John Boyko. Bennett: The Rebel Who Challenged and Changed a Nation. Canada: Key Porter Books, 2010. 408 pp. $34.95, cloth, ISBN 978-1-55470-248-0. Reviewed by Larry Glassford Published on H-Canada (August, 2012) Commissioned by Jane Nicholas (University of Waterloo/St. Jerome's) "There is more to Bennett than the Bennett dian politics in the 1930s, stated categorically that buggy" (p. 25). In that simple sentence, John Boyko "as a politician he was a failure."[2] Robert Both‐ summarizes his purpose in writing this welcome well, Ian Drummond, and John English, in their single-volume biography of Canada's eleventh widely used narrative of Canadian history from prime minister, R. B. Bennett. He is appalled that 1900 to 1945, commented that "most Canadians generations of Canadian students are taught to seemed to feel cheated by Bennett and his prom‐ dismiss this remarkable Canadian as a kind of ises."[3] Boyko's own conclusion is diametrically cartoon capitalist whose chief claim to fame is the opposed to this widespread consensus. "Despite association of his surname with a horse-drawn, the storm of criticism and a near absence of cred‐ engine-less automobile, disabled by the hard eco‐ it," he asserts, "Prime Minister Bennett did a great nomic times of the 1930s. "The premise of this deal of good" (p. 17). Rather than cavalierly dis‐ book," Boyko explains, "is that the consensus missed, Boyko contends, "he should be celebrated about Bennett is fundamentally fawed" (p. 23). as an outstanding Canadian for his lifetime of dar‐ With energy and conviction, he sets himself the ing and enduring accomplishments" (p. 23). task of righting a historic wrong. Biography, for several decades an underval‐ The author is on solid ground when he notes ued and marginalized sub-genre within English- that "most historians have dealt with Bennett only Canadian historiography, is enjoying something of tangentially, and few have been kind" (p. 24). For a renaissance. Boyko's book joins a small but instance, John Herd Thompson and Allen Seager, growing shelf of volumes about R. B. Bennett that in their treatment of the interwar years for the mimics, to some extent, the evolution of historical Canadian Centenary Series, characterized his time biography itself. Three early entries were little in office with the revealing chapter title, "The Ben‐ more than fawning hagiographies: one, by An‐ nett Debacle."[1] Blair Neatby, in a book on Cana‐ drew MacLean, his one-time secretary, appeared H-Net Reviews while he was still in office; a second, by his long- er's rise to prominence in law, business, and poli‐ time friend, Lord Beaverbrook, presented a tics, noting both the strengths and the weakness‐ sketchy but affectionate portrait; while the third, es.[9] At about the same time, a slim volume of by a sometime Conservative member of the Alber‐ three essays, The Loner (1992), by Peter Waite, ap‐ ta legislature, Ernest Watkins, anointed Bennett a peared. As with Gray, Waite sought to portray the "great man," albeit a frustrated one, in a fairly real R. B. Bennett, warts and all. Noting in his in‐ shallow treatment of the Calgary-based lawyer, troduction that Bennett enjoyed "probably the business tycoon, and politician. worst reputation of any Canadian prime minis‐ In addition to the judgments of the more gen‐ ter," Waite nonetheless set out to portray "the per‐ eral histories, examples of which were cited earli‐ sonal side of R. B.'s life, his character, his er, the biographical debunkers of R. B. Bennett are ideas."[10] His Bennett comes across as fully hu‐ mainly represented by the several authors of col‐ man, wearing neither horns nor wings. The third lective biographies of the Canadian prime minis‐ component of this revisionist triumvirate is my ters. For example, the popular journalist Bruce own examination of the Conservative Party dur‐ Hutchison, writing in the early 1960s, encapsulat‐ ing Bennett's years of leadership, Reaction and ed Bennett's career in this phrase: "the ultimate Reform (1992).[11] While the book was initially drama of hubris and nemesis."[5] Bennett's own conceived as an institutional biography, Bennett flaws, he contended, led directly to his downfall. featured prominently in it, just as he dominated Later in the decade another journalist, Gordon the affairs of Canada's national Conservative Par‐ Donaldson, continued the negative image. "While ty during his time as its chieftain. Like Gray and Bennett stuffed down chocolates," he wrote, "flags Waite, I found much in Bennett's character and of revolt appeared in the west."[6] Not a pretty record to commend, and much to critique. sight. A generation later, the negative caricature Where does Boyko's book ft? Clearly he as‐ continued in the scholar Michael Bliss's 1990s pires to the balanced critique school, but often in compilation. "Soon after becoming prime minister spite of himself he veers sharply into something he reverted to his old form--erratic, emotional, in‐ approaching hagiography. Still, Boyko fairly sensitive, conceited, self-obsessed," Bliss stated. presents the case put forth by those who dispar‐ "He was a one-man band."[7] His judgment was age Bennett. This prime minister, he acknowl‐ echoed in a joint work by J. L. Granatstein and edges, was frequently ill-tempered, often lacked Norman Hillmer, which appeared soon after. patience, appeared overly sensitive to criticism, "Bennett utterly failed as a leader," they conclud‐ and on those rare occasions when he lost a battle, ed. "Everyone was alienated by the end--Cabinet, could be a very sore loser. He over-ate and under- caucus, party, voter and foreigner."[8] exercised, dominated conversations with his In the wake of the early hagiographic thesis, thundering verbosity, and made little allowance and this subsequent debunking antithesis, we also for those around him who were less task-oriented have a third approach, a revisionist attempt at than himself. All this Boyko concedes, but he also critical synthesis that acknowledges the faws in points to the other side of the ledger. Bennett was Bennett's character and record, but also seeks to intelligent, hard-working, generous, and coura‐ be fair, and apportion credit where credit is due. geous. He possessed a prodigious memory for James H. Gray, in R. B. Bennett: The Calgary Years facts, so excelled at public oratory that he earned (1991), dealt with the years leading up to his as‐ the nickname "Bonfire Bennett," and sought to sumption of power as prime minister in 1930. His live his life according to an admirable set of moral book chronicled the expatriate New Brunswick‐ principles learned from home, school, and church. Throughout his life, he gave wholeheart‐ 2 H-Net Reviews edly to numerous charities, quietly subsidized the lumber town that was Ottawa in 1911, when Ben‐ education of a number of promising students, and nett stepped down from the train as a freshly personally sent gifts of money to numerous needy elected member of Parliament from the West (p. individual Canadians. Not everything Bennett 80). Similarly, the reader experiences the excite‐ tried worked out, the author agrees, but he cor‐ ment and pandemonium of a crowded Winnipeg rectly emphasizes that Bennett served as prime amphitheater as the convention chair announced minister during the fve worst years of the Great to thousands of assembled delegates that R. B. Depression. He was unable to solve it, that is true, Bennett had been elected their new leader. "Up‐ but then neither was any other world leader. roarious applause met each candidate who What he did do was keep the good ship "Canada" worked, one by one, to get to the microphone to afloat in stormy seas. Along the way, significant withdraw in the old tradition of making the vote legislation was passed that permanently changed unanimous. Even greater applause washed over Canada for the better. Boyko mentions in particu‐ Bennett as he slowly weaved his way through the lar the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, the people and heavy tables and chairs to the front of Bank of Canada, the St. Lawrence Seaway, and un‐ the crowded platform to accept his prize. He employment insurance. So passionately does this shook every hand until he fnally stood in the author argue the case for Bennett that we should cramped space between the tables and the crowd‐ perhaps classify his position as neo-laudatory. "All ed foor. He beamed out at the cheering crowd of this means that he was an effective leader," from behind a large pie-plate-sized microphone Boyko argues. "It does not mean that he was al‐ that was hooked up to transmit his words to a na‐ ways a nice guy" (p. 22). tional radio audience. There was no lectern" (p. There is much to commend in this political bi‐ 156). ography. The author's prologue begins with a deft At other times, Boyko plays the informed Creightonian passage in which Boyko imagina‐ teacher (and quite honestly, since that is his voca‐ tively describes for the reader how Bennett might tion), patiently providing the needed context so have appeared on the streets of London, England, that today's readers might understand how Cana‐ during World War II. "The clothes told the tale of a da was different seventy-five or a hundred years still fercely independent and well-to-do gentle‐ ago. For instance, English Canada was a much man. The pinstriped suit with high-waisted pants, more "British" environment back then, as Boyko swallowtail jacket falling to tails, stiff collar, and explains (p. 74). Moreover, when the economic bold tie spoke of another era" (p. 15). Virtually crisis struck Canada in the 1930s, governments anonymous in his adopted country, this solitary were hamstrung not just by ingrained laissez- man had held the highest elective office in his na‐ faire economic ideas, but also by an acute absence tive land of Canada, a short decade earlier.