so that they are prepared to enter a country in which Mandarin is one of the official languages – which is needed to take advantage of educational, financial, and employment opportunities?
We consider it absolutely important to teach Mandarin to younger generation. Therefore we are trying to increase provision of Chinese language in all our schools. But there are a number of limitations. The amount of subjects and the provisions of Center Board for
Secondary Education in India…in which we are living. We shall have to fit it within that framework…and within that framework we are trying to encourage teaching of
Mandarin.
(Conflict resolution)
7) What personalities need to be at the forefront of Sino-Tibetan relations to win over the
Chinese leadership? Are you researching the political psychology of how to communicate with the PRC? For instance, the 2006 March 10th statement had a number of Chinese propaganda terms that the Dalai Lama used in an effort to give PRC confidence to communicate with CTA?
We do not have any regime to research political psychology of Chinese leadership. But we do have more than sufficient information about the psychology of leadership…past leadership...and future leadership. We are watching very slowly...studying their attitude.
Regarding communication…the communication channels have become gradually closed.
At this moment the PRC is divided and the hardliners are at advantageous positions. So Michael Ramos-Lynch 44 we do not have much hope with present leadership for better communication. But we are ready and open to communicate with them when the opportunity comes. Otherwise from outside we will just wait and see.
8) Pursuant to section 5 (“Environment Protection”) of the “Memorandum on Genuine
Autonomy for The Tibetan People” Tibetans will have the right to “pursue traditional conservation practices” regarding the environment, if this policy of autonomy is carried out. China has been using a number of Tibetan natural resources: specifically the water produced from Tibet‟s many rivers and lakes. Known as "China's water tower," the
Three-River-Source lies very near to the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau, covering an area of
360,000 km square. Would China still have access to these water sources? If not, to what degree would Tibet limit the amount of water that China could have from these rivers.
When we talk about natural resources and water resources and other natural resources.
The basic elements as we believe...the earth the water the fire the air the space. This should not belong to any individual person or nation...or any individual state. This is a common gift by the nature for whoever goes to Tibet. Whoever goes to Tibet shall have right to breathe in the air move about in space...stay on the earth…drink the water...use the fire. This is common sense. Therefore we will not restrict water flow to China or to
India or to anywhere. The water flow is not manmade. Since the earth is formed…the waters originated from Tibet and goes to so many South Asian countries. Everyone has used that river. As environmentalist we have great love and respect for environment. We will not allow creation of dams…or interfering with flow of water. We will try to keep all Michael Ramos-Lynch 45 great rivers with a flow as they used to flow in ancient times. Our only worry is global warming and if glaciers are melted then rivers might be naturally dried up and we cannot do anything. Otherwise we will not restrict flow of water as far as rivers are concerned.
Small water sources are localized and will remain localized. Apart from that…other resources like oil…coal…precious stones…forest…that we have mentioned should be regulated according to autonomy provisions and we should make policies for how to use them. Some of them should be conserved. Such as the forests…We should have to reforest. We will have to be sensitive to ecosystem and environment…if there‟s no harm to environment then we should use resources. But local people should be first users..and they should have autonomy for how to use it and how to share it. That was basis in our memorandum.
11) The CTA says that it will not exist anymore once autonomy has been achieved in
Tibet. What will be the process for transitioning from the CTA to an autonomous government in Tibet?
There need not be any transition. The people living in Tibet should be masters of Tibet.
Once the autonomy provisions are sincerely implemented and the people living inside
Tibet and have not complained and are happy with arrangement and are able to do their own way of life…it may be spiritual life… economic…social…they have certain degree of autonomy and freedom then they will be happy. And at that moment...whatever autonomy law and Constitution provides. The government is already be set up there. At that moment…as people of Tibet are happy...that set up will be the law. Michael Ramos-Lynch 46
Will you speculate about this process?
I can‟t say. It all depends on PRC. How they will implement autonomy provisions…in letter and in street. On the street…sincerely to all people of Tibet. Then we will be satisfied. No more need to have an argument.
What if you were to consider a hypothetical situation in which the PRC agrees to everything in the Memorandum?
Agreement is one thing. Implementation is another thing. After agreement there would be built system to how to implement them and how to evaluate implementation. That should be part of the agreement. Then we will see the agreement is reached and the system is set up and evaluation system is also set up. A timeframe is met. For example, we will legislate all laws in two years and then implement in three years. In three years we will see how they are implementing. At same time there should be a mechanism to evaluate…free from PRC and CTA…to see how it is implemented. If a report comes out that things are sincerely implemented. At that moment there will be no more CTA.
9) There are a large number of Chinese moving into Tibet everyday. Will they be allowed to stay once a policy of autonomy has been established? What type of legal status, if any at all, will they be given? Michael Ramos-Lynch 47
At this moment there is no law for transition of population. In country..the PRC leadership encourage transition and intentional population transfer. And due to that a large number of Chinese people have been transferred to various parts of Tibet.
According to our memorandum there must be a regulation of immigration. Outside not
Tibetans…inside Tibetan nationalities. There must be regulation for how to regulate in or out. For example in Hong Kong there are immigration laws. So this kind of regulation must be there. The transition of population would be regulated according to that law…and who are already centered in Tibet before that law cannot be uprooted. But future transition would be regulated according to law. That is our memorandum intention.
“You have prepared good question. You have studied memorandum in depth.”
There is no Interview with Secretary of Health Department (the Minister and Secretary were repeatedly not available to interview)
Interview with Secretary of Finance Department
How does the finance Department envision an autonomous Tibet? What financial policies are you seeking to implement in autonomy?
“Right now, there is no economic policy in exile. We simply follow the economic policy of the Indian Government. There should be a specific financial policy in Tibet, but for now we must abide by the Indian financial policy while in exile. As long we are in exile…creating an economic policy for Tibet or for Tibetans has nothing to with the
Finance Department. Our main role is to generate income. I‟m not sure how that role Michael Ramos-Lynch 48 will change when we move to Tibet. The Department overviews other department budges and if another department‟s budget is out of line then we reject and it adjust the budget.
A major goal we have right now is to increase the funding we receive from Tibetans.
Nearly half of our budget comes from foreign donations. We ask that Tibetans give 15% of their profits to the Department to cover expenses. However, that only covers about half of our expense…so we‟re in the process of increasing that amount so that we will not be depending on foreign donations at all.
We give guidance to the Tibetan Trade Association to provide a venue for petty business owners to share experience and knowledge. This will be useful when we return to Tibet in order to spread financial literacy. Similarly, people often come from Tibet for two reasons: a blessing from His Holiness and to gain a formal education. Once they obtain such an education we encourage them to return in order to spread the knowledge the gained.”
Interview with Secretary of Education Department, Karma Gelek Yuthok
Who was the major contributor to the Education section in the Memorandum on autonomy? What will be the role, if any, of the Education Department in Exile? How does the Education Department envision an autonomous Tibet? What are the specific goals for education policy in autonomy?
“As to your first question…I‟m not sure. There was a group of people not long ago. But it was based on a Government pattern and not a single person. Michael Ramos-Lynch 49
Autonomy includes all bit external affairs and defense…so education is part o that.
Education related external affairs include scholarly exchange…but this should be in the
Tibetan hands.
It‟s better not to relate to the long future. In exile we are in process of change. None of learning systems is perfect, in terms of real vision when all will be in our hands. It is difficult to make changes in the classroom. The changes are not stuck at the policy level, but at the fundamental level. There are certain systematic old things and it takes time to come out of it. For example, the pedagogy of language and various other subjects are totally outdated. It is very difficult to get TCV administrators and teachers to adjust to policy changes. Until the policy is implemented at ground level it has no meaning.
Our major policy is to give the students a two-winged education: a modern education and an education in Tibetan culture. Both wings are equally important. For instance, we realized we were not emphasizing the modern education wing enough and so we have increased its importance in the curriculum during the last forty years. Still, there is no way we can compromise the importance of the Tibetan language. The problem is that there are too many subjects and not enough time.
What about the importance of teaching Mandarin to TCV students so they can compete economically in China as members of an autonomous region?
This is the same problem with teaching Mandarin. It is very important, but there is just often not enough time. The Indian Center Board for Secondary Education gives so many language choices. Mandarin is ultimately a choice for the students…it is an option to Michael Ramos-Lynch 50 learn as a secondary language, but it is not available in all the schools - only the schools that have the resources and desire to teach it.
Part of this challenge as well as the challenge of implementing policy in general is finding qualified teachers. One of our current goals is to raise the status, income, and benefits of teachers. The morality and character of the teachers and parents have a fundamental responsible role to play in the education of the students. This is very important because if you don‟t approach the mind well you become very negative.
Everyone needs an education for intelligence. Surely…this idea…this policy will continue in autonomy. All policy does not have to be written.
Interview with Minister of Religion and culture Department.
What policies of the Religion and Culture Department continue in Tibet? What will be the method for continuing those policies? Does the Religion and Culture Department have any specific goals for autonomy?
“I have no idea about going back to Tibet. There are only a few [polcies] compared to going back to Tibet. Different people have different views of democracy. China says they‟re improving Tibetan culture, but really it is cultural genocide. Their real communism view is to destroy all cultures. They wish to destroy and change culture.”
Are you angry with the Chinese treatment of Tibetans?
“We‟re all sentient beings…all same. So no need to be angry or to cause harm to China. Michael Ramos-Lynch 51
Of course…peace and non-violence policies were bent in the 1950‟s with the CIA. In one example, the U.S. had to declare war on Iraq because Hussein would not be peaceful.
There are even violent and non-violent deities.”
What policies need to be in place in autonomy to preserve Tibetan culture?
“I don‟t know, but the U.S. is in an ideal position to help. They have provided very effective assistance in the past. Only U.S. has a special coordinator for Tibet. Bush wasn‟t afraid to openly talk with lamas. We feel the U.S. is altruistic in efforts…it is not helping out of self-interest.”
Interview with Secretary of Department of Information and International Relations
What were the different contributions of the various Departments to the Memorandum on autonomy? How was writing the Memorandum organized? Have there been other materials published thus far concerning autonomy?
“There is a „taskforce‟ of people with Chinese knowledge who speak Chinese language.
It is headed by Samdhong Rinpoche. It includes two envoys of His Holiness.”
What has been CTA‟s response to the Chinese reply to the Memorandum…essentially that the memorandum was a cover for seeking independence?
“We are going to various governments with Chinese influence. We have also made many concessions…so we cannot continue to compromise. This is the most we can compromise
– the Memorandum. We are seeking more broad-mindedness from China.” Michael Ramos-Lynch 52
What is the current plan of action since China did not agree to the CTA policy?
“A doable, very modest proposal that includes promoting our cause and efforts and the
Chinese response on websites and in hardcopy materials…as we did with the
Memorandum in making it public.”
How the CTA reach the decision to publish the Memorandum on Autonomy to the public?
“After the Chinese rejected every clause, His Holiness continued to highlight gross human rights violations in Tibet. He made appeals to Chinese authorities to release political prisoners. They denied all requests to inspect prisons, and they banned reporters from Tibet.”
What will happen regarding the policy of autonomy and attempts to dialogue with PRC once His Holiness passes away?
“All measures in place for when His Holiness passes, but in actual practice he is not so involved in day-to-day action. He has stressed that Tibetan people should take more responsibility. The democratic institutions will hold after he passes. Of course, the 15th
Dalai Lama will continue the 14th‟s efforts for increasing democracy.”
Interview with Minister of Security Department
What current security policies will transfer over to an autonomous Tibet and what will be the process of doing so? Michael Ramos-Lynch 53
“In exile, we must function under the Indian authority. Anything regarding violations of non-criminal rules…like family disputes…security can handle that itself.
Every Tibetan exile settlement has at least one „settlement officer‟. He is in charge of security for whatever settlement to which he has been assigned.
Our Department has a strong connection to the economy. We deal with a lot of petty business regulations. An issue of actual security does not occur often.
We do have what are called registration certificates. It allows us to remain in India in a secure position issued to any foreigner. For example, an NGO gets trust. The trust will have to register with Foreign Contributions…they can receive any amount from any foreign country.
There is a Tibetan reception center in Nepal…one in Delhi. They receive financial aid from the U.S. and accept the funds under the Foreign Contributions. The aid is transferred to the Finance Department, which then transfers funds to the reception center.
Regarding autonomy…we are aiming towards similar policies of Quebec in Canada.
They speak ther own language and have their own rules.”
What about law enforcement policies in autonomy?
“It is impossible to speculate on law enforcement policies in Tibet, though security will still exist for petty business policies.” Michael Ramos-Lynch 54
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