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SAMUEL GARTH, PHYSICIAN AND MAN OF LETTERS DANIEL L. MCCUE, JR., PH.D. Associate Professor, Department of English Boston College Chestnut Hill, Mass.

"1r HE eighteenth century, more than any other," wrote Kenneth lHopkins, was the century in which it was a commonplace to send a sheaf of verses to the press. Almost every country parson and many coun- try gentlemen did it as a matter of course, and we find doctor, solicitor, schoolmaster and soldier poets at every turn. The century in which authorship first became truly a profession was also that in which the amateur flourished most abundantly.1 Medical men in particular made remarkable contributions to English litera- ture during this century: the names of Samuel Garth, John Arbuthnot, Richard Blackmore, Mark Akenside, John Armstrong, Oliver Goldsmith, Tobias Smollett, and Erasmus Darwin echo through the pages of literary history. The reasons are not far to seek. Physicians in those days were all educated in the humanities, chiefly in classical literature, and wit or literary talent (often combined) attracted the attention of wealthy clients and frequently served as an entree into circles of influence and power. GARTH'S CAREER One of the most interesting of these doctor-authors was Samuel Garth. Born in 1661 in the county of Durham, he was the eldest son of William Garth of Bolam.2 The family belonged to the gentry3 and young Samuel received a good education. After preliminary schooling at Ingleton he entered Peterhouse College, Cambridge, in 1676 and graduated B.A. in 1679, M.A. in 1684. Perhaps influenced by the intellectual climate at Peterhouse, which was favorable to the sciences, he decided to study medicine. In 1687-the year of Isaac Newton's Principia-he went to Leyden to study clinical medicine, thereby absenting himself from the turmoil and excitement of the glorious Revolution. Leyden was one of the best-known medical schools in western Europe.

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Jonathan Swift's Lemuel Gulliver supposedly studied at Leyden before embarking on his famous travels; Mark Akenside and Oliver Goldsmith received their medical educations there. Garth arrived too early to come under the tutelage of Hermann Boerhaave, who started teaching at Leyden in 1701, but the atmosphere of the late 17th century Netherlands, still basking in the afterglow of the discoveries of van Leeuwenhoek and Huygens, must have been congenial. In late 1688 Garth went to France, apparently to study in the hospitals there.4 He was back in England in 1691 to take his M.D. at Cambridge, and in June 1692 became a candidate for membership in the Royal College of Physicians. Even at this early date Garth was esteemed by fellow doctors. On December 28, 1692 the College of Physicians received a letter from the Lords of the Admiralty requesting the College to name three or four physicians from whom the Lords might choose one to care for the sick and injured men at Portsmouth naval base. The College decided to re- commend only one: Samuel Garth-"he being a Doctor of Physick of Cambridge and a candidate of the College, of good learning, having spent some years in foreign hospitals."5 In 1693 Garth was elected a Fellow of the College, and in 1694 he delivered the Gulstonian lectures on the topic, De Respiratione. The lectures were admired by colleagues and Garth was urged to publish them, but he never did so. In January 1697 Garth was appointed Orator of the College and in September he delivered the annual Harveian oration in Latin. He was chosen to give the oration, not solely or primarily because of his medical knowledge, but because it was hoped that he might help reconcile oppos- ing factions within the College.6 He made use of the occasion to express two strongly held views: his firm loyalty to Whig principles and to the settlement of 1688 following the Revolution ("half of the oration," wrote one biographer, "is a panegyric of William III" 7) and his indignation at the existing quackery in the medical profession.8 A man of conscience interested in social improvement and a member of the college's important committee on medicines,9 Garth became a prime mover in the college's project to construct a dispensary to furnish prescrip- tions and drugs at cost to indigent patients. The resulting controversy called forth his earliest and most important literary work, The Dispensary (1699). The notoriety of the quarrel and Garth's witty mock-epic poem on it

Vol. 53, No. 4, May 1977 370 D. L. McCUE, JR. brought him into increased prominence in the public eye. He steadily acquired a large practice and a circle of influential friends. Lords Wharton, Grantham, and Clare were among his patients.10 He was on friendly terms with the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough, Lord Peterborough, Sir John Vanbrugh, and Sir Hans Sloane, among others.11 His literary friends included John Dryden, Alexander Pope, William Congreve, Joseph Addi- son, Sir Richard Steele, John Arbuthnot, and John Gay. Few physicians who have been attracted to literature have managed to sustain a perfect balance between medical and literary activities,12 but Garth did. He "was continuously and enthusiastically engaged in the practice of medicine,'"13 yet throughout his career he moved in literary circles and continued to write and publish poems. Shortly after publication of The Dispensary Garth became a member of the Kit-Cat Club (a Whig club described later), and about 1700 he was temporarily considered for the post of Regius Professor of Physick at Cambridge.14 In 1702 he was named a Censor of the College of Physi- cians, a post which he discharged with fairness and integrity.15 In 1706 he became a Fellow of the Royal Society.16 Although a Whig, he was one of four physicians called in during the Tory administration of Queen Anne to attend Prince George of Denmark, the Royal Consort, during his last illness in 1708.17 In the early 18th century Garth took an active part in Whig politics, seemingly as a result of his relation with Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough.18 He appears to have acted as liaison between the Whig party in England and Marlborough on the Continent, having visited the latter during the military operations of 1711.19 When the Churchills were dismissed and exiled (due to the powerful opposition of Swift and the Tories) the Duchess gave Garth a diamond ring worth £ 200 as a reward for his services.20 With the death of Queen Anne and the accession of George I, Garth won other rewards. In 1714 he was knighted, and in 1715 he was appointed physician-in-ordinary to the king and physician-general to the army2 1-the culminating honors of a long and successful career. But his political activity was not yet ended. During the Jacobite uprising of 1715-1716 Garth, together with Steele, helped to keep the northern counties quiet and loyal to the king.22 In the autumn of 1716 Garth went to Paris with Addison and others to negotiate with Henry St. John Bolingbroke, the exiled Tory minister.23 Although Garth was highly respected as a medical man by his contem-

Bull. N.Y. Acad. Med. SAMUEL GARTH 371 poraries, he was not innovative. He made no new discoveries in medicine, identified no new diseases, developed no new processes or cures. In the pages of such historians of medicine as John Cordy Jeaffreson, Wil- liam Munk, Benjamin Ward Richardson, and Lester S. King he is hardly ever mentioned, except in connection with the Dispensary quarrel which will be described later.24 His abilities appear to have been those of the skilled and competent practitioner, combined with a cheerful and outgoing personality which gave confidence and hope to his patients. Garth lived and practiced medicine in London, first in the Haymarket, later in St. James Street.25 He also purchased a country house at Harrow. He married Martha, daughter of Sir Henry Beaufoy, and they had one child, a daughter who later married Colonel William Boyle.26 Lady Garth died in 1717. Garth died after a brief illness on January 18, 1718/19 and is buried beside his wife at Harrow.27 THE DISPENSARY In the second half of the 17th century a long-standing rivalry between the physicians and apothecaries came to a head in London. By law, physicians wrote prescriptions and apothecaries filled them. The apothecaries, mostly uneducated men, had originally been a part of the Grocers' Livery, but they aroused such scandal by their incompetence and adulteration of commodities that in 1617 a charter separated them from the grocers and placed them under control of the College of Physicians. Since the medical practice of the day was based on empiricism, the apothecaries soon began to prescribe on their own. They found that it was not difficult to compete with the doctors, some of whom were scarcely more expert than the apothecaries.28 About 1660 the number of apothecary-doctors began to increase marked- ly in London. Moreover, during the Great Plague of 1665, when most college physicians joined the exodus from the city of their middle-class and upper-class patients, the apothecaries stayed behind to treat the sick poor-thereby consolidating their influence among the citizens and estab- lishing a precedent for their practice of medicine.29 As early as 1669 Christopher Merrett proposed having doctors not only write prescriptions for the poor, but also prepare and dispense them. Merrett's pamphlet, A Short View of the Frauds and Abuses Committed by Apothecaries; ...and of the Only Remedy Thereof by Physicians Making Their Own Medicines (London, Allestry, 1669) precipitated a controversy

Vol. 53, No. 4, May 1977 372 D. L. MeCUE,McCUE, JR. that lasted 30 years. Soon afterward an anonymous pamphleteer suggested an alternative remedy which would ensure medical care for the indigent at reasonable rates: that the college every three or four years should appoint in each city ward "junior physicians," whose fees could not exceed one shilling per house call or sixpence per office visit, and likewise establish a Pharmacopoea Pauperum of a few cheap, effectual medicines to be pre- pared by two or three apothecaries authorized for that purpose in every ward, to be priced by the physician at the end of his prescription.30 As might be expected, these measures were stoutly opposed by the apothecaries and no action was taken. In 1687 the College of Physicians passed an edict requiring that all its Fellows, Candidates, and Licentiates give free medical advice to the neighboring poor; however, it was difficult to determine who were to be considered poor, and apothecaries immediately placed inordinately high prices upon all drugs. In the following year the physicians voted to adapt the college's laboratory to prepare and dispense medicines at cost: the contributors among the college's members were themselves to manage the charity. The apothecaries, fearing the loss of their trade, denounced the project as a mere money-making scheme of some physicians to undersell them. They even won over to their cause some well-known members of the college, who favored the old system for selfish reasons or who had prospered by working hand-in-glove with the apothecaries.31 The college, divided by Dispensarian and anti-Dispensarian factions, failed to put the plan into execution. Shortly thereafter, young Garth, fresh from the university, was admitted as a Fellow of the College of Physicians and he courageously took a stand with the Dispensarian party. He and some 50 other members on December 22, 1696 subscribed £10 each for a fund to be "expended in preparing and delivering medicines to the poor at their intrinsic value." A paper was published with their names subscribed to show that the project had the support of a substantial portion of the college.32 Under the supervision of Dr. Christian Harrell, an expert chemist, the former laboratory of the college was equipped with furnaces, stills, and other apparatus. A neighboring coach house became a storeroom and was stocked with "all sorts of Cordial and Distilled Waters, Electuaries, Syrops, Powders, Pills, Plaisters, Ointments, Spirits, Salts, Tinctures, Roots, all Compound and Simple Medicines." Workmen called operators-an apothecary, a chemist, and others-were hired to prepare

Bull. N.Y. Acad. Med. 373 SAMUEL GARTH and dispense the prescriptions-." The first prescriptions were made up about the beginning of February 1697/1698, and the opening of the Dispensary was announced in The Post Boy for April 14-16.33a Poor people came by the hundreds to obtain the free medical advice and cheap remedies. Two branch clinics were soon opened-one in St. Martin's Lane-in-the-Fields and one in Grace-Church Street.34 All three dispen- saries flourished, furnishing medicines and prescriptions to the poor at cost. It was common knowledge that some well-to-do persons also ob- tained their medicines cheaply from the dispensaries-a fact which the apothecaries viewed as unfair competition; but college members were not disturbed by such complaints.35 About 20,000 prescriptions seem to have been dispensed annually, wherein the doses of electuaries, juleps, pills, and the like came to about a penny apiece.36 Nevertheless, the apothecaries continued to prosper and to increase in number: At the beginning of the eighteenth century their number in London was estimated at about 1,000. At the same time the College of Physicians included 66 fellows, 8 candidates, 4 honorary candi- dates, and 36 licentiates, 114 in all, of which total it was estimated that only 60 to 80 practiced in London...the apothecaries...actively practiced medicine, despite legislation and prosecution by the physicians .3 More than 60 apothecaries had been prosecuted for the illegal practice of medicine during the reigns of James I and Charles I.38 In fact, the right of apothecaries to prescribe for patients was not established until a famous legal case of 1703-1704, in which an apothecary named Rose was brought to trial for practising medicine without a license. Convicted in the Court of Queen's Bench, he appealed to the House of Lords, which reversed the lower court's decision and acquitted him. The grounds for reversal were that public need as well as custom required that apothecaries be allowed to advise patients, that the monopoly held by the college kept down the number of physicians, and that it would mean undue hardship to deny the public all other sources of medical aid. ...This decision has been called the Magna Carta of the general practitioner, for it established the status of the apothecary and allowed him to transform into a primitive general practitioner.39 Antagonism between physicians and apothecaries gradually died down

Vol. 53, No. 4, May 1977 374 D. L. McCUE, JR. after this decision, and they then began to work more closely in harmony. The Dispensary, wrote William Munk, "seems to have continued its benevolent work down to 1724, when the portion of the College which had been assigned to it was appropriated to other wants and purposes of the institution."40 Reasons for the closing of the Dispensary are not entirely clear, but the opening of Thomas Guy's Hospital (1721), also Westminster Hospital-originally a dispensary-and other hospital foundations may have rendered the dispensaries less necessary.41 In 1699, at the height of the controversy, there appeared anonymously a mock-epic in six cantos called The Dispensary. Immediately popular, it went through two more editions in the same year. In the latter of these Dr. Garth acknowledged his authorship of the poem, adding a dedication to Sir Anthony Henley.42 A brief summary will reveal the content and style of the poem. Canto I. Close to the Old Bailey stands the College of Physicians. The god of Sloth had chosen this place for his repose until disturbed by the recent hubbub over the Dispensary. Annoyed, Sloth sends his "darling phantom" as messenger to find the goddess Envy, who will thwart the designs of the bold mortals. Canto II. The phantom finds Envy and delivers his message. Envy grants his request and herself assumes the form and manner of Colon (Mr. Lee, Warden of Apothecaries' Hall). In this guise she hastens to arouse Horoscope (Dr. Barnard, an apothecary, virtuoso, and fortune-telling quack). She finds him surrounded by patients in an office furnished with curios, and in a fiery speech tells him that the physicians' latest measures will expose all apothecaries and ruin their business. Horoscope faints. His patients flee. His servant, Squirt, revives him by applying a urinal. Canto III. Sleepless, Horoscope reflects on the desire of men to be deceived, and on their fickleness. He predicts that with the help of infernal fiends the Dispensary will be destroyed within a month. Sending Squirt to summon the Company of Apothecaries, Horoscope raises an altar to the fury Disease, "Begot by Sloth, maintain'd by Luxury" and lights a sacrificial pyre of drugs and old prescriptions. The pile smolders and flickers-an ominous sign. At Apothecaries' Hall the members propose differing courses of action. Diasenna, warning that dissension with the physicians will harm both groups, counsels friendly overtures to them. Fierce Colocynthus urges open war against the doctors. Sly Ascaris advises consulting their friends

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among the physicians, "Who Int'rest prudently to Oaths prefer." An explosion in the laboratory below disrupts the meeting. Canto IV. In a fashionable quarter of the town noted "for lewdness, wit, and gallantry" the apothecaries meet again, together with their allies among the physicians (Drs. Gibbons, Howe, Tyson, and Gould). Their arguments are interrupted by a "bard," Sir Richard Blackmore, whose recitation of his own dissonant verses raises the fury Disease; she scolds him for addressing her in such cacophonous lines and gives him some poetic advice. She tells the apothecaries to consult the deity Fortune. Horoscope is wafted away on the mission, observing the wonders of the upper skies as he flies through the night. In the Fortunate Isles he finds the goddess, who in oracular fashion predicts, Wars must ensue, the Fates will have it so. Dread feats shall follow, and disasters great, Pills charge on pills, and bolus bolus meet; Both sides shall conquer, and yet both shall fail; The mortar now, and then the urinal. (lines 335-339) Canto V. Mirmillo (Dr. Gibbons), sleepless over the impending battle, resolves to try for peace, but Discord fires him with valor and the hope of gain. At dawn the battle-ready apothecaries join in ranks arrayed in motley armor. Shrill Querpo (Dr. Howe), "a Pestle for his Truncheon, led the Van, And his high helmet was a Close-stool pan." Fame carries to the physicians at Warwick Lane news of the intended attack, and hurried preparations are made for defense. The apothecaries' army approaches and battle begins: And now the signal summons to the fray, Mock falchions flash, and paltry engines play; Their patron god his silver bowstrings twangs, Tough harness rustles, and bold armour clangs; The piercing caustics ply their spiteful pow'r; Emetics ranch, and keen cathartics scour; The deadly drugs in double doses fly, And pestles peal a martial symphony. Now from their levell'd syringes they pour The liquid volley of a missive show'r.... (lines 233-242) Staggered, the apothecaries fight back: Each seizes for his shield a spacious scale, And the brass weights fly thick as show'rs of hail. Whole heaps of warriors welter on the ground,

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With gallipots and broken phials crown'd, Whilst empty jars the dire defeat resound. (lines 254-259) Individual combats, as in classical epics, ensue. Querpo is about to dispatch Stentor when Apollo intervenes and dissuades him by offering a fee. Canto VI. In the midst of the battle the beautiful Goddess of Health appears and halts the fighting. She advises the doctors to send Celsus (Dr. Bateman) to the Elysian Fields to ask the immortal Harvey the best method of ending the conflict. The goddess conducts Celsus to the abode of the shades, through the lower regions of the earth where they see sleeping flowers and insects, "unripe" metallic ores, fantastic shells, subterranean volcanoes, the cave of the winds, and the wild waste king- dom of Chaos and his consort, Night. Ferried across the Styx, they meet the mournful shade of Dr. Morton, the surgeon, who complains that he is barred from Elysium and tormented by his former patients: They vex with endless clamors my repose; This wants his palate, that demands his nose; And here they execute stern Pluto's will, And ply me ev'ry moment with a pill. (lines 193-196) In the Elysian Fields Celsus and his guide find Harvey gathering herbs. After complaining to the goddess that modern doctors "study Nature less and lucre more," Harvey advises Celsus that the quarrel will be brought to an end by "matchless Atticus" (Lord John Somers, the legally appointed "visitor" or overseer of the College); and that by letting Nassau's (King William's or, by extension, England's) health be their chief aim, the College will regain its former eminence and prestige. The reader of Garth's day would have recognized immediately the many parallels with the classical epics of Homer and Vergil, especially of Vergil: an invocation; formal announcement of the subject; the intervention in human affairs of gods, goddesses, and furies; the sacrificial altar; the battle of opposing armies, with particular description of the hand-to-hand combat of individual heroes (Stentor and Querpo); the consulting of deities; and a guided visit to the underworld. Some would have perceived the echoes of Milton's Paradise Lost, such as the debate among the rebels on choosing a course of action and the description of King Chaos and of his consort, Night. More obvious to contemporaries were some borrowings from Boileau's Le Lutrin (1674) and from Dryden's MacFlecknoe (1682).

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Garth owes to Boileau the general outline and structure of The Dispen- sary, as well as the inspiration for several characters, scenes, and descrip- tive passages.43 But Garth also added elements not found in Le Lutrin: the arming of Querpo for battle, including the description of his shield, the descent of Celsus to the underworld with a spiritual guide (the goddess Health), dialogues with the dead, the scientific descriptions in Cantos I and VI, the journey to the Fortunate Isles, and Horoscope's hecatomb.44 Dryden himself had been influenced by Le Lutrin, but only in a general way. "Dryden is primarily interested in mock heroic style rather than structure, and it is this heroic manner rather than the slight narrative frame of the coronation which is Dryden's principal contribution and achieve- ment in MacFlecknoe."45 Garth's indebtedness to Dryden was threefold. First, Garth owed to Dryden his general versification and style. Second, from Dryden Garth borrowed the technique of the satiric verse character and the ironically self-characterizing speech which had been developed so successfully in MacFlecknoe and in Absalom and Achitophel. Third, Garth owed to Dryden a few specific passages modelled upon MacFlecknoe, such as the descriptions of the College of Physicians and of Covent Garden.46 But the more important influence upon Garth was clearly that of Boileau. Nevertheless, the basic conception of inflating the minor quarrel over the Dispensary to epic status and thereby ridiculing its pettiness; the absurd warfare of two groups of medical adversaries employing as weapons pills, syringes, gallipots, urinals, mortars and pestles, and scales and weights; the contriving of the poem's actors to correspond with their real-life counterparts; and the invention of appropriate supernatural personages with their various motives for entering the fray-these components are all Garth's own. The poem is a blend of many discrete elements. Pervasive satire is set against a background of everyday life and social activity, of past history and corruption, of literary criticism, of philosophical reflection, and of lyrical descriptions of nature. Garth's satire, Horatian and good-natured,47 is mainly directed at the apothecaries and their allies among the doctors. They are depicted throughout as quacks who fear exposure and whose blunders have sent many patients to premature death. In a few terse lines, for example, Garth fixes the character, manner, and intellect of "shrill Colon" (Lee, an apothecary):

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In morals loose, but most precise in look; Blackfriars' annals lately pleased to call Him Warden of Apothecaries' Hall; And when so dignify'd did not forbear That operation which the learn'd declare Gives colics ease, and makes the ladies fair. In trifling show his tinsel talent lies, And form the want of intellects supplies. In aspect grand and goodly he appears, Rever'd as patriarchs in primeval years: Hourly his learn'd impertinence affords A barren superfluity of words: The patient's ear remorseless he assails, Murders with jargon where his med'cine fails. (II, 84-97) When mild Diasenna (the apothecary Gilsthorp) proposes reconciliation with the physicians, fierce Colocynthus (Mr. Dare, an apothecary) re- sponds with a speech which satirizes the apothecaries as a group: Could'st thou propose that we, the friends of Fates, Who fill churchyards, and who unpeople states, Who baffle Nature, and dispose of lives, Whilst Russel* as we please or starves or thrives, Should e'er submit to their despotic will, Who out of consolation scarce can kill? The tow'ring Alps shall sooner sink to vales, And leeches in our glasses swell to whales.... We'll raise our num'rous cohorts and oppose The feeble forces of our pygmy foes; Legions of quacks shall join us....(III, 207-14; 240-42) More subtly satiric and no less vivid is the description of Horoscope's office: His shop the gazing vulgar's eyes employs With foreign trinkets and domestic toys. Here mummies lay most reverendly stale, And there the tortoise hung her coat of mail; Not far from some huge shark's devouring head The flying fish their finny pinions spread: Aloft, in rows, large poppy-heads were strung, *A leading mortician.

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And near a scaly alligator hung: In this place drugs in musty heaps decay'd, In that dry'd bladders and drawn teeth were laid. An inner room receives the num'rous shoals Of such as pay to be reputed fools. Globes stand by globes, volumes on volumes lie, And planetary schemes amuse the eye. (II, 120-133) While the main satire is directed against the apothecaries, doctors them- selves do not escape censure. It is their long apathy and inactivity which have persuaded the god of Sloth to take up his abode in the College of Physicians. Referred to jocularly as "the homicides of Warwick Lane" (I, 200), doctors are offered free passage across the river Styx by Charon because of their assistance in sending souls to the nether regions (VI, 170-71). In serious vein Harvey chides them for allowing dissension in the healing art. Medicine, "once a science, is become a trade" as physicians "study Nature less and lucre more" (VI, 314, 316). Individual doctors who have sided with the apothecaries-Drs. Gibbons, Barnard, Howe, Tyson, Blackmore, and Gould-also become major targets of Garth's attack. The world of everyday life and ordinary activities, satirically described, forms a background and framework for the mock-epic actions. The coming of evening affects the whole society: Soon as the ev'ning veil'd the mountains' heads, And winds lay hush'd in subterranean beds, Whilst sick'ning flow'rs drink up the silver dew, And beaus for some assembly dress anew, The city saints to pray'rs and playhouse haste, The rich to dinner, and the poor to rest....(II, 1-6) A companion passage on the coming of dawn gives a similar satiric picture of the social background: ...a glance from mild Aurora's eyes Shoots thro' the crystal kingdoms of the skies; The savage kind in forests cease to roam, And sots, o'ercharg'd with nauseous loads, reel home: Drums, trumpets, hautboys, wake the slumb'ring pair, Whilst bridegroom sighs, and thinks the bride less fair: Light's cheerful smiles o'er th' azure waste are spread, And Miss from Inns of Court bolts out unpaid. (III, 53-60)

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The social background stretches back into history as Diasenna recalls the "good old days" when quacks and cheats flourished: Thrice happy were those golden days of old, When dear as Burgundy ptisans were sold: When patients chose to die with better will Than breathe, and pay the apothecary's bill: And cheaper than for our assistance call, Might go to Aix or Bourbon spring and fall. Then priests increas'd, and piety decay'd, Churchmen the church's purity betray'd, Their lives and doctrine slaves and Atheists made. The laws were but the hireling judge's sense; Juries were sway'd by venal evidence; Fools were promoted to the council-board, Tools to the bench, and bullies to the sword: Pensions in private were the senate's aim, And patriots for a place abandon'd fame. (III, 163-177) Corruption in medicine was but one facet of the general corruption pervad- ing society. But the Revolution Settlement of 1688 and the new Protestant government of England were considered to have put an end to those shameful times: ...now no influencing art remains, For Somers has the seal, and Nassau reigns. (III, 178-179) Presumably the one remaining area of corruption is the field of medicine. Recurrent praise of the Whig leaders, King William III (Nassau) and Lord John Somers, adds a political element to the background of the poem. "The peals of Nassau's arms" disturb the sleep of the deity Sloth (I, 72). Mention is made of the scrolls upon which are inscribed the acts of demigods and the famous battles of history, including the "immortal battle of the Boyne" (II, 50) in Ireland, in which William on July 1, 1690 defeated James II and his allies. The administration of William and Somers puts an end to the quackery and corruption of earlier times. In the final scene of the poem, the shade of Harvey eulogizes Somers' care for the oppressed and the poor, his eloquence, and his support for the arts, together with William's heroism, his candor, and the blessings of peace which he restored (VI, 335-377). The social background also includes literature and authors. Introduction into the action of the poet Sir Richard Blackmore furnishes the occasion

Bull. N.Y. Acad. Med. SAMUEL GARTH 381 SAMUELGARTH 381~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ for a passage of pure literary criticism. The goddess Disease, roused from rest by Blackmore's irritating verse, advises him, In sense and numbers if you would excel, Read Wycherley, consider Dryden well. In one, what vig'rous turns of fancy shine! In th' other, Sirens warble in each line! If Dorset's sprightly Muse but touch the lyre, The Smiles and Graces melt in soft desire, And little Loves confess their am'rous fire. The gentle Isis claims the ivy crown, To bind th' immortal brows of Addison. As tuneful Congreve tries his rural strains, Pan quits the woods, the list'ning Fawns the plains, And Philomel in notes like his complains; And Britain, since Pausanias was writ, Knows Spartan virtue and Athenian wit. When Stepney paints the godlike acts of kings, Or what Apollo dictates Prior sings, The banks of Rhine a pleas'd attention show, And silver Sequana forgets to flow.48 Such just examples carefully read o'er, Slide without falling, without straining soar.... 'Tis Montague's rich vein alone must prove None but a Phidias should attempt a Jove. (IV, 207-226; 231-32) Garth here manages to pay tribute to most of the leading poets of the day, many of whom were his friends. Other briefer passages of literary criticism censure such minor authors as Dr. Henry More, Richard Blome, Samuel Westley, and Richard Bentley, and praise J. Vanbrugh (IV, 130-39; V, 61-78). Another ingredient in the epic consists of passages of philosophical reflection, usually cynical and satirical. Thus the fury Envy muses on how some men thrive amid distress: ...Mankind are bless'd: they riot still Unbounded in exorbitance of ill. By devastation the rough warrior gains, And farmers fatten most when famine reigns; For sickly seasons the physicians wait, And politicians thrive in broils of state;

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The lover's easy when the fair one sighs, And gods subsist not, but by sacrifice. (II, 61-68) The clients who come to Horoscope's apothecary shop not only exemplify the superstitious side of human nature, but also illustrate the kinds of persons and problems with which a 17th century apothecary had to deal: One asks how soon Panthea may be won, And longs to feel the marriage fetters on: Others, convinc'd by melancholy proof, Inquire when courteous Fates will strike 'em off. Some by what means they may redress their wrong, When fathers the possession keep too long; And some would know the issue of their cause, And whether gold can solder up its flaws. Poor pregnant Lais his advice would have, To lose by art what fruitful Nature gave; And Portia, old in expectation grown, Laments her barren curse, and begs a son; Whilst Iris his cosmetic wash would try, To make her bloom revive, and lovers die. Some ask for charms, and others philters chuse, To gain Corinna, and their quartans lose. Young Hylas, botch'd with stains too foul to name, In cradle here renews his youthful frame: Cloy'd with desire, and surfeited with charms, A hothouse he prefers to Julia's arms: And old Lucullus would th' arcanum prove Of kindling in cold veins the sparks of love. (II, 138-159) Man's perennial desire to be deceived is matched by his constant hope of betterment and his frequent sacrifice of present good for future pros- pects. Discord, disguised as Querpo, tells Mirmillo that men, ...by choice diseas'd, Ever contriving pain, and never pleas'd, A present good they slight, an absent chuse, And what they have for what they have not lose. False prospects all their true delights destroy, Resolv'd to want, yet lab'ring to enjoy.

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In restless hurries thoughtlessly they live, At substance oft' unmov'd, for shadows grieve. Children at toys, as men at titles, aim, And in effect both covet but the same....(V, 93-102) General philosophic reflections of an aphoristic nature embellish the description of "Slow Carus" (Dr. Howe), who surrounds himself with books to impress his patients: Well he perceives the world will often find To catch the eye is to convince the mind. Thus a weak state by wise distrust inclines To num'rous stores and strength in magazines: So fools are always most profuse of words, And cowards never fail of longest swords. (IV, 122-127) Passages of lyrical description of nature add a light, pleasant tone to the poem: The ev'ning now with blushes warms the air, The steer resigns the yoke, the hind his care; The clouds above with golden edgings glow, And falling dews refresh the earth below; The bat with sooty wings flits thro' the grove, The reeds scarce rustle, nor the aspins move, And all the feather'd folks forbear their lays of love. (IV, 243-249) The natural beauty of this earth, however, is excelled by that of the Elysian Fields, to which Celsus and his guide travel: Th' ascent thus conquer'd, now they tow'r on high And taste the indulgence of a milder sky; Loose breezes on their airy pinions play, Soft infant blossoms their chaste odours pay, And roses blush their fragrant lives away: Cool streams thro' flow'ry meadows gently glide And as they pass their painted banks they chide. These blissful plains no blights nor mildews fear, The flow'rs ne'er fade, and shrubs are myrtles here: The morn awakes the tulip from her bed; Ere noon in painted pride she decks her head; Rob'd in rich dye she triumphs on the green, And ev'ry flow'r does homage to their queen. (VI, 223-235) Finally, the structure of the poem is a study in balance and contrast.

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Horoscope's sending of his messenger, Squirt, to alert the apothecaries (III, 66-70) parallels Sloth's sending of a messenger to Envy (I, 191-202). Horoscope's unsuccessful efforts to raise the fury Disease by erecting an altar and sacrificing (III, 81-124) are matched by the Bard's successful attempt to summon Disease through quoting passages from his own epics (IV, 174-194). Disease herself, who favors the apothecaries, is counter- balanced by the goddess Health, who aids the physicians; Health comes unsummoned to the good doctor Machaon (VI, 1-12). Horoscope's sleep- less night during which he determines to destroy the Dispensary (III, 1-52) is balanced by Mirmillo's sleepless night during which he resolves to seek a reconciliation between the apothecaries and the physicians (V, 1-24). Horoscope's voyage to consult Fortune (IV, 250ff.) is paralleled by Cel- sus' journey to consult the ghost of Harvey (VI, 33ff.). As Horoscope in his voyage to the Fortunate Isles views the wonders of the upper skies, so Celsus on his trip to Hades views the wonders of the underworld. The beautiful natural scenery and climate of the Fortunate Isles (IV, 292-321) are balanced by the beautiful scenery and climate of the Elysian Fields (VI, 223-235). The ambiguous predictions given to Horoscope by Fortune (IV, 334ff.) are countered by the more hopeful and more definite advice given to Health by Harvey (VI, 335-352). The discordant council of the apothecaries and their allies, wherein various speakers propose differing courses of action (III, 141ff.), contrasts with the orderly meeting of the physicians, in which even the warlike Stentor defers to Machaon (V, 204ff.). The whole poem is an 18th century minuet of corresponding movements and patterned gestures. The purpose of the poem-to ridicule petty professional jealousies and to bring about a reconciliation between physicians and apothecaries-is a noble one, in keeping with the serious moral aim of true satire.49 The wit and humor of the poem, with its many classical parallels and allusions, display both the imagination and the erudition of the author. Contemporary reactions to the poem varied. There was a chorus of criticism: the design was bad, the execution was poor, the best part of the poem was in imitation of Boileau's Le Lutrin-and much more.50 Jeaffre- son speaks of "all the books, pamphlets, and broad-sheets thrown out by the combatants on both sides" of the Dispensary quarrel and notes that The Dispensary is almost the only one that could be read later by a gentleman without arousing a sense of annoyance and disgust.51 There were counterblasts by some of Garth's victims. Blackmore's A Satyr

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Against Wit was rushed into print before the year was out, and other anti- Dispenserians presented their case in The Dispensary Transvers' d (London, 1701). But many doctors and most educated laymen outside the medical profession approved of Garth's poem, which was reprinted re- peatedly throughout his lifetime.52 Garth added to the interest by publish- ing A Compleat Key to the Dispensary, identifying the real-life persons who appear, thinly-disguised, as characters in the poem. Published sepa- rately, A Compleat Key... went through nine editions by 1726.53

GARTH AND THE WITS Cheerful, friendly, and gregarious, Garth was a natural associate of the wits and writers of the age. His imagination, broadly tolerant humor, solid classical background, and ease of versifying gained him an entree into the group of Tory wits at Will's Coffee House, the Kit-Cat Club, and the Addison circle at Button's Coffee House. That Garth was a wit is evidenced both by many humorously satiric passages in The Dispensary and by a number of anecdotes still extant. One day, while writing a letter at a coffee-house, Garth found himself under the scrutiny of a curious Irishman, who was impudently reading every word of the epistle. Garth, says Jeaffreson, took no notice of the impertinence until he had finished and signed the body of the letter; then he added a postscript of unquestionable legibility: "I would write you more by this post, but there's a d--- tall impudent Irishman looking over my shoulder all the time." "What do you mean, sir?" roared the Irishman in a fury. "Do you think I looked over your letter?" "Sir," replied the physician, "I never once opened my lips to you." "Ay, but you have put it down, for all that." " 'Tis impossible, sir, that you should know that, for you have never once looked over my letter!"54 When Dr. John Radcliffe (1650-1714), a fellow physician who showed little interest in books or scholarship while alive, bequeathed money for the founding of a library, Garth quipped that for Radcliffe to leave a library was as if a eunuch should found a seraglio.55 At the first performance of Addison's Cato (for which Garth wrote the Epilogue) both Whigs and Tories tried to apply its political sentiments to their own uses. "The numerous and violent claps of the Whig party on one side [of] the theatre," wrote Pope, "were echoed back by the Tories on

Vol. 53, No. 4, May 1977 386 D. L. McCUE, JR.JR. the other.... Lord Bullingbrooke [Bolingbroke] sent for Booth who played Cato, into the box, between one of the acts and presented him with 50 guineas...the Whigs are unwilling to be distanced this way...and therefore design a present to the said Cato very speedily.... So betwixt them 'tis probable that Cato (as Dr. Garth expressed it) may have something to live upon, after he dies."56 Another anecdote recounts that Garth was ...sitting one day in the coffee room of the Cocoa Tree Tavern, near his home in St. James Street, conversing with two persons of quality, when the poet Rowe, a vain fellow, fond of being noticed, entered the door. He sat in a box nearly opposite to Garth, looking frequently around in the hope of catching his eye. Not succeeding in this, he desired the waiter to ask the Doctor for the loan of his snuffbox, which he knew to be a rare one, set with diamonds and the gift of royalty. After taking a pinch and returning it without Garth's deigning to notice him, he sent again for it, and soon again. Finally Garth, who knew him well and saw through his purpose from the beginning, took out his pencil and wrote on the lid the two Greek characters, 0 p, Fie! Rowe! The mortified poet ceased his persecutions.57 From his early days Garth was a friend of Dryden, a mentor to young Pope, and an admired associate of Addison and Steele. Of Garth's associ- ation with Dryden not many details are known, although Malone stated that they spent many hours together.58 Both were members of the literary group at Will's Coffee House, together with Congreve, George Gran- ville-Lord Lansdowne, Thomas Betterton, William Wycherley, and Wil- liam Walsh.59 Garth appears among the subscribers to Dryden's translation of Vergil in 1697, and Garth's handling of the mock-epic was influenced by Dryden's example in MacFlecknoe. When the Dispensary quarrel broke out Dryden took a public stance favoring the physicians in his poem To My Honoured Kinsman, John Driden, of Chesterton, and paid particu- lar homage to Garth: The tree of knowledge, once in Eden placed, Was easy found, but was forbid the taste; 0, had our grandsire walked without his wife, He first had sought the better plant of life! Now both are lost: yet wandering in the dark, Physicians for the tree have found the bark;

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They, laboring for relief of human kind, With sharpened sight some remedies many find;, The apothecary-train is wholly blind, From files a random recipe they take, And many deaths of one prescription make. Garth, generous as his Muse, prescribes and gives; The shopman sells and by destruction lives. (lines 96-108) In the same year (1700) Garth translated the "Life of Otho" for the fifth volume of Dryden's edition of Plutarch.60 But the real strength of the bond between the two men appeared at Dryden's death in May 1700. Upon learning that Dryden had been buried in an obscure grave at the Church of St. Anne, Soho, Garth obtained permission for the exhumed body to lie in state at the Hall of the College of Physicians, read a Latin oration over the bier, arranged a funeral by public subscription, and accompanied the body to an appropriate resting place in the Poets' Corner of Westminster Abbey.61 Years later, in the preface to a translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses (1717) Garth called Dryden, "the man that could make kings immortal, and raise triumphal arches to heroes...one of the greatest poets, that ever was upon earth...."62 The friendship shown to Dryden by the wits at Will's Coffee House was transferred after his death to the young Alexander Pope.63 Garth in particular had an early and friendly relation with Pope, beginning about 1703 or shortly thereafter and continuing until Garth's death in 1719. Pope was apparently an admirer of The Dispensary and of the witty, fashionable atheism which Garth professed.64 Garth was among those who read Pope's Pastorals in manuscript and offered criticism and advice;65 the second, "Summer," is dedicated to him. Pope's defense of Garth's au- thorship of The Dispensary in An Essay on Criticism led Garth to praise Pope's Windsor Forest over Denham's Cooper's Hill.66 When Pope was contemplating adding the machinery of the sylphs to The Rape of the Lock and Addison advised against it, Garth approved and encouraged the change.67 After 1712, when political differences widened the rift between Whig and Tory authors and the Whigs attended their own literary coterie at Button's Coffee House, Garth was one of the few Whigs to keep up old acquaintance at Will's Coffee House with Pope and his Tory friends, including Swift and Gay.68 While Pope was struggling to produce his translation of the Iliad and the

Vol. 53, No. 4, May 1977 388 D. L. McCUE, JR. envious group at Button's were sponsoring a rival translation by Tickell, Garth encouraged Pope on at least two occasions. He told the younger poet how to parry the whimsical objections of Charles Montague, Lord Halifax.69 On publication of the rival edition of the first book, he assured Pope through Gay that "everybody is pleased with your translation, but a few at Button's."70 Garth, along with Addison, tried in 1716 to dispel the animosity against Pope held by the minor wits at Button's. "Garth made Mr. Pope and myself dine together," wrote Thomas Burnet, "and would have us friends and Acquaintance....."71 Tickell, never really hostile toward Pope, had paved the way for reconciliation earlier by praising Pope and Garth along with others in his poem On the Prospect of Peace in 1714. In 1717 Garth and Pope each contributed to a collection of verse edited by the other. Pope assisted with Garth's edition of a translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses by several hands-Garth's last important literary work. Garth contributed to a miscellany volume of verse apparently edited by Pope.72 Interest in the translation of Ovid also seemingly led Pope to 73 compose his jeu d'esprit ballad of Sandys' Ghost. At Garth's death in January 1719 Pope was genuinely grieved and tried to remove the imputation of atheism from Garth, which in earlier years had been one of Garth's attractions. "Ill tongues, and worse Hearts have branded even his last Moments, as wrongfully as they did his Life, with Irreligion" wrote Pope, but if ever there was a good Christian, without knowing himself to be so, it was Dr. Garth."74 As late as 1732 Pope was grateful to receive a copy of the poems of "my old friend, Dr. Garth."75 Garth was by 1703 a member of the Kit-Cat Club, founded by Jacob Tonson and others in the closing years of the 17th century. It met weekly at the Fountain Tavern in the Strand, but moved in 1703 to Tonson's estate, Barn Elms. The club soon attracted the leading Whig politicians and writers of the day. John Somers, Charles Sackville-Earl of Dorset, Sunderland, John Churchill-Duke of Marlborough, Sidney Godolphin, John Vaughan-Earl of Carbery, Halifax, Thomas Wharton, Lansdowne, and Sir Robert Walpole were members, as also were Addison, Steele, Congreve, Vanbrugh, Walsh, and others. Sir Godfrey Kneller was in- ducted into the group and painted portraits of the 39 regular members, including Garth, and of nine occasional members.76 Garth appears to have been the only doctor in the group, and the source of much of its gaiety. Jeaffreson recounts that Garth, full of jest and

Bull. N.Y. Acad. Med. SAMUEL GARTH 389 389~~~- amiability, "did more to create merriment at the Kit-Kat Club than either Swift or Arbuthnot. He loved wine to excess; but then wine loved him too, ripening and warming his wit, and leaving no sluggish humour behind."77 In common with other members, Garth composed verses to a number of the reigning beauties of the day, together with other short lyrics, not all of them inspired.78 "Some, preserved in manuscript," says Moore, "were certainly intended to be read only by men far advanced in post-prandial potations." The members of the Kit- Cat Club were patrons of the drama; they supported financially the construction of the new Queen's Theatre in the Haymarket for Betterton's company of actors (1705), for which Garth wrote the opening-night Prologue.79 During the Tory dominance under Queen Anne from 1710 to 1714, the Kit-Cat Club was looked upon as the center of the Whig opposition, and its members were showered with abuse. Political animosities were com- bined with charges of irreligion, atheism, gluttony, and vice in various satiric attacks upon the group. 8 The club remained active through the year 1717. After Garth's death in 1719 little more was heard of the club. By 1725 it was definitely a thing of the past, although a few members still assembled occasionally to recall the days of its glory.81 Garth was on friendly terms with fellow Kit-Cats Addison and Steele. Addison, 11 years Garth's junior, was traveling on the Continent between 1699 and 1703 while the literary war over The Dispensary raged. On his return he published The Campaign, a poem praising Marlborough whom Garth also admired. The two poets found common ground in zeal for the Whig cause, literary interests, concern for the public weal, and the reform- ing instinct which led both to oppose all quackery and pretense.82 Both were later members of the group at Button's Coffee House and both held public office during the reign of George I. By 1709 (if not before) Garth had become Addison's personal physician, treating him for eye trouble in 1710 and nursing him through a critical illness in 1717.83 Addison showed his friendship in 1710 when, after the Earl of Godol- phin resigned his office as Lord Treasurer, Garth wrote a short poem praising Godolphin. The poem was keenly attacked in The Examiner, No. 6 (August 3-September 7, 1710) by Matthew Prior, who claimed there was not "either Poetry, Grammar, or Design in the Composition." 84 Addison responded with a spirited defense of the poem and of Garth in

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The Whig Examiner No. 1 (September 14, 1710) and again the following month in The Tatler No. 239. Addison called upon Garth to write the Epilogue for his play Cato (1713) for which Pope furnished the Prologue. Both Prologue and Epilogue were so popular that they were printed independently of the play and hawked on the streets.85 In the meantime Steele had become acquainted with Garth and praised his generosity toward poverty-stricken patients. "Hippocrates" (i.e. Garth), said a letter supposedly written by a former patient, "visited me throughout my whole illness, and was so far from taking any fee, that he inquired into my circumstances, and would have relieved me also that way." Hippocrates, added Steele, "shows as much liberality in his prac- tice, as he does wit in his conversation and skill in his profession" (Tatler, No. 78). Six years later Steele showed even more esteem for Garth, dedicating to him the new periodical, The Lover. Lauding Garth for "a constant impulse to relieve the distressed, and a capacity to administer that relief," Steele exclaims, "Your heart is more set upon doing good than growing rich"; and informs the reader that "it is as common with Garth to supply indigent patients with money for food, as to receive it from wealthy ones for physick."86 As Garth lay dying in 1719, Addison visited him and tried in friendly fashion to win him back to orthodox Christianity, apparently without success.87 Strangely enough, the one contemporary poet with whom Garth did not get along well was also a Whig, a physician, and an admirer of William III. Sir Richard Blackmore, a Padua-trained doctor, had been knighted in 1696; this was partly a reward for his Whig loyalties and partly, it was said, for two vast, dull epics, Prince Arthur and King Arthur, which blatantly flattered William III and his chief nobles.88 An indefatigable writer of verse, Blackmore produced several other epics, many shorter poems, and a prose periodical, The Lay Monk (1713-1714). He was for a long period the butt of the satire of Pope and of the Christ-Church wits.89 Like Dryden's Flecknoe, he was regarded as the model and prototype of bad poetry. Garth had additional reasons for disliking him: he was both an opponent of the Dispensary scheme and a defender of other anti- Dispensarians. In The Dispensary and elsewhere Garth ridiculed him as a medical quack and a dull, pedantic poet.90 Blackmore replied anonymously with A Satyr Against Wit (1699), a

Bull. N.Y. Acad. Med. SAMUEL GARTH 391 SAMUEL GARTH 39' long poem in heroic couplets which was described in a Dublin edition as "design'd an answer to a poem stil'd the Dispensary." Primarily an attack on Garth, it also criticizes Dryden, John Dennis, Addison, Congreve, Wycherley, Vanbrugh, and others, while defending the anti-Dispensarians and praising high government officials.9" Rivaling The Dispensary in popularity, it went through three editions in five months.92 Angered by the attack on Addison, Steele delivered a counterblow in the anonymous poem, A Satyr Upon a Late Pamphlet Entituled, A SATYR AGAINST WIT (1700),93 while Garth and the other wits prepared a collection of ironic Commendatory Verses on the Author of the Two Arthurs, satirizing Blackmore. Mostly doggerel and invective, these ridicule Blackmore for having once been a schoolteacher, for his dull verse, for mixing poetry and medicine, for his obsequiousness to the great, for his living in the unfashionable Cheapside section of London, for his habit of composing while riding in a coach, and for his pomposity and self-righteousness.94 Shortly thereafter Blackmore paid them back in the same coin with his own doggerel satire, Discommendatory Verses to the Noble Captain (i.e., Steele). Some eight years later he struck back at the wits again with his poem The Kit-Cats (1708).95 Blackmore remained essentially middle class in his outlook, his clien- tele, and his literary productions.96 Garth moved in higher social circles; wrote witty, aristocratic verse; and eclipsed Blackmore in wealth, medical prestige, and literary fame. In the writing of verse Garth equalled or surpassed his fellow wits. In addition to the works mentioned previously, he contributed in 1701 to Abel Boyer's collection, Letters of Wit, Politicks and Morality.97 He translated the first Phillipic in Tonson's collection, Several Orations of Demosthenes (1702),98 and wrote the Prologue for the comedy Squire Trelooby (1704).99 In the meantime, as a member of the Kit-Cat Club he wrote the verses inscribed on its toasting glasses to Ladies Carlisle, Essex, Hyde, and Wharton. In 1707 Garth joined the younger Dryden, Dennis, Nahum Tate, and others as one of the editors of a new literary magazine, The Muses Mercury. 00 In 1711 he furnished a dedication for an edition of Lucretius to the Elector of Brunswick, the future George 1.101 Garth's second longest and second most important poem is Claremont (1715), addressed to his friend Thomas P. Holles, Earl of Clare and the future Duke of Newcastle, upon the naming of his country villa, Clare- mont. The poem contains little description of the villa, and Clare is

Vol. 53, No. 4, May 1977 392 D. L. McCUE, JR. mentioned only in the last 15 lines; most of the poem is occupied with tracing the mythical origins of the natural setting, the mount, the stream, and its vegetation from ancient Druid times. Garth depicts the Druid age as one of Utopian primitivism, a time of rugged life but sterling virtues. This background affords opportunity for satire on contemporary life in the 18th century; bad poets and undiscriminating patrons-an oblique compli- ment to Clare; the venal clergy; British nymphs and their luxuries; and modern gluttony, deceit, and villainy among men. The criticism of modern quackery parallels Garth's attacks in earlier poems (e.g., the satire on incompetent medical men and bad poetry in The Dispensary) and constitutes a continuing strain in his works. Toward the end of the poem the Delphic god prophesies to the Druids the coming of a great Brunswick prince (George I, crowned in 1714 while Garth was writing the poem) who will restore liberty, purify religion and justice, and safeguard Britannia, aided by staunch patriots such as Clare: Then shall a Clare in honour's cause engage; Example must reclaim a graceless age.... Right he shall vindicate, good laws defend, The firmest patriot and the warmest friend. Great Edward's Order early he shall wear,102 New light restoring to the sully'd star. Oft' will his leisure this retirement chuse, Still finding future subjects for the Muse.... (lines 314-15; 322-27) Although drawn largely from classical sources and written in heroic couplets, Claremont also has been cited by John Butt as anticipating some aspects of later romanticism: Superstitious horrors were known to require for effective treatment an atmosphere of gloom, most readily produced by fierce torrents, for- bidding mountains, ravens, moping owls, and ivy-mantled ruins. These became the traditional stage-properties of romanticism. Garth had used several of them in his poem Claremont (1715), where we find "A Grott... with hoary Moss o'ergrown, Rough with rude Shells, and arch'd with mould'ring Stone" an ivy mantled ruin, a bat, and a "drowsie Beetle"....103 Herein, perhaps, lies the poem's chief attraction for the modern reader. GARTH'S INFLUENCE AND IMPORTANCE In his own day Garth was famous in both medical and literary circles.

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During his lifetime and after his death he was frequently mentioned, not only in the writings of his immediate friends (Dryden, Pope, Addison, Steele, et al.) or enemies (Prior, Blackmore, et al.), but in many other works of the period.104 His fame seemingly derived from three sources: 1) his personal qualities of mind and character, including his good nature, wit, frankness, and generosity to the poor, 2) his professional skill as a physician, and 3) his writings-lectures, orations, translations, and original poems. His qualities of mind and character are amply attested to by his contem- poraries, and evidence of his magnanimity survives in many of his extant letters.105 His medical abilities also received recognition during his lifetime, as shown by his large practice, his many wealthy and prominent patients, and the offices conferred upon him by the College of Physicians. But it is upon his writings that Garth's fame mainly rests. The Dispen- sary was one of the most widely read and influential poems of its day. It "continued to be generally read for fifty years," wrote Moore, "and some of its phrases are still quoted." Even after Garth's death it continued to be reprinted. A 10th London edition appeared in 1741 and an 11th in 1768; what was termed a "Fourteenth Edition" was published in Glasgow by Robert and Andrew Foulis in 1750. A volume of The Poetical Works of Sir Sam. Garth was included in Bell's edition of The Poets of Great Britain in 1779; it included The Dispensary, Claremont, and many of the shorter poems. This has remained the common source for Garth's poems down to fairly recent times. The Dispensary also directly inspired or provoked a number of other poems, notably Blackmore's A Satyr Against Wit (1699), the anonymous The Dispensary Transvers'd, Or the Consult of Physicians (1701), Wil- liam King's The Fumetary (1708), and Blackmore's The Kit-Cats (1708). By combining structural patterns from Boileau's Le Lutrin with the heroic manner and style of Dryden's MacFlecknoe and epic incidents of his own invention, Garth made The Dispensary the main connecting link between these earlier mock-epics and the later, more polished mock-epics of Pope, The Rape of the Lock (1712; 1714) and The Dunciad (1728, 1743).106 However, the influence of The Dispensary was not limited to Pope. "Garth's poem not only established the mock-epic as one of the most popular and successful poetic genres of the century," writes Steven Phillips, "but also helped to establish the mode of high burlesque as the essential mode of 18th century satire." 106a

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The verse form of The Dispensary also was noteworthy and elicited strong praise from distinguished critic George Saintsbury: Garth... was the first writer who took the couplet, as Dryden had fashioned it, from Dryden's hands, and displayed it in the form it maintained throughout the eighteenth century. In some respects it may be said that no advance in this peculiar model was ever made on The Dispensary. Its best lines are equal to any of Pope's in mere fashion, and in it appear clearly enough the inherent defects of the form when once Dryden's "energy divine" and his cunning admix- ture of what looked like roughness has been lost or rejected.... as a versifier Garth must always deserve a place in the story of English literature. 107 One remarkable testimony to the poem's influence occurred in 1768, half a century after Garth's death, when Bonnell Thornton, Dr. Johnson's friend and himself a Bachelor of Medicine, published The Battle of the Wigs. An Additional Canto to Dr. Garth's. Poem of the Dispensary, Occasioned by the Disputes Between the Fellows and Licentiates of the College of Physicians, in London. Thornton's very brief mock-epic (109 lines in heroic couplets) was based on efforts of the Licentiates in medicine to gain admission to and privileges of the College of Physicians which were then enjoyed by the college graduates or Fellows. The Licentiates were practitioners who had gone directly into medical training (as John Keats did later) without first obtaining a college degree. The Regulars or Fellows of the College held the degrees B.A., M.A., M.B., and M.D. A Fellow therefore looked with scorn upon a Licentiate: Shall Scots, he cries, or Leyden doctors dare With sapient Regulars to claim a chair? How can Diplomatists have equal knowledge? No, no.-they must not mess with GRADUATES OF A COL- LEGE. (lines 33-36) After a prefatory "Advertisement to the Reader" praising Garth, the poem is divided into three parts: Part I. The invocation to the muse is followed by a statement of the issue and the situation. On Saint Luke's Day (October 18th) the Fellows within the College of Physicians feast and loll at ease while hungry Licentiates outside, refused admission, threaten to force the gates. Both sides prepare for battle. The Fellows station around the college a guard of

Bull. N.Y. Acad. Med. SAMUEL GARTH 395 SAMUEL GARTH 395 butchers armed with cleavers, and make ready a water-engine "charged with beastly gore." The Licentiates enlist as allies a band of butchers from Newgate Market. The poet pretends to see a parallel between the two occupations: "Man-killers leagued with those who slaughter brutes..." (line 64). A local constable is present to keep the peace. Part II. Licentiato outside the college prays to Venus, who sends her easily beguiled spouse Jupiter, in the form of a blacksmith, to help. With one stroke of his massive hammer he bursts the gate of the college, then retires to an alehouse for some Butt beer. Licentiato plunges through the defending butchers and constable into the Smoking Room of the college to demand his rights from the stunned Socio (Fellow), who is drinking wine from a bottle. Instead of offering him a drink, Socio hurls the bottle at Licentiato's head and knocks him senseless to the floor. A thin stream of wine or blood flows from Licentiato's face. Part III. A general tumult reigns as both sides engage en masse. So loud is the din that it pierces to Lethe's shore and rouses Pluto, who regards both groups of combatants as his friends-they both send him their victims. Pluto appears at the college in the guise of a mortician, and in a placating speech urges both sides to forget their quarrel and to join in consultation. At the end of his speech a hearse appears, drawn by six black horses. Hidden from view, Pluto enters and is drawn to Fleet Ditch, whose black tide masks a hidden passage to Acheron's gloomy bank. The poem ends: Their feuds forgot, the Doctors, with amaze And rev'rent awe, on the procession gaze. Thornton's poem, like Garth's, originated in a quarrel of the College of Physicians; both poems include epic warfare and the intervention of super- natural and mythological beings; both end inconclusively in pleas for reconciliation; both are written in heroic couplets. However, there are marked differences between the two. In Thornton's poem a single type-character is employed to represent each of the opposing forces (Licentiato and Socio). The poem is little more than an outline; the characters are not developed and the action is simplistic. The chief signifi- cance of The Battle of the Wigs for the modern reader is that it shows the continuance of Garth's reputation and influence into the third quarter of the 18th century. There was a revival of interest in Garth around the year 1900. German scholar Theodor Schenk produced a detailed study of Garth's influence on

Vol. 53, No. 4, May 1977 D. L. McCUE, JR. 396 the comic epic;'08 his countryman, W.J. Leicht, edited The Dispensary in 1905.109 A year later, on this side of the Atlantic, Dr. Harvey Cushing issued his brilliant monograph on Garth. Through the first quarter of the 20th century selections from The Dispensary commonly were included in anthologies of English poetry;"10 Garth has continued to attract the notice of literary historians and scholars into the 1970s.1"' An upsurge of interest in Garth during the past two decades has pro- duced a handful of articles, two doctoral dissertations, and a reissue of some of Garth's poems. First came Albert Rosenberg's article in 1959 on the London Dispensary. Then Richard I. Cook, in an article of 1962, studied the relation between Garth's The Dispensary and Pope's Rape of the Lock."2 Duane B. Schneider pointed out (1963) that several words and word combinations used by Garth in The Dispensary were later cited in the Oxford English Dictionary as new additions to the language."13 Elsewhere, Mr. Schneider showed (1964) that Horoscope's shop in The Dispensary has curious parallels with the apothecary shop in Romeo and Juliet (V, i, 42-48), although Garth's knowledge of Shakespeare probably was derived from Dryden and Rowe."14 The two articles by Frank H. Ellis in 1963 and 1965 illuminated the backgrounds of Garth's Harveian oration and of the London Dispensary. In his doctoral dissertation of 1969 Steven Ray Phillips presented on old spelling edition of The Dispensary, with a chapter on Garth's life, a sketch of the Dispensary quarrel, an historical and critical evaluation of the poem, and remarks on the textual principles involved in preparing an old-spelling edition. In the same year Warren Francis Dwyer completed a detailed study of the English translation of Ovid's Metamorphoses which Garth edited and Tonson published in 1717. The strong political overtones which the work contains are shown to reflect the interests of the translators (who included Dryden, Addison, Laurence Eusden, Garth, Pope, Tate, and Arthur Maynwaring) and of the age.' '5 In 1971 Pat Rogers shed new light on the publishing history of The Dispensary."6 In 1975 a New York publisher, Scholar's Facsimiles and Reprints, issued a facsimile of The Dispensary and Claremont with sup- porting documents-the first new issue of Garth's two major poems in some 200 years."17 At this late date it is somewhat surprising to find that still no definitive biography of Garth is available, nor a complete modern edition of his works.

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Admittedly, Garth is a minor poet and is little read today. But in his day he was an important figure in both medical and literary circles, and he has made some lasting contributions to the mainstream of English poetry.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Hopkins, K.: English Poetry: A 17. Rosenberg, op. cit., pp. 109-110. Short History. Philadelphia, Lippin- 18. Cornog, op. cit., pp. 37-38. Phillips, cott, 1962, p. 168. op. cit., pp. 31-33. 2. Cornog, W. H.: Sir Samuel Garth, a 19. Ibid. court physician of the 18th century. 20. Hist. Manuscripts Comm., 7th Re- Isis 19:29-31, 1938. port, 508a. Cited by Cornog, op. 3. Smith, C. P.: Annals of the Poets. cit., p. 38. New York, Scribner, 1935, pp. 8-9. 21. Cornog, op. cit., pp. 38-39. 4. Cornog, op. cit., pp. 31-33. 22. Ibid., p. 39. 5. Cornog, op. cit., pp. 32-33. 23. Hist. Manuscripts Comm. 56:422, 6. Ellis, F. H.: Garth's Harveian ora- 469, 488; 56:24. Cited by Cornog, tion. J. Hist. Med. 18:9, 1963. op. cit., p. 40. 7. Moore, N.: Garth, Sir Samuel 24. Jeaffreson, J. C.: A Book About Doc- (1661-17 19). Dictionary of National tors. London, Hurst and Blackett, Biography. London, Smith, Elder, 1860, vols. 1,2; Munk, W.: The Roll 1890, vol. 21, pp. 31-32. of the Royal College of Physicians... 8. Cushing, H.: Dr. Garth, the Kit-Kat 1518 to 1825. London, College of poet, 1661-1718. Johns Hopkins Physicians, 1878, vols. 1-3; Richard- Hosp. Bull. January 1906; (reprinted) son, B. W.: Disciples of Aes- Baltimore; Lord Baltimore Press, culapius. London, Hutchinson, 1900; Friedenwald, 1906, p. 4. King, L. S.: Medical World of the 9. Rosenberg, A.: Sir Richard Eighteenth Century, Chicago, Uni- Blackmore. Lincoln, Neb., Univer- versity of Chicago Press, 1958. sity of Nebraska Press, 1953, p. 42. 25. Johnson, S.: Samuel Garth. Lives of 10. Vanbrugh, J.: Complete Works, Dob- the Most Eminent English Poets, ree, B. and Webb, G., editors. with Notes by Peter Cunningham and Bloomsbury, Nonesuch, 1928, vol. a Life of the Author by T. B. 4, pp. 9, 10. Macaulay. New York, Derby and 11. Ibid., p. 63; Aitken, G. A.: Life and Jackson, 1857, Vol. 1, p. 513. Works of John Arbuthnot. Oxford, 26. Moore, op. cit., p. 32. Cornog (op. Clarendon, 1892; (reprinted) New cit.) adds information indicating that York, Russell and Russell, 1968, pp. she eloped about 1710 with Colonel 28-30; Moore, op. cit., pp. 31-32. Boyle, the brother of Henry Boyle, 12. Cushing, op. cit., pp. 27-28. Speaker of the House of Commons in 13. Cornog, op. cit., p. 35. Ireland. 14. Phillips, S. R.: Sir Samuel Garth, 27. Moore, op. cit., p. 32. The Dispensary (1699). An Old 28. Two fine articles shed much light on Spelling edition with Introduction and the relation between physicians and Historical Notes. Unpublished doc- apothecaries at this period: Rosen- toral diss., Univ. of Rochester, 1969, berg, A.: The London Dispensary for p. 29. This is the most scholarly and the sick-poor. J. Hist. Med. 14:41- most complete treatment of Garth's 56, 1959; Ellis, F. H.: The back- major poem. ground of the London Dispensary. J. 15. Cushing, op. cit., p. 30. Hist. Med. 20:197-212, 1965. 16. Cornog, op. cit., pp. 36-37. 29. Ellis, op. cit., pp. 200-02.

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30. Anonymous: The Accomplished in 1752 and the new year, formerly Physician. London, 1670. Evidence reckoned as beginning on March 25, now suggests Gideon Harvey was the henceforth was reckoned to begin on author. January 1. This caused some confu- 31. Of the college's 130 members, 53 sion regarding dates falling between eventually subscribed to the Dispen- January 1 and March 25. According sary plan, about two dozen opposed, to the old reckoning this date in Feb- and the rest stood aloof. Among ruary would still be 1697. According those opposed were some of the col- to the new reckoning this date would lege's most illustrious members, in- fall in 1698, the new year. It is com- cluding Dr. Edward Tyson, fellow of mon scholarly practice to give both the Royal Society and a distinguished dates. anatomist; Dr. John Radcliffe, the 34. Ellis, op. cit., p. 210; Phillips, op. most eminent physician of the age; cit., p. 89. Sir Richard Blackmore, physician- 35. King, op. cit., p. 18. in-ordinary to King William III; Dr. 36. Ibid. Hugh Chamberlen, the fashionable 37. Ibid. "Man Midwife"; and Dr. Thomas 38. Phillips, op. cit., p. 63. Sydenham, the "English Hippo- 39. King, op. cit., pp., 19, 22. crates" (Ellis, op. cit., p. 211). Col- 40. Munk, op. cit. (ref. 24), vol. 1, p. lusion between physicians and 501. apothecaries goes back at least to the 41. Phillips, op. cit., pp. 89-90. time of Chaucer's Doctor of Physick: 42. Anthony Henley was a wit and a Ful redy hadde he hise politician who had studied classics at apothecaries Oxford before coming to London; To sende hym drogges and his there he was friendly with Lords letuaries Dorset and Sunderland. A zealous For ech of hem made other for Whig, active in politics, he obtained to wynne- election to Parliament in 1698 and Hir frendshipe nas nat newe to served for more than a decade. Like bigynne. Garth, he was a member of the Kit- (Chaucer, G.: The Canterbury Tales, Cat Club and friendly with Swift. In General Prologue, lines 425-28. In: the Journal to Stella Swift records a The Complete Works of Geoffrey typical Henley bon mot: when Swift, Chaucer, Robinson F. N., editor. Bos- who was an Anglican clergyman, ton and New York, Houghton missed a dinner engagement, Henley Mifflin, 1933, pp. 23-24) chided him in language that parodied 32. "The Copy of an Instrument, sub- the ritual of ordination: "Thou art a scribed by the President, Censor, beast forever, according to the order most of the Elects, Senior Fellows, of Melchisedech." Generous to Candidates, &c. of the College of struggling poets, Henley was repaid Physicians, in Relation to the Sick with soft dedications. He contributed Poor." It was rumored to have been to the Tatler and the Spectator. drawn up by Garth, and is reprinted 43. Clark, A.F.B.: Boileau and French in The Poetical Works of Sir Sam. Classical Critics in England, 1660- Garth, with the Life of the Author 1830. Paris, Champion 1925, pp. (Bell's British Poets) Edinburgh, 158-68; summarized by Phillips, op. Apollo, 1779, pp. xx-xxii, (Bell's cit., pp. 123-29. British Poets, vol. 69. All quotations 44. Phillips op. cit., pp. 134-35. and citations of specific lines of the 45. Cabrini Weber, M.F.: The Neo- poem are from this edition.) Classic Mock Epic and Its Relation- 33. Ellis, op. cit., p. 210. ship to Epic and Satire. Unpublished 33a. The English calendar was reformed doctoral diss., University of Califor-

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nia at Berkeley, 1959-1960, p. 29; 53. A Compleat Key to the Dispensary, quoted by Phillips, op. cit., p. 117. 9th ed. London, Astley, 1726. 46. Phillips, op. cit., pp. 123-24. 54. Jeaffreson, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 89. 47. Kenneth Hopkins (p. 168) has per- Both Jeaffreson and Cushing cite ceptively noted Garth's attitude: several anecdotes of Garth's wit. "...he is too much the urbane spe- 55. Alexander Pope to Martha Blount cialist to rant, and he seems to take (November 1714). The Correspon- the opposition by the elbow and say, dence of Alexander Pope, Sherburn, " 'Really, old man!' more in sorrow G., editor (hereafter cited as Corre- than in anger. His verse is too good- spondence....) Oxford, Clarendon, humored for true satire...." 1956, vol. 1, pp. 428-29. The li- 48. "Dorset's sprightly Muse" refers to brary, called the "Radcliffe Cam- Charles Sackville, 6th Earl of Dorset era," is still in use at Oxford. (1638-1706), a successful politician, 56. Alexander Pope to Caryll (April 30, friend, and patron of poets. He wrote 1713). Correspondence..., op. cit., some pleasant songs and biting sa- vol. 1, p. 175. tires, and was praised by both Dry- 57. Cushing, op. cit., p. 23. Nicholas den and Prior. Pausanias (1696) was Rowe (1674-1718), writer of a verse tragedy by the minor poet tragedies and editor of Shakespeare, Richard Norton of Southwick, Hants. was Poet Laureate from 1715 to his George Stepney (1663-1707), scholar death. Garth was often in the com- of Trinity College, Cambridge, was a pany of Rowe, and wrote for him the fellow Kit-Cat who after the revolu- prologue to Tamerlane in 1702. tion of 1688 shifted his political al- 58. The Critical and Miscellaneous legiance from the Stuarts to the Prose Works of John Dryden, House of Orange and became a Malone, E., editor. London, career diplomat at various continental Baldwin for Cadell, Jun., and posts. He was a lively talker and let- Davies, 1800, vol. 1, p. 497. ter writer, but his poems are few and 59. Spence, J.: Observations, Anecdotes of little merit. Like Garth, he con- and Characters of Books and Men, tributed to translations of Ovid's Osborn, J. M., editor. Oxford, poems edited by Dryden. Clarendon, 1966, vol. 1, p. 32 (Os- 49. Cushing (op. cit., pp. 12-13) cites born's note). Garth's aim as stated in the Preface 60. Moore, op. cit., p. 31. to the second edition: "...to endeavor 61. Cushing, op. cit., pp. 18-21. Accord- to Rally some of our disaffected ing to Cornog (op. cit., p. 33), the Members into a sense of their Duty, funeral was held under the auspices who have hitherto most obstinately of the Kit-Cat Club. oppos'd all manner of Union...." The 62. Cushing, op. cit., pp. 21-22. conciliatory aim links the poem with 63. See Alexander Pope's poem, An the Harveian oration. Epistle from Mr. Pope, to Dr. Ar- 50. Cushing, op. cit., pp. 14-15. Samuel buthnot, London, Wright, 1734, lines Johnson therefore erred when he 135-42. stated in his Life of Garth that The 64. Sherburn, G.: The Early Career of Dispensary "'was universally and Alexander Pope. Oxford, Clarendon, liberally applauded." 1934, pp. 60-61. 51. Jeaffreson, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 91. 65. Spence, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 616-17. 52. Phillips (op. cit., chapter IV) de- 66. Sherburn, op. cit., p. 60. scribes eight authorized editions pub- 67. Spence, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 44-45. lished during Garth's lifetime, some 68. Sherburn, op. cit., p. 64. Garth of which Garth revised extensively. wrote a brief poetical tribute To Mr. There also were several pirated edi- Gay on His Poems, and Gay praised tions. Garth in verse On a Miscellany of

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Poems to Bernard Lintott, 1712. editor. Oxford, Clarendon, 1941, p. 69. Spence, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 87-88. 66. 70. John Gay .to Alexander Pope (July 83. Smithers, op. cit., pp. 191, 416. 1715). Correspondence....vol 1, p. 84. Prior's attack may have been partly 305. inspired by his expulsion from the 71. Sherburn, op. cit., p. 155. Kit- Cat Club in 1707, when he 72. Ibid., pp. 202, 208. turned Tory. 73. Ibid., p. 202. Tributes to Garth are 85. Alexander Pope to Caryll (April 30, common in Pope's poetry: in Sum- 1713). Correspondence...., vol. 1, p. mer, dedicated to Garth; in An Essay 175. on Criticism (lines 612-19); in A 86. Dedication accompanying The Lover, Farewell to London (lines 15-16); in No. 1, Thursday, February 25, 1714. the Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot (lines Cushing notes Steele's dedication of 135-42); and in The Dunciad The Lover to Garth, but expresses the (2:131-40). curious view that The Lover was a 74. Alexander Pope to Jervas (1720?). play. It actually was a periodical Correspondence...., vol. 2, p. 25. which ran for 40 numbers, from Feb- 75. Alexander Pope to Jacob Tonson, Sr. ruary 25 to May 27, 1714. (June 7, 1732). Ibid, vol. 3, p. 291. 87. Smithers, op. cit., p. 447. 76. Allen, R. J.: The Clubs of Augustan 88. Boys, R.C.: Sir Richard Blackmore London. Cambridge, Harvard Uni- and the wits. Cont. Mod. Philol. versity Press, 1933, vol. 7, pp. 13:56, 1949. 35-54. 89. See, for example, An Essay on 77. Jeaffreson, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 86. Criticism, lines 456-63; The Dunciad The Club had 39 regular members- 1:99- 104, 2:221-268. including Garth-others were added 90. See Garth's verses, To the Merry or dropped from time to time. Garth Poetaster at Sadler's Hall in Cheap- was a member by 1703 when Tonson side. published several of his "toasts" in 91. Rosenberg, A.: Sir Richard Verses Written for the Toasting- Blackmore, A Poet and Physician of Glasses of the Kit-Cat Club, in the the Augustan Age. Lincoln, Neb., Year 1703. A woman selected as University of Nebraska Press, 1953, "toast" for the year had her fortune pp. 43-45. made. For the ritual of toasting, see 92. Ibid., pp. 46-47. The Tatler No. 24, June 2-4, 1709. 93. Ibid., p. 47. Identified as Steele's by 78. Jacob Tonson's Miscellany Poems, Smithers, op. cit., p. 53. London, 1716, includes 54 poems 94. Boys, op. cit., pp. 54-59. Rosenberg written as toasts and signed by Garth, contends, with justice, that Garth was Addison, Congreve, Maynwaring, guilty of some of these faults himself. Carbery, Halifax, Wharton, and 95. At least some of the raillery between others. Garth and Blackmore was playful 79. Allen, op. cit., pp. 235-37. Phillips rather than bitter. Even after publica- points out that it was through the tion of The Dispensary, Blackmore Kit-Cat Club that Garth became as- apparently considered the "wits" to sociated with the world of the theater. be useful members of society, de- 80. Allen, op. cit., pp. 45-53. stroyed by their pretensions to wit. 81. Ibid., pp. 53-54; Cushing, op. cit., Garth, for example, was a good p. 27. physician lost to indifferent poetry 82. For Addison's possession of these (see Smithers, op. cit., p. 53). And qualities see Smithers, P.: The Life of the two physician-poets worked to- Joseph Addison, 2d ed. Oxford, gether on some prominent medical Clarendon, 1968, p. 190; The Letters cases, notably during the last illnes- of Joseph Addison, Graham, G., ses of Prince George of Denmark and

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of Arthur Maynwaring. See Rosen- Shades, A Dialogue concerning berg, op. cit., pp. 109-10. Tar- Water; Between Mr. Benjamin 96. Boys, op. cit., pp. 59-60. Smith, lately deceased; Dr. Hancock, 97. Bowyer, J.W.: The Celebrated Mrs. and Dr. Garth, at their Meeting Centlivre. Durham, N.C., Duke upon the Banks of-the River Styx, University Press, 1952, pp. 15, 1744; See Hillhouse, J.T.: The 18-19. Grub-Street Journal. Durham, N. C., 98. Moore, op. cit., p. 31. Duke University Press, 1928, p. 29; 99. Nicoll, A.: A History of Early Nicolson, M. and Rousseau, G.S.: Eighteenth Century Drama. Cam- Bishop Berkeley and Tar-water. In: bridge, The University Press, 1925, The Augustan Milieu, Miller, H.K., pp. 152, 163; cited in The Literary Rothstein, E., and Rousseau, G.S., Works of Matthew Prior, Wright, editors. Oxford, Clarendon, 1970, H.B. and Spears, M., editors. Ox- pp. 126-27. ford, Clarendon, 1959, vol. 2, p. 105. On Garth's letters see, for example, 921. The play, an adaptation of Cornog, op. cit., pp. 36-39; Sena, Moliere's Monsieur de Pourceaug- J.F.: The letters of Samuel Garth, nac, was revived by James Ralph in Bull. N. Y. Publ. Lib. 78:69-94, 1734 as The Cornish Squire. 1974. 100. Taylor, D.C.: William Congreve. 106. Butt, J., editor: The Twickenham London, Oxford University Press, Edition of the Poems of Alexander 1931, p. 198. Pope. London, Methuen and New 101. Anonymous: A Short Account of the Haven, Yale University Press, Life of Sir Samuel Garth, M. D., 1939-1967; Pope, A.: The Rape of published with A Compleat Key to the Lock, Tillotson, G., editor. 1940, The Dispensary, 5th ed. London, vol. 2, pp. 112-20; Pope, A.: The printed for Baldwin, Becket and De Dunciad, Sutherland, J., editor. Hondt, pp. v-vi; Moore, op. cit., p. 1943, vol. 5, pp. xxxviii, 114, and 32. note. 102. " Great Edward's Order" was the 106a. Phillips, S.: op. cit., p. 156. Order of the Garter, founded by Ed- 107. The English Poets: Selections with ward III, circa 1344. It was the high- Critical Introductions by Various est order of English knighthood. Writers and a General Critical In- 103. Butt, J.: The Augustan Age. London, troduction by Matthew Arnold, Hutchinson's Univ. Lib., 1950, pp. Ward, T.H., editor. New York, 84, 109. Macmillan, 1885, vol. 3, p. 13. 104. He appears, for example, in The 108. Schenk, T.: Sir Samuel Garth und Story of St. Alb-n's Ghost, or The seine Stellung zum komischen Epos. Apparition of Mother Haggy Heidelberg, Winter's Univer- (anonymous, 1711); in Arbuthnot's sitatsbuchhandlung, 1900. History ofJohn Bull (1712); in Notes 109. Leicht, W.J.: Garth's Dispensary. and Memorandums of the Six Days Heidelberg, Kritische Ausgabe, mit Preceding the Death of a Late Right Einleitung und Ammerkungen, 1905. Reverend, 1715-an anonymous sa- 110. As late as 1932 Ronald S. Crane re- tire on the death of Gilbert Burnet; in printed the whole of Canto IV in A Musapaedia, or Miscellany Poems Collection of English Poems, 1660- Never Before Printed, by several 1800. New York and London, Members of the Oxford Poetical Harper, 1932. Club, late of Eton and Westminster 111. See, for example, Hopkins, op. cit.; (London, 1719). There is a tribute to also Dixon, W. M.: English Epic and Garth in the Grub-Street Journal in Heroic Poetry. New York, Haskell, 1731. Garth appears as a medical ex- 1964. pert and debunker in Siris in the 112. Garth's Dispensary and Pope's Rape

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of the Lock. Coll. Lang, Assoc. J. 117. Sir Samuel Garth: The Dispensary, 6:107-16, 1962. 9th ed. Dublin, Rider and Harbin, 113. Words from Garth's Dispensary. 1725; reprinted in Scholars' Fac- Notes and Queries 208:419, 1963. similes and Reprints. New York, 114. Dr. Garth and Shakespeare: A bor- Delmar, 1975. In addition to The rowing. Eng. Lang. Notes 1:200-02, Dispensary and Claremont, this 1964. handsome little volume contains The 115. Dwyer, W.F.: Profit, Poetry and Complete Key to The Dispensary; A Politics in Augustan Translation: A Short Account of the Proceedings of Study of the Tonson-Garth Meta- the College ofPhysicians, London, in morphoses of 1717. Unpublished Relation to the Sick Poor, 1697; a doctoral diss., University of Illinois, new critical introduction by Jo Allen 1969. Bradham, and seven illustrations. 116. The publishing history of Garth's Dispensary: Some "lost" and pirated editions. Trans. Cambridge (Eng.) Bibliog. Soc. 5:166-77, 1971.

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