‘freedom not regimentation’ of Wythenshawe. He had, in A glance 1 Ebenezer Howard, in To-Morrow: 1991), p. 90. fact, considered switching his A Peaceful Path to Real Reform (fac- 8 Roy Douglas, History of the Liberal simile edition, London, Routledge, Party 1895–1970 (London, Sidgwick party allegiance before then and back at 2003), pp. 2–3. & Jackson, 1971), p. 140. it might be significant that his 2 Howard includes this quote from a 9 J. A. Hobson, in Chris Cook, His- wife did so in 1935. Certainly, the con- Daily Chronicle article at the start of tory of the Liberal Party 1895–1970 there would have been a degree Chapter 9 of To-Morrow; the article (London, Macmillan, 1976), p. 48. of tension between the real- tribution is discussing ways of reconciling 10 Chris Cook, History of the Liberal ity of a centralised, municipal Socialism and Individualism. Party 1895–1970 (London, Macmil- of their 3 For this and other parliamentary lan, 1976), p. vii. bureaucracy and a Liberal belief records, see M. Stenton and S. Lees 11 Henry Vivian, in Dennis Hardy, in individual freedom. predeces- (eds.), Who’s Who of British Mem- From Garden Cities to New Towns As Wythenshawe indicated, bers of Parliament, Vol. 2, 1886–1918 (London, Chapman & Hall, 1991), the day of localised ventures was sors in the and Vol. 3, 1919–1945 (Sussex: Har- p. 40. over. After the Second World vester, 1978 and 1979). 12 John Burns, in Gordon E. Cherry, pioneering 4 Mervyn Miller, Letchworth: The Pioneers in British Planning (London, War, social experiments were First Garden City, (Chichester, Phil- Architectural Press, 1981), p. 12. to be conducted through the days of limore, second edition 2002), p. 115. 13 Michael Simpson, Thomas Adams state, with the post-war Labour 5 George Orwell, in Aileen Reid, and the Modern Planning Movement administration setting the new planning Brentham: A History of the Pioneer (London, Mansell, 1985), p. 55. Garden Suburb 1901–2001 (London, 14 See, especially, Andrzej Olechno- pattern. Garden cities were Brentham Heritage Society, 2000), wicz, ‘Civic Leadership and Edu- by then seen as a concept from might offer p. 93. cation for Democracy: The Simons the past, to be superseded by a 6 The full title was the Labour Asso- and the Wythenshawe Estate’, Con- nationwide programme of new a timely ciation for Promoting Co-operative temporary British History, Vol. 14, towns. For the best part of half Production Based on Co-Partner- No. 1 (Spring 2000), pp. 3–26. source of ship of the Workers. a century that was how things 7 Raymond Unwin, 1910, in Dennis were to be. More recently, how- inspiration. Hardy, From Garden Cities to New ever, opposition parties in a long Towns (London, Chapman & Hall, period of Labour government are pointing once again to the limitations of the state. With sus- tainability at the top of the plan- ning agenda and community an essential means of securing social change, environmental politics is taking on a new mean- ing; in this changing context, REPORT local as well as national Liberal politicians can again assume an important role. A glance back at the contribution of their pred- Defender of Liberties: Charles James Fox ecessors in the pioneering days of planning might offer a timely Fringe meeting, March 2006, Harrogate, with Professor source of inspiration. Frank O’Gorman and Dr Mark Pack; Chair (Lord) Wallace

Dennis Hardy is Emeritus Profes- of Saltaire sor of Urban Planning at Middle- Report by Graham Lippiatt sex University, and now works as a writer and consultant. He has writ- ten various books, including the two- n 13 September 1806, Emeritus Professor of History at volume official history of the Town Charles James Fox, Manchester University, together & Country Planning Association, OWhig statesman, with History Group committee From Garden Cities to New defender of civil liberties, member Dr Mark Pack, to tell Towns and From New Towns champion of the American and us about Fox the man, the poli- to Green Politics (both Chap- French revolutions and advocate tician, the liberal and his legacy. man & Hall, 1991). His latest book of the supremacy of parliament, Professor O’Gorman opened is Poundbury: The Town that died aged fifty-seven. Deter- by acknowledging that Fox Charles Built, Town & Country mined to commemorate Fox’s was regarded as one of the Planning Association, 2006. achievements and celebrate his founding fathers of Liberal- liberal heritage in the 200th year ism, operating at the same time Acknowledgement: In writing this since his death, the History that Edmund Burke and Pitt paper I am most grateful for helpful Group was especially pleased the Younger were staking their comments provided by three anony- to welcome Frank O’Gorman, claim to be founding fathers mous referees.

26 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 report of Conservatism. But Fox was table to government business. not really a Liberal. As a politi- He returned to the Treasury cal party the Liberals were not in late 1772 but continued his formed until the 1850s and the casual attitude and was dis- word Liberal as a noun was missed in 1774. He discovered unknown before the 1820s, long that his fantastic oratory, his after Fox died. The concept of ability to attract friends and the liberal reformer was known, create groups around him and although not common, and Fox, his wealth – especially after if asked, would have classified the death of his father in 1774 his politics as Whig. – destined him for a celebrity Whiggism was the predomi- that flourished more in opposi- nant political philosophy in the tion than in power. second half of the eighteenth Fox famously opposed the century, based on the values war with the American colonies of the Glorious Revolution of between 1775–83, stating that 1688. Whigs believed in the countries must be governed rights of parliament, a constitu- by the will of their people. He tional monarchy, regular elec- believed that the war was wrong tions, accountable government, and that the colonies should freedom of speech and religious achieve independence. He was tolerance. According to Profes- an early supporter of campaigns sor O’Gorman, however, Fox for parliamentary reform. He was a Whig of a distinctive kind gained a reputation as a rab- and he turned our attention to ble-rouser and was designated Charles James He could misjudge public opin- the different elements of this ‘Man of the People’, possibly Fox (1749–1806) ion too and failed to appreciate distinctiveness. the first English politician to the hold the monarchy could Fox was born in 1749, the son be so described. His election have over the people, as in the of Henry Fox, Lord Holland, to parliament as member for Regency Crisis of 1788–89. one of the great fixers of the the populous and politically Fox came fully of age as a eighteenth-century Whig state. aware constituency of West- politician over the issue of the He entered parliament in 1768 minster after 1780 boosted his French Revolution, pioneer- for Midhurst, a rotten borough popularity further. He con- ing a concept of Whiggism far secured for him by his father. sciously identified his politics removed from the aristocratic In less than two years he had with his party and after 1782–83 and elitist politics of his age. become a junior minister at the he played on his pre-existing Fox welcomed the Revolution Admiralty but resigned in 1772 anti-monarchism. instinctively, describing it as and went into opposition. Fox came back briefly into ‘much the greatest thing that Opposition defined Fox. government for a couple of ever happened in the history of With only three brief periods occasions, lasting a few months, the world and how far the best.’ in government, he remained when George III’s chosen min- Using the ideals of the Revolu- in opposition for over thirty isters fell, but he could not work tion and attacking the French years until his death. Fox with the King, who wanted feudal system it swept away, Fox sacrificed a career in govern- a say over men and policy developed the idea of a political ment for a career in opposi- while Fox believed in work- movement based on freedom, tion and giving up office was ing through the majority party anti-monarchism, political rare in the politics of the day. in parliament. Fox mistrusted and civil rights, parliamen- Fox had inherited many of the King. He thought George tary authority, and something his father’s political attitudes, III was trying to turn the clock resembling a modern nation- including an instinctive hostil- back to seventeenth-century alism. He supported popular ity to the monarch. He voted patterns of politics. rights and parliamentary reform against the Royal Marriages But Fox had his faults. He with renewed energy, defend- Act of 1772, introduced at the was indolent and self-indulgent, ing radicals from Pitt’s Acts of behest of George III (designed a notorious and prodigious 1795 restricting civil liberties to restrict the freedom of the gambler who often preferred and other such legislation ban- monarch’s children to marry). pleasure to business. He also ning meetings and gagging the Also, although he had been suffered from lapses in judg- press. He encouraged protests given office, he found he was ment, sometimes overesti- and popular mobilisation on not really interested in it, pre- mating his own abilities and a nineteenth-century scale ferring the theatre and card underestimating those of others. and became more of a party

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 27 report

­politician, giving the Whigs progressive improvement but a was the educated middle classes more centralised leadership and balance between King, Lords rather than the inarticulate organisation and a party press. and Commons. Despite his suc- masses. As to the question of He introduced popular sub- cess in opposition, where he whether Fox was the found- scriptions and reduced the aris- felt so comfortable, he never ing father of Liberalism, the tocratic influence in the party. thoroughly grasped the idea of a answer is ‘yes’. He was one It was a tragedy for Fox that the permanent, developing opposi- of many, including J. S. Mill, strains produced by the French tion party, lacking sufficient Grey, Russell and Macaulay, Revolution broke his party in perspective of the future. but he was the earliest and fin- two, with the aristocratic wing Although he was a forerun- est and, before Gladstone, he joining Pitt’s government in ner of liberal developments, not was Liberalism’s greatest states- 1794, leaving Fox, in the great all nineteenth-century liberals man. If he was not a man of the battle of principle with Pitt, took their inspiration from him. nineteenth century, his politics leading the rump of a party. Foxite Whiggism was at heart a foreshadowed many of its main Fox attacked Pitt’s war secular creed, and much future features. Foxite Whiggism had against France, first in the He was Liberal support derived from the future, however uneven Revolutionary phase and again essentially the religious circumstances of and unfinished a Liberal prod- in the struggle with Napoleon. Nonconformity and Protes- uct it might have been. Although he thought it justifi- a man of tant dissent (although Fox did Mark Pack opened his talk able to fight against an aggres- defend the right to religious by reminding us that our meet- sive revolution, Fox believed the eight- tolerance). And the economic ing was taking place the day that the anti-revolutionary origins of nineteenth-century after the Liberal Democrats had stance of George III and the eenth liberalism lay in the works of elected a new leader to replace other monarchs of Europe had century, Adam Smith. Charles Kennedy and that it driven the French revolutionar- Like many great politicians, was worth starting with some ies to defend themselves. He an aris- Fox became more influential thoughts on what lessons there thought that England should after his death than during his were to draw from Fox’s life for fight a defensive war only and tocratic life. Fox Clubs sprang up to the present times. He teased the not try to reverse the French keep the great man’s legacy alive audience by recapping the posi- Revolution by restoring the politician, and a vast amount of commem- tion Charles was in – leader of a monarchy and aristocracy. But accepting orative art and sculpture was party of over fifty MPs, opposed Fox was becoming increasingly dedicated to him. Fox became to a controversial foreign war, isolated and weary of being in that the massively popular in the nine- standing up for civil liberties at small minorities. In 1797–1801 teenth century. Bit by bit in the home and dogged by accusa- he ceased attending parliament, aristocracy 1810s and 1820s his ideals perme- tions of being a dilettante and a preferring to leave it to events ated politics and their time came man with a drinking problem. to justify him. Nevertheless, in dominated within two decades of his death. He meant Charles James Fox, of 1801, when Pitt fell from office, soci- His antipathy to the powerful course, and began an explora- Fox rushed back to Parliament role of the monarch in politics tion of Fox’s legacy for liberal- even though in the last five ety with was to establish itself as a Liberal ism and the Whig party. years of life, his habits were tak- idea; Foxite Whigs and their Fox’s death on 13 Septem- ing their toll. His big idea was patronage, successors were never really ber 1806 occurred just a few peace with Napoleon. In the comfortable with the crown. months after he had become last months of his life, when he places and Although not a democrat, Foreign Secretary and it had was in office as Foreign Secre- political Fox deserved the designation been a quarter of century earlier tary, he tried to negotiate such a ‘Man of the People’. The idea that Fox had last held govern- peace and was devastated when fixing. He of parliamentary reform that he ment office; truly tragic tim- Napoleon refused to take him championed came to fruition ing, struggling to regain office seriously. He died in September did not in the nineteenth century and for twenty-five years only to 1806, a broken man. it was no surprise that it was die a few short months after Professor O’Gorman then believe Fox’s heirs who passed not only finally doing so. Yet while other summarised Fox’s life and in social the Great Reform Act but also leading politicians’ deaths are legacy. He was essentially a man the Municipal Corporation regularly described as tragic and of the eighteenth century, an reform and Act and abolished slavery, all trigger ‘what if’ hypothesis- aristocratic politician, accepting in the 1830s. Fox championed ing, reactions to Fox’s death that the aristocracy dominated was not free speech, religious toler- both then and since have been society with patronage, places ance and tolerance for minori- rather muted in that respect. and political fixing. He did not really a ties. He supported the rights Speculations over ‘what if’ he believe in social reform and democrat of people to elect their own had not died do not make it was not really a democrat at governments, even though his into the counterfactual history all. His political ideal was not at all. ­definition of the ‘the people’ ­publications and his death did

28 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 report not lead to an immediate public to finish the job. There was no Fox was optimistic belief in the possibil- upsurge of emotion and statue- sustained growth in the number ity of progress. During the 1780s raising that the later demise of MPs under Fox’s leader- persist- Fox served in government. He of Peel, for example, did. The ship in those long lean years served as Foreign Secretary setting up of clubs dedicated to out of power. The numbers ently one under Rockingham and made Fox’s memory was delayed and grew or decreased as factional a notorious coalition with his then their establishment was boundaries shifted but there of the former adversary, but fellow- conducted in competition with is no picture of a united hard most radi- opponent of the monarch, Lord clubs commemorating Pitt, who core of MPs building up under North. This was not a success; also died in 1806. Fox and for many years after his cal Whigs, they were out-manoeuvred by In part this low-key response death they were out of office, the King and his new favourite, was because it had been the apart from those who chose to holding Pitt the Younger. Pitt became death of Pitt the Younger, the join in supporting a Tory prime prime minister and turned a Conservative who had regularly minister. So if he did not leave a beliefs that minority administration into bettered Fox in their political legacy of Whig political power a modern one commanding a comfortable duels and who had served for and success, what about the man majority. There then followed many years as prime minister, a and his beliefs? liberal Fox’s long decades out of office. post Fox never achieved, which Fox was born into the politi- In those years, war and had allowed Fox the opportu- cal establishment to a mother would rec- civil liberties dominated poli- nity to regain office. In addition who was a great-granddaughter tics. The French Revolution the government in which Fox of Charles II and a father who ognise – occurred and swiftly descended was serving – the so-called ‘the had served the country’s first that power into extreme violence, pro- Ministry of All the Talents’ prime minister, Walpole, for ducing polarised responses in – was seen as a rather unlikely, many years. From an early age stems Britain. Some opposed the over-broad coalition. It is prob- he mixed an aptitude for hard revolution from the start; oth- able that, had Fox not died, he work with bouts of dissolute from the ers who had initially welcomed would have been out of office behaviour and extravagant the overthrow of despotic again soon enough, as the Min- gambling. He broke the law by people and monarchy were scared off by istry broke up in March 1807 being under-age when he first that gov- the violence and extremism and and its Whig members were stood for parliament and when became increasingly opposed to to see only the rarest flicker of elected he initially supported ernment any sniff of reform in Britain. hope of office for twenty-odd many conservative, even In the face what was happening years afterwards. Fox’s death reactionary, causes. He most could be in France, only a small group was not seen, therefore, as cut- notably opposed press freedom, of parliamentarians (albeit with ting him off from a long period albeit on the basis of defending improved probably rather more support of office or in the midst of a suc- Parliament’s supremacy and by large- in the country as a whole) were cessful political prime. freedom. He never changed willing to argue consistently Indeed, it is easy to come to a this opinion but later in his scale for reducing the King’s power negative interpretation of Fox’s career his approach was more and for franchise reform to give legacy. Although Fox was the liberal, emphasising the protec- reform, more people the vote. first acknowledged ‘leader of the tion of parliament from other Fox regularly led the parlia- opposition’, when he squared up forces such as the power of the together mentary opposition to the gov- to Pitt in Parliament, it really King. The issues that radical- with an ernment’s repressive measures, was not much of an opposition ised Fox were the Royal Mar- brought in ostensibly to secure for most of the time. Whereas riage Bill and the American optimistic the country against violence. today to lead a party of fifty War of Independence. Both The alleged threats at the time or so MPs for many years in a brought him into conflict with belief in were those of revolutionary three- or four-party system may the monarchy and he increas- plotters, perhaps with French be a respectable position, to do ingly came to believe in the the pos- backing or aid. The evidence as so in the late eighteenth century need for radical reform to trim sibility of to how numerous or how much in a system that was broadly just monarchical power whilst danger the plotters ever really government and opposition in strengthening and invigorating progress. represented is uncertain and has a House of Commons roughly parliament. been a source of debate amongst the same size as today, is rather In the 1770s, Fox was persist- historians. In public Fox and less of an achievement. Not only ently one of the most radical his supporters flirted with some did Fox not leave the Whigs Whigs, holding beliefs that a of the radicals but it is not clear in prosperous political shape, modern liberal would recognise what links they had with the it was not even as if, like Neil – that power stems from the real extremists. The deliberate Kinnock and Labour, he had people and that government destruction of some key private clearly put them on the road to could be improved by large- papers of Fox’s supporters cer- political recovery for a successor scale reform, together with an tainly hints at connections it

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 29 report was later felt better to draw a Fox was increasingly associated brought him a popular follow- veil over. with views that modern liber- ing outside parliament. But Fox Pitt had no doubts about believed als would recognise; belief always saw parliament as the the threat of revolution and in power stemming from the primary political stage. took a hard line on civil liber- that free- people, desire for wide-rang- Politics, however, was never ties. In April 1794 his govern- ing reform, strong preference the only part of Fox’s life. He ment moved to suspend Habeas dom and for peace rather than war and enjoyed the good life hugely, Corpus, effectively permitting the liber- an optimistic belief in progress often gambling and drinking to imprisonment without trial. through appropriate policy. wild excess. He was a flamboy- During the debate in parlia- ties of the For Fox, the correct ant playboy. There is a trace in ment, Pitt claimed there were response to trouble was toler- his character of an instinctive groups plotting a ‘whole system individual ance and liberalism rather than contrariness – a desire to be dif- of insurrection … under which repression and crack-down. ferent just for the sake of being the weak and ignorant, who were to be He believed that the latter different; an intuitive seeking are most susceptible of impres- valued in were more likely to trigger of the opposite point of view sion from such barren abstract revolution than the former. to that held by the incumbent positions, were attempted to be themselves In addition he thought it was majority, usually for princi- seduced to overturn govern- important to restrain the pled reasons but sometimes ment, law, property, security, and that power of the monarchy, not just for the hell of it. Fox has religion, order and every thing just because of any monarch’s bequeathed that instinctive of value in this country.’ encroach- potentially despotic tendencies contrariness to liberals down In response, Fox made one ment upon but also because financial waste the years. If you think of a of his most famous speeches, and corruption could too eas- liberal as someone who, find- underlining his reputation as them ran ily follow. In his speech on the ing themselves in a minority one of the leading orators of suspension of Habeas Corpus of one, is not put off but rather his generation. As a speaker grave risks Fox warned of the ‘despotism rubs their hands with glee and the force of his speeches was of the monarchy’ and against a thinks ‘what fun’, then Fox based more on clear arguments of encour- situation where ‘our pretended was certainly in that category. and nimble, humorous debate aging alarms were to be made the Although Fox’s gambling made than any original thought or pretexts for destroying the first him a somewhat disreputable great rhetoric. The impact of even more principles of the very system figure in the eyes of many, he his speeches made him a sig- which we affected to revere.’ was also a loveable and indeed nificant figure in parliament damaging Fox lost the vote at the end of principled character to others, but his style meant that he left the debate by 183 votes to 33 standing by his views rather behind few oratorical flights violations. – a crushing but not unusual than desperately seeking power to catch future imaginations. defeat. and the money which would This should not diminish the His defences of civil liber- come with it – even when he importance of Fox’s stance at ties were frequently based on a needed cash to pay his large the time, his willingness and desire to protect the constitu- gambling debts. Even the appar- ability to find the phrases and tion, especially the supremacy ently cynical power-seeking formulations to make the case of parliament. This also meant coalition with North earlier in for civil liberties and to argue he was not an enthusiast for his career was motivated largely that measures proposed in the democracy in the modern by a shared hostility to the name of protecting liberty and meaning of the term and he monarch. the British constitution in fact opposed more radical notions Fox also had an impact on threatened both. of democracy such as those two other important matters. Fox believed that freedom advocated in Tom Paine’s Rights His eloquent arguing of the and the liberties of the indi- of Man, believing they would case against slavery almost cer- vidual were to be valued in weaken parliament. As a result, tainly had an effect in helping themselves and that encroach- other radicals of the time, like reduce its extent and impact, no ment upon them ran grave William Cobbett, were often small thing given the amount risks of encouraging even more suspicious of Fox, even though of human misery slavery pro- damaging violations. This has the Tories tended to pigeonhole duced. He also secured the pas- become a persistent feature Fox and the radicals together as sage of the Libel Act to restore of liberal thought and was a untrustworthy. significant power to juries to defining element of the phi- As well as speaking out on determine what was or was not losophy of the Liberal Party civil liberties Fox attacked the libellous, an issue dear to the that emerged in the 1850s. Fox alleged misuse of public money, hearts of contemporary leaflet bequeathed to the Whigs and, demanded cuts in the Civil writers. later, Liberals, a clear legacy List and supported the idea of In final summary, Dr Pack in favour of civil liberties and annual parliaments, all of which said that Fox was greatly liked as

30 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 report a human being by many of He ended up a champion of correct, even if he secured Graham Lippiatt is Secretary of his contemporaries. He was press freedom, an opponent only limited support for the Liberal Democrat History charming, lively, quick-wit- of despotic regal powers them at the time. But then, Group. ted, funny and good com- and an advocate of personal liberals frequently know all pany (if you did not worry ­liberty. He argued these about arguing valiant causes about being corrupted in great causes, which were and being in the minority drunkenness or gambling). later seen as progressive and when the votes are counted.

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Hubert Beaumont MP. After pursuing candidatures in his native The Liberal Party in the West Midlands from December 1916 to Northumberland southward, Beaumont finally fought and won the 1923 general election. Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Eastbourne in 1906 as a ‘Radical’ (not a Liberal). How many Liberals Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore in the election fought under this label and did they work as a group the effects of the party split at local level. Also looking to uncover afterwards? Lord Beaumont of Whitley, House of Lords, London SW1A the steps towards temporary reunification for the 1923 general 0PW; [email protected]. election. Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; neil. [email protected]. Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65). Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in private hands, Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935. autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK and abroad Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of the Cobden understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/projects/ personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Anglia, the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. 1a Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; N.M.Cott@ ncl.ac.uk. Cornish Methodism and Cornish political identity, 1918–1960s. Researching the relationship through oral history. Kayleigh Milden, Life of Wilfrid Roberts (1900–91). Roberts was Liberal MP for Institute of Cornish Studies, Hayne Corfe Centre, Sunningdale, Truro TR1 Cumberland North (now Penrith and the Border) from 1935 until 1950 3ND; [email protected]. and came from a wealthy and prominent local Liberal family; his father had been an MP. Roberts was a passionate internationalist, and was Liberal foreign policy in the 1930s. Focusing particularly on Liberal a powerful advocate for refugee children in the Spanish civil war. His anti-appeasers. Michael Kelly, 12 Collinbridge Road, Whitewell, parliamentary career is coterminous with the nadir of the Liberal Party. Newtownabbey, Co. Antrim BT36 7SN; [email protected]. Roberts joined the Labour Party in 1956, becoming a local councillor Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16. Andrew in Carlisle and the party’s candidate for the Hexham constituency in Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; the 1959 general election. I am currently in the process of collating [email protected]. information on the different strands of Roberts’ life and political career. Any assistance at all would be much appreciated. John Reardon; The Liberal revival 1959–64. Focusing on both political and social [email protected]. factors. Any personal views, relevant information or original material from Liberal voters, councillors or activists of the time would be very Student radicalism at Warwick University. Particulary the files gratefully received. Holly Towell, 52a Cardigan Road, Headingley, affair in 1970. Interested in talking to anybody who has information Leeds LS6 3BJ; [email protected]. about Liberal Students at Warwick in the period 1965-70 and their role in campus politics. Ian Bradshaw, History Department, University of The rise of the Liberals in Richmond (Surrey) 1964–2002. Interested Warwick, CV4 7AL; [email protected] in hearing from former councillors, activists, supporters, opponents, with memories and insights concerning one of the most successful local Welsh Liberal Tradition – A History of the Liberal Party in Wales organisations. What factors helped the Liberal Party rise from having no 1868–2003. Research spans thirteen decades of Liberal history in councillors in 1964 to 49 out of 52 seats in 1986? Any literature or news Wales but concentrates on the post-1966 formation of the Welsh cuttings from the period welcome. Ian Hunter, 9 Defoe Avenue, Kew, Federal Party. Any memories and information concerning the post- Richmond TW9 4DL; 07771 785 795; [email protected]. 1966 era or even before welcomed. The research is to be published in book form by Welsh Academic Press. Dr Russell Deacon, Centre for Liberal politics in Sussex, Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight Humanities, University of Wales Institute Cardiff, Cyncoed Campus, 1900–14. The study of electoral progress and subsequent Cardiff CF23 6XD; [email protected]. disappointment. Research includes comparisons of localised political trends, issues and preferred interests as aganst national trends. Any Aneurin Williams and Liberal internationalism and pacificism, information, specifically on Liberal candidates in the area in the two 1900–22. A study of this radical and pacificist MP (Plymouth 1910; general elections of 1910, would be most welcome. Family papers North West Durham/Consett 1914–22) who was actively involved in especially appreciated. Ian Ivatt, 84 High Street, Steyning, West League of Nations Movement, Armenian nationalism, international Sussex BN44 3JT; [email protected]. co-operation, pro-Boer etc. Any information relating to him and location of any papers/correspondence welcome. Barry Dackombe. Liberals and the local government of London 1919–39. Chris 32 Ashburnham Road, Ampthill, Beds, MK45 2RH; dackombe@ Fox, 173 Worplesdon Road, Guildford GU2 6XD; christopher.fox7@ tesco.net. virgin.net.

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 31