EPISTEMIC GOVERNANCE in TRANSNATIONAL SOCIAL MOVEMENT ORGANISATIONS: the Case of Jubilee 2000

Anna Niininen

EPISTEMIC GOVERNANCE IN TRANSNATIONAL SOCIAL MOVEMENT ORGANISATIONS: The case of Jubilee 2000

Faculty of Social Sciences Master´s Thesis April 2020

ABSTRACT Anna Niininen: Epistemic governance in transnational social movement organisations: the case of Jubilee 2000 Master´s Thesis, 75 pages Tampere University Faculty of Social Sciences Global and Transnational Sociology April 2020

This research investigates technologies of a transnational social justice movement organisation Jubilee 2000 as a case. The research builds upon the newly developed theoretical and methodological framework of epistemic governance, which has focused on the analysis of interdependent policy making of nation states and the functions of organisations as epistemic capital. The theoretical base of epistemic governance stems from a constructionist neoinstitutionalist perspective borne of the neoliberal turn after the late 1970s, and more specifically, from its contemporary branch of sociological institutionalism. Theoretical focus is thus on non-coercive strategic power plays that are performed through different level interest group organisations from all sectors influencing global trends and global models; e.g. neoliberalism, human rights and other socially constructed conceptions of actors about the conditions of the social world.

The case of Jubilee 2000 is analysed as an in-depth case study. A theory based analysis and a critical discourse analysis inclusive to a methodological framework of epistemic governance is used to uncover its advocacy strategies and authority building processes. A theory based methodological model is thus tested and used to explain a connection between Jubilee 2000s and epistemic governance, and to explain how the campaign accumulated enough authority to establish itself as a relevant player in the global political field.

The research offers a pragmatic approach in a form of a case study analysis about the role and power mechanisms of transnational social movement organisations to the on-going study and development of theoretical and methodological framework of epistemic governance. It also provides a new theoretical perspective to current structuralist and social movement theory explanations about the Jubilee 2000 phenomena by providing deeper vision based on culture of what was at the core of Jubilee 2000´s story of success.

Keywords: transnational social movements, world society, sociological institutionalism, epistemic governance

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ABSTRAKTI Anna Niininen: Epistemic governance in transnational social movement organisations: the case of Jubilee 2000 Pro gradu -tutkielma, 75 sivua Tampereen yliopisto Yhteiskuntatieteiden tiedekunta Global and Transnational Sociology Huhtikuu 2020

Tämä tutkimus analysoi ylikansallisen yhteiskuntaliikeorganisaatio Jubilee 2000:n vaikutusstrategioita ja yhteyttä maailmanyhteiskunnan kulttuuriin. Tutkimus perustuu episteemisen hallinnan teoriaan ja metodologiaan. Episteemisen hallinnan teoria on kehittynyt konstruktionismiin painottuvasta sosiologisesta institutionalismista, joka kehittyi 1970-luvun uusliberalismikäänteen jälkeen kehittyneestä uusinstitutionalismista. Episteemisen hallinnan teoreettinen viitekehys perustuu siihen, että poliittiset teot pohjautuvat toimijoiden oletuksiin ja käsityksiin siitä, millainen sosiaalinen maailma on ja mitkä ovat sen haasteet. Teoria kytkeytyy strategisen vallan tekniikoihin, joilla pyritään vaikuttamaan toimijoiden omiin käsityksiin. Episteemisen hallinnan käsitteessä valta ymmärretään kulttuuriin perustuvien skriptien ja auktoriteettien eri ilmentyminä ja episteemisenä pääomana, jota käytetään vaikutusstrategioissa.

Jubilee 2000 -kampanja oli aktiivinen vuosina 1996-2000 ja sitä pidetään klassisena esimerkkinä maailmanlaajuisen oikeudenmukaisuuden (Global Justice) organisaatiosta, joka vaikutti aikansa globaalin politiikan kenttään. Tässä tapaustutkimuksessa tutkitaan, miten kampanja näyttäytyi mediassa aktiivivuosina 1996-2000 ja sitä, mikä jälkikäteen esitettyjen kampanjan asiantuntijalausuntojen mukaan vaikutti kampanjan menestykseen. Tutkimuksessa käytetään episteemisen hallinnan metodologista mallia, jossa mediananalyysista ja asiantuntijalausunnoista eristettyjen vaikutusstrategioiden yhteys on testattu ja analysoitu teoriaan pohjautuvissa auktoriteettikategorioissa. Tutkimus on toteutettu metodologisesti episteemisen hallinnan kehyksessä, johon sisältyy elementtejä teorialähtöisestä sisällönanalyysista ja Foucault’n kriittisestä diskurssianalyysista.

Tutkimus osoittaa, että episteemisen hallinnan voidaan tulkita olleen Jubilee 2000 -organisaation toiminnan ja menestyksen keskiössä. Tämä tutkimus avaa pragmaattisen lähestymistavan episteemisen hallinnan teoreettiseen keskusteluun ja laajentaa teoriaa tutkimalla globaalin kansalaisyhteiskunnan vaikutuksia maailman systeemeihin ja poliittiseen päätöksentekoon. Samalla se tarjoaa uuden, kulttuuriin perustuvan näkökulman yhteiskunnallisten liikkeiden teorioiden ja strukturalististen selitysten syventämiseksi siitä, mikä oli Jubilee 2000 -organisaation menestyksen ytimessä.

Avainsanat: ylikansalliset yhteiskuntaliikkeet, maailmanyhteiskunta, sosiologinen institutionalismi, episteeminen hallinta

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Table of Contents

1. Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Transnational social movements and world society ...... 1 1.2 Case: Jubilee 2000 ...... 4 1.3. Research question and relevance of the study ...... 5 1.4 Research structure and methodological framework ...... 7 2. Myth of capital and debt ...... 10 2.1 The anthropology of debt systems...... 10 2.2 Rise of alternative credit institutions ...... 12 2.3 On sovereign debt crises...... 13 3. Theory ...... 16 3.1 The modernisation myth ...... 16 3.2 Sociological institutionalism and the world society ...... 17 3.3 Epistemic governance ...... 19 3.4 Epistemic capital ...... 20 3.5 Emotional economies ...... 21 3.6 Epistemic governance perspective on transnational social movements ...... 23 4 Methodological framework ...... 26 4.1 Data ...... 26 4.2 Formulation of the narrative ...... 27 4.3 Case study...... 28 4.4 Theory based analysis ...... 29 4.5 Foucauldian applications: genealogy ...... 32 4.6 Epistemic governance as a methodology ...... 34 5 Analysis ...... 36 5.1 Analysis: part 1. Advocacy strategies ...... 36 5.1.1 Strategy 1. Radical analysis of issue frames and social network organisation ...... 37 5.1.2 Strategy 2. Advocacy based on cognitive economies and cultural scripts ...... 39 5.1.3 Strategy 3. Democratisation of knowledge ...... 40 5.1.4 Strategy 4. Structures of national and international coalition building ...... 41 5.2 Analysis: part 2. Advocacy strategies and epistemic capital...... 42 5.2.1 Ontological authority ...... 42 5.2.2 Moral authority ...... 44 5.2.3 Charismatic authority...... 46

5.2.4 Capacity-based authority ...... 50 6 Conclusion ...... 55 7 Discussion ...... 59 7.1 Actors and objects of epistemic work ...... 59 7.2 Imageries of the social world ...... 60 7.3 Epistemic governance as a methodology ...... 60 7.4 Application of the methodological research model ...... 61 7.5 Economies of interest ...... 64 List of research data ...... 67 Abbreviations ...... 69 References ...... 70

1. Introduction

1.1 Transnational social movements and world society

Globalisation, while at times dubbed as a new phenomena, is hardly anything new. However, the current post Cold-War and post 9/11 time we are living in is bringing about new challenges and prospects in the world polity; multipolar world order, technological development, digitalisation and the rise of new platforms of influence that challenge the scope and understanding of the world systems. Increasingly so,”organisational populations are shaped by ongoing interactions among civil society, corporate and government actors operating in multiple levels (Smith et al. 2016).” Therefore, the increasing expansion and diffusion of social and economic interactions across national borders demands closer attention to how we understand current political and social processes. The era of information revolution and the accelerating expansion of new social domains has called for greater sociological attention and understanding for a new global perspective.

Social movements today are increasingly more transnational similar to the way in which nation states operate their economies and aspects of social life in the international political arena. The same technologies that are advancing and moulding the expansion of the global economy have also given rise to transnational social movement organisations (TSMOs). Tarrow (2005) and Smith (2002, 2008, 2013), in line with the neoinstitutionalist theorists, point to global mass media, academics, journalists and English as a global working language as enablers for people of diverse origins and classes to cultivate co-operative relationships across great distances. A distinction of TSMOs is that they mobilise people across national boundaries to pursue the same aim. They help actors define and act on their interests and identities in ways that cross the traditional nation state borders, as organisations also generate their own internal identities.

In their mission to promote global change, transnational movements have adopted multiple strategies. They can work to advance or resist international agreements, or press individual governments to abide by international norms or treaties (Reitan 2007; Smith 2013). Keck and Sikkink (1998) indicate how TSMOs can make appeals to global norms and institutions to gain leverage in national conflict situations. Calling it a ’boomerang effect,’ they argue that in cases of repressive political systems, appeals to international norms can bring international pressure and alter the balance of power in national politics. By shaping international treaties and working with or

against international institutions, they are involved in defining institutional policies in the global political field.1

The World Social Forum (WSF) offers a contemporary example of a focal point organisation platform of TSMOs. It was established in 2001 in an effort to mobilise against neoliberal global policy order, and built under the slogan ”Another World Is Possible.” It consists of biannual meetings and social forums that are linked through overlapping networks and participants. According to Santos (2006), it has gathered hundreds of thousands of activists and operates as the core site of innovation and activity for the contemporary global justice movement. It can also be argued that the global justice campaign addressed and studied in this research, namely the Jubilee 2000 movement, was significant in leading to a new rise of ’consciousness’ and helped to set the foundations for contemporary global justice movement organisations and platforms like the World Social Forum (Buxton 2004).

Despite the establishment of new forums like WSF, there is still the existence of a substantial 'grey sector' in the global markets and a 'democratic deficit' (Smith 2013; Koponen et al. 2016) in which there is a lack of transparency in political processes and in which national delegates of international institutions are unelected and mostly unaccountable to citizens. Smith (2013) also points to a term ’'hollowing out', as national democracies have delegated authority to supranational institutions, privatised their services and given distributional decision to local authorities. Consequently, more TSMOs are demanding global democracy (Smith 2008), and there has been a substantial emergence of nationalism and xenophobic social movements as the 21st century has unfolded. By insisting that global systems are made more transparent and accountable, TSMOs are essential in the preservation of democracy and in creating systems of meaning – whatever those meanings may be.

The core foundation of this research is based on the notion that by studying TSMOs we can also study and develop an understanding of focal points of world society. TSMOs reflect society in their forms of organisation, and are reactionary counter products to dominant ideological systems and

1Global Civil Society Yearbook, which has been published annually since 2001, has sought to trace the evolution of TSMs, global organisation and trends. For a detailed background and analysis of TSMO developments leading up to the TSMO Jubilee 2000 analysed in this research; the initial rise in numbers after 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, and fall after 2000; and agenda setting of TSMOs regionally (such as the different agenda setting of the South/North), see Smith (2008, 2015). For extensive coverage and research of different phases of development of debt networks on a global scale that preceded the start of the J2000 campaign in 1996, see Donnelly (n.d).

institutional settings. They are also relational to specific time and contexts. By studying their tactics we can produce knowledge about the intrinsic social coding of actors in relations to their environment and what stirs them into action. Thus by capturing the resonating elements of TSMOs we can also produce knowledge of how contemporary power operates. The interest and relevance of this study lies in the attempt to uncover different layers and styles of contemporary power by using a case study to provide a deeper knowledge of what was at the core of Jubilee 2000s story of success.

This research is inspired by the newly developed epistemic governance framework which has focused on the analysis of interdependent policy making of nation states and the use of organisations as epistemic capital (e.g. Alasuutari et al. 2016). The theoretical base of epistemic governance stems from a constructionist and neoinstitutionalist perspective borne of the neoliberal turn after the late 1970s. This theory suggests that power in the 21st century operates through specific bases of authority; namely ontological, moral, capacity based and charismatic authority. Theoretical focus is thus on strategic power plays that are not based on coercive power, but rather on epistemic capital and capacity to influence the conceptions of others (Alasuutari 2015a; Alasuutari et al. 2016; Alasuutari & Qadir, 2016, 2019). In this vision, we can see the world not only as competing blocks of nation states in world polity, but also as different level organisations from all sectors influencing global trends and global models (i.e. neoliberalism, human rights) and other conceptions of actors about the conditions of the social world (Alasuutari & Qadir 2013). This research intends to incorporate into the theoretical discussion a pragmatic analysis of the technologies involved in the uprising of non-coercive transnational social movement organisations and investigate their persuasive processes in forging an alternative rationality to compete with the existing institutional rationality.

Though indicated in views related to global identification and consciousness (Sigurðardóttir 2017), transnational social movement organisations have not yet been researched much through the framework of the recently developed theory of epistemic governance. From the neoinstitutionalist perspective, research on social movement organisations, NGOs and INGOs has been conducted by Thomas & Boli (1997), Gallo-Cruz (2016), Schofer et al. (2012), and Tsutsui (2002) with regards to the adaptation of global models and a new global perspective. Boli & Thomas (1997) in particular maintain that INGOs and their principles are manifested in and embedded within world culture; in them we see the adaptation of global models, organisation forms and the mutually constitutive role of the individual. Thus, in their view, studying INGOs is studying world culture. This research

builds on the view of Boli & Thomas (1997) about INGOs as a reflection of world society, and Alasuutari’s (2015a, 2015b) conception of organisations, in which their power resides on their consequence and ability to be heard.

Research about the campaign has been carried our previously, e.g. through social movement theory (Ambrose 2005; Mayo 2005, 2013), but due to its extensive transnational nature it offers fertile ground for investigations beyond theories of social movements and even simple framing (Smith 2002). In an attempt to trace power mechanisms of J2000, in line with TSMO and advocacy network theorists e.g. Keck and Sikkink (1998), this case study is interested in the advocacy strategies Jubilee 2000 was founded and operated on; and on a deeper level, it will test a model of analysis on implicated strategies from a new theoretical perspective. Furthermore, looking at the issue of J2000 from the new theoretical perspective of this research, namely epistemic governance, the campaign's premise offers an interesting research foundation for the 'art of persuasion' theory; how did a campaign with an arcane development issue, and which in its beginning reportedly had one member of staff and 80 names on a contact list (Buxton 2014), manage to turn itself into one of the most influential global social justice movements of its era?

1.2 Case: Jubilee 2000

Since the late 1970s, key players in global politics have focused on developing the global markets. Neoliberal policies have meant opening up economies through reduction of tariffs and other measures which would limit the flow of goods and services across national borders (Harvey 2005; Smith 2013). As more developing countries fell into sovereign debt traps in the 1980s, the sovereign debt crises threatened to dismantle establishments of the global market (Smith 2013; Graeber 2014; Koponen et al. 2016).

At the onset of the 1990s, more groups were emerging to transnationally challenge the predominant economic model and trend, arguing that the 'free' market does not self-govern nor cater equally, but responds only to those with wealth. Moreover, they argued that social goods like clean environment or public health should not be reduced to cost-benefit calculations (Smith 2013). One of these emerging global justice movements was a campaign called Jubilee 2000 (J2000).

The birth and development of Jubilee 2000 was a reaction to the complex nature of the globalised sovereign bi-lateral and IFI lending business, and to the common 'consciousness' and rationalisation

of issues like sovereign debt. Often dubbed the 'apartheid' of its era, the J2000 global social justice movement campaign led ultimately to $100 billion of debt relief owed by 35 of the world's poorest countries. The campaign called for debt cancellation of specifically 'unpayable' debts by the year 2000 and was active through the period of 1996-2000. The campaign included a record breaking petition of over twenty million signatures (on paper) from over 160 countries (Donnelly n.d) and was reportedly active, varying by source, through national networks in 69 countries (Grenier 2003). The initial statements drawn up by the campaign called debt the 'most potent form of modern slavery' and branded its biblical image and the slogan 'breaking the chains of debt' accordingly (Donnelly n.d). The campaign itself defined and referred to itself as an educational campaign and an international movement inspiring domestic change around the world (Collins 2001; Barrett 2000).

1.3.Research question and relevance of the study

To address the 'whys' of choosing to research a 20-year-old campaign now; firstly, because it confronted the challenges of global capitalism and debt, a very relevant topic for today. It took on the difficult task of educating grassroots activists on the effects of complex debt systems and advocated for a global co-responsibility. It is also an interesting case as it occurred at the dawn of the internet era and the dawn of the information revolution that followed. It also makes for an interesting case comparison to present day TSMOs, as the field has become more scattered and diverse. Due to the complex nature of this topic, it also provides an interesting case study for theory of epistemic governance. Here’s how campaign strategist and leader Ann Pettifor explains the environment and atmosphere during the J2000 campaign launch:

In the west, debt campaigners belonged to the "me generation", dismissed as "Thatcher's children", selfish and uninterested in the plight of others. Back in 1995, when the Jubilee 2000 campaign was launched from a rickety plastic shed on the roof of Christian Aid's building, the media regularly opined that people in Britain suffered from something called "aid fatigue". Nobody believed they would take an interest in sovereign debts and engage in arcane arguments about the international financial system. It was even more doubtful that celebrities could take on these issues. (Pettifor 2005)

In reference to the campaign's outcome, topic and obstacles, co-founder Steven Rand explains:

First, it worked. For many years the economists of the World Bank and the British treasury had told us that debt simply could not be cancelled. It was a moral hazard. There were rules… Second, the political consequences were often as important as the financial ones. It was while working on debt that I learned to judge campaign outcomes not just in financial terms, but in terms of power relations. The cancellation of debt, especially the second tranche of multilateral debt in 2005, meant that many countries regained some autonomy, and were more able to stand up against the pressure of donors when they tried to impose wrongheaded economic policies… This is the third reason it was (and is) so special. There is an apocryphal story about Clare Short (the UK's development minister at the time) joking with Africa campaigner Bob Geldof that the British public would never understand a campaign on a complex financial issue like debt. They were wrong. (Rand in Glennie 2011).

J2000 was thus chosen as a case study for this research due to: 1) its topic and transnational and trans-regional scope. Research shows that for a TSMO to emerge, it typically stems from local/national to regional and forms an organisation through which it can negotiate as a region in the global arena. The divide between South and North is evidenced by the sheer number of organisations and movements and their agendas differ substantially (Smith 2013). Jubilee 2000 took on an issue not 'common' for a campaign of the 'North' and was able to breach the gap and unite the common North-South divide. Varying by source, the campaign has been stated to spread from Britain to 69 countries and gather 24 million signatures (signed personally, not through online or electrical sheets.) 2) The case and issue of Jubilee 2000 originally posed a difficult paradigm; the issue of sovereign debt was deemed by policymakers and third sector activists alike as an extremely 'difficult' issue to frame. There was no political interest in the matter, and pre-campaign debt networks considered the issue too complex for public perception. Debt network lobbyists had thus far settled for direct policymaker lobbying efforts with few results. It thus provides an interesting case study for the influential strategies that managed to raise the interest of policymakers and the public sector. 3) Rate of success in outcome. Based on retrospective academic, advocate and activist interpretations and media narrative surrounding the campaign after its short lifespan of 1996-2000,

the campaign has been deemed influential. Collective perception of the campaign outcome is considered important in this particular case study for the sake of uncovering or isolating specific power mechanisms and authoritative building blocks that the campaign was able to successfully build upon.

The research question is thus defined:

1. How was advocacy of an arcane development issue, Third World Debt, transformed in to a global justice movement?

1.4 Research structure and methodological framework

After the main introduction, a brief overview is introduced to explain aspects of the mythical nature of capital and debt a societal phenomena and how debt systems have evolved and shifted through time. It is followed by a general introduction to the topic of organisational forms of creditors, sovereign debt systems and to the environment which gave birth to the global justice movement and specifically the J2000. The theoretical section then explains contemporary theorisation of how strategic power and authorities (and thus contemporary conceptions and meaning construction on issues like capital and debt) operate. Research takes on the theoretical stance of sociological institutionalism (Schofer et al. 2012; Qadir 2016; Syväterä 2016) and epistemic governance (Alasuutari 2015a, 2018; Alasuutari et al. 2016) and thus Foucault's perception of power as strategic 'jeux de pouvoir’ (e.g. Foucault 1991; Olssen et al. 2004b). It therefore relies heavily on social constructivism and also explains world culture and issues of social change as constructed and changing social imaginaries (Alasuutari & Qadir 2019). The brief overview of capital and debt in the first part provides an example of this, as through Kraeber's (2014) anthropological research we can see the historical variations and concrete examples of how debt systems have been perceived in different times. As the research is specifically made to identify and explain contemporary methods involved in these power plays and forging processes of social imaginaries, it also newly incorporates explanations of emotional economies to the theory. As a part of the evolving and floating 'consciousness' of humanity, emotional economies can be seen as attached to the core of social change; and social change manifested in movements can be seen as reflectionary interpreters of a certain time-specific societal imaginary in their birth, formation and organisation.

Designed to draw out a new in depth analysis and deepening aspect to existing meta-theoretical interpretations about the researched phenomena, the methodological framework of theory-based analysis (Eskola 2001; Tuomi & Sarajärvi 2018) is then introduced. The research is conducted as an in-depth case study (Zonabend 1992) and it also holds a sociological macro view along with a genealogical premise (Olssen et al. 2004b). In this section, specifics of the research data are also explained. Data for this case consists of a selection of campaign leader interviews appearing in productions by a cross-sectional North/South variation of academics, experts and media.

Following the data and methodology introduction, the analysis section further visualises, explains and describes the data coding process which was used to draw results. To answer the research question, data analysis is set in three parts: 1) data is coded in a way which isolates factors of success stated by the campaign experts. After the detection of main success factors, or here called successful advocacy strategies, they are then 2) further analysed through a theoretical research frame and 3) a critical discourse analysis.

Research model organisation and method in the first part is in line with social movement theorists, as it intends to formulate an understanding of the narrative surrounding the advocacy strategies. The choice is also based on the epistemic governance methodology (Alasuutari & Qadir 2019) which in this case means tracing or 'isolating' surface level influence techniques to connect and explain deeper related phenomena. What moves this new study beyond functionalist and social movement theorisations is a further analysis about why these specific strategies were effective. The clusters of advocacy strategies drawn from the initial data are thus analysed through a theory-based methodology of epistemic governance using the theoretically established authority bases related to the use of epistemic capital. Previous theoretical research has established that epistemic capital is used as leverage to gain 1) ontological, 2) moral, 3) capacity based and 4) charismatic authority (Alasuutari et al. 2016). This model is tested to provide results and a concluding chapter to the posed research question after the analysis.

The closing discussion chapter projects the overall results in relation to theory and discusses contemporary power and cultural frames surrounding the global economic system. According to the theory of epistemic governance, understanding systems of power or their manifestations includes the notion that institutional forms cannot be defined as 'traditional' or static. This study is an organic expansion of epistemic governance theory towards social movement organisations through

investigating how they create and wield social change. The goal is also to test the theory’s methodological premise and offer a pragmatic study approach to the field of epistemic governance research. Ultimately, the study is interested in the layers and mechanics of power in the 21st century, and shows that advocacy efforts of TSMOs can be explained through techniques similar to ones used in international policy making of nation states.

2. Myth of capital and debt

2.1 The anthropology of debt systems

There are prevailing myths surrounding concepts such as 'capital' or ’debt'. For example, the historical understanding of the idea of modernity (Alasuutari 2004), debt and the idea of capital share characteristics familiar to progress-like imageries, but in fact, are quite cyclical in nature. As explained by David Graeber (2014) in his extensive anthropological research on debt, there is a long fluctuating history and a floating moral confusion surrounding the topic. The usual impulse is to imagine everything around us as absolutely new, especially now with the 'new' advent of virtual money, which has brought us to ”an unprecedented new financial world (Graeber 2014, p18).”

However, virtual or physical money tend to move back and forth from assuming gold and silver as money to periods where money is assumed to be an abstraction, a virtual unit of account (ibid. p.18). According to Graeber, historically cash markets have risen through war, but credit money is what came first. What we are witnessing today is a return of assumptions that would have been considered obvious common sense in the Middle Ages, or even ancient Mesopotamia. In the past, however, ages of virtual credit money almost invariably involved the creation of institutions to prevent lenders from teaming up with bureaucrats and politicians to offer protection to debtors. The new age of credit money that we are in today, from the 1970s onwards, seems to have started the other way round.

The issue of credit and interest rates is also not a given concept. World religions, historically, e.g. Islamic, Buddist and Christian traditions, have had a stance of banning the use of interest rates when dealing with credit (ibid.). The Jubilee of freeing slaves and erasing debts has been a part of religious tradition throughout history (Dent & Peters 2019). In our current system of capitalism, which has been around for the past five centuries, it wasn’t until 19th century England that charging interest on credit other than the case of late payment was considered the norm. Up until that point it had operated more as interesse, a word used by the Roman Empire to claim interest on a late payment and its other use was deemed immoral (Graeber 2014). Thus, ”the story of the origins of capitalism did not only come about with the impersonal power of the market and intertwined initial relationship between capital and state. It is also a story of how an economy of credit was converted into an economy of interest (Graeber 2014 p.18).“

Graeber shows that since the first agrarian empires, humans have used credit systems to buy and sell goods. This is also the era where societies divided into debtors and creditors. Language in ancient works of law and religion use words like guilt, sin and redemption, with the issue of forgiveness of debt and political debt at the centre of political debates everywhere from Italy to China, and there have been numerous insurrections. Graeber still views that ultimately the rise of class society has involved credit, and that there is the implied threat of violence behind all social relations based on money. Especially during periods of physical money this threat has been higher, because of its precise physicality and possibility of conquest.

One of the conclusions that can be drawn from Graeber's work is that in historical research, it cannot be ignored how violence, slavery and war have moulded institutions of economy. Today, violent connotations loom as almost a banal part of our intrinsic logic and within the institutions that we take for granted. Furthermore, while we can be perceived as living in an age of post colonial and post Cold War ’soft power’, there is still the indicated threat of violence, at least, in the rhetoric of policymakers. There is a consensus in global understanding that violent measures could be taken by those who hold the capacity. But speaking here specifically about the systems of currency and the economic sector, the loaded ’gun’, in other words the US in 1971, has set the course in the era Graeber calls the 'imperium of debt. ’According to Graeber, the superpower military facade of the US is still what makes this current neoliberally-inclined economic system operational - or difficult to defy. Yet, it does not mean that we live in a completely unipolar world order.

Power at the global level can also be seen operating in a world polity through global organisations where some wealthier factions simply hold more voting power than others (Nicoll 2000). A determinable factor from the functionalist standpoint, therefore, is that factions with more influence and voting power have the capacity to set the course for future economic policy ideology and thus for how the policy trickles down to national levels. Authority and power, however, cannot simplistically be understood as hierarchical. Understanding power in this form would imply that it is static and non dynamic. The world and its institutions can also be understood from an institutionalist perspective, in which even said functionalist claims are based on cultural scripts and principles (Boli & Thomas 1997; Alasuutari & Qadir 2019), and different sector factions are then the ones which work and rework the set of principles and compete for dominance.

2.2 Rise of alternative credit institutions

The functionalist premise regarding hierarchies in global or other supranational organisations is based on a fair claim about certain factions holding more power than others. This was also a major issue that influenced the time and birth of J2000. For perspective, at the end of the 1990s, in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for example, the US had 18% of the votes, while Mozambique had just 0.06% (Nicoll 2000).

By the end of the 1990s, 41 countries in Africa, Latin America and Asia were identified as "heavily indebted" and, according to the United Nations Development Program's (UNDP) 1997 report, debt with its interest rate was a millstone around the neck of the poorest countries and increased from $55bn in 1980 to $215bn by the end of the 1990s (Nicoll 2000). Ambrose (2005 p. 268) writes that:

The global debt crisis has turned the logic of development assistance on its head. For every pound that wealthy countries provide as aid to impoverished countries, thirteen pounds flow back in debt service payments. Developing countries pay back well in excess of one hundred million dollars every day…If the loans the indebted countries are now paying off had worked as intended - that is, if they had led to sustainable development - it would make sense for the South to be paying more than it receives. But the grim truth is that for over twenty years, countries have been stuck in a cycle of taking out loans to pay off old debts. And every time they do so, their governments agree to a new set of harsh economic policies. Ostensibly designed to lift the country out of debt and poverty, the universal failure of these "structural adjustment programs" (SAPs) since their widespread imposition in the early 1980s has exposed structural adjustment as a tool to integrate developing countries into the global economy, where they have played the role of providers of cheap commodities and labor.

Currently, global organisations operate in various ways. Only the United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organisation (WTO) hold formal supranational decision-making power and declarations bind all member states. Only five countries hold a veto right; USA, Russia, China, Great Britain and France. The World Bank (WB) and IMF operate through different, but just as real, power structures. Despite one vote per member state country when it comes to making decisions in the UN and WTO, ’richer ’countries do have better capacity-based recourses to push their interests in these organisations. The WB and IMF power structures are based on voting power, which in turn is tied

to share holding. (Koponen et al. 2016). The 'formal' governance structure in these organisations can still be seen operating in old industrial countries. However, as these organisations were initiated in the aftermath of WWII, according to some views they no longer reflect the reality of present day power relations and are in need of a reform.

The adjustment towards multipolar world order has increased with the rise of BRICS-countries and G7/8 expansion to G20, including BRICS-countries and the EU. Also in 2015 the BRICS-group sponsored new development banks (AIIB in Asia, and NDB) as an alternative for WB and the Japanese-dominated ADB. The specific task of these alternative development banks was not to interfere with countries' policy space or push policy programs in specific contrast to WB and IMF. China in particular has a leading role in both banks and has increased its funding in the WTO (ibid. p. 410-411). Even before the uprising caused by J2000 regarding debt relief, there had already been long-standing discourse about the necessity of alternative institutions to negotiate terms of sovereign debt, as traditional lending institutions like the IMF are 'governed' by the most powerful nation states who hold most of the voting power. It was precisely this setting which led to J2000 being born as a reaction to dictate policy of the most powerful nations states, who were also seen as ’loan pushers ’to authoritarian and corrupt impoverished states. And due to the ontological premise of the institutional setting of voting power and analysis of where the strategic 'power' resided, the campaign specifically targeted the IMF and the former G7 states for debt relief.

2.3 On sovereign debt crises

Sovereign debt crises have been an episodic feature of international finance for centuries. The current round stems from the early 1980s, when dozens of developing countries fell into external debt crises (Gready 2004; Jochnick & Preston 2006; Reitan 2007; Graeber 2014; Koponen et al. 2016). The late 1970s 'investment' of OPEC money and 'go-go banking' applied by creditor nations, meaning door-to-door selling of loans to fiscally-challenged nations, resulted in a looming third world sovereign debt crisis in the 1980s as the US tightened its fiscal policy and interest rates became unmanageable (Graeber 2014). IMF and creditor nations have since pushed reform austerity policy to debtor states, calling them structural adjustment programs (SAPs). In practise, it meant restructuring loans so interest rate could be paid or additional loans were given to cover the costs of previous loan interest rates. In the process, SAP policy meant social cuts, privatisation and opened up economies to foreign investment.

Over the past decade there has yet again been an increase of 85% between 2010 and 2018 in developing country debt payments (“Crisis Deepens as Global South Debt Payments Increase by 85%” 2019). This rapid increase comes after a lending boom driven by low global interest rates due to the financial crises of 2008 to boost recovering 'developed' economies (El-Begawy, 2019; Naim & Winters, 2019). External loans to developing country governments more than doubled from $191 billion per year in 2008 to $424 billion in 2017. Current trends of low interest rate lending bring with them (and not only in the sovereign debt sector), once again, the potential of chaos in multiple lender sectors.

The debt-based system of policy dictation and very loose laws in the global market economy have also contributed immensely to ecological degradation, and shifted industrial employment to developing factions of the globe, where ESCRs (”Introduction to Economic, Social and Cultural Rights” 2014) are not necessarily enforced. Due to issues of economic and industrial ESCR violating 'globalisation', resistance and 'anti globalisation' as a term have also emerged. It has also been used as a reference to describe J2000s message and purpose. The term can be at times problematic, however, as not all organisations dubbed anti-globalist resist 'globalisation' per se, but demand more strict rules and laws to contain global market forces. The 'crisis of capitalism' has again been emerging more as a mainstream discussion, where experts are advocating for a more long-term vision and discussion about the rationalisations related to the current global economy where risks are socialised but profits privatised. Many point out that debt is again growing exponentially and another debt crisis is imminent (e.g. Mazzucato 2013, 2018). Currently, the less enthused 'third wave' of the developing world debt crisis is happening in Latin America as a result of the recovery policy programs inserted to global economy after the crises of 2008 (El-Begawy, 2019; Naim & Winters, 2019). Even though the present day IMF acknowledges the faults of their past loan structure programs, and has even deemed austerity policy as ineffective, it is still the globalising trend. The EU has rigidly pushed bank bailouts and austerity programs to its member states in the aftermath of the global financial crisis.

According to Sachs (2006) and Graeber (2014), there is a clear underscoring in the imbalance of power of rich and poor nations in the global system. Sachs, in reference to the J2000 advocacy campaign, pointed out that 'rich' countries tend to also owe tremendous debts to the poorer nations for reasons such as: ecological destruction, the practice and legacy of colonialism, unfair trade and financial rules of the game in a system largely set by powerful nations. Alasuutari and Qadir (2013)

approach the state of current world affairs by explaining national policymaking with the domestication of global trends. They exemplify the neoliberal turn after the late 1970s as a profound example, following which nation states have adapted to neoliberal trends not only through coercion but by emulation.

In the theoretical section I will further expand on the dimensions of how external coercion is not the only the premise for de-coupling, such as in the case of loan mishandling. But again, even if the theorisation in this research emphasises interdependent non-coercive policy making and emulation, it doesn’t indicate that legacies of colonialism are to be overlooked in the sovereign debt 'business’, as it has tremendously affected the nation building of colonised nation states; the period of decolonisation and the Cold War left developing areas with weak institutions and identities along with authoritarian rule. Additionally, the amount of external pressure on opening up national markets for foreign investment depending on one's geological whereabouts has contributed to reckless borrowing of developing nation states.

Events of sovereign defaults obviously are not the results of any singular factor. In the 20th century alone they often have involved armed conflict, political upheaval or global economic distress. The World Wars, Great Depression, oil price shocks of the 1970s, Cold War and collapse of the Soviet Union... all have given rise to economic and political turmoil, and contributed to the current state of affairs. However, the scapegoat in the eyes of the public on loan default situations is often the lender, not the creditor, as Graeber (2014), Sachs (2006) and leaders of the Jubilee 2000 campaign (e.g. Pettifor 2006) have pointed out.

3. Theory

3.1 The modernisation myth

The idea of modernity is an old tradition. The origins of narratives about modernisation can be traced back to 18th century Enlightenment philosophers, namely Voltaire, Ferguson and Gibbon, as they promoted a new view of history based on a growing market economy that was developing in the cities (Alasuutari 2004). Previous history writing was based on the singular importance of kings and popes, and other societal groups such as ordinary merchants were easily overlooked. The Enlightenment philosophers emphasised the importance of ”large-scale evolutionary processes on cultural, social and economic levels. They conceived of history in terms of change in mentality of the general population (Alasuutari 2004, 142-143).”

Although the Enlightenment philosophers shared ideas about periodisations (Alasuutari 2004, p. 143) and increasing rationality, not all of them promoted a linear view of progress. According to Alasuutari, later linear modernisation theories concentrate on describing the history of Europe, for instance, from 'dark middle ages' onwards. In doing so, they omit the more 'advanced' Greek and Roman civilisations that preceded it. The 'quasi-historical consciousness' that classical sociology represents is that practically every social phenomena can be approached from the viewpoint of how modern they are. It is also a presumption that we are moving towards 'progress', from the other end of 'tradition'. Consequently, features associated with 'tradition' are treated as signs of a gradually vanishing phenomena. (Alasuutari, 2004, p. 146).

The modernisation myth presents us with the rather positivist story of the origins and development of a contemporary society (ibid.). While it may or may not be detached from concrete history and more to do with accepted social imagery of a specific time, it still serves a formative function because it proposes the self-concept of being a ’modern’. The modernisation myth can be found in the mind of any social actor attempting to alter, enhance or preserve a specific social reality; whether one is the colonist or the revolutionary. In this research, the theoretical perspective concerning 'modernity' and the functionalist discourse surrounding it – while it is often associated with social change, organisations, politicians or as a desired goal for nations states to pursue – is understood through a neoinstitutionalist (eg. Alasuutari 2015a, 2015b) lens. Therefore, it can be understood purely as a social construct.

3.2 Sociological institutionalism and the world society

In the study of global and transnational sociology, especially in the area of the neoinstitutionalist theoretical spectrum (Schmidt 2008, 2010; Alasuutari 2015b), a specific area of focus is how global models and trends affect organisational forms. Whether looking at the global trends from a Marxist (Olssen 2004a), Wallerstein's (2004) world system analyses, neorealist (e.g. Donnelly 2000; Scheurman 2010), or from an neoinstitutionalist perspective (Alasuutari & Qadir 2013; Alasuutari 2015b; Qadir 2016), it can be pointed out that 'capital', in its many forms – financial or cultural – can be seen as the driving force behind the current trends affecting policymaking in the world polity. This research is inspired by the newly developed epistemic governance framework, which has focused on the analysis of interdependent policymaking of nation states and the use of organisations as epistemic capital. The theoretical base of epistemic governance stems from a social constructionist neoinstitutionalist perspective, and thus has strong roots in Foucauldian analysis (e.g. 1972, 1977, 1980, 1991, 2007) of power.

Contrary to the views of the neorealist (e.g., Donelly 2000; Scheurman 2010) global game of zero- sum between nation states, the neoinstitutionalist perspective seeks to explain world society through culture (Hall and Taylor 1996; Schmidt 2008, 2010; Schofer et al. 2012). In the field of globalisation research, specifically global and transnational sociology, the neoinstitutionalist perspective provides a contemporary framework for the study of ’modern' interpretations of transnationally weaved world systems. It also opens up the study of social change in which nation states are becoming borderless and heavily bounded by the influence of institutions operating at the national, international and transnational level.

Neoinstitutionalism started to develop in the 1970s as a response to american functionalism, neorealism and world systems analysis and as a continuum from rational institutionalism, social constructivism and organizational studies (Schofer et al. 2012, p. 1; Hall & Taylor 1996). This research is grounded on the the more sociologically-inclined institutionalism stemming from neoinstitutionalism, namely, world society theory (Meyer et al. 1997) or specifically the branch of sociological institutionalism indicated e.g. by Schofer et al. (2012), Qadir (2016) and Syväterä (2016). It takes a critical stance on at least four methodological assumptions: individualism, nationalism, evolutionary determinism, and structuralism (Qadir 2016), but does not reject the idea that actors’ strategic action might be part of explanations for isomorphic events (Syväterä 2016, p.

47-48). Rather than absorbing the dominant stance of counter setting and difference highlighting in international relations perspectives, the sociological branch of institutionalism emphasises the power of emulation, as from its perspective there is also isomorphism within the instrumental and expressive world culture (Meyer 2000). A usual misconception about neoinstitutionalism and about its theoretical trends of detecting similarities in world culture is that it intends to claim that the world is or is becoming completely homogenous. It rather suggests that the power of isomorphism is undeniable and realised in the circulation of cultural 'scripts' and ’models’ as well as in the diffusive state of organisations (Boli & Thomas, 1997; Alasuutari & Qadir 2013; Qadir 2016). It recognises contemporary rationalities as social constructs while taking into account historical and contemporary forces of globalisation, which lead to seeing the world as a hybrid, a melting pot of cultures, despite each nations state's claims of uniqueness (Billig 1995).

De-coupling – i.e. in the context of this research, the disconnect between managerialistic austerity policy and ESCRs – in its many forms is an acknowledged flaw within world society. Manifestations of de-coupling are happening worldwide, whether it be related to economic coercion, conformism, hypocrisy, imitation or importation of practices to incompatible environments. According to sociological institutionalism, at times, value in a broader cultural environment is more often sought in the instalment of new practices rather than the means-end efficiency (Hall and Taylor, 1996, p. 949). In relation to IR theories, i.e. security studies, conflict research or neorealism, sociological institutionalism does not disagree with the fact that incompatibilities related to domesticating global models can create a disconnect and sometimes even a violent coercion process between competing 'realities'. Thus, also, it neither makes claims about the world as a utopian homogenous entity. Rather, it points out a recent heterogenic horizontal shift to how power and influence operate, while demonstrating also evident societal similarities by investigating organisations, institutions and processes through which such similarities occur. Use of power and influence in this view is thus less vertical, though there is no denying certain aspects of the world polity or micro level societal relationships which can also coincide with Wallerstein's (2004) economic, hierarchical and structural dimensions. However, and more so, the theory concentrates on the enactment of cultural scripts and creation of meaning.

One of neoinstitutionalism’s and its sociological branch’s core concepts revolves around the ’cognitive dimension’, which is to say that ”institutions influence behavior by providing the cognitive scripts, categories and models that are indispensable for action, not least because without them the world cannot be interpreted (Hall and Taylor 1996, p. 948).” Herein lies the birth and

creation of ’meaning’, and ”the self-images and identities of social actors are said to be constituted from the institutional forms, images and signs provided by social life (Hall and Taylor 1996, p. 948).” Much like Foucault's perception of power/knowledge (1972, 1977, 1980, 1991), the relationship between institutions and individual action can in this form be seen as interactive and mutually-constitutive (Hall and Taylor 1996; Schofer et al. 2012, p. 1). Individual actors act as social convention specifies or perform social scripts engaging in socially 'meaningful' acts, simultaneously reinforcing the convention to which they are adhering. Central to this view is interpretation in the form of recognition and response. Therefore, ”the relationship between the individual and the institution, then, is built on a kind of 'practical reasoning' whereby the individual works with and reworks the available institutional templates to devise a course of action (Hall and Taylor 1996, p. 949).” By interpreting the world culture and society in this fashion, social movements and TSMOs can be seen as the underbelly of world culture, as they influence the institutional setting, as much as they are borne as a response to specific social and institutional realities.

3.3 Epistemic governance

Epistemic governance, which can be understood as stemming from sociological institutionalism, is at its core about convincing others through means of globally and nationally shared assumptions about the social world (Alasuutari & Qadir, 2016, 2019). One challenge, as Alasuutari (2015a, 2015b) points out, is that there is no simple dividing line that separates the correct account of the global system from false ones. A theory may be false, but if the policymakers believe in it, it becomes a relevant aspect of humanity and ultimately real in its consequences. The theory claims in its essence that issues like national policymaking or social movements which are influenced by global actors in contemporary society can be explained though 'epistemic governance' and epistemic capital (Alasuutari 2015a, 2018; Alasuutari et al. 2016; Alasuutari & Qadir 2014, 2016, 2019). This view therefore correlates with the one offered by sociological institutionalism, meaning rationalisations are social constructs and theories related to science and norms alter throughout history. There is no 'one' truth, solution, theory, morality or rationality. They are all floating concepts, or imaginaries, that shift and alter between realities. Conceptions of reality are therefore an essential part of epistemic governance and decision-making processes. As Alasuutari (2015a, p. 40-41) and Alasuutari and Qadir (2014, 2016, 2019) point out, the epistemic work actors are engaged on three aspects of the social world: (1) ontology of the environment, (2) actor

identifications, and (3) norms and ideals. This means constructions of what the world is, who we are, and what is ’good’ or ’desirable.’ These are especially observable in the discourse surrounding TSMOs as they, by nature, hold strong functionalist normative claims of what 'should' be done to alter existing social reality and how this should occur.

In Foucauldian terms, conception of power and knowledge (Foucault 1972, 1977, 1980, 1991, 2007; Olssen et al. 2004b) and strategic power plays are central to epistemic governance. Actors within global society constantly evolve, change, react, influence and create new rationalisations, social organisations and processes which affect institutional settings. When analysed through the epistemic governance framework, these power plays can be strategically performed for example by global elites. But currently, in the 21st century, it has little to do with coercion through hard power (Lechner & Boli 2005). The perceived 'shift' relevant with this particular time is the ’equality’ seeking image of authorities that coincides with the illusion of the pursuit of soft power and global democracy. In previous monarchies, societal inequality and hard power were the given norm (Kantola 2014). Sociological institutionalism and epistemic governance operating within this set of soft power framework thus draw on the Foucauldian conception of power, knowledge, and governability. According to Alasuutari and Qadir (2014), Foucault’s neologism of governmentality captures well the idea of present day 'modern' government. In this vein, policymakers heavily rely on the popularity perceptions given to them by their ’subjects’, who in turn, in Foucauldian terms, govern themselves. However, power and agency are often related to perception and can also use techniques which may not always be 'visible' as Foucault (Olssen et al. 2004b) and consequently the epistemic governance theorists (Alasuutari & Qadir 2019) have suggested.

3.4 Epistemic capital

According to mutually constitutive sociological institutionalism and epistemic governance theory, there is no world government or single centre. For this reason the theory is well suited to the field and study of transnational social movement organisations, and to complement/deepen the understanding of social movement theory (Alasuutari & Qadir 2019). This is because global governance can be seen operating through trends of circulating global models specific to present day reality through epistemic means (i.e. through organisations). For example, global organisations are often used and presented as an ’authority’ in a domestic policy discourse, in the attempt to back up actors’ claims in policy debates. In this fashion, according to theory, epistemic governance manifests itself in attempts to convince or influence others through specific forms of authority, or

epistemic capital. Examples of categories of epistemic capital or authority bases (Alasuutari 2015a, p. 119; Alasuutari et al. 2016) are:

1) ontological – depicts deference based on knowledge claims. 2) normative/moral – rests on respect for an organisation as a source of ethical norms and principles. 3) capacity-based – perceived capacity to accomplish things i.e. lend money or perform military operations. 4) charisma-based – respect for an organization for its head as a uniquely heroic actor.

These bases of authority can operate as their own entities, but can also be heavily intertwined.

3.5 Emotional economies

Epistemic governance in Foucauldian terms is all about power that resides in relationships between entities, between politicians, between oneself in relation to their institutional settings and how they perceive themselves as actors. But what is the catalyst that makes this type of power effective? One way of understanding styles of power is to examine how they are able to speak to and enthral people's emotions. To a larger extent, social sciences have been increasingly more interested in the emotional side of societies and not just the inner feeling of a singular actor. (Kantola 2014, p. 141). According to historian William Reddy, a symbolic order of a society always entails an emotional regime, which guides action within a society (ibid. p. 141). According to Reddy, an emotional regime consists of a set of normative feelings along with rituals and practices expressing them. Hochschild also presses how there are rules at the heart of every emotional regime about how we should feel, believe, act, and think (ibid. p. 141).

Emotional regimes are born in a specific time and space and are deeply connected to the structures and institutions of a society. Interest groups, institutions and professional organisations develop their own ways of expressing and dealing with emotions. According to Kantola (2014) in a more micro context, we can think of different representatives of specific trade workers; engineers, factory workers, doctors and nurses expressing emotions in settled styles and ways related to their specific groups within an organisation. Users of any type of power develop their own ways of expressing and addressing feelings. Each style of power builds rules about how people with its influence should feel. Leaders – such as politicians or managers – present themselves in public expressing

feelings in settled and regular ways (ibid. p. 141-142). In modern society, emotional styles and their changes appear in the sphere of publicity.

Through emotions we interpret the base upon which power is built and how it can be challenged. This dynamic can also be understood in such a way that new styles of power can emerge from the shadow side of existing or dominating styles of power, and in the creation of new styles one can employ negative feelings alongside the positive in the search of an alternative form of persuasion. Negative emotions such as hate, frustration, shame and guilt are powerful catalysts which make people act, express their frustration and search for alternatives, just as positive feelings of joy, solidarity and love can do the same. In line with Kantola (2014) we can perceive each style of power as holding their own ’emotional economies.’

We can think of a specific style of power holding its own emotional economy by which it lures and invites but, depending on style, on the shadow side there is always a set of emotional expressions that are not allowed or which are negative, such as anxiety, fear or boredom (ibid., p. 142). As specific emotional regimes, according to their own rules, develop specific ways of expression, and as they they are repeated and stabilised over time, they begin to create anxiety and resistance in those whose own experiences do not reflect the dominant or a specific emotional regime. These 'hidden' feelings operate commonly as a key to the birth of the next style of power, which challenges its predecessor and tries to fix its weaknesses (ibid., p. 142).

The French Revolution serves as one example of such an occurrence. The king's court allowed for a certain type of emotional expression and, as a counterweight, the rising elite developed their own salons, clubs and publications where they could express banned feelings in their own style and develop new expressions. In Reddy's terms, in these 'escape places of feelings' the emotional regime of the revolution was built; in them the rules of emotional expression of courts and nobilities were questioned. (ibid., p. 143).

Later, and in modern times, the elite of society – leaders and politicians – began to present themselves as not above, but as one of the people. Typically they rose from the deep lines of the people, creating an image of maintaining the common touch and living like ’common folk’. Even though the relationship with leaders and subjects has undoubtedly changed since the time of Max Weber, his envisioned and often invisible emotional bond between charismatic leaders and their supporters needs to exist in order to be effective (whether it be loyalty or fear). But now,

instead of hard power common to Weber’s time, followers of charismatic actors develop emotional bonds to leaders through their supposed spiritual or intellectual power through discourse or image, not so much because of coercive power, though there are exceptions. This is why charisma is usually the 'style' of religious, political, or revolutionary leaders. Charisma is thus heavily connected to societal 'centres' of power which try and are able to change society. (Kantola 2014).

3.6 Epistemic governance perspective on transnational social movements

Social movements can be viewed as collective enterprises to establish a new order of life. They have their inception in a condition of unrest, and derive their motive power on the one hand from dissatisfaction with the current form of life, and on the other hand from wishes and hopes for a new social scheme of living. The career of a social movement depicts the emergence of a new order of life. In its beginning, a social movement is amorphous, poorly organized and without form; the collective behavior is on the primitive level… As a social movement develops, it takes on the character of a society. It requires organization and form, a body of customs and traditions, established leadership, and enduring division of labour, social rules and values – in short, a culture, a social organization, and a new scheme of life. (Blumer 1969 in Giddens 2013, p. 996)

Social movements today are increasingly more transnational similarly to nation states which operate their economies and aspects of social life in the international political arena. The same technologies that are advancing and which have moulded the expansion of the global economy have also given rise to transnational social movements organisations (TSMOs). Tarrow (2005) and Smith (2008) in line with the neoinstitutionalist theorists point to global mass media, academics and journalists and English as a global working language as enablers for people of diverse origins and classes to cultivate cooperative relationships across great distances. A distinction of TSMOs is that they mobilise people across national boundaries to pursue the same aim. They help actors define and act on their interests and identities in ways that cross the traditional nation state borders, as organisations also generate their own internal identities.

The theory developed by epistemic governance theorists points to specific framework and governance techniques involved in interdependent policymaking (Alasuutari et al. 2016). In line with the theorisation of Anderson (1991) and Alasuutari & Qadir (2016, 2019), this research relies on the understanding that social realities can be interpreted as shifting ’imaginaries’. It is presumed by Alasuutari and Qadir (2016, 2019) that actors driving for social change, national/global policy

shift, or any specific agenda base their rationalisation, identifications and ontological analysis on the (1) functionalist requirement of modernity, (2) societal hierarchy and (3) the world as competing blocks. When talking about actors trying to effect social change, Alasuutari & Qadir (2016) state that the use of particular imageries depends on the political context and strategic demands. In this sense, they connect with ‘epistemic governance’, that works by affecting people’s shared conceptions of social realities. However, without the contextual and cultural understanding of the global environment or its institutional power structures, an analysis can only offer structuralist or functionalist interpretations of measured effects. Adding a new perspective to social movement and TSMO theory, new interpretations of this form can provide further understanding to the organisational or functional standpoint – which is not to say they are not also contributing to their specific area of research. Epistemic governance framework is well suited to the study of organisations and could also offer a methodological model of analysis in studying TSMOs, which could be used to deepen the understanding and undercurrents of the world system. Ultimately, as the theory suggests, epistemic governance is about power, persuasion, and who has the means to affect the reality of others. Therefore, in line with Alasuutari & Qadir (2019), social movements and TSMOs can be seen as a very relevant expansion topic for this field of research, as social movements are persuasive by nature and purposeful attempts to change existing reality.

Epistemic governance thus mainly focuses on the analysis of present day power mechanisms. Theory suggests that power in the 21st century operates through specific bases of authority that are not based on coercive power, but rather on epistemic capital and capacity to influence the conceptions of others (Alasuutari, 2015a; 2018; Alasuutari et al. 2016). By this view, we can see the world not only as competing blocks of nation states in world polity, but also as different level organisations from all three sectors influencing global trends, global models (i.e. neoliberalism or human rights) and other conceptions of actors about the conditions of the social world.

In sum, epistemic governance theory views that 1) the world operates based on constructional view and enactment of cultural scripts; 2) in line with institutional theory, power is institutional rather than based on a nation state; and 3) governance and power operate as 'soft power' with the means of epistemic governance in a world polity. The world can be seen as competing blocs between interest groups in four sectors; the private, state, third sector and the fourth grey sector (often invisible), not merely nations states competing for dominance, nor bound to specific nation state borders.

This approach to solving the research question and the chosen methodological processes operate on the logic of: if we uncover the strategies of a global social movement that managed to build itself as an authority to affect global policy making, we can 1) provide an understanding of the present era 'construction of meaning' based on cultural scripts, which 2) by connection resonates, reflects and explains aspects of our present day world culture and how power operates (Boli & Thomas 1997). The research design and target of investigation is therefore placed on resonance between campaign and culture, manifested in the effective advocacy strategies and the interpretations (discourses) of the wielded power. Or in Alasuutari’s (2015a) words; in the ’noise.’

4 Methodological framework

4.1 Data

In the first part of the research process, an extensive diverse set of data is carefully analysed and also processed on the basis of what is thought to be the audience of particular narratives. Thus, in the data selection process I have originally divided the data by genre based on their expected audience: 1) Academic texts, books and documents produced for organisations, professionals, experts and students (homogenous). 2) Documents, media outlets and interviews for general ’universal’ societal discussions (heterogenous).

From these types of audience genres and produced material, which includes a cross-sectional North/South variation of academics, experts and media, the research data is further categorised and primary data is isolated. Primary data selection is done on the basis that a produced material includes a direct campaign leader/expert interview or a statement, and thus holds a direct quotation or a statement from the interviewed actor, or the material is produced by a campaign leader themselves in retrospect of the campaign. In the selection, emphasis is on semiotics and diversity in the typification of genres, but I do not make linguistic divisions according to accuracy of language, the ideological viewpoint of the interviewed actor or word counts to determine generalities. I do not refer to singular texts in the analysis, as the point is to connect singular actors' perspectives to larger discursive contexts (i.e. persuasive technologies related to the campaign). Therefore there is no larger point of referral to specific data. This first selection of 10 articles of research material is designed to consist of retrospective reflections made by campaign experts after the campaign's end between 2000-2019 to draw out conclusions about its factors of success (see page 67 for list of primary research data).

Nowadays, visual marketing and speech-image strategies of promoting INGOs, NGOs, political or civil society campaigns can be considered a central element of any operational actor promoting a cause. For this reason, I was also interested in how the campaign presented itself in the press during its active years of 1996-2000. 1) How was it able to communicate its message though issue framing and semiotics of visual communication, and 2) does the retrospective analysis of campaign leaders

(of first set of data) coincide with the media representations. Therefore, there is an addition of a second set of data to the research consisting of ten newspaper and media articles from the campaign's active years of 1996 to 2000, which were related to the campaign. Selection of the media data was narrowed down to British press because 1) the campaign initially started from the United Kingdom, and 2) for this particular research there is an interest in inspecting the techniques involved in the rationalisation processes of a country with historically understood colonial roots and, furthermore, a country which at the time could be understood as 'benefitting' from the state of creditor-debtor systems. To rephrase one statement from a campaign expert: those who are at the losing end of such economic systems rarely need convincing that systemic change is required. For this reason, the interest was on the press of a debtor nation, and how framing (Entman 1993) was used to benefit the campaign. In sum, a media analysis is made for the purpose of discovering key elements; what types of presentations and narratives were appearing in media presentations during the campaign. And additionally, how they coincide with the retrospective narratives produced after the campaign.

4.2 Formulation of the narrative

By nature, qualitative analysis consists of forming an understanding of the 'singular' in a larger context or vice versa. Qualitative analysis requires an ’absolutionism' which is absent from quantitative research (Alasuutari 2011, p. 38). All trustworthy aspects involved in the process and data of the research must be uncovered and dealt with in such a way that they do not conflict with the presented interpretation. Such is not the case with quantitative interpretations where exceptions and anomalies present themselves frequently without influencing the overall results. Here, the consistency and regularity of the narrative produced by different interest groups and actors was crucial in the formation of a ’structural whole’ (Renvall 1965, in Alasuutari 2011, p. 38). In this type of qualitative analysis, statistical argumentation is not a necessity. Alasuutari’s (2011, p. 39), for example, states that variants involved in the ignition of war in historical research cannot be adequately reconstructed or analysed in quantitative analysis where in one scenario the war would have ignited and in another it would not have. Therefore, the quantitative analysis and argumentation must solely be based on the reasons which were factual for this specific war and is ideographic in nature, though perhaps some models or explanations could be connected to a larger context or case.

For this specific research case – a retrospective reflection of a campaign belonging to a specific time and context – a qualitative analysis of its analytical flexibility serves a better purpose. Qualitative analysis consists of two parts: the simplification of observations and solving the mystery. This type of distinction can only be made analytically where the two are internally connected (Alasuutari 2011). In qualitative research, and in this particular research, the differences in narrative or lack thereof between different actor groups were important. Also important was the simplification of raw observations in the first round of selecting and skimming through different types of data until clustering seemingly occurred.

This particular research also cuts across historical research and methodology in dealing with source critique. In the process of establishing an adequate and trustworthy picture of events that occurred, the research is constructed of narratives from multiple sources by which commonalities were established. Hypothesis for the selection of this method was that if different types of actors provide similar account of events, the overall narrative can be considered trustworthy, and consequently, a reliable foundation and construction of events provides a reliable analysis. In other words, this type of formulation of a reconstructed narrative consists of different types of observations from multiple sources; experts, academics, media and campaign advocates, which then make a whole. It is common in traditional anthropological research or cultural studies when analysing modern societies where individuals/actors are connected to the overall culture (Alasuutari 2011, p. 41). This type of collection and coding of different types of narratives also falls under the classical category of content analysis (Julien 2008) and can also have qualities of a narrative analysis (Feldman et al. 2004; ”Narrative Analysis – Jyväskylän Yliopiston Koppa” 2010), as the research identifies the kinds of stories told about the researched phenomenon and the kinds of stories representing the phenomenon in culture and society.

4.3 Case study

The research is conducted with the methodological approach of an in depth case study (Zonabend 1992). Its purpose is to uncover the deeper layers of already established information and interpretation of a specific phenomena – in this case the multilayered transnational campaign J2000. While theorisations about the campaign have been made in the area of social movement theory, organisational theory and measurements concerning its influence on specific countries, it is the hypothesis of this case study that the underlying layers of the phenomena have yet to be uncovered concerning its cultural premise and how the theory of epistemic governance could further explain

the success of the campaign from a new perspective. The campaign's transnational scope, with its extensive interactions between nation states and international organisations, media representations, repercussions and sheer number of retrospective analytics produced by academia, offer a wide premise and justification for the methodological approach of a case study. A critique about the use of a case study is that it is inadequate in explaining connections in sociological theory, but it can also be interpreted as “giving special attention to totalizing in the observation, reconstruction and analysis of the cases under study (Zonabend 1992, p. 52).”

Case study approach has historically had traditional roots in the North America ’Chicago School’ and French sociology describes it as a monographic approach. Case study as an approach has also been used in field anthropology (Hamel et al. 1993). The case study model can include methods such as field studies, participant observation and interviews, amongst others. The goal of this approach can be also be a reconstruction and analysis of a case from a new sociological perspective (Hamel et al. 1993), as it is used in this research.

4.4 Theory based analysis

“Relations of power, also, they are played; it is these games of power (jeux de pouvoir) that one must study in terms of tactics and strategy, in terms of order and of chance, in terms of stakes and objectives (Foucault, 1994c: 541–2 in Olssen et al. 2004b, p. 49).”

As the research is set out as an in depth case study, the goal is to derive as much meaning from the phenomena as possible. The research began with skimming through all available material related to J2000 and internalising information about the already established theoretical interpretations about the subject. The second part involved the selection of primary data; a set of campaign leader interviews, or their own produced material appearing in productions by a cross-sectional North/South variation of academics, experts and media. The chosen primary data, research organisation and method, in the first part, can also be understood as falling in line with social movement theorists, as the intention is to formulate an accurate understanding of the narrative surrounding the campaigns advocacy strategies. The first part of this research can thus also be interpreted as data based analysis (Tuomi & Sarajärvi 2018), and can also operate as an independent interpretation, without reference to theory. However, the decision and choice of this specific analytical organisational form to trace advocacy strategies from expert narratives is based on the methodology of epistemic governance (Alasuutari

& Qadir 2019), which stems from Foucauldian research methods (Olssen et al. 2004b). In the application of the methodology to the framework of this study, the first part is designed to 'isolate' surface level influence techniques to later connect and explain deeper related phenomena. The process of ’isolating’ successful strategies from the narratives can also be described as the classical methodology of category formation related to content analysis (Julien 2008; Tuomi & Sarajärvi 2018), but specifically what is sought from the narrative is based on the methodology and theory of epistemic governance.

According to Julien (2008), content analysis is the process which categorises qualitative data into clusters or conceptual categories in order to identify patterns. This method is a way of making sense of data and deriving meaning from them. It is also a commonly used method of analysing textual data such as interview transcripts, recorded observations, narratives, and media such as drawings, photographs, and video. When using content analysis, the text is open to the subjective interpretation of the researcher, and it may reflect multiple meanings and depend on the context (ibid.). According to Stemler (2000), this method, which expands beyond simple word count, is based on the coding and categorisation of the data.

In the context of this research and methodology, a theory based content analysis (Tuomi & Sarajärvi 2018) was used both when data was initially selected, and afterwards with primary data as ’clusters of specific content’ i.e. categories of advocacy strategies were formed. These clusters refer to ’strategies’ deemed persuasive in the cross-sectional discourse narratives because they are specifically discussed and brought up by the ’speaker.’ The formation of these clusters can also contain emphasis of certain 'traits' or key mobilising mechanisms found persuasive regarding the J2000. They could also be discussed as factors, or in Hajers (1995) terms 'storylines' about what contributed to the success of the campaign.

Potential problems relating to qualitative analysis method can be incoherency or lack of compelling category organisation, as the method can also heavily rely on the researcher's motives, capabilities and interpretations of the subject matter (Bonoma & Rosenberg 1978). To prevent these types of problems in the research process, firstly, in this case one needed to avoid issues of source critique as explained in the former section, and thus a cross-sectional comparison of ’storylines’ from multiple sources was carried out. Secondly, the research foundations are not normative or positivist, thus the goal and interest of this research is to discover how or why a particular phenomena occurred. Its moral outcome is thus irrelevant in terms of this research, and is only relevant in its outcome in

terms of the campaign being ’successful’ in the shared discourse of narratives. And consequently, the shared understanding of the alleged ’success’ of the campaign is solely important for the sake of peeling off the layers or ’mechanisms’ contributing to the success. Thirdly, in this case, a theoretical base is used for clearer analytical organisation. It gives the research a clear categorisation structure for performing analysis; in the first section in determining what to look for in the data; and more specifically, in the second section, as the isolated advocacy strategies are further analysed by using a theory based categorisation technique, which I will explain in more detail in the following chapter. Yet, the first section and set of results of advocacy strategies from analysing the data are data based, and thus can also be presented as independent results, despite the theoretically inclined research design and further execution of the analysis. This ’two step’ method was applied to add further transparency of the process and to add credibility to the research.

The research methodology also holds elements of theory connected analysis, which falls between data based and theory based analysis (Eskola 2001; Tuomi & Sarajärvi 2018, p. 99). This means that analysis of the data is not directly based on theory, but connections to it are traceable. Ultimately, the research design here falls under the category of theory based analysis as the goal is to test epistemic governance theory and its methodology in a new context. But it also holds theory connected elements and thus leaves room for new interpretations and connections.

The second part of the data analysis consists of an analysis through a direct theory-based approach, which can be understood as a deepening categorisation of the initial theory based content analysis. It takes conceptual leads and category skeletons from established theory. What moves this new study beyond functionalist and social movement theorisations is this deepening analysis about why these specific strategies were effective. The clusters of advocacy strategies drawn from the initial data are thus analysed through a theory based methodology of epistemic governance using the theoretically established authority bases related to the use of epistemic capital. As explained in the theoretical section, previous research has established that epistemic capital is used as leverage to gain 1) ontological, 2) moral, 3) capacity based and 4) charismatic authority. The advocacy strategies isolated in the first section content analysis are connected to theory based authority bases, and filtered through for analysis. The idea is that this type of categorical organisation serves to maximize both internal and external coherence (Bonoma & Rosenberg 1978) of the analysis.

4.5 Foucauldian applications: genealogy

In Foucauldian terms, research methodology for this research from the beginning has involved adapted forms of archaeological and genealogical methodologies within the framework of a critical discourse analysis (Olssen et al. 2004b). Whereas archaeology utilises theoretical knowledge (savoir) in order to analyse forms of knowledge, genealogy in turn focuses on the emergence and transformation of discourses (ibid.). This can be interpreted to involve discourses of otherness in Foucauldian research framework, or disobedience acts that stand out from the norm through which we can make distinctions and alternative interpretations about the greater whole; or about governmentality, as subjects constitute themselves in specific institutional settings or about institutional systems as the reflection of a society (ibid.). Disobedience is also the starting point of revolutions, or in terms of soft power, resides in the idea and in the formulations of different rationalities involved in different types of social interactions or organisations, as was the case with J2000.

In relation to Foucault's study of human 'superstructure' or traverses of the social body affected by laws and policies, we can relate all the same here the context of ESCRs of social bodies that are affected by specific policies and regulative measures of austerity policies imposed by loan structure programs or specific types of organisations responsible as sovereign debt creditors. Foucault's methodologies and perceptions about power systems also offer a fertile ground for the study of transnational social movements as resistance groups that are transnational in nature are not bound by national identity, but combine elements and identities of the superstructure.

Here, the Foucauldian methodological discourse analysis (Olssen et al. 2004b) focuses less on the philosophical aspect of discovering truths about the nature and essence of language and 'knowledge', and can be categorised more as a surface level attempt to explain social constructions and the technologies used to build new realities that emerged in the advocacy process of a particular campaign. In other words the methodology focuses on the discourse narratives to do with the emergence and formation of a specifically built imaginary – an alternative vision to compete with existing rationality. The type of research produced here does not seek to argue in philosophical dimensions about the 'essence' or nature of things, or whether interpretations about the underlying truths about specific 'knowledge' have connections to the transcendental, or whether discourse or language itself has any 'actual meaning' (ibid.). The explanation that this research seeks to offer, by

using these particular methodologies, is merely that we can produce freeze frame interpretations by examining history, current institutions and alternative discourses to explain socio-cultural functions distinct to particular contexts. Here, the critical discourse analysis is concerned with semiotics, on the 'meaning construction' bound to a specific era, and examines simply the technologies of socially constructed categories and power systems. 'Episteme' here therefore relates to science as the backing evidence of a claim, or to understanding power systems and to the 'knowledge' and capacity to perform in and utilise the system. The study focuses on the means by which 'truth' is produced, as well as the rationality that they establish.

In sum, methodological steps to achieve a sense of understanding can be found in the discourse narratives in order to comprehend what was the institutional setting and what were the technologies involved in making the campaign a success. Achieving an understanding related to epistemic governance theory also means tracing and comprehending the power 'shifts' or the genealogy of historical changes on how institutional power operates (e.g. Graeber 2014; Kantola 2014), to accurately arrive at the latest shift at the end of 1970s and the turn to the neoliberal model which the J2000 alternative advocacy rose against; and consequently to a shift to investigate soft power governance techniques instead of the more IR and realist based counter setting mentality of the Cold War. To offer another example, to make accurate interpretations about rhetorical and visual imaging of e.g. ’breaking the chains' in the media analysis, one must comprehend the pre-contextual historical meaning behind the sign systems, meaning tracing the shared understanding about the history of slavery in relation to its current context. Without the methodological genealogical understanding of semiotics, there can be no deeper understanding or new realisations of historical or current events. This ties heavily into Alasuutari and Qadir’s (2019) theorisation on the methodology of epistemic governance and the relational and intrinsic power systems and social codings which actors encompass or even unconsciously operate with. This type of case study is therefore multidimensional and holds a genealogical premise on multiple concepts.

4.6 Epistemic governance as a methodology

Ultimately, the epistemic governance methodology here, as it is understood in this research, involves the aspects of many methodological approaches; content analysis, a theory based analysis, critical discourse analysis and especially Foucauldian genealogical approach, as it is also heavily concerned with the idea of discourse. Here, I do not emphasise an analysis of functionalist claims about how the campaign managed to change financial situations in specific nation states or make normative claims about the campaigns birth and existence. Here, the focus is on the discourse- produced surrounding strategies or persuasion techniques used by the campaign, so we, in a Foucauldian sense, can produce an interpretation about what resonated in this specific 'social reality', and in so doing, understand power plays in world society.

Alasuutari and Qadir (2019) expand on the epistemic governance methodology as follows: "An epistemic governance methodology approaches people's talk and actions aimed at social change by seeking how that change is justified and how people are persuaded to act in a desired manner. An epistemic governance research design would thus isolate the way in which some actor is justifying a call for social change and see what is involved in it (Alasuutari & Qadir 2019, p. 158)." And furthermore, "All text and action, including materiality can be taken as discourse to probe how a particular course of action is argued for and against. The data at hand provides a window, so to speak, into what kinds of justifications people deem acceptable, what kind of knowledge is implicated, how identifications are effectively made, and so on (Alasuutari & Qadir 2019, p. 158)."

To get to the epistemic aspect of governance related to J2000, we can also use isolation of 'epistemes'; analyse the epoch and historical periods related to the topic at hand and then, in the context of this research, analyse justifications made about the persuasive elements which were employed by the campaign. In this way, we can intend to grasp the 'order' of the discourse.

This approach is somewhat different to the analysis framework on the discourse surrounding social change (ibid.); who is for or against a social issue, and for what justification. Here, the analysis is focused on a campaign which belongs to a specific time and context, and on the strategies by which the campaign was employed, not on the normative for or against discourse on the issue of debt relief. Here, the 'influence' is isolated in the form of a persuasive advocacy strategy, which was indicated by a group of epistemic actors.

Framework categorisation of epistemic capital and strategical power authority bases can offer a fruitful premise for 'direct' methodological/theoretical categorisation analysis based on the already established theory used for analysis of social movement organisations of the past or present. Here, the focus is on a past organisation, which thus justifies the testing premise and usage of 'direct' categorisation based on the objects of epistemic work and four authority bases, which were explained in the theoretical section. Going into this research frame we can first uncover strategic power elements used by TSMOs through the analysis of this particular campaign, and furthermore, connect them to the wider socio-cultural power plays currently operating in the world polity.

5 Analysis

5.1 Analysis: part 1. Advocacy strategies

As explained in the previous section, selection primary data involved seeking out campaign expert interviews and their own written material from a wide variety of cross-sectional literature about the campaign. Initial wide range of data was in this form first coded and primary data isolated to consist only of material which included direct quotes or statements made by campaign experts. After the first process of isolating material, second coding and isolation process involved categorisation of persuasive elements which were recurring in the statements. Set of categories were then established after clusters began to form from the data indicating recurring sets of persuasive elements about the campaign. This specifically meant isolation of strategies which were pointed out and what the campaign experts reflected on as successful advocacy techniques in retrospect. A second set of data consisting of British media articles was also first coded and isolated and selected on the basis of a time frame and country of origin of the press. Time frame was set to campaign active years 1996- 2000. These sets of data were then coded and divided into strategy categories in this stage to firstly answer the research question on the premise of how campaign experts perceived the issue. Through this process of content analysis and categorical formation, a set of four advocacy strategies were distinguished and isolated from the research data:

Strategy 1. Radical analysis of issue frames and social network organisation Strategy 2. Advocacy based on cognitive economies and cultural scripts Strategy 3. Democratisation of knowledge Strategy 4. National and international coalition building

I will first describe the four strategies in the next section and how they were indicated in the research data. In the second part of the analysis, as explained in the methodology section, advocacy strategies are ’filtered’ and critically analysed through the theory based authority bases. The four main advocacy strategy categories drawn from campaign expert statements are in this form connected to theory based epistemic capital authority categories, indicating the level and use of epistemic governance.

5.1.1 Strategy 1. Radical analysis of issue frames and social network organisation

Firstly, the campaign set a specific timeline for the duration of the campaign. From the start it was clear that the intention was to build an organisation that would exist for the campaign and not vice versa. Dubbed as 'radical framing' with regards to traditional transnational social movement organisation, institutionalisation and bureaucratisation were not a goal, but to be avoided (e.g., Peterson 2001; Pettifor 2006, 2007). The perception and outcome was that a clear framing of the timeline and a countdown added dynamism and impact. It built upon existing international movements and established networks, and it was clear the movement would not close down, despite the campaign having a clear goal and an end date.

Another 'radical' strategy of the campaign was to maintain autonomous non centralised organisational structures under the umbrella of the campaign (Peterson 2001; Pettifor 2006, 2007). The campaign wanted to avoid political factions in which some factions would hold more power than others - exactly like the ones the campaign wanted to challenge, i.e. the IMF. We can thus interpret the organisational structure being horizontal rather than hierarchical. As the founder of the campaign, the British section designed and drew cause statements and provided educational material for distribution. Each country or faction wanting to join the campaign was welcomed under the global umbrella, and each were operating autonomously with the material provided and each were in charge of their own funding and volunteers. The campaign set out from the get go that it would not become institutionalised, as its main goal was to educate. This was often dubbed by campaign leaders as 'radical framing' of the whole organisational network – that the organisation did not seek to become an institutional authority. Reportedly, this issue also caused a rift between factions as an international coalition was formed.

Prior to the campaign, in 'richer countries', third world debt tended to give an impression that it was a charitable issue; that poor countries had fallen into financial difficulty by incompetence or corruption and had to be 'forgiven' or 'pardoned' by their creditors. This analysis led international creditors to transfer the burden of adjustment onto the debtor. A new analysis of the issue insisted co-responsibility of both debtor and creditor alike in a situation of crisis. This was done by switching the emphasis away from debtor nations by demonstrating and 'uncovering' how creditor governments had engaged in 'loan-pushing', often done corruptly and often to promote military exports (Sachs 2006). By shifting perspectives, the appeal proved effective in creditor states, as common people and media, now empowered with new knowledge, started to feel responsible for

the actions of their governments. In this analysis, attention shifted towards the powerful 'perpetrators' of the crisis, i.e. in the British case, a campaign led by the British themselves exposed actions of their own governments to its citizens, empowering them towards action through knowledge distribution with the strategy that educating people would be enough to ignite mobilisation. This meant that demands made to the governments were made with the understanding of potential financial loss to their respective governments; action driven by moral stance rather than interest in financial gain. This analysis and framing the issue as co-responsibility is said to have been a key element which built solidarity across North/South campaigns and communities and quickly welded together a global social movement:

One of the key elements behind Jubilee 2000's success, not just in Britain but internationally, was the radical nature of the analysis we made of the problem of Third World Debt. For a campaign to be successful and capable of uniting a range of social forces, research, deep thought, and careful preparation must go into the analysis of the campaign's central issues... By switching the emphasis away from debtor nations and demonstrating how creditor governments had encouraged borrowing by engaging in 'loan-pushing', often corruptly and often to promote military exports, we were able to switch the attention towards the perpetrators of the crisis. (Pettifor, in Jochnick & Preston 2006, p. 307-308).

With this set of newly framed analysis, carefully and radically framed statements were also presented to the media (Pettifor 2006) and statements were made e.g. to BBC News (Wescott 2000) to highlight the costs of the world leader G8 Okinawa meeting of 2000 vs. the sovereign debt issue: "The total cost of the summit could have cancelled the whole debt of Gambia" or "Some 20 million children could have been vaccinated against six killer diseases for the cost of the summit (Drummond 2000)." The persuasive process of how advocates like Bono themselves were persuaded to advocate for the cause with tactics of framing can be gleaned from his interview statement with The New York Times:

We were so high on the idea that Live Aid raised $200 million. And then you discover years later that that's what Africa is spending every few weeks servicing its debt. I thought we'd never forget what we'd been through in Ethiopia, but then those images just faded away. When this campaign for debt cancellation came up, I got interested again and I thought, O.K., there's 19,000 children dying every day. What are we arguing about here? (Bono in Dominus 2000)

5.1.2 Strategy 2. Advocacy based on cognitive economies and cultural scripts

As seen through the examples of radical issue frames in the previous chapter, emotionally appealing cognitive advocacy was specifically present in media publications. Additionally, visual marketing techniques were used through symbols and themes, and the name 'Jubilee' itself draws on a biblical reference (e.g. Cohen 2009; Dent & Peters 2019). It therefore implies a moral imagery appealing to religious morality and was used in efforts to persuade wider or individual audiences. Dubbed by some as 'corny' in the beginning and only suitable for marginalised religious audiences, the campaign strategies later were designed to also include secular and alternative factions through additional campaign initiatives like the 'Drop the debt' branch (Cohen 2009) and use of secular cultural agents more appealing to distinct audiences (further explained in the second part of the analysis).

The visual and symbolic imagery of 'chains' was used with a dual meaning. 1) Breaking free of modern day slavery and 2) building a human chain across the world to demonstrate global unity for a cause. Semiotics related to cultural history and strong cognitive perceptions around a strong visual image were thus employed. One of the most important advocacy techniques also involved the recruitment of social capital; advocacy through religious leaders, celebrities and experts (e.g. Pettifor 2006; Cohen 2009). Their use of language and visibility to speak to their specific audiences through events, media publicity stunts or publications was indicated as a key factor of success. This also meant tapping into the cognitive and emotional economies of audiences, as a charismatic cultural agent was employed to deliver the advocacy message to persuade potential followers.

5.1.3 Strategy 3. Democratisation of knowledge

”…Jubilee 2000 believes in bringing this stuff down from the ivory towers of academia, the monolithic skyscrapers of the World Bank and IMF, as well as out of the closet of the central banks and western treasuries. This is a matter for the people.” (Pettifor 1999).

Decades-long organisational lobbying and debtor nation campaigns were not getting desired results from policymakers. A shift in strategy came in the form of:

1) Knowledge democratisation of the masses; it included a plan of educating people from creditor countries on the issue of sovereign debt about the actions of the behind-the-scenes actions of their governments. The campaign became inclusive of all levels of society and all world society opting to frame the sovereign debt issue as a matter of co-responsibility. 2) Information provided by the campaign was based on science; meaning 'credible' educational research material backed up by academics and experts used as ontological epistemic capital / utilised as authority. We can also think of the use of epistemic 'agents' as validation to the cause as they provided the 'correct' knowledge interpreted in a believable manner. Simply appealing to emotional economies was deemed insufficient. 3) Empowerment; excluding a paternal and victimising charitable stance, activating agents through knowledge and offering a concrete channel of influence through organisation. The campaign specifically targeted groups usually considered outside the mobilisation realm and set its demands directly to international organisations going straight across national borders to a global level. 4) Simplicity strategy in communication; gaining attention using language, not overly complicated themes or demands; a belief in mass mobilisation. (eg. Pettifor 2006).

These processes can be understood as heavily relying on domestication (Syväterä 2016 p. 42-44) on broad levels. Initially thought too difficult a subject for the 'common folk' to understand, the grassroots networks rapidly ’caught fire’ (Pettifor 2006). Civil society organisations did educational groundwork in schools, churches, organisational meetings and town halls. Educational material was provided and distributed in multiple languages, and rapidly spread locally and internationally by also taking full advantage of the newly-founded internet. The campaign employed the latest technologies, using a webpage and emails, which were still very new at the time. Material was

drawn together by the main office and distributed to localities where it was domesticated through local means. The campaign headquarters specifically did not interfere with how specific localities wanted to domesticate the issue in their local contexts.

The campaign has been deemed as being an educational campaign above all by its strategist Ann Pettifor (2006), which meant to advocate and educate and spread alternative knowledge by lifting the veil of 'concealment' by the governments on matters discussed only behind closed doors by policymakers. Furthermore, the campaign sought to radically frame a perspective of co- responsibility on the situation of sovereign debt, an issue also previously framed and 'domesticated' by those same policymakers. Behind the strategy we can detect an understanding that people would mobilise after being presented with the needed information through processes of domestication and that they would take action willingly.

Domestication, here, is not understood as a global model that people start to consider 'their own' or nationalistically unique. Here, I refer to the processes of familiarisation or translation of 'knowledge' as 'domesticated' to a specific context. In other words, an issue is familiarised within the boundaries and the reality of the receiver, thus making a complex issue such as sovereign debt 'understandable' to its audience. This was done by using the audiences' own local and personal understanding of debt, such as the case of specifically targeted interest groups usually outside the sphere of public debate (Pettifor 2006). It is a somewhat different approach to domestication in relation to a classic example of domestication where a global model is 'translated' or explained to serve the best interests of a country or coined as something nationalistically unique.

5.1.4 Strategy 4. Structures of national and international coalition building

The organisation strategy was heavily built on existing organisations and networks. The campaign also used emerging channels of internet and technology to its advantage. Despite campaign origins - drawing up its strategic premises - being founded in the UK, decade long network building had been emerging since the beginnings of the debt crises (e.g., Peterson 2001; Dent & Peters 2019). Those same networks also became important chains in the network expansion processes as the campaign started to gain momentum first in the UK and then internationally. One of the best regarded aspects of the campaign and a large contributor to its success was its extraordinary global coalition of churches, anti-poverty groups, and other civil society organisations and its capacity to unite the often non-cooperative South/North axle (Barrett, 2000; Donnelly n.d; Peterson 2001).

According to campaign leaders, the purpose of coalition building was simple: to harness the broadest possible 'social forces' to challenge the much more powerful forces of the international financial institutions.

5.2 Analysis: part 2. Advocacy strategies and epistemic capital

In the following section, I will further expand and deepen the context and analysis of the four advocacy strategies introduced in the previous section. This will involve connecting specific strategies to the ontological, moral, charismatic and capacity-based authority categories – to measure the campaigns ability to accumulate epistemic capital.

5.2.1 Ontological authority

For campaign strategies to be formed, there needed to be initial capacity-based ontological understanding of the institutional/political/economical/moral environment as a base for strategic analysis of required techniques which it needed to employ; of who to target and why. Campaign strategies discussed in the previous section can be thus understood as based on the ontological assessment of the environment; how issue of debt was framed, what were the power structures behind the issue and how was it possible to create a shift in consciousness of both the policymakers and the masses.

Campaign leaders described the strategy developing process as a constant struggle with financial aspects – a common obstacle for CSOs as they lack the corporate financial lobbying power. It made them more focused on the assessment of the normative functions of the issue, the need and strategies for capacity-based actions and mass mobilisation (as opposed to previous organisational lobbying done by few interest groups) with the use of scientifically produced knowledge, using experts for epistemic capital. Through a new radical analysis of the debt systems of nation states, the campaign set itself against the rationalisation and policy of established authorities and lobbied for charismatic agents to support their cause instead.

The outcome of the campaign demonstrates that it managed to build itself up as one of the authorities able to momentarily challenge the institutionalised 'coercive' ontological authorities (like the IMF) that it was set against. In the process of accumulating epistemic capital, the campaign used

previously set out networks that were already built during decades of non-productive lobbying. It also used and referenced experts and organisations it had managed to recruit. Capacity-based, moral and charismatic authority realms become necessarily intertwined in the analysis of the ontological realm when talking about a non-institutionalised social movement. We can comprehend it as the new consciousness forming or finally breaking out to compete with the existing one - as is the case with all historical social movements; human rights movements, populist social movements, xenophobic or racial movements. Social movements demanding institutional change do refer to global institutions in an ontological sense, like the ones who seek them out as moral authority and use them as epistemic capital. But the non conforming social movements frame themselves alternatively, in relation to the existing ontological authorities pointing out issues of de- coupling.

Another dimension of the environment was the timing of the campaign, as it was set at the turn of the millennium. Time was optimum for the creation of a 'new' global consciousness, which the campaign utilised. Timing and cultural perception of momentum is crucial in the creation of a social movement, as was with the approaching turn of the millennium and imagery built by the Jubilee. Also the strategy of international coalition building through organisational networking was aided by existing organisations (e.g. Donnelly n.d.).

With time, campaigners in both creditor and debtor nations called for the establishment of similar Jubilee 2000 'franchises' in their countries. The simple Jubilee 2000 petition outlined the principles of the campaign. The 'brand' (Reitan 2007; Bushy 2009) – a chain integrating the number 2000 – could easily be adopted and adapted by campaigners. ”The template of inclusive and co-operative coalitions formed the organisational basis for adoption by 'franchises' in more than 60 countries, and in thousands of cities and towns across the world (“Jubilee 2000 | Advocacy International” 2013).”

Accumulation of ontological authority in the case of J2000 thus connects to the strategies of:

Strategy 1. Radical analysis of issue framing and social network organisation Strategy 2. Advocacy based on cognitive economies and cultural scripts Strategy 3. Democratisation of knowledge Strategy 4. National and international coalition building

5.2.2 Moral authority

Previous to J2000 the debt relief networks had had relatively little success in convincing policymakers of the morally questionable claims of the sovereign debt systems. Lender nations were not keen on taking on the idea of debt relief and claims were made that the issue was too complicated for the understanding of the common folk, which meant little interest from politicians in dealing with the issue.

With the development and birth of J2000, decisions were deliberately made to increase the moral authority of the campaign by specifically and radically framing the issue of debt, commonly belonging to scientific and development policy civil society organisational networks, in a blatantly religious cloak; the myth of the biblical Jubilee of freeing the slaves, as stated e.g. by J2000 founders Martin Dent and Bill Peters (2019). Doing so meant initial interest from the Christian factions of the movement e.g. Tearfund, where the campaign initially started to catch wind, but further down the line it also meant a conscious risk of being typecast simply as a religious movement. The campaign navigated through this categorisation by creating further secular imageries based on universal human rights and designed more secularly and commercially-inclined campaign factions to leverage out exclusive religious moral manifestation on the issue of poverty and debt (Pettifor 2006; Dent & Peters 2019). Framing debt relief as a human rights issue from the get go was made specific, as the issue of debt relief was initially a development policy issue also advocated by non-religious NGOs (Donnelly n.d.). Educational campaign material was also framed and produced by using fact based information, based on the actions of governments and institutions so they could not be disputed. The moral claim of the issue was therefore backed by credible information, which aided normative advocacy and moral authority claims of the campaign to persuade both religious and secular actors. The produced information was further supported by using experts and the scientific base as epistemic capital through supportive advocates like Jeffrey Sachs, a known media-referenced poverty researcher at the time. Thus the issue of sovereign debt and lifting poverty was not exclusively a matter of religious normative framework, but held an inclusive universal claim about morality and human rights. 'Breaking the chains' of modern slavery was a direct historical reference to colonial times and racial segregation, which was powerful imagery for a society still coming to terms with its colonial history (Dent & Peters 2019).

However, the importance of religious factions in the spread of the campaign's message is undeniable, and ultimately the recruitment of Pope John Paul II to advocate for the campaign meant a significant increase in visibility and the accumulation of moral and charismatic authority. Recruitment of an ontologically institutionalised moral authority as influential as the Christian ecumenical coalition thus provided normative leverage and an initial boost to the campaign, and other religious factions soon joined to advocate for debt relief. It therefore can be deduced that the campaign used religion as an authority base and made claims through the framework of religious normative imageries.

Similar analysis can be made about the use of historical references as the inclination of 'modern day slavery' itself has a reference point and connection to past meanings of the concept. Also the use of visual images of breaking the chains implies to the use of history as 'authority', again, using historical social imageries as a radically framed base of questionable morality with segregational and discriminative ontology of the environment. Historical social imageries were thus used to provoke and create an emotional response as strategy and used as leverage in the 'modern' human rights advocacy.

These strategies of radical framing and using both religion and history of human rights as epistemic capital, along with the framing of sovereign debt issue as matter of co-responsibility, sent a powerful message to actors in both debtor and creditor states. Democratisation of scientific and morally framed knowledge through organisations with the purpose of creating transparency was a crucial building block in the ultimate success of the campaign. In the analysis of the campaign, one of its determining elements is its lack of moral exclusivity and its referenced inclusivity (Pettifor 2006). And also claims about human rights as a universal claim, which is visible in the recruitment of all types of actor factions, and charismatic agents claiming status on the moral authority of debt relief (Bono 2000, 2007).

Strategies involved in moral authority category: Strategy 1. Radical analysis of issue framing and social network organisation Strategy 2. Advocacy based on cognitive economies and cultural scripts Strategy 3. Democratisation of knowledge

5.2.3 Charismatic authority

Research shows that celebrity influence is not limited to market strategies of selling goods, but operates as an extension to reach masses in all aspects of organisational, political and social spheres (O’Regan 2014; Kosenko, Binder & Hurley, 2016). The extensive charismatic authority building process of J2000 joins to support previous findings.

From the increasing structural similarities of organisations' use of visual and charismatic appeal, we can determine that in today's culture elements of charisma and public image are increasingly relevant. In the present day, we can clearly see this pattern of approach by celebrities, using their position as 'cultural vessels' or as an influencers on the commercial sector/sales, on both civil society conceptions and on the policymaker elite. In the framework and analysis of the Jubilee campaign, we can see that the claim to and importance placed on charismatic authority as a direct strategy to gain visibility and influence was built by using this particular authority base as a method. This strategy of influence, specifically advocacy based on cognitive/emotional economies by using charismatic agency to build a response, can be seen as a crucial marketing tool which enabled the success of the campaign. Charismatic agents can be seen operating as 'passageways' of influence with a 'trisectional' sphere of operation; 1) grassroots audience, 2) media, experts, peers, CSOs, markets and 3) policymakers. This trend can also be seen operating in present day culture where politics and charisma are extremely intertwined. The most potent example of celebrity turned politician is the current US President Donald Trump, though the phenomenon is not a new one.

A more current, concrete and perhaps most outstanding example of a celebrity case of appointed 'authority' is the UN celebrity ambassadors (”Who are the United Nations Goodwill Ambassadors and How Are They Appointed?” 2019), who operate as spokespeople without any credential 'expertise' on the subject matter, other than a referred one. Yet, they hold enough authority to address multiple and high power audiences cutting across the trisection:

On September 23, 2014, Leonardo DiCaprio addressed one of the largest gatherings of government, business and civil society leaders in history, at the United Nations Climate Summit. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon appointed Leonardo to serve as a United Nations Messenger of Peace for Climate, calling the actor a "new voice for climate advocacy… That Sunday, both Ban Ki-moon and Leonardo participated in the 400,000-strong

People’s Climate March through the streets of New York City, drawing renewed public attention to the escalating climate crisis…The speech garnered a record-breaking 1.6 million views on the United Nations channel and was echoed in over 45,000 news articles across the globe. (“Leonardo Delivers Landmark Speech at the United Nations Climate Summit.” 2014)

Jubilee 2000 in this sense can be seen as a trendsetting campaign for CSOs of the new millennium, with its commercial stance. The campaign is commonly referred in academia as a 'classical' example of a modern transnational justice movement (Koponen at al. 2016). The use of celebrities as charismatic agents for charity and campaign funding at the time of its active years was not new, but the extent and diverse set of charismatic agents can be considered unique.

From the ontological category, academics and experts were used as advisors and advocates to debate institutional rationality of sovereign debt. From the moral category, the scientific experts provided claims based on human rights through their research and the employment of religious leaders for advocacy; from the catholic Pope along with the extensive Christian 'ecumenical' coalition to the Dalai Lama. To add to the charismatic category from many arenas of influence, the campaign employed agency and advocacy from sportspeople, actors and musicians from diverse music scenes to attract many audiences (subcategories) from Bob Geldof, Bono and Robbie Williams to David Bowie, Annie Lennox, PJ Harvey, Prodigy and Alice in Chains, and ultimately open support was proclaimed from high profile politicians like Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, who perhaps saw the capitalising appeal of the campaign for popularity.

Whereas commercials or NGOs use celebrities as charismatic appeal, these are commonly not a coalition of charismatic agents, but rather a selected 'face' to promote a cause, often related to their own industry. In this sense, J2000 employed an extraordinary coalition of agents, who can be categorised firstly in 'main' cultural charisma categories, i.e. religion, sports or music, which can then be further subcategorised: Case example 1) we can typecast in charisma category the religious category and further its subcategory; the Pope with the highest level of influence and subcategorise the christian ecumenical coalitions which have further local subcategories. Or, as case example 2) we can subcategorise music industry representatives belonging to different categories of influence: Bob Geldof and Bono as the more 'mainstream' campaign 'faces' who are known from previous music industry charity work. Then there are specifically more 'alternative' agents like the Prodigy or Alice in Chains to

engage a more distinct or marginal subcategory audience who perhaps would not respond to the influence of a religious authority or more mainstream music industry figure. J2000 thus specifically employed a very differently typecast and an all inclusive cast of cultural actors, which can be considered a unique trait to this particular campaign.

The media analysis (data collection of the British press through the years 1996-2000) showed the charismatic appeal of the campaign was also multi-sectional. It cut across the spectrum of different religions and political parties as media coverage blended into a mix of celebrities, religion and reports about congress legislation or policymakers – a combination of elements usually less common within the sphere of one article, but found in the news coverage articles and reports across the spectrum. As explained in case example 2. in the previous section, the alternative music scene can rarely be categorised with positive church representation or belonging to a united front with multiple policymakers from differing ideological political parties and vice versa. The cause of united interest groups, civil society actors of nation states and organisations combined into a global movement cutting across international media associated press platforms.

The Guardian represented the more 'formal' side of press for this analysis, but the research data also consisted of material from a number of different types of media, including religious media, music industry media and less 'formal' coverage of smaller platforms. Charismatic agency of a known cultural agent was present in 100% of the articles. A secondary analysis can made in this research cutting across different medias showing that particular interest groups presented the campaign in similar ways, but dubbing it as their 'own'. As an example, the religious media referred to Jubilee 2000 as an 'ecumenical coalition', e.g. Christian Today calls the Jubilee 2000 an 'international religious movement’: ”People in the pews can make a difference, say the supporters of an international religious movement for debt relief that recently won a major victory in Congress (Associated Baptist Press 2000).” By claiming the moral authority of the movement, they use it as epistemic capital for ideological and interest claims of their own.

On the other end of the spectrum, in more secular media representations, the religious aspects of the campaign were made less visible, but claims of human rights and global morality were made visible with references and interviews with musicians, experts and politicians. A side campaign called 'Drop the Debt' was created to engage non-religious, alternative and younger audiences with high profile and alternative music figures who, in turn, infiltrated music award ceremonies, e.g. the Brit

Awards of 1999, with far reaching audiences as reported at the time by BBC News (“BBC News | Brit Awards | Prodigy Star Puts His Back into Campaign.” 1999).

The media analysis thus shows that the third world debt issue was framed and domesticated with similar strategies indicated by interviewed campaign leaders to draw attention to the cause. The media operates as gatekeeper and influencer of the public sphere, but also its main purpose is to sell their specific publications to audiences. Therefore, by detecting what media perceived as selling points about the campaign, an analytical claim can be made about what British media found appealing about the campaign. And furthermore, what is the determining factor within its respective time and culture.

As to how a (mass) mobilisation beyond the marginal can take place or an organisation can become even moderately successful, we can determine that J2000 needed all four authority bases to gain influence in the international political arena. The debt relief network and organisations were already established prior to the campaign, but the movement had been unsuccessful in engaging politicians to support their cause. Through the research data it is evident that prior to the J2000 campaign the movement lacked charismatic authority. By observing the campaign’s strategy of charisma building and accumulation of charismatic epistemic capital through eclectic cultural agency there is a clear indication for the need and know-how to create and use charismatic appeal to gain results. We can thus detect the appearance of charismatic authority base through the establishment of the campaign as prior to the campaign the movement had already moderate claims to ontological, moral and capacity-based agency in a form of established network. In cases other than an already established coercive organisation (like the IMF), such as emerging global social movements, it thus can be indicated that charismatic authority is an especially crucial element in the authority building process of a social movement, as evidenced through J2000. Charismatic agents operated as the gateways or medium between the campaign, media and audience, and also moral authorities as voices of normative human rights claims to ignite a more profound cognitive response through charismatic agency.

Strategies involved in charismatic authority category;

Strategy 1. Radical analysis of issue framing and social network organisation Strategy 2. Advocacy based on emotional/cognitive economies and cultural scripts Strategy 3. Democratisation of knowledge Strategy 4. National and international coalition building

5.2.4 Capacity-based authority

One of the starting points of this research was to find out how a non-coercive organisation or movement could produce a grassroots down-up flow of influence across governments across a world polity. As stated by Buxton (2014), in the beginning the organisation had one member of staff and 80 contacts on their list. Despite decades of set up networks (Donnelly n.d.; Reitan 2007) and policymaker lobbying, it had zero coercive power. The issue of third world sovereign debt, as described in the research data and on multiple accounts by academics, journalists and campaign leaders, had 'zero sex appeal' (Dominus 2000) and a total lack of interest both from the public and policymakers. So how did the campaign manage to gather enough capacity-based authority to influence global policymaking?

In this context, the perspective for analysis is provided by a very specific theoretical perspective of the modern 'arts of persuasion', which conjoin Foucault's idea of power as 'strategic power plays’ (Olssen et al. 2004b), but the core idea of Foucauldian power resides in the understanding that power is always relational and ultimately uncontrollable. ’Strategies' in this context presented in the results section answered the initially posed research question about strategies and techniques used by the campaign; uncovering firstly the notably 'visible' and determinable factors that contributed to the successful process of persuasion, which occurred in the short life span of the campaign. These factors are detectable if we simply observe and categorise the actions, organisational formation, statements or who participated, advocated for the cause or where the demonstrations were held or what visual images or themes the campaign was promoted with. Reports and academic texts produced about the campaign can be considered ’archeological' (ibid.) reported facts of how and what took place and when. Different types of surface level theories can be produced on the basis of these visible 'facts'; an analysis of the types of building blocks of a transnational social movement, structural or strategic analysis of marketing techniques used by the campaign, a diffusion analysis or organisational development and network theory. All theories are important in developing a structural understanding of the organisational formation, physical existence and 'coming to life' of a social movement, as we consider organisations as necessary parts of the present day form of operation.

As previous research has shown, present day organisations have a diffusing homogenising tendency, as commercial organisations are not much different from CSOs or schools. Therefore, it

is very obvious that Jubilee 2000 and other social movements/organisations operate with similar commercially-orientated organisation structures and a business-oriented mentality and modus of operation suitable to the time. In this form, they can level the playing field and take part in these games of interest or 'plays of power'.

Though the campaign aimed to specifically avoid certain types of traps and de-coupling, which from their perspective came with institutionalisation and centralised organisational forms, the campaign's strategy-building process heavily involved copying existing neoliberal market strategies, whether or not it may have been intentional. Networking the organisational field was an organic modus of operation and a given norm through which campaign founders and leaders automatically performed. Commercialism and charismatic agency were crucial for the success of the campaign, heavily blending and diffusing the global social justice movement with the private business sector.

In the rhetoric of some campaign experts statements (i.e. Pettifor 2006), it is evident that organisational radical framing purposefully occurred as the British faction of Jubilee insisted on avoiding the very structure of centralised power through which the IMF operated and insisted upon autonomy of factions. Interestingly, this structure caused a rift between some factions and criticism was also made about the purpose of the entire campaign as to why the British faction insisted on the non-institutionalisation of the movement and determined to shut down after the set time limit. Jubilee South was especially critical of this fact, arguing that simple debt cancellation was not sufficient and the road 'had been paved' for awareness and momentum to create a shift towards new rules for the global economy (ibid.).

Jubilee leader statements indicate that 1) an open statement about the nature and behaviour about charity CSOs was made with the 'radical' non-institutionalising agenda highlighting the fact that Jubilee was specifically not a charity organisation, but an educational campaign designed to empower. 2) Its targeting the government, IMF and pointing out the global market system failure and de-coupling in sovereign lending was specifically designed to affect 'real' and long-term change, instead of the 'business as usual' of CSOs who are also interested in funding their own long- term survival in the 'helping business'. 3) The campaign specifically framed itself outside of patriarchal normative imagery. Lender nations were not framed as the 'saviour', nor the countries in need of debt relief as the 'victims'. Instead, a sense of co-responsibility was created, as was indicated in the primary research data and backed up by the media data. Empowerment through

inclusive knowledge, a sense of community and an organisational framework for people to operate in offered a fertile premise for grassroots mobilisation.

The framing and knowledge domestication of co-responsibility is a factor which cannot be underestimated in terms of meaning creation leading to mobilisation. Tapping into the emotional economies of people in the heavily indebted nations, suffering from feelings of injustice by both their own governments and the global community, saw signs of hope and justice, instead of persistent detachment from agency. On the other hand, people in lender nations felt responsible for the actions of their governments. In this sense, and in Foucault's perception, power resides specifically in the relationship that an actor feels towards her environment and to what extent she is capable of reacting to it. The intrinsic conception of empowerment, the feeling of authority in relation to others or how he or she is governed, makes power more subtle than simple hierarchical interpretations of 'visible' power and authority. If we consider 'micro' and singular actor level capacity-based empowerment within social movements we can also come to understand the term capacity-based as something other than coercive. In mobilising a mass social movement, forging an imagery and sense of empowerment is crucial. Even if in the institutionalist vision the actor is perceived as a simple puppet or a 'reactor' to institutional contexts, the relationship is still mutually constitutive (Hall & Taylor 1996). In practice, in the rationalisation processes of actors tied to specific era, the creation and construction of meaning through intrinsic emotional economies and cultural scripts is central in the processes of mobilisation, and whether one feels empowered or has the feeling of capacity to affect the state of affairs.

On the 'visible' surface we can detect strategies like framing, branding, or mechanically performed networking by organisations. On the deepening level, we have an understanding of the wider cultural and contextual ontology of the environment and what those strategies are based on. It is the understanding and knowledge of the environment that enables us to tap into the psychology of authority performances acted in interdependent policymaking or diffusive processes of organisations based on cultural trends. In other words, knowledge and its strategic management provides us access to tools and techniques like framing, domestication or even aspects of social coding and epistemic governance. The knowledge of how to tap into socially constructed emotional economies to try to forge a desired response is the power strategy which sociological institutionalist and epistemic governance conceptions of 'power plays' are founded on. In a Foucauldian sense, ultimately we can only observe social uprisings in their emergence in specific contexts, as relational

or even biological, and oblivious to the extent of our social coding, which cannot ultimately be controlled.

However, in the context of attempting to analyse the emergence of current non-coercive global social movements, like in the case of Jubilee 2000, the micro analysis of capacity-based authority of a singular ground level actor must also be considered in order to understand the formation of a mass movement, which then turned into the visible capacity-based authority base. The problem with the micro analysis is that authority bases and techniques of domestication regarding identity and identifications become extremely intertwined when drilling deeper into the psychology and emotional constructions of a singular actor.

However, we can understand that in order for the persuasive techniques to engage a singular actor to processes of mobilisation, a provocation of a capacity-based intrinsic authority must occur. In this case, different audiences and actors were wooed and persuaded with techniques of epistemic governance with the use of epistemic capital; ontological, moral, capacity-based or charismatic authorities. They were used to provoke both an intrinsic emotional response and a feeling of capacity-based intrinsic empowerment in a singular actor. By successfully recruiting grassroots actors through capacity-based knowledge and expertise, the campaign forged its intrinsic and visible capacity-based power by gathering under its 'umbrella' the needed ontological, moral and charismatic epistemic capital, and ultimately was able to present itself as a capacity-based authority by sheer numbers of mass mobilisation, and by encompassing enough epistemic appeal. In this way, we can understand capacity-based authority as operating on multiple levels.

In the analytical framework for this specific campaign, an understanding can be formed to distinguish that capacity-based power can be seen as: 1) as the capacity to understand and operate within the current culture of organisational behaviour, and employ the 'know how' of capacity-based agents to perform and draw up persuasive strategies. 2) Singular agents' intrinsic set of conceptions about the social world; actors' relationships to institutions and personal sense of empowerment; i.e. J2000's creation of an imagery of co-responsibility. 3) Non-violent transnational unity and mass mobilisation to provoke and enable a leveraged moral demand to affect current ontological rationality of institutions.

Judging by the campaign's beginnings of one member of staff to the end result of the campaign’s measured debt cancellations, this indicates that the campaign had accumulated enough capacity-

based power to change conceptions of reality and evoke attention and action from policymakers through mass mobilisation. By measuring the debt relief network influence in policymaking before and after the campaign, we can clearly see a shift in the established authority bases.

Before the campaign there was moderate capacity-based authority and expertise behind the establishment of organisation networks and lobbying to policymakers, as well as moderate ontological and moral authority with the set out network organisations and institutional comprehension about how to approach the issue (Donnelly n.d.; Dent & Peters 2019). Through the campaign we can detect strategic and purposeful building of multilevel capacity-based power in the ontological setting by grassroots level inclusion and education, through democratisation of knowledge. The second and most crucial element in the authority building process was the capacity- based understanding and navigation of the ontology of the environment, the build-up of a strong charismatic authority through eclectic and multi-faceted cultural and moral actors. Capacity-based power is thus also intertwined in other all forms and categories of strategic power and bases of authority.

Strategies involved in the capacity-based authority category; Strategy 1. Radical analysis of issue framing and social network organisation Strategy 2. Advocacy based on emotional/cognitive economies and cultural scripts Strategy 3. Democratisation of knowledge Strategy 4. National and international coalition building

6 Conclusion

As previous research has indicated, policymakers among themselves or in national policymaking arenas and floor debates with their respective governments use epistemic capital and organisations as epistemic capital (Alasuutari et al. 2016). This research, which shifts the focus on the down-up authority building process done by alternative social movements and CSOs alike, indicates the use of the same authority building elements in the creation of a newly-framed conception of the social world that competes with the dominant institutional setting.

Analysis of the researched data shows that four main advocacy strategies were used to accumulate epistemic capital in order to create global grassroots level mass mobilisation in the case of Jubilee 2000:

Through further critical analysis, the resulting conclusion is that the campaign strategy advocacy and techniques connect to the methodological use of epistemic governance. By analysing advocacy strategies and techniques used to create a global justice campaign, the intent and purpose to accumulate and use epistemic capital for leverage is detectable. Research thus indicates the involvement and use of epistemic governance at the core of Jubilee 2000, as the main strategies can be shown to stem from or be connect to a specific base of authority or are intertwined in multiple categories of either ontological, moral, capacity-based or charismatic authority. Strategies and techniques of epistemic work can be seen operating from the deeper pre-conceptual codification process used in the analysis of semiotics and cultural ontology, and thus lies at the heart of epistemic governance, as is also indicated by Alasuutari & Qadir (2019).

On a 'visible level', data shows how the campaign gathered under its umbrella a number of cultural authorities and therefore used itself as epistemic capital in lobbying debates through and by its 'collected capital'. The campaign also used existing and coercive ontological authority somewhat differently to how politicians use international organisations as epistemic capital in policy debates to gain leverage. J2000 framed itself against a specific institutional setting and thus created a radical

new interpretation of social reality by using existing institutions as ’epistemic capital’ but in a reverse manner; J2000 challenged IMF order and policy systems by issue framing and used the IMF organisational form by declaring against centralised voting power. It consequently organised itself through horizontal global management and on the premise of not seeking to be institutionalised itself.

As the debt relief network also existed prior to the campaign but had very little success, research data also indicates the authority categories which existed prior to the campaign, and which new authority categories were specifically and successfully built by the J2000 campaign. Therefore it can be observed that, despite international networking of organisations and experts, the debt relief movement had been advocated unsuccessfully for decades through direct policymaker lobbying. Data indicates that specifically the shift from direct lobbying to democratisation of knowledge, inclusiveness and transparency and building charismatic authority through normative and emotionally appealing cultural agents was the determining factor which resonated through the global community. And, consequently, through the capacity-based authority building and sheer numbers of social movement advocates from the commonly opposing ends of the North/South axle, it ultimately managed to attract the attention of policymakers.

The fast spread internationally was aided by organisational networks and issue framing of co- responsibility. The ignition of what I have also called here a capacity-based intrinsic cognitive or emotional response from individual actors also played a key role. Educational material and means to take action also set the course of empowerment through actors in 'unlikely' circumstances. The use of this strategy involved the methodology of epistemic governance through strategic use of domestication processes, which also involve the use of 'invisible' dimensions of pre-conceptual social coding. This pre-conceptual social coding of actors and its detection in their actions is heavily related to the theory and methodology of epistemic governance (Alasuutari & Qadir 2019). In this case it presented itself in the claims of moral authority based on human rights, and additional categorisation of religion and cultural history.

Religious framing was used with the theme of the biblical Jubilee of freeing the slaves, whereas historical framing is evidenced in strong visual marketing techniques i.e. 'breaking the chains' which points to historical imageries of slavery in relation to modern day slavery manifested in debt. Visual and social imagery of the campaign also exceeded national limitations as the use of 'chains' was also newly and radically framed. New visuals of chains were used also as a combining element,

in the form of a transnational human chain around the world. In sum, through their own social coding, firstly campaign creators intentionally or non-intentionally intrinsically filtered into existence the idea of including religion, as well as human rights, as a campaign strategy. And due to similar social coding and understanding of a similar social reality, actors on the receiving end of the message responded to it.

Media analysis supports the findings related to advocacy strategies, especially ones related to charismatic authority, as the analysed data during the campaign's active years indicates that in media outlets during the campaign, a cultural agent, meaning, a celebrity, moral authority or a known field expert was found to be mentioned or specifically interviewed in 100% of the data. Consequently, the research indicates the adaptation of commercial trends with the use of celebrity influence. The campaign thus capitalised on its capacity-based 'know how' by using NGO experts and created cultural resonance through commercialism. It therefore morphed into the diffusive neoliberal state of private and third sector organisations, and also set trends of organisational advocacy techniques for future NGOs.

The nature of global justice campaigns like J2000 and transnational advocacy networks themselves have connotations which contradict aspects of the theoretical framework of neorealism (Donnelly 2000; Scheurman 2010); the cultural counter-setting and theorisation on the egoistic perceptions of nationalism and presenting nation states in the world polity as participants in a simple game of zero- sum. The mere existence of transnational global justice advocacy networks also point to an existing reality of global consciousness and co-responsibility, which is clearly evidenced through the case of J2000. And furthermore, they point to a scattered, intertwined and complex class, gender, sexual, local, global, ethnicity and interest based network of identities within a single individual to exist alongside nationalistic and egoistic identifications.

Neoinstitutionalism (e.g. Hall & Taylor 1996; Schmidt 2008, 2010; Alasuutari 2015b) does not argue that the nation state does not hold indentifying meaning or that differences between states, violence or coercive competitiveness, de-coupling or state military power behaviour does not exist in the world polity. Theorisation of neoinstitutionalism, specifically the sociologically inclined institutionalism (Schofer et al. 2012; Qadir 2016; Syväterä 2016) and epistemic governance (Alasuutari 2015b, 2018; Alasuutari et al. 2016; Alasuutari & Qadir 2016, 2019) rather point out that in our current era, power can be seen operating more on the belief rather than execution of hard power, and mostly on persuasive methods based on various types of authority. It also implies that

there is no teleological linear direction to the development of institutional laws or organisational power structures if we understand that these current methods of authority building, i.e. epistemic governance, are also actor intrinsic, dynamic and operational on all levels of world society. Thus, they can be used by any interest groups and actors holding all types of ideologies, whether the cultural scripts and 'knowledge' they are based on is populist, scientific, inclusive, exclusive, advocative or alternative to the current system. What matters for the actor is the belief of the correct conduct of action and, furthermore, who tells the most convincing story.

7 Discussion

7.1 Actors and objects of epistemic work

The techniques and strategy building processes applied by the campaign can indicate and appear as a conscious and visible decision making process as we see from the above concrete strategy and authority building examples. And yet, the level which they were conceived of can also be placed on a deeper pre-conceptual level understanding (Taylor 2002; Alasuutari & Qadir 2019) which may go unnoticed even to the actors themselves acting out on different premises of epistemic work in their techniques designed to appeal to and gain support of the people. Those techniques do not necessarily even attempt to have an epistemic premise, but are based on a belief and a general 'understanding' on which, for example, the J2000 was conceived and operated on. This means an analysis about the situation and techniques based on the said analysis about a grounded vision of what can be widely conceived of the right course of action. In other words, there is a deeper socially coded intrinsic assumption of the social world already embedded in the (un)consciousness of the actor on which she operates and bases her cognitive action. In this form, the most effective epistemic governance is operated on an invisible level in which mechanisms and techniques are unnoticed.

Through the observation of J2000, this research shares the vision of Alasuutari and Qadir (2016, 2019) about the existence of three objects of epistemic work present in the analysis and argument made by the campaign. Ontology of the environment is realised as J2000 was founded on an analysis of existing 'reality'. Actors and identification in this context connects to what needed to be done to achieve the campaign goal; which actors to involve (i.e. cultural and commercial appeal of charismatic agency), and to what they identify with. And finally, as is the case with all social movements, there is a distinctive normative claim about norms and ideals, in this case, the appeal to restore the ESCRs of enslaved credit nations states and use of critique on the questionable moral nature institutional authority of the IMF.

As seen through the case of J2000, transnational action based on cultural scripts of the world polity entails a connective relationship that social movements organisations have with their cultural ontological setting, and the deeper social coding processes involved in the mutually constitutive relationship an actor builds in relation to the environment. We can detect epistemic governance at the heart of J2000, as it is realised in strategic power manifested through the campaign; in their

conception and analysis about the ’right course of action’ (Pettifor 2006), and furthermore, on the strategies embedded in the methodology of epistemic governance which they employed in the recruitment of advocates, through affecting their imageries and conceptions about the social world.

7.2 Imageries of the social world

Political rhetoric discourse and also the realm of social movements hold a strong rhetorical functionalist claim (Alasuutari & Qadir, 2016, 2019), as did the rhetoric and imageries surrounding J2000. In the rhetoric discourse of the campaign and in the narratives involved in its retrospect analysis, the talk about the turn of the millennium – the start of the new century – and claims about the modernisation of development policy and of social reality moving from neoliberal conceptions to global justice were dominant in the normative claims made by the campaign.

The campaign clearly framed society as a hierarchy and the world as competing blocks in its uncovering and analysis of the institutional setting e.g. in terms of organisational voting power in the IMF. And furthermore, the campaign used framing imageries which could be relational to aspects of world systems analysis (Wallerstein 2014), meaning, inclined frames of the North-South division by uncovering aspects of the exploitative unbalanced relationship between credit-debtor systems between nation states.

However, in a deeper analysis of the functionalist requirements, we can understand that claims about development policies are based on cultural scripts (Boli & Thomas 1997) and on a neoinstitutionalist vision of a cultural premise instead of simple claims about world polity as competing blocks (Alasuutari & Qadir 2016, 2019). The existence of transnational social movements alone points to a less egoistic claim about interest group organisation beyond nation state borders, or about nation state actors simply looking out for the interest of their respective nation states. The birth and formation of transnational social movement organisations such as J2000 point to a world polity also striving towards a shared understanding of co-responsibility, or to an existing 'global consciousness' based on cultural scripts (Sigurdardottir 2017).

7.3 Epistemic governance as a methodology

As established by the theory based methodological approach of this research, epistemic governance itself is to be understood as a methodology operating at the heart of strategic power and its use (Alasuutari & Qadir 2019). On another level, the theoretical authority base skeleton provided by

epistemic governance theory (e.g. Alasuutari et al. 2016) could also offer a macro-analytical methodological model and a premise for further categorical analysis of any interest group organisations.

Testing the model in this research has shown that through the methodology of theoretical base categorisation it is possible to determine the authority bases and technologies involved in the governance of organisations. Alternatively, through this model it could also be possible to detect authority deficiencies or why certain movement organisations have proved less successful. Additionally, present day social media platforms offer new pathways for charisma building and interest group connecting. In the future, these new dynamic and diverse global platforms and the digital era for all types of social movements could also be researched within the framework of epistemic governance; how they use and accumulate epistemic capital.

7.4 Application of the methodological research model

The application of a methodological model based on a theory was not entirely un-problematic initially with regards to the structural and organisational form of this thesis. From the research standpoint I felt the application of Foucauldian discourse analysis (Olssen et al. 2004b) in the study of power systems was the correct course of action, but also, that a theory based research skeleton gave a more clear, credible and hands on approach. This meant first tracking down advocacy strategies which were then more deeply analysed from the epistemic governance and authority building perspectives. In other words, the methodical framework of epistemic governance would certainly allow for a more direct approach of 'isolating' other diverse set of narratives or discourses, or moving straight to categorical analysis of social imageries, authority building and accumulation of epistemic capital in the analysis of social movement organisations.

However, due to the intense theoretical and methodological intertwining I felt it was important to approach the issue from a very pragmatic standpoint and firstly offer a similar analysis of what would be a common base analysis for social movement theorists (e.g Ambrose 2005; Mayo 2005), and move to further categorisation from there. I felt that perhaps in this fashion, the research categorisations would be more transparent and understandable, as not much research has been done with the use of this particular model. The thinking in the organising aspect of categorisations could also have moved from more abstract to specific, but in this context it felt more justifiable to move

from concrete strategy examples to deepening level categorisations. In sum, categorical organisation could also be performed differently and from a different angle.

Theory based theoretical and methodological model of analysis also can present a very biased result as the analytical model is based on one specific theory. This critique can be valid as this research offers merely an approach to tackle the very complex power systems of the 21st century. Furthermore, categorical analysis and currently established epistemic capital authority bases hold ground for expansion, but also infinite amount of subsections, which could prove to be an opportunity or a challenge. However, testing the premise for this particular (macro perspective) model hopefully adds interest for further research with its application to the study of social movements or any interest group organisations to the global or local political arena. The model also holds comparative qualities, meaning it could also be used for testing why a given organisation has performed less successfully, or test whether more contemporary TSMOs hold different or additional forms of authority. The theory and methodology in general hold a promising basis for further and deeper development.

7.5 Economies of interest

And why am I still interested in a 20-year-old transnational social movement? Why not take on a 'new' social movement organisation which is based more on current technological and digital reality? J2000 still holds the record on the number of (hand) collected signatures of any social movement organisation. Therefore, initially it was its coalition scope and the pure amount of collected signatures which first attracted my attention. It also dealt with aspects of global systems of economics, which was what this thesis sought out to address. Further research showed there was also a unique quality of inclusiveness, which was an interest point, and also the clear underlying of a strategy which was not based on simple charity work, but based in implementing transparency and education on the grassroots level localities, which is somewhat different in the more scattered current new digital platforms and their use of direct digital online marketing strategies.

Present day choices of where to direct ones advocacy is much more varied. No doubt, J2000 benefited from the social and technological time in which it manifested, as the competition and channels of influence were less scarce. With 'new' social platforms there is also the element of a pathway of people being active themselves, and finding these organisations online to fit their interest and means to operate on the global public sphere. With J2000 being at the juncture of the

'new age', but still very much operating on the ground with specific measurable 'old school' foot activists and platforms on the 'ground' (made to reach audiences usually out of the sphere of influence), it made the campaign less abstract for analysis. And furthermore, as a specific research strategy, I wanted to use a past campaign to draw out the discourse of surrounding elements which were considered useful about the campaign, as retrospective reflection also puts into perspective how the discourse has or hasn’t changed from its active years. Additionally, the overall topic of global justice and organisational manifestations of the J2000 campaign are relevant to this day, and are part of the ongoing discourse surrounding the 'crisis of capitalism;’ what form capitalism needs to potentially transform into in order to face ongoing and upcoming socioeconomic and ecologic challenges (Mazzucato 2018; Stiglitz 2019).

Observations that steered the birth and development of this research also included the ongoing discourse surrounding the continuous and cyclical sovereign debt crises of 'developing' nation states (Koponen et al. 2016), the causes and effects of the global private sector financial crisis of 2008 (Graeber 2014) and the transnational Occupy Wall Street movement which didn’t quite take. Mazzucato (2018) claims that due to the current functions of capitalism, profits of the private sector are at an all time high and there is a clear imbalance between public and private sector investment versus profit management of the private sector. And furthermore, how tax payers often end up covering the costs of risks and failures of the private sector, as was/is evidenced in the aftermath of private debt crises of 2008, and perhaps will be after the global COVID-19 pandemic-related recession, the extend of which is still unknown to present day spring of 2020.

In 2020, the recurring discussion about the crisis of capitalism is again on the rise as the 'developed' section of the world polity are still dealing with the shift of industrial labour to developing parts of the world, immigration flows from developing parts of the world, as well as the new prospects and threats of digitalisation, robotisation and information as the new 'commodity'. Yet another 'new world' is inevitably emerging with China’s subtle economic tactics, which also means a more authoritarian competing super power to compete with the ’western model’ of democracy.

The autocratic 'go west' neoliberal system must come to terms with the currently discussed cultural scripts related to environmental degradation, new technology and forms and rules of business, creation of new social imaginary about labour systems, and also, account repercussions of the debt based economy of 'interest', which has cyclically been in crisis since its development (Graeber 2014). And yet, politically (e.g., United States' political representations of plutocracy and EU

struggles with financial policy, immigration, Brexit and other growing nationalistic party support in various member nation states) there is currently a rhetorically implied and banal 'staticism' within the economic sector, and statements of policymakers suggests that the current economic system and its rules are somehow unalterable, or cannot be altered without some 'apocalyptic consequence' (Graeber 2014). The concept of spending, sovereign and private debt is a recurring strategic feature on the domestic political rhetorics of nation states and extensively used as justification for managerial policy, privatisation of development policy or xenophobic nationalistic discourse. Perhaps most famously, the ideological words 'there is no alternative' (as a referral to the neoliberal system) were set in history by Margaret Thatcher in the aftermath of the Cold War to contain the social uprisings which followed, and somehow this rhetoric is still the focal point politicians use to sustain the status quo.

The system also managed to survive the uprising following the economic crises of 2008, and purely on a speculative level, the campaign and election of Barack Obama as the first African American president of the United States at the time helped to divert the imagery of social justice to minority empowerment, thus helping to settle the ongoing domestic aftermath of the financial crisis. A more soft power oriented and diplomatic USA was also needed at the time to polish its unpopular non diplomatic image in the eyes of the world. Whether this set of play was intentional is purely speculative, but the case of Barack Obama and the distinctly designed image of a 'representative of the common people' offer a window to one of the best examples of how cultural scripts and epistemic governance can be used to maintain both social forces or even the global plutocratic status quo. He was/is one of the best case examples at the global political leader level to cater to people's sense of empowerment and need for social justice through populist speech. The 'inclusive' nature of this type of political speech is of course less visible than the one catering to people's sense of security and fear i.e. in a form of populist nationalistic discourse, which speaks directly to peoples cognitive dimension of emotional economies indicated by Kantola (2014).

The neoliberal global model in International Monetary Fund, World Bank and currently EU - imposed loan programmes, is observable through the decades as austerity policy measures have been the only 'accepted' cure for a financial crisis. Managerial policy has rigidly been installed without consideration of alternative solutions or specific national contexts or the economic, social and cultural rights (ESCRs) of individuals (Koponen et al. 2016). Austerity policy programmes have also aided in the pursuit of opening up developing states' economies, which has meant public cuts in social welfare, benefits to the private sector, opened up opportunities of foreign investment,

debt dependency relationships, and instalment of 'global forces' to local contexts. These developments have given rise to the 'globalist vs. nationalist' discourse in both 'developed' and 'developing' parts of the world polity as, in some cases, the 'joining' of developing continents to the global economy could be seen as historically imposed by colonial rule and, after de-colonisation, strategically enforced through creditor-debtor systems.

As a point of interest, the case and transnational reach of Jubilee 2000 therefore fitted well due to its thematics revolving around the concept of sovereign debt, but ultimately the research from its beginning has revolved around the idea of testing the hypothesis and theory of epistemic governance in so called down-up influence processes of the third sector, to broaden the understanding of how organisations themselves gather and use epistemic capital. This means examining contemporary usage of power; constructions of meaning and technologies involved in forging persuasive processes, and whether they are used in the same way as coercive institutions and politicians use epistemic capital (Alasuutari et al. 2016). Therefore, despite observations and discussions that stirred this research into action, the research holds a social constructivist view, meaning that the goal of this research is not normative. In other words, initially this research set out to find whether the transformation of the issue brought on by the J2000 campaign involved, or could be explained through, the processes of epistemic governance.

The issue of debt itself, and why it should be considered an extremely relevant topic of research from multiple perspectives is manifest in the global rise of the debt 'business' over the past decades. Ongoing sovereign debt business of institutions, nation states, or private sector ’vulture’ funds are not only influencing ESCRs of people through insisted social and welfare cuts, but are also able to bankrupt entire nation states on the premise of current market laws, as was the case with Argentina in 2016 (Guzman & Stiglitz 2016). Then there are the fourth sector nameless and faceless sovereign state creditors, capital flow to tax havens and holding companies exposed by the Panama Papers in 2016 (ICIJ 2016). The private sector is enabled to operate according to current market laws based on the ideologies of global institutions for there is no global government. Thus, in the field of global and transnational sociology, or any field dealing with globalisation, political 'interests' and institutional environments, the concept, rationality and use of debt-interest systems and existence of social organisations operating as a result of the whole global economy based on debt and interest, it certainly could be considered a very relevant and contemporary research topic.

Hopefully, this research has shed some light into the historically shape-shifting social imageries, which are exemplified in the floating non-linear rationality surrounding the topic of debt, as is witnessed in epochal manifestations around the issue (Kraeber 2014). And moreover, that we cannot understand systems of power and institutions being ’traditional’ or static. This study thus falls under Foucault's genealogical model and analysis of the conceptions of power, that we can only try to understand the ’emergence’ of a social issue and relate it to its wider context as we try to form an understanding of a specific phenomena (e.g., Olssen et al. 2004b). The development of this thesis and the organic expansion of epistemic governance theory towards social movement organisations is very much in line with the Alasuutari and Qadir’s (2019) theoretical approach related to social change in the modern world, in which they explain epistemic governance also as a methodology. Therefore, their work on the methodological use of epistemic governance holds similarities to this research, although Alasuutari and Qadir explain and expand the issue on a theoretical level and in significantly more profound detail. This study hopes to offer a pragmatic approach to this field of theoretical research and hopefully can be used as an example of this methodical model by providing a practical example of how the research model could be used in the multifaceted research related to social change.

List of research data

1) Data 2000-2019:

Bushy, J.W. (2007). Bono Made Jesse Helms Cry: Jubilee 2000, Debt Relief, and Moral Action. International Studies Quarterly. Vol. 51, No. 2. 247-275.

Cohen, Aaron, Buckley, Christine. (2013). Slave Hunter: Freeing Victims of Human Trafficking. 68-89. Simon and Schuster.

Dent, Martin, Peters Bill. (2019) The Crisis of Poverty and Debt in the Third World. Routledge.

Dominus, Susan. (2000). ”The Way We Live Now: 10-08-00: Questions for Bono; Relief Pitcher." The New York Times, October 8, 2000, sec. Magazine. Accessed April 1, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/08/magazine/the-way-we-live-now-10-08-00-questions-for- bono-relief-pitcher.html.

Glennie, Jonathan. (2011). ”The Debt We Owe the Debt Campaign” | Jonathan Glennie. The Guardian, April 20, 2011, sec. Global development. Accessed April 1, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2011/apr/20/debt-owed-to- jubilee-debt-campaign.

Grenier, Paola. (2003). Laying the Foundations for a Social Movement 86-109 in Clark, John. Globalizing Civic Engagement : Civil Society and Transnational Action. London ; Sterling, Va.: Earthscan Pub.

Peterson, Jonathan. (2001) ”The Rock Star, the Pope and the World’s Poor.” Los Angeles Times. January 7, 2001. Accessed April 24, 2019. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2001-jan-07- cl-9258-story.html.

Pettifor, A. (2005). ”Credit to Unsung Heroes for Debt Cuts.” The Guardian, June 20, 2005, sec. Business. Accessed April 4, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/business/2005/jun/20/development.debt.

Pettifor, A. (2006). The Jubilee 2000 Campaign: A Brief Overview, in Jochnick, Chris, Preston, Fraser (eds.). Sovereign Debt at the Crossroads: Challenges and Proposals for Resolving the Third World Debt Crisis. 297-319. Oxford University Press.

Reitan, Ruth. (2007). Toward Jubilee and Beyond in Global Activism. 66-108. London New York Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group.

2) Media data 1996-2000

Bunting, Madeleine. (2000). “Debt: 2000 Deadline Brought Sense of Urgency.” The Guardian, December 28, 2000, sec. World news. Accessed 1.4.2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2000/dec/28/debtrelief.development1.

“Debt Protesters Link Arms.” (1999). news.bbc.co.uk. Accessed April 2, 2019. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/368015.stm.

Fergus, Nicoll. (2000). ”Q & A: Dropping the Debt.” Special report. BBC News. news.bbc.co.uk. Accessed 1.4.2019. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/special_report/1999/06/99/debt/353608.stm.

Finn, Gary, Grice, Andrew. (1999). “Brown Will Cancel Third World Debt.” The Independent. December 18, 1999. Accessed 1.4.2019. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/brown-will-cancel- third-world-debt-1133042.html.

“Jubilee 2000: Online Debate." (1999). The Guardian. June 16, 1999, sec. World news. Accessed 1.4. 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/jun/16/debtrelief.development1.

“Meet the Debt-Busters.” (1998). The Independent. May 17, 1998. Accessed 15.3.2019. https://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/meet-the-debt-busters-1158930.html

”Pope Meets Bono and Calls for Debt Relief.” (1999). The Guardian, September 23, 1999, sec. World news. https://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/sep/23/debtrelief.development.

Westcott, Kathryn. (2000). “BBC News | WORLD | Okinawa Luxury Leaves Sour Taste.” news.bbc.co.uk. Accessed 15.3.2019. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/846336.stm.

“What Bob and Bono Did in Rome.” (1999). www.telegraph.co.uk. September 29, 1999, sec. Culture. Accessed 2.4.2019 https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/4718535/What-Bob-and-Bono-did- in-Rome.html.

Abbreviations

ADP = Asian Development Bank

AIIB = Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank

BRICS = Brasil, China, Russia, India, China, South Africa

ESCR = Economic, Social and Cultural Right

IFI = International financial institution

IMF = International Monetary Fund

INGO = International non-governmental organization

J2000 = Jubilee 2000

NDP = New Development Bank

NGO = Non-governmental organization

OPEC = Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries

SAP = Structural Adjustment Program

TSMO = Transnational social movement organisation

UN = United Nations

UNDP = United Nations Development Program

US = Unites States

WB = World Bank

WSF = World Social Forum

WTO = World Trade Organisation

WWII = World War II

G7 = The Group of Seven

G20 = Group of Twenty

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