FROM TOPOGRAPHY TO TECHNOLOGY: AN INTERDISCIPLINARY
EXPLORATION OF DOWNSVIEW PARK'S HERITAGE
By Kathryn McLeod
A thesis presented to Trent University in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Masters of Arts in Canadian Studies and Indigenous Studies
Peterborough, Ontario, Canada May 2009
©Kathryn McLeod, 2009
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1*1 Canada ABSTRACT
FROM TOPOGRAPHY TO TECHNOLOGY: AN INTERDISCIPLINARY
EXPLORATION OF DOWNSVIEW PARK'S HERITAGE
By Kathryn McLeod
Downsview Park, located in Toronto, Ontario is a 572 acre site, deliberately set aside by the federal government with the intention that it be shaped into Canada's first urban park on a national scale. This vast site has had many identities over time. It has been a portion of the territory of various Aboriginal groups; a place of European settlement and agriculture; a place of industry and aviation; a site of military activities; and prior to any human influence, a place formed by the processes and activities of nature. As such, Downsview Park encompasses a complex contemporary physical landscape upon which one finds many indicators of its past identities.
Influenced by temporal and spatial concepts of heritage, and closely related theories of landscape and place rooted in the discipline of geography, this thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the investigation of what constitutes Downsview Park's heritage and how this heritage is relevant to future initiatives in park development. Drawing on a combination of methodological approaches it is structured such that it takes the form of four in-depth thematic heritage investigations which in turn produce four conceptual heritage landscapes for the reader to explore. To produce each heritage landscape in a manner most appropriate to its given theme, a combination of methodological techniques are utilized including: library and archival research; primary analysis of heritage-related policies at all levels of government; personal correspondence with key government and Park officials; the building of relationships with interested individuals, local historical societies, and heritage-related organizations; and, in certain cases, semi-structured interviews with key informants.
This in-depth exploration of the Park's natural, Aboriginal, settler, and industrial and aviation heritage reveals that the place that is now Downsview Park possesses a rich heritage comprised of its multiple identities over time, and that these past identities have an important role to play in the site's ideal future as a park of national significance. Whether these idenitieis will ultimately do so, relies on a complex intersection of politics, economics, development, and imagination, all of which play out upon the Downsview Park site, thus revealing that a place's heritage is as much about its present and future, as its past.
Keywords: Aboriginal, aviation, built heritage, cultural heritage, Downsview Park, heritage, industrial heritage, landscape, natural heritage Pare Downsview Park, place biography, settler heritage, sustainability, urban park.
ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would first like to thank my thesis supervisor, Professor Susan Wurtele, who was a constant source of support and encouragement, and who allowed me the space and latitude to produce a truly interdisciplinary thesis. I would also like to thank my thesis committee members, Professor Thomas Symons, and Professor Stephen Bocking. Professor Symons has been a wonderful mentor to me during my time at Trent University. His faith in my ability to successfully complete a thesis of this nature, and his unfailing support, has made all the difference to this process. Professor Bocking's constructive comments and suggestions throughout my research and writing helped me to think about my work from new and exciting perspectives. His positive attitude and encouraging correspondence helped me to feel that I was on the right track when developing new ideas or chapters. I would also like to thank the Frost Centre for Canadian Studies and Indigenous Studies, and in particular Professor Jim Struthers, who fed my interest in Canadian Studies during my undergraduate career.
I am also grateful for the support of Pare Downsview Park Inc., whose contributions to my research expenses allowed me to pursue heritage leads that would otherwise have been impossible. I am grateful too, to Tony Genco both for his time, and willingness to consider and respond to my questions and allow me access to key Park documents and reports. I must thank as well, the many PDP employees who were kind enough to provide interviews and support my work in other helpful ways. I would also like to thank the Toronto Aerospace Museum, and in particular Paul Cabot, and Ken Swartz for the time they spent and resources they shared with me as I explored the Park's aviation and industrial heritage. Finally, I would like to thank all of the other individuals who were kind enough to provide me with an interview or respond to my phone calls or emails. Your contributions made a thesis of this nature possible and I learned something valuable from each of you. Thanks especially to the Boake family for making such great oral history available to me.
I would also like to acknowledge the Ontario Graduate Scholarship Program for its important financial support without which my task of completing this thesis would have been much more difficult.
Finally, I would like to thank my family and good friends for their encouragement and understanding. Thank you to my mother and father whose patience and understanding is a virtue. Thank you also to Erin Clow and Natalie Waldbrook whose support and advice made such a difference. Thank you, too, to Scott Matheson who helped me to always remember that there is a light at the end of the tunnel.
iii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Table of Contents iv List of Figures v
Chapter One: Introducing the Research and Downsview Park 1
Chapter Two: Conceptualizing Downsview Park's Heritage - Engaging with the literature... 19
Chapter Three: A Landscape of Natural Heritage 44
Chapter Four: A Landscape of Aboriginal Heritage 71
Chapter Five: A Landscape of Settler Heritage 112
Chapter Six: A Landscape of Aviation and Industrial Heritage 164
Chapter Seven: The Future of Downsview Park's Heritage 223
Bibliography 232
iv LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Map of the Downsview Park Lands 7
Figure 2: Downsview Park's unique topography 50
Figure 3: "Prairie-like" conditions at Downsview Park 52
Figure 4: A Downsview Park bio-swale 60
Figure 5: Boake's Grove in the distance 61
Figure 6: Map of Downsview Park's "Pre-contact" archaeological potential 100
Figure 7: Ca. 1878 Map of the Downsview Park Lands 115
Figure 8: Map of Lots 11-16 in the Third Concession West of Yonge St 115
Figure 9: Locust Lodge 144
Figure 10: Boake's Grove close to the former location of Locust Lodge 147
Figure 11: Map of "Historic Settlement" archaeological potential 158
Figure 12: Former Plant 1 complex 164
Figure 13: View of the "Cultural Commons" 165
Figure 14: An aerial view of the hangar from Trethewey Field 181
Figure 15: Current location of the hangar from Trethewey Field 181
Figure 16: The Plant 1 complex ca. 1929 182
Figure 17: Plant 1 and 2 complexes ca. 1945 190
Figure 18: Former Plant 2 complex 190
Figure 19: The Toronto Wildlife Centre at Downsview Park 205
Figure 20: The Toronto Aerospace Museum 208
v Chapter One: Introducing the research and Downsview Park
The year I turned thirteen I fell in love with rock and roll. AC/DC, Led Zeppelin,
The Rolling Stones, I couldn't get enough of it. I loved the sound, the edgy lyrics, even the sexual innuendo. This love affair continued unabated into my early twenties when, ten years after it had begun, I found myself at the largest rock and roll concert in Canadian history, "SARStock." I, along with almost half a million other concert goers, spent a sunny July day in 2003 at Downsview Park on the north-west edge of
Toronto, listening to rock and roll legends belt out their most memorable ballads. It was exhilarating, even if I couldn't see the stage. Thus, my first encounter with
Downsview Park was as a fan of rock and roll and not a student of heritage. Only later would I come to realize the rich heritage this place possessed.
It would be four years before I began to consider this vast site as more than a staging ground for large events. It is not surprising that I would have perceived it in this way. The year before I had danced upon it to the likes of AC/DC and the Rolling
Stones, the site had played host to the papal visit and World Youth Day, thus attracting people who were as passionate about religion as I was about rock and roll.
This was not the first time a large scale papal event had been staged in Canada upon a vast tract of land that was still in the process of assuming its new identity. In 1984,
Pope John Paul II held a mass on the Le Breton Flats in Ottawa, a site also rich in history which has in recent times functioned primarily as a place to hold large events and pursue informal recreational activities. As Phil Jenkins described,
Cirque du Soleil, the famous Montreal circus came to town and pitched its animal-free big top on it. Dogs took their owners for their ritual walks across it. And in 1984 a more spectacular ritual came to town ...
1 Estimates of the expected crowd went as high as three hundred thousand souls. If Pope John Paul was going to break bread with a congregation of that size, right downtown, there was only one place to stage it.1
Both the Le Breton Flats and Downsview Park continue to function as staging grounds for large-scale events as their contemporary identities are planned and contested. In the summer of 2008, Downsview Park hosted the rock festival Edgefest and the Flats hosted the Black Crowes as a part of Bluesfest. It is safe to assume in both instances, that the attraction for visitors was not the site itself, but rather the event that was being staged there. In the case of Downsview Park, its own emerging identity as an urban park for all Canadians seems to be consistently overshadowed by the identities of the events it hosts. This lends the impression on certain occasions that a tract of land this size is an excellent place to hold large events, but is good for little else, and therefore holds little meaning for Canadians in and of itself.
However, Downsview Park is much more than a stage upon which human interactions of the spiritual and psychedelic sort play out. It is, in fact, rich in history, and so as I approach this place to explore its various, and often overlapping identities,
I shed my rock and roll garb and don my cap as a student of heritage to begin to understand what constitutes the heritage of Downsview Park and why this might be relevant to its most recent self-proclaimed identity as a park of national significance. I begin by working backwards in time and learn that prior to becoming an urban park, the site's identity was inextricably linked to its function as a military base for much of the latter half of the twentieth century. It is ironic to me that it would experience such a shift in identity from a place marked by the rigidity of routines and controlled
' Phil Jenkins, An Acre of Time (Toronto: Macfarlane Walter and Ross, 1996) 212-213.
2 access, to a place which people are actively encouraged to visit and where events that could appropriately be described as wild, and certainly not routine, now occur.
However, this transition from military base to urban park is certainly not unprecedented in Canada. During the nineteenth century in particular, a number of military reserves across the country were transformed into urban parks. These include, Gore Park in Hamilton, Victoria Park in London, and Stanley Park in
Vancouver.2 Apart from the time period, perhaps the largest difference with
Downsview Park is that it has remained under federal jurisdiction.
Prior to serving as a military base, the place that is now Downsview Park was implicated in many key moments in Canadian aviation, particularly in relation to the research, development, and manufacturing activities of de Havilland Canada in the early to mid twentieth century. During this time, the site assumed an industrial identity which would greatly influence its future growth and direction as a centre of military activity. Turning the clock back even further, I discovered that a large portion of the site was under cultivation for much of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and thus reflected a strong rural and agricultural identity.
Arriving in the eighteenth century, I discovered that before the site was implicated in the colonial project, it existed as a part of the larger territory of various groups of
Aboriginal people who fought and negotiated over it in their own right. And even before it was anyone's territory, it possessed an identity based on its geological formations and natural features that would inevitably change over time.
2 Susan Wurtele, "Urban Improvements or Dreams of Better Cities," Geog. 372H, Trent U, 26 Jan. 2006.
3 Given the multiple identities of the Downsview Park site over time, there is certainly much to explore about its heritage and the relevance of this heritage to both present and future initiatives in park development. My thesis is an investigation of what constitutes the heritage of Downsview Park and the role this heritage could play in shaping the Park's present and future identities. Using an interdisciplinary approach, I have structured the thesis such that it takes the form of four, in-depth thematic heritage investigations, which in turn produce four heritage landscapes of the Downsview Park site for the reader to explore. These landscapes are largely conceptual and contemplate implications of certain of the site's heritage elements for the continued shaping and development of the Park.
Using a combination of methodological approaches, appropriate to revealing and producing each heritage landscape, I have investigated the Park's natural, Aboriginal, settler, and, industrial and aviation heritages. Although a consideration of the latter half of the twentieth century reveals a rich military heritage, the scope of the thesis did not allow for the production of this fifth heritage landscape, mainly due to constraints on time and resources rather than a lack of interest on my part, or on the part of the surrounding community for that matter. However, as the reader will come to learn, the military presence on the Downsview Park site up until the last decade of the twentieth century certainly impacts how each of the other heritage landscapes are conceptualized, and is therefore a thread that is indeed woven throughout the thesis.
It is important to note too, that a sixth heritage theme of recreation and public use has been omnipresent since the site's agricultural era, and possibly even before then.
4 Even as a military base, the site was used by the immediate community for a number of informal recreational purposes.
Each of the four primary heritage themes I investigated represented distinctive identities of the site and therefore required their own unique methodologies and approaches to relevant literature. That said, there are some commonalities that are worthy of discussion at the outset. First, each thematic chapter includes an examination and discussion of relevant Park documents and reports in order to determine how these sources have considered and presented the particular aspect of heritage in question. Second, each chapter draws upon existing literature pertaining to the heritage theme under investigation in order both to shape the narrative, and to consider how this theme has been written about in the past.
Third, where useful, each heritage investigation has drawn upon contextual literature in order to make important connections between changes in the nature of the site itself and the broader processes and institutions that often informed those changes. Finally, in order to produce each heritage landscape in a manner most appropriate to the nature of its given theme, I employed a combination of qualitative methodological techniques including: library and archival research; primary analysis of heritage-related policies at all levels of government; personal correspondence with key government and Park officials; the building of relationships with interested individuals, local historical societies, and heritage-related organizations; and, in certain cases, semi-structured interviews with key informants. In most instances the informants were recruited through use of the snowball technique. In each case, I posed a series of open-ended questions, the answers to which yielded a wealth of
5 information about particular heritage themes and their relevance to the past, present and future of the site.
However, before beginning my specific investigations into the four aspects of the
Park's heritage that constitute this thesis, I had to first come to learn more about this place's current identity, and just how a park of this size ended up in this area of
Toronto. I began by visiting the Park again, without almost half a million of my closest friends, walking the pathways and roads of its contemporary physical landscape, taking pictures as I went. In so doing, I discovered that the Park encompasses a complex physical landscape upon which one finds remnants of its past identities such as airplane hangars, railroad tracks, and a grove of trees planted by some of its first settlers. My exploration of the Park only increased my curiosity about how it had come to be designated an urban park by the federal government, and what kinds of challenges were faced in the implementation of this vision. Here was a place that had been deliberately set aside by the federal government, with the intention that it be shaped into the country's first urban park on a national scale. I had to learn more before delving into its heritage. What follows is a brief discussion of the Downsview Park site in its contemporary context which will in turn help to inform the production of the four heritage landscapes which form the heart of this thesis.
Downsview Park is located in the former borough of North York in the now amalgamated City of Toronto. Its lands are bordered by Sheppard Avenue to the north, Keele Street to the west, Allen Road to the east, and Wilson Avenue to the south, meaning that it is located at the geographic centre of the Greater Toronto
6 Area. Topographically, it has the distinction of being of one of the highest points in the city,4 and occupies an important position between the Humber and Don
Watersheds. As such, it represents a significant and unique physical landscape in the
City of Toronto.
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Pare Downsview Park Cana Figure 1 Map of the Downsview Park Lands courtesy of PDP 29 September 2004. 3 Pare Downsview Park Inc., Sustainable Community Development Guidelines, (Toronto, ON: Dec. 2007) 9. 4 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2007-2008 (Toronto, ON: Pare Downsview Park Inc., June 2008) 1. 7 The Park is named for the larger area of Downsview of which it is a part. As I later came to learn, its name is intimately connected to the history of the site itself, as well as the surrounding area. The Park as a whole is comprised of 572 acres, 365 of which are to be used as public open space, and for recreational purposes.5 The approximately 207 acres that remain are ideally to be used in a manner that is consistent with the Park's core value of sustainability, to generate the necessary revenue for further park development initiatives. Downsview Park, then, occupies a considerable amount of space in the centre of a largely industrial and suburban landscape. The Park's closest neighbours are in many ways indicative of the site's former identities, and include the Department of National Defence which continues to occupy 72 acres adjacent to the Park, and Bombardier Aerospace whose landing strip and operations occupy a significant portion of land immediately east and south of the Park. The broader area is a mix of light industrial, commercial and residential uses.6 The demographics of the communities surrounding the Park tell an important story of the diversity of the Downsview area as a whole. As described in the Star in 2001, and confirmed by existing demographic data, Jewish neighbourhoods to the east around Bathurst St. and Lawrence Ave., pockets of Italian Canadians just west of Keele Street, predominantly white Anglo-Saxon neighbourhoods north of Wilson Avenue, and a mix of Caribbean, South Asian, Vietnamese, and African Canadian groups toward Jane St. will have the most immediate access to Downsview [Park].7 5 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2007-2008 3. 6 Pare Downsview Park, Sustainable Community Development Guidelines 9. 7 San Grewal, "A central park for Toronto; A green revolution in Downsview will transform old military base into 'Tree City'," Toronto Star [Toronto] 30 June 2001, Ontario ed.: K01. 8 A diverse grouping of communities therefore surrounds the Park and is home to its most immediate users. As demonstrated both at Annual Meetings and Park events, many members of these communities take an active interest in the future direction of Park development and its implications for the surrounding neighbourhoods. Having discussed the location of the Park itself, and the nature of its surroundings, it is now important to spend some time considering just how a national urban park came into existence in this busy suburban area. To do so, it is first important to reiterate that the site's prevailing identity from the Second World War onwards was defined by its military activities. Known first as RCAF Downsview and from 1989 until its closure as CFB Toronto, the Base was decommissioned in 1994 by the Federal Government as a result of broader changes in military and economic priorities o during that time. However, rather than arranging for the site to be sold, as was often the case with other bases that were decommissioned during that period, the Federal Government announced in its 1994 Budget, that the land '"associated with the Downsview site will be held in perpetuity and in trust primarily as a unique urban recreational green space for the enjoyment of future generations.'"9 The post-announcement challenge became finding a Ministry or Department within the Federal Government willing to take responsibility for Downsview Park. While the Minister of Transport, Infrastructure, and Communities is now ultimately responsible for the Park, as David Collenette emphasized in the Star in 2004, ... nobody in the federal government wanted to take ownership. As far as Parks Canada was concerned, they weren't in the business of building urban parks. Treasury board and the finance department were only interested in cost-cutting and deficit-cutting. That's their job. The 8 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2007-2008 1. 9 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2006-2007 4. 9 department of defence . .. wasn't interested in developing a park. So it became a bit of an orphan.10 Matters of corporate structure also had to be considered. With the announcement of the Base closure the site came under the jurisdiction of the Canada Lands Company Limited whose ultimate mandate since 1995 has been, "to ensure the commercially oriented, orderly disposition of selected surplus federal real properties with optimal value to the Canadian taxpayer and the holding of certain properties."11 However, unlike other properties, the Downsview Park site posed the added challenge of not only facilitating sustainable residential and commercial development, but also creating a vibrant and viable urban park. To address this challenge Canada Lands created a special subsidiary named CLC Downsview Inc., renamed Pare Downsview Park Inc. (PDP) in 1999, to oversee the specific tasks of sustainable development and creation of the Park at the Downsview site.12 Initially, as a subsidiary of a Crown Corporation, PDP faced a number of time- consuming, confusing, and costly challenges in its relationship with the Government of Canada, particularly with respect to issues of parliamentary accountability and corporate structure. The Auditor General expressed concerns about both of these issues in her 2001 Report, causing PDP to undertake a number of measures to ensure its increased accountability to Parliament and the establishment of a corporate structure that was more conducive to its self-financing mandate. 10 Christopher Hume, "A bad time for Collenette's swan song; Waterfront plans, Downsview set back," Toronto Star [Toronto] 15 Nov. 2004, Ontario ed.: B.03. '' Canada Lands Company Limited Home Page, "Our Business" 2006, Government of Canada, 18 November 2006 < http://www.clc.ca/en/ob/default.php>. 12 Gordon Mclvor, "Greening Urban Spaces at Canada Lands Company," 2000 National Symposium on Parks and Grounds, Edmonton, 29 Sept. 2000 5. 10 In September 2003, PDP was deemed a parent Crown Corporation and therefore became directly accountable to Parliament through the Minister of Transport, Infrastructure, and Communities.13 That same month, PDP was also converted from a non-agent to "an agent Crown corporation with certain privileges normally enjoyed by the Crown, including eligibility to receive donations from the private sector." 14 Both of these measures certainly helped PDP to overcome some of the most immediate challenges in its relationship with the Federal Government. PDP also faced the challenge of determining what the Park might look like in the future. To address this challenge, an International Design Competition was held in 1999.15 The objective of the Competition, which generated 172 submissions, was '"to promote innovative design proposals that would respond to the social and natural histories of the site, while developing its potential as a new landscape.'"16 In May 2000, "Tree City" was announced as the winning park design. It was submitted by a design team which included Rem Koolhaas, Bruce Mau, David Oleson, and Petra Blaise, with the internationally acclaimed Koolhaas as lead architect. This caused architect Lisa Rochon to speculate that, 'The stellar jury that awarded the park commission to the Koolhaas team has given the city a great gift. In one word: hope. The park promises to introduce dynamic, provocative new thinking about public space in the suburbs."17 13 "Other Audit Observations," 2004 November Report of the Auditor General of Canada, (Ottawa: Office of the Auditor General of Canada, 23 Nov. 2004) 19 Nov. 2006 11 However, in the past eight years, PDP has faced a number of hurdles in its attempts to implement elements of the design plan, resulting in the loss of key members of the design team and increasing skepticism on the part of some members of the public who had expected to see more immediate and visible changes to the site's physical landscape. One of the main reasons that park development did not proceed more quickly, was that the transfer of land between the Department of National Defence and PDP did not officially occur until July 2006. In the meantime, the actions of PDP were constrained by a Memorandum of Understanding between the two departments making it difficult, if not impossible at times, for PDP to move forward with its plans in the context of its self-financing mandate. This self-financing mandate has also resulted in a number of challenges for PDP. Downsview Park is expected to operate independent of government funding and at no cost to tax payers.18 Funds for park operations are therefore generated by the sale or lease of lands outside of the 365 acres committed to public open space. Additionally, PDP did not receive borrowing authority from the Federal Government until December 2006. The Corporation now has the "necessary approvals to borrow up to $100 million as authorized by Parliament of Canada."19 However, its self-financing mandate continues to pose a challenge to the pace and nature of development at the Park, as well as generate skepticism on the part of members of the public who fear that parcels of land may be sold off and developed in an irresponsible manner. Indeed, the presence of Costco and other "big box" stores on a portion of the lands that were sold earlier in the process does little to alleviate this skepticism. 18 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2007-2008 4. 19 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2007-2008 4. 12 PDP has also had to work to maintain positive relationships with the City of Toronto, and the Government of Ontario, as well as other related organizations and institutions that have a stake in the park development process. Because the Downsview Park site is under federal control, PDP has "paramountcy" over other levels of government with regard to development rules and local laws and procedures.20 In the past, this has resulted in strained relations between the City and PDP. However, it would appear that both levels of government recognize the importance of maintaining a positive working relationship and are attempting to do so. As the process of building the Park continues, so does the challenge of developing a core identity for the site that resonates with the public, both locally, and on a national scale. As Tony Genco, President and CEO of PDP stated in the 2007-2008 Annual Report, "We are building Downsview Park together, as a publicly accessible, federal landmark that combines community, recreation, education, commerce, environment, culture, innovation and heritage."21 Heritage, the last word in Genco's statement is the main concern of this thesis. Over time, the Downsview Park site has had many identities; as a portion of the territory of Aboriginal people, most recently the Mississauga, until being sold in the eighteenth century as a part of the controversial, and still contested, Toronto Purchase; as a place of European settlement and agriculture throughout much of the nineteenth and into the twentieth-century; as a place of industry and aviation; and finally as a site for military activities for most of the latter half of the twentieth- 20 Jeff Gray, "Downsview Park poised for renewal," Globe and Mail [Toronto] 30 Sept. 2003: n.pag. 21 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2007-2008 6. 13 century. In many ways these past identities are fluid and overlap in space and time. In some cases, their remnants are still visible on the present physical landscape of the Park. As the following section will elaborate in its discussion of each chapter, the interest of this thesis lies in understanding how the past identities of the site contribute to its heritage, and ultimately its future. In Chapter Two, I begin by engaging with scholarly literature about heritage, to arrive at a definition of this concept that holds relevance for my exploration of the heritage of Downsview Park in particular. In so doing, I discuss the relationship of heritage interpretation to post-modernism, drawing upon ideas about "heritage dissonance" and the temporal nature of heritage. I then move to a discussion of the spatial aspects of heritage, which engages with scholarly ideas about place, to explore how the multiple identities of the place that is now Downsview Park, contribute to an understanding of its heritage. Drawing on relevant examples of place biographies, I frame my exploration of the Park's heritage in this spatial context, and explain how broader theories and research approaches, informed my own creation of the biography of Downsview Park, as an exercise in heritage interpretation. In the last section of the chapter, I explain how landscape theories have informed the production of the four symbolic heritage landscapes that constitute this thesis. I conclude the chapter with a brief but necessary acknowledgement of the possibility for further theoretically specific investigations into aspects of the Park's heritage. This final section serves as a point of departure for those individuals wishing to explore the Park's heritage from a particular theoretical perspective such as post- 14 colonialism. It also works to emphasize the various scholarly ideas and theories that are embedded in this thesis, and have informed its ultimate trajectory. Chapter Three represents the first of the four landscapes of heritage that constitute this thesis. In it, I address the questions of what encompasses Downsview Park's natural heritage identity, and how this identity is relevant to future initiatives in park development. I begin by establishing a definition of natural heritage as it pertains to the Park in its contemporary context. I then discuss how an examination of primary park planning documents and reports, reveals an early emphasis on the importance of natural heritage to the site, and an evolution in conceptual ideas about the relevance of this heritage to initiatives in park planning and development. This discussion is followed by an exploration of the site's contemporary physical features, such as, its topography, geological elements, and woodlots, all of which contribute to elements of its existing natural heritage. I then turn my attention to the ways in which PDP is developing a natural heritage for the future at the Park, and the challenges it faces in doing so. This leads to a discussion of the important opportunities that exist at Downsview Park for engaging the public through education and stewardship initiatives. I conclude the chapter by explaining the scope which exists for external partnerships between PDP and other local organizations, which would enhance the recognition and regeneration of natural heritage elements at Downsview Park. Chapter Four is devoted to the production of a landscape of Aboriginal heritage which, like Chapter Three, encompasses both material and intangible elements. In the early part of the chapter, I critically analyze existing narratives pertaining to the 15 relationship of Aboriginal people to North York, and more specifically, Downsview Park. I then work to provide a more in-depth understanding of the historical and contemporary circumstances that have shaped this relationship. In this section of the chapter, I also attempt to retell a version of the story that includes Aboriginal people and considers the impact of colonization on Aboriginal communities who once called the area in and around Downsview Park home. Through my foray into the complex world of politics and legislation that surrounds archaeological activities at the federal level, I then explore the archaeological potential of the Downsview Park site, and emphasize the importance of taking a respectful and responsible approach to this aspect of heritage as park development continues. In the last section of the chapter, I discuss how PDP might borrow from Parks Canada's approach to Aboriginal Cultural Landscapes, to arrive at a better understanding of the relationship between Aboriginal people and the place that is now Downsview Park. The chapter as a whole provides a key point of departure for further research and investigation into this rich and varied aspect of the Park's cultural heritage. Chapter Five constitutes an exploration of Downsview Park's settler identity which culminates in the production of a symbolic landscape of settler heritage. I begin the chapter by establishing the boundaries of the site in order to identify which lots in the third Concession west of Yonge Street comprise the present-day park. I then move to a discussion of how the Bull family greatly influenced the Park's settler identity and subsequently played a key role in the presentation of this aspect of the 16 site's heritage. This discussion illustrates the importance of the work of local historians to the overall understanding of the place's settler identity. In the section that follows, I examine the land grant process in Upper Canada to reveal how its policies and procedures influenced the nature and rate of settlement on the Downsview Park site. This examination leads to an in-depth investigation of the lots in the third Concession west of Yonge Street within the contemporary boundaries of Downsview Park. Over the course of this investigation, much is revealed about how this land served the agenda of the founders of Upper Canada's early social and religious institutions. Drawing both on the work of author/historian W.P. Bull, and on primary census and assessment data, this section of the chapter also provides a window into the lives and priorities of the people who occupied the site for over a century, thus painting a detailed picture of the place's settler identity. Through my interpretation of this unique combination of "historical resources" that form the "collective memory" of the Park's past settler identity, I am able to produce a rich landscape of settler heritage that tells the story of this place in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. I am also able to present a new perspective on this aspect of the site's heritage which reveals the wealth of information available to incorporate into future plans for park development that acknowledge the importance of the site's cultural heritage. Chapter Six is the last of the four heritage landscapes produced in this thesis and is concerned with the Park's past aviation and industrial identity. I begin the chapter with a discussion of how the Park's aviation and industrial heritage has been conceptualized by those involved in the planning and development process over the 17 past decade or more. I then travel back in time to the early twentieth century to reflect upon how aviation shaped both the place that is now Downsview Park, and its immediate surroundings. Through this discussion, I situate the Park in the larger story of aviation in Canada. In the section that follows, I assume my position in the present to consider how the Park's industrial past continues to be relevant to aviation activities both inside and outside of Canada, and to what extent this past informs the Park's current identity. I then employ my imagination to look to the future and conclude with a contemplation of how the site's aviation and industrial heritage could be further incorporated into the growth and development of the Park. To aid in my exploration through time, I draw upon interviews, published sources, and primary Park planning documents and reports, to produce a landscape of aviation and industrial heritage. This landscape encompasses both tangible and intangible elements of this past identity of the Park, and has implications for the creation of its new identity in the future. Chapter Seven is the concluding chapter of the thesis. In it, I reflect upon the contribution my work has made to interdisciplinary scholarship on heritage and place, and suggest opportunities for further research and writing on the subject of Downsview Park's heritage. It is very much a reflective chapter that seeks to venture conclusions about what constitutes Downsview Park's heritage and why it has a role to play in the site's future. 18 Chapter Two: Conceptualizing Downsview Park's Heritage - Engaging with the literature In examining literature that is relevant to, and has influenced, my work on the heritage of Downsview Park, the first task at hand is to consider just how the concept of heritage as presented in key scholarly sources can be meaningfully applied to this rich and varied place. Much scholarly literature exists about the concept of heritage in its international, national, regional and local contexts. The challenge, then, becomes determining which elements of this literature present a relevant definition of this concept that is applicable to the present study of the heritage of Downsview Park. In recent years, a number of scholars have determined that the contemporary meaning of heritage encompasses a much broader spectrum of objects, places, and ideas than in the past.22 Indeed, as Claval states, 'Today the notion of heritage is much broader than in the past, and this has profound spatial implications. New values and meanings are now being ascribed to particular landscapes, many of which previously were not considered of particular significance."23 Symons' reflections on the nature of heritage further encompass this theme. What is heritage? Clearly it is a changing and evolving concept. Only a decade or so ago, heritage was seen as being simply the older buildings and what went with them. Now, we view heritage as the total environment inherited from the past. It includes our tangible legacy of physically touchable things: buildings and structures of every sort; industrial sites; archaeological sites; artifacts and material items; and also, cemeteries, gardens, landscapes, and natural resources . . . Heritage includes, as well, our intangible legacy of customs, values, knowledge, and beliefs.24 These scholars include Graham; Ashworth and Tunbridge; Claval; Ahmad; and Symons among others. 23Paul Claval, "Changing Conceptions of Heritage and Landscape," Heritage, Memory and the Politics of Identity: New Perspectives on the Cultural Landscape, ed. Niamh Moore and Yvonne Whelan. (Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2007) 88. 24 T.H.B. Symons, "Commemorating Canada's Past: From Old Crow to New Bergthal," The Place of History: Commemorating Canada's Past: Proceedings of the National Symposium held on the 19 Both Claval and Symons point to the inclusion of intangible values and ideas in this broadened concept of heritage. As the heritage of the Downsview Park site is contemplated and produced throughout this thesis, a wider definition will prove useful in the consideration of a number of inter-related themes encompassing both tangible and intangible elements of the Park's heritage. This broader definition also speaks to the importance of embracing imagination and creativity when approaching the study of heritage. Heritage is concerned with life and life is an art. It needs to be seen, therefore, in the context in which the arts are studied and where the values of imagination and creativity are safeguarded, lest our view of life, past or present, becomes the product of an exclusively logical analysis. Research needs to embrace imagination as well as intellect if it is to fathom the meaning of heritage.25 My research on the Park has taken a creative approach, drawing upon both "intellect" and "imagination" as it has progressed, thus producing a broad, but deep analysis of a number of its heritage elements. This broader definition of heritage is accompanied by many theories and ideas about its interpretation. Goodey suggests that, "The basis of all interpretation is observation, to be backed up by research, and by the structuring of themes and stories which will engage the user or visitor."26 Further, in their discussion of the economics of heritage sites and landscapes, Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge suggest that interpretation is the process by which "historical resources" are transformed into Occasion of the 75th Anniversary of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada, ed. Thomas Symons (Ottawa: The Royal Society of Canada, 1997) 19. 25 Symons, "Commemorating Canada's Past" 19. 26 Brian Goodey, "Mediating the shock of the new: interpreting the evolving city," Contemporary Issues in Heritage and Environmental Interpretation: Problems and Prospects, ed. David Uzzell and Roy Ballantyne (London: The Stationary Office, 1998) 134. 20 "heritage." In an earlier discussion of this resource base, Tunbridge and Ashworth suggest that it is comprised of a wide and varied mixture of past events, personalities, folk memories, mythologies, literary associations, surviving physical relics, together with the places, whether sites, towns, or landscapes with which they can be symbolically associated. These are raw materials which form a quarry of possibilities from which selection occurs.28 Indeed, Tunbridge and Ashworth believe that the notion of selectivity is an inherent part of the concept of heritage. As a result, interpretation cannot be viewed as an objective process taking place outside of the biases and values of the interpreter, or of society more broadly. As Ballantyne suggests, interpreters of heritage cannot be regarded as '"neutral practitioners' operating in a 'value-free zone'."30 Both heritage, then, and its interpretive processes are "value-laden."31 These and other ideas about heritage interpretation have been influenced by what O'Keefe and others refer to as the "cultural turn" in the social sciences which secured as "orthodoxy the view that the study of society is not objective, ideologically- neutral, value-free, or a-political, either within or without a scientific method." This "cultural turn" has, in many cases, been accompanied by a "post-modern" approach to scholarship that has important implications for the processes of heritage Brian Graham, G.J. Ashworth, and J.E. Tunbridge, A Geography of Heritage: Power, Culture and Economy (London, Eng.: Arnold, 2000) 149. 28J.E. Tunbridge and G.J. Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in Conflict (Chichester, Eng.: John Wiley and Sons Ltd., 1996) 7. 29 Tunbridge and Ashworth 29. 30 Roy Ballantyne, "Problems and prospects for heritage and environmental interpretation in the new millennium; an introduction," Contemporary Issues in Heritage and Environmental Interpretation: Problems and Prospects, ed. David Uzzell and Roy Ballantyne (London: The Stationary Office, 1998) 2. 3lDavid Uzzell and Roy Ballantyne, "Heritage that hurts: interpretation in a postmodern world," Contemporary Issues in Heritage and Environmental Interpretation: Problems and Prospects, ed. David Uzzell and Roy Ballantyne (London: The Stationary Office, 1998) 154. 32 Tadhg O'Keefe, "Landscape and Memory: Historiography, Theory, Methodology." Heritage, Memory and the Politics of Identity: New Perspectives on the Cultural Landscape, ed. Niamh Moore and Yvonne Whelan (Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2007) 3. 21 interpretation. In his discussion of "Postmodernism and the cultural turn," Mitchell expresses that "postmodernism stresses heterogeneity, whereas modernism is accused of seeking homogeneity; postmodernism looks to multiple, competing discourses, whereas modernism seems to always want a single 'metanarrative' capable of explaining everything . .. ."33 Reflecting on these themes, Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge acknowledge that "Undoubtedly, postmodern perspectives have made us more aware of the complexity, subjectivity and contingency of history and heritage, and the repercussions of complicated pasts for diverse presents."34 However, drawing on the work of Lefebvre, they advocate for a grounding of analyses "in the contestation and reclaiming of the actual spaces of everyday life."35 These perspectives on the relevance of the "cultural turn" and "postmodernism" to heritage studies and geography have clearly influenced ideas about the content and purposes of heritage interpretation. Based on the above concepts, this thesis is, of course, amongst other things, an exercise in heritage interpretation. Drawing on a number of "historical resources," and through methods of research and observation, I have attempted to present a number of themes and stories "which will engage the user or visitor" or in my case, reader. The process has been both "subjective" and "selective" and undoubtedly influenced by my own position as researcher, as well as by my prior academic and personal experiences. What emerges is a particular kind of interpretation of the heritage of the Downsview Park site that does not attempt to frame it as a 33Don Mitchell, Cultural Geography: A Critical Introduction (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 2000) 58. 34 Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge 75. 35 Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge 75. 36Goodeyl34. 22 chronological narrative of positivistic change and progress, but rather as a series of in-depth and creative thematic investigations. These investigations contemplate historical aspects of the site and consider their relevance to its present and future configurations. As Cameron states, "When interpretation is well done, it is capable of intensifying the profound meaning of the site and capturing the spirit of place." 37 This thesis aims to successfully achieve both of these interpretive goals. The inherent subjectivity and selectivity of the interpretation process can also result in competing notions, or ideas about which aspects of a place's history are most deserving of being interpreted as heritage. Tunbridge and Ashworth employ the term "heritage dissonance" to refer to "the discordance or lack of agreement and •JO consistency as to the meaning of heritage." They further suggest that "no matter how polyvocal, hybrid and complex the rendition of identity might be, heritage's implication in processes of empowerment ensures that it also becomes the focus of resistance at many scales and in many places." Indeed, the fact that the time and resources allocated to the production of this thesis did not allow for an in-depth investigation of the military heritage of Downsview Park may cause a feeling of dissonance amongst those who feel that it is the most important aspect of the site's heritage. Further, as the text that follows will reveal, competing notions of heritage exist amongst those who have a certain relationship to, and vision for, the site, including those individuals responsible for its 37 Christina Cameron, "Commemoration: A Moving Target?" The Place of History: Commemorating Canada's Past: Proceedings of the National Symposium held on the Occasion of the 75th Anniversary of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada, ed. Thomas Symons (Ottawa: The Royal Society of Canada, 1997) 30. 38 Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge 22. 39 Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge 93. 23 administration. Finally, given the rapidly changing demographics of the Downsview area more broadly, some of its newest residents may not feel that the site's heritage resonates with them at all. Certainly, there is a case to be made for further research into the more recent heritage of the contemporary Downsview Park landscape and its surrounding communities. However, as Tunbridge and Ashworth suggest, dissonance "is not an unforeseen and unfortunate by-product of the heritage assembly process that can be removed by improving the production process itself. It is inevitable in some form or other in a system where selection is unavoidable."40 A further examination of relevant literature revealed, that many of the concepts and ideas presented about heritage thus far, are intimately related to its temporal nature. Graham, Ashworth and Tunbridge state that in engaging with heritage, "The concept of time has remained central: heritage is a view from the present, either backward to a past or forward to a future."41 In their earlier work on heritage dissonance, Tunbridge and Ashworth suggest that heritage involves the selection of an inheritance from a largely imagined past, which is then put to use in contemporary circumstances, to consider what should be passed on to a yet undetermined and imagined future.42 This is a key difference between heritage and history. In fact, heritage is very much "a contemporary product shaped from history."43 When viewed in this way, an investigation into the heritage of Downsview Park differs greatly from an account of its history rooted mainly in the past. Tunbridge and Ashworth 21. 41 Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge 2. 42 Tunbridge and Ashworth 6. 43 Tunbridge and Ashworth 20. 24 In their discussion of heritage interpretation in a postmodern context, Uzzell and Ballantyne recognize that heritage holds meaning for people because it not only relates to their past, but it is also an integral part of their present and future.44 Further, Uzzell contemplates that as time separates people from past events, they take on different meanings and resonances in the context of the present.45 Certainly, the distance between a past occurrence and the present, plays a key role in how it is interpreted. The process of interpretation, then, changes over time; often deriving different meaning from the same series of past events. The temporal nature of heritage reflected upon above, clearly influenced the way in which particular thematic investigations of Downsview Park's heritage occurred. While past historical elements of the site were discussed at some length, their relevance to its current configuration, and future possibilities, as an urban park was also considered. In fact, it can be argued that if the site had not been turned into an urban park by the federal government, its heritage might have been interpreted quite differently, or not at all. Further, as time continues to distance us from events that have taken place on the site in the past it is likely that the Park's heritage could be interpreted in a very different manner in the future. One aspect that will remain constant over time, however, is the site's physical location. Its place, if you will, in the larger urban centre of Toronto, Canada. As alluded to above, the temporal nature of heritage is very much related to its spatial characteristics. The notion of heritage as a spatial concept can be further developed and considered by engaging with scholarly ideas and writing about place. 44 Uzzell and Ballantyne 154. 45 Uzzell and Ballantyne 155. 25 Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge believe heritage to be, amongst other things, "inherently a spatial phenomenon. All heritage occurs somewhere and the relationship between a heritage object, building, association or idea and its place may be important in a number of ways."46 The importance of this relationship is largely expressed through the idea that places, as Cosgrove describes them, are "imbued with human meaning."47 This idea is further elaborated when one considers how, as a topic of investigation, place "highlights the weaving together of social relations and 48 human-environment interactions." These relations and interactions are what give place its meaning, and in turn play a role in how its heritage is conceptualized and communicated. However, as a number of scholars have argued, place cannot be viewed as having a singular meaning or identity. In their work, The Power of Place, Agnew and Duncan refer to place as a "multi-dimensional concept."49 Ley describes place as a "multiple reality" suggesting that "many different kinds of projects might find their realization in a particular site."50 In his discussion of "Age and Artifact" Lowenthal 46 Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge 4. 47 Denis Cosgrove, "Power and place in the Venetian territories," The Power of Place: Bringing together geographical and sociological imaginations, ed. John A. Agnew and James S. Duncan (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989) 104. 48Paul C. Adams, Steven Hoelscher, and Karen E. Till, "Place in Context: Rethinking Humanist Geographies," Textures of Place: exploring humanist geographies, ed. Paul C. Adams, Steven Hoelscher, and Karen E. Till (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001) xiv. 49 John A. Agnew and James S. Duncan, Introduction, The Power of Place: Bringing together geographical and sociological imaginations, ed. John A. Agnew and James S. Duncan, (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989) 2. 50David Ley, "Introduction: Landscapes of Dominance and Affection," Textures of Place: exploring humanist geographies, ed. Paul C. Adams, Steven Hoelscher, and Karen E. Till (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001) 6. 26 refers to "multiple pasts" coexisting on a site forming what he later calls a "collage of successive uses over time."51 In his recent work, The Archive of Place, Turkel refers to the work of Edward S. Casey to discuss how "places gather."52 He later draws upon this concept to illustrate the idea that "Places gather stories, attitudes, opinions and practices in a way that cannot be measured by instruments. The different ways a place is imagined do as much to shape the understanding of what happened there in the past as any physical trace ever could."53 This notion of gathering aids in the understanding of how places hold multiple meanings and identities for different people over time. For Massey, place identities are always "unfixed, contested and multiple"54 and are related to relationships and processes that occur outside of a specific place location. [0]ne way of thinking about place is as particular moments in such intersecting social relations, nets of which over time have been constructed, laid down, interacted with one another, decayed and renewed. Some of these relations will be, as it were, contained within the place; others will stretch beyond it, tying any particular locality into wider relations and processes in which other places are implicated too.55 This approach to place allows for, and in fact encourages, broader contextual connections to be made in the study of its past, present, and possible futures. For Massey, then, geographical places are set both in space and in time and can be 51 David Lowenthal, "Age and Artifact: Dilemmas of Appreciation," The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes, ed. D.W. Meinig (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979) 119. 52 William J. Turkel, The Archive of Place: Unearthing the Pasts of the Chilcotin Plateau (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007) 139. 53 Turkel 227. 54Doreen Massey, Space, Place and Gender (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994) 5. "Massey 120. 27 considered not so much as areas on maps, "but as constantly shifting articulations of social relations through time . . ,"56 These, and other related conceptual ideas about place, have made an important contribution to a body of literature referred to as "place biography." This literature differs from place history in that its emphasis is less on producing an all- encompassing chronological narrative, and more on understanding the processes that have changed and shaped a specific place over time. It thus finds its roots in interdisciplinary geography rather than history and has important implications for our understanding of physical landscapes. Two relatively well-known examples of work in this tradition include Jenkins' An Acre of Time and Laura Cameron's Openings. More recently, Terpstra's Falling into Place, and Turkel's An Archive of Place have made unique and important contributions to this area of research and writing. What follows, is a discussion of how the various approaches and concepts utilized within these place biographies have influenced the research and writing of a heritage biography of the place that is now Downsview Park. Upon reading each of the place biographies mentioned above, it became immediately evident that each author had developed a personal connection with their respective places over time. For instance, Jenkins spent much time on his acre of focus at the Le Breton Flats in Ottawa both observing its present activities and imagining its past. As a result, the book is rich with personal reflections about the acre which culminate in Jenkins' burying of a disk containing the text of his book under a tree on the acre. "I'm going to bury the disk in the acre, under one of these trees. Buried memories. The interment-the implant-will coincide with the moment of 56 Doreen Massey, "Places and Their Pasts," History Workshop Journal 39 (1995): 188. 28 sundown, which the newspaper says will happen at 8:55. I've got half an hour before I start digging."57 Terpstra's biography of the Iroquois Bar in the Burlington Heights area of Hamilton, Ontario, weaves personal reflections, poetry, and historical narrative together to create an imaginative account of this one area of the city. Throughout the book, Terpstra claims, "I am attached to a piece of geography . . ."58, and by the end of his personal journey into the history of the Iroquois Bar he is able to state, I am so pleased with this place, despite the hurt and history. This dwelling, where I feel myself both landed gentry and honoured guest. Where the landscape continually shifts, stirs and reveals something inestimable of itself, lifts another stone from its Bar, relates the story, offers up another item to place on the shelf, and invites me to consider all that it has as my own."59 Cameron's biography of Sumas Lake in British Columbia is very much situated in her home territory. As she states closer to the beginning of the book, "Yes Sumas Lake had been drained, but that hardly proved that it and the surrounding floodlands were valueless to all the people who lived there. My own love of the nearby lakes, Cultus, Lindeman, Harrison, and Hicks, predisposed me to prick up my ears at any mention of lake value, particularly as a source of pleasure."60 Finally, in his Foreword to An Archive of Place, Wynn describes how Turkel spent an entire week travelling the "highways and byways" of the Chilcotin Plateau in British Columbia, "taking pictures of 'everything', from cliffs and clouds to power lines and abandoned cabins, from mining operations to log-hauling trucks, and from 57 Jenkins 233. 58 John Terpstra, Falling into Place (Kentville NS: Gaspereau Press, 2002) 51. 59 Terpstra 313. 60 Laura Cameron, Openings: A Meditation on History, Method, and Sumas Lake (Montreal: McGill- Queen's University Press, 1997) 18. 29 cows to alpacas."61 By the end of this week, he had created an inventory of photographs that would allow him to maintain a relationship to this place from as far away as Ontario and Massachusetts. While Wynn notes that Turkel would refer to his work as derived in part from the tradition of environmental history, the following quote makes clear that it is also very much a place biography. As Wynn elaborates, Turkel's book is "both a history of a place . .. and a study of the practices involved in writing about past places." Developing a relationship with the place that is now Downsview Park was an important aspect of the initial stages of my own research and writing. What began for me as a large tract of land upon which I had sat with thousands of other people to watch the exploits of AC/DC and the Rolling Stones, became a place in its own right as I walked its trails and roads four years later and took pictures of its trees and buildings. As I delved more deeply into my research, my relationship to the place became stronger and more complex, resulting in the creation of a biography that was very much a personal journey through time in the place that is now Downsview Park. Time also plays a key role in each of the other place biographies being considered. As in my own work, which acknowledges the temporal nature of heritage and its interpretation, as the past, present, and possible futures of the Park intermingle within the text, place stays constant in each of the other narratives, while time sometimes shifts within the space of one page. While recounting historical events and activities pertaining to the Bar, Terpstra also positions himself as an observer of its 61 Graeme Wynn, Foreword, The Archive of Place: Unearthing the Pasts of the Chilcotin Plateau, by William J. Turkel (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007) xv. 62 Wynn xvi. 63 Wynn x. 30 contemporary comings and goings, thus sharing "the landscape's experience." Jenkins is also an observer of contemporary activities on the acre, but early on uses his physical presence as a metaphor for turning back time. "On a whim, I walk to the acre's centre and raise the rod flat over my head. I spin it like a spoke, and in my mind's eye the wheel of time begins to wind back."65 Time then, is not a constant variable in either of these narratives, or in my own. Like shifts in time, methodological considerations are never far below the surface in the pages of these texts. In fact, in every case methodological approaches are embedded throughout the narrative as authors reflect upon them, using them to propel various stories forward. In Openings, Cameron describes each chapter as representing "a methodological opening to Sumas Lake."66 Drawing upon oral history, archival sources, and a creative use of secondary sources, Cameron's approach is representative of a "methodological eclecticism,"67 bringing multiple perspectives to bear on the stories of Sumas Lake. Both Jenkins and Terpstra overtly discuss and reflect upon their methodological approaches throughout their respective texts. In both instances, one is given an impression of the kinds of personal, sometimes spontaneous, relationships that have evolved out of their place investigations. In Falling into Place, the reader finds Terpstra searching for individuals who may have had a relationship to the Bar by looking up relevant family names in the phone book and giving them a call. He 64 Terpstra 40. 65 Jenkins 8. 66 Cameron, Openings 14. J. Douglas Porteous, Planned to death: the annihilation of a place called Howdendyke (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989) 217. 31 describes this approach as ". . . the simplest and most direct route into the past here .. „68 Towards the end of his biography, Jenkins reflects upon all of the people who have visited the acre with him both as contributors and recipients of information about its stories. Over the three years I've been coming here, people have been added to the population of Acreville, people I've invited down to walk the acre with me ... Don the campaigning naturalist, who told me a man called Sir John Richardson had probably stood here in 1827 when he travelled with the famous explorer Sir John Franklin.69 My biography of the place that is now Downsview Park shares in this methodological approach which Porteous has so aptly termed "eclecticism." Like the other texts, its methodological considerations and reflections are woven throughout each chapter resulting in an interesting mix of approaches and sources. Like Terpstra and Jenkins, I was able to meet, and develop relationships with, people who had an interest in the heritage of Downsview Park through such means as phoning and emailing. The information they kindly and willingly shared has enriched my narrative. The four biographies being contemplated are also enriched by their vivid descriptions of the physical characteristics of each place, both in the past and the present. Turkel states, "Every place is an archive, one that bears material traces of the past in the very substance of the place."70 This idea is evident in the time each author spends describing aspects of their place's natural heritage such as its geology, topography, and flora and fauna, but also in their considerations of the intentional 68 Terpstra 118. 69 Jenkins 234. 70 Turkel 66. 32 human patterns and structures which mark each place. For Jenkins, it is the buildings of Duke Street; for Terpstra, Dundurn Castle and the various transportation networks that cut through the landscape. For Turkel, it is the grease trails created by Aboriginal people long before the arrival of explorers and colonizers. The material aspects of the place that is now Downsview Park were also given ample attention in my own research and writing. From its unique topography and tough soil, to its farm houses, railroad, and finally manufacturing facilities, all of these tangible attributes of the site that have existed over time were considered. In fact, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to tell certain of the stories without them. The implications of colonialism for the biography of each place are also never far below the surface of each text and are considered both explicitly and implicitly by each author. Cameron speaks of the importance of using oral history to "raise or salvage voices which dominant narratives had ignored,"71 and revisits published historical sources to challenge their absences and omissions. She states, Strong resistance to the theory of historical emptiness comes from those who are increasingly sensitive to the legal and political context of Native history and who assert the anthropological and historical knowledge that British Columbia was neither empty nor timeless prior to newcomer occupation.72 In An Acre of Time Jenkins problematizes the displacement of the Algonquin people whose territory once included the acre. "After 1763, not only their land was slowly usurped; the Algonquins' very sense of land was being violated."73 Turkel also 71 Cameron, Openings 18. 7 Cameron, Openings 7. 73 Jenkins 81. 33 considers the impacts of colonization on the Aboriginal people who called the Chilcotin Plateau home. He does so by considering both published historical texts and related heritage initiatives. He states, The first histories of what is now British Columbia were written in the aftermath of the Chilcotin War. They were written by people who had little knowledge of what had happened there before the arrival of the newcomers . .. Many of them had little direct experience with Aboriginal people and drew on the commonsense understandings of the day instead. In his discussion of the heritage trail created to commemorate the expedition of Alexander Mackenzie he makes the key point that, "When the creators of the heritage trail relegated the historical activities of Aboriginal people to supporting roles for non-Aboriginal colonists in their interpretive themes, they virtually guaranteed that the site would become the focus of discontent." However, while each place's colonial legacy is acknowledged and problematized, room is still made in each biography for the experiences of early explorers and the settlers who would follow. Further, their stories were not always constructed in opposition to those of Aboriginal people, but recognized as but another aspect of the biography of the place. For instance, while Cameron expresses "derision" for the "whitewashing of history" that is evident in the work of local histories of Sumas Lake, she feels she must "pause to point out that at one time most settlers believed these stories, lived by these stories. That many still do is reason enough to analyse and deconstruct their "mythical status," yet we are not obligated to deride the settlers' Turkel 223. Turkel 133. 34 myth while we uphold the myth of others." Indeed, she feels that they have the ability "to illuminate each other."77 My own work also considers the implications of colonialism for the place that has become Downsview Park. My research and writing revisits published sources about the history of North York, working to retell a version of the story that includes Aboriginal people and considers the impact of various colonizing events and moments on those groups who once called the area in and around Downsview Park home. However, the heritage of the Park also includes stories and experiences of Loyalists and other settlers. To leave them out of the story, or solely construct their presence in opposition to Aboriginal people would not be an appropriate approach for considering the heritage of the place as a whole. My hope, like Cameron, is that both aspects of the Park's heritage, and the knowledge they draw upon, will work to "illuminate each other." To further illuminate the stories and experiences captured in the biography of each place being considered, Cameron, Jenkins, Terpstra and Turkel also drew upon broader historical context to aid in the understanding of how certain events which have been captured in the "official" narratives of Canada's history have worked to shape the identities of the particular places in question. In An Acre of Time Jenkins describes how the acre was "witness" to, and impacted by, larger historical currents and events over time, such as the Conquest in 1759.78 Who won the battle on the Plains of Abraham had direct implications for who would ultimately be "in charge" of the acre. 76 Cameron, Openings 84. 77 Cameron, Openings 84. 78 Jenkins 67-68. 35 Similarly, Cameron discusses the evolution of the wildlife conservation movement in Canada in order to further develop an understanding of how conflict over fish resources in Sumas Lake unfolded. Terpstra drew upon historical information about Governor Simcoe and the Loyalists in order to account for the early settlement of Hamilton.80 In each instance, the context provided led to a deeper understanding of particular events and occurrences at the place in question. However, in the creation of these place biographies, the reliance was not just on aspects of "official" history, but also on the stories and narratives of those individuals one does not necessarily find in published historical sources, but who have had important and meaningful relationships with the place just the same. For Jenkins, it was the recollections of former residents of Duke Street on the acre which yielded these memories and stories81; for Terpstra it was the Mercer family's stories about their former home on the Iroquois Bar. Cameron draws upon both previously recorded oral history and conducts new interviews to get at the heart of such memories and stories. In every instance, key individuals and events from Canada's "official" history mingle on the pages of the text with the stories and memories of local citizens. Many broader historical events and decisions such as the 'Toronto Purchase" and the Second World War also influenced the trajectory of the place that is now Downsview Park. Thus, it was necessary in my own research and writing to account for, and to briefly describe these events, in order to further illuminate certain aspects 79 Cameron, Openings 63. 80 Terpstra 269. 81 Jenkins 165. 82 Terpstra 117. 36 of the Park's heritage. However, intensive archival work, a creative use of secondary sources, and access to the previously recorded oral histories of the Boake family, allowed both "official" historical narratives and the stories and memories of those intimately related to the site, to mingle on the pages of my text as well. The intersection of so many memories and stories can often result in multiple, and sometimes competing, perspectives about a place in the past, present, and future. This was certainly evident in Jenkins' biography of the acre when responsibility for its fate was placed in the hand of the National Capital Commission. As Jenkins states, "The acre had been laid off as an industrial park ... the part of town that made things. It became instead a word forge, an opportunity for a thousand shackled bureaucrats and free-range consultants to have their say, and bill for it."83 In an Archive of Place, Turkel structures much of his research and writing around competing notions of the Chilcotin Plateau and its various residents, historical events, geological formations, and natural resources. His book is perhaps the most vivid and overt example of how competing notions of place, are often used to advance the interests of particular groups or individuals. As Wynn states in the Foreword, Geologists, archeologists, First Nations people, anthropologist, historians, resource managers, and others, Turkel came to understand, were interested in the rocks, the human occupants, the organic life, and the other facets of this place because they were (and are) stakeholders in its future. They each sought, in different ways, to make the past usable for their particular present.8 Cameron's description of the participation of various stakeholders and interest groups in the McKenna-McBride Royal Commission, in particular at points concerned with Jenkins 197. Wynn xvii. 37 the fate of Sumas Lake and its surrounding area, reminds us that such competing notions of a place can exist in its less recent history as well.85 My work on the heritage of Downsview Park most certainly revealed a number of intersecting and sometimes competitive notions about the relevance of certain aspects of the site's identities to its future. For instance, my interview with Helen Mills of the Lost Rivers organization revealed the importance of water and topography to the heritage and identity of the Park. Paul Cabot and Ken Swartz of the Toronto Aerospace Museum identified great potential in the aviation heritage of the Park, while certain members of PDP had a slightly different view. In each chapter, multiple perspectives about the aspect of heritage in question intersected and played out in various interesting ways. With the rich amount of information that came to be revealed about each one of the Park's former identities, this is not at all surprising. Where my own work begins to differ from those discussed above is in its emphasis on constructing a place biography as an exercise in heritage interpretation. It is clearly informed by, and draws upon, key elements found within each of the other place biographies. However, its main concern is considering these elements in the context of what they reveal about the heritage of the Park and why this heritage might be relevant to its future. As such, this work emphasizes not only multiple perspectives about the place itself, but also about the role its various heritage identities could or should play in the shaping of its future. This work therefore makes a unique contribution to what Adams, Hoelscher, and Till have referred to as the "increasingly fluid and interdisciplinary nature of Cameron, Openings 29. 38 scholarship on place." Indeed, my research on the heritage of the place that is now Downsview Park is very much an interdisciplinary endeavour, and arguably could only have been accomplished within this context. Each of my in-depth and thematic investigations into the Park's heritage, has revealed a different "place-identity" and has thus required its own unique methodological approach, resulting in the production of four interrelated landscapes of heritage encompassing both physical and symbolic terrain. Before proceeding to the four chapters that constitute each heritage landscape, it is first necessary to spend some time considering just what is meant by the term "landscape" within the context of this thesis. While the term landscape can refer to a specific piece of territory and its material elements, it is also very much an aesthetic concept and is thus intimately related to artistic depictions of scenery.87 However, as Zukin suggests, " 'not only does [landscape] denote the usual geographical meaning of 'physical surroundings', but it also refers to an ensemble of material and social practices and their symbolic representation.'" Indeed, as Osborne states in his piece "Locating Identity: Landscapes of Memory," "Initially considered as the material expression of human impact on the land and evidence of various societies' genres de vie and cultural histories, increasingly it has been deconstructed as a repository of symbolic meaning."89 Osborne refers to Adams, Hoelscher, and Till xviii. 87 Kenneth R. Olwig, "Recovering the Substantive Nature of Landscape," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 86.4 (Dec. 1996): 631. 88Brian Osborne, "Some thoughts on landscape: Is it a noun, a metaphor, or a verb?" Canadian Social Studies 32.3 (Spring 1998): last paragraph. 89 Brian Osborne, "Locating Identity: Landscapes of Memory," Choice July/August 2002: 1905. 39 landscapes as "storyladen" and suggests that they are the result of collective memory being "organized into symbolically loaded chronicles."91 The "collective memory" of a place manifests itself in many ways. In the case of Downsview Park it is found in the site's landforms and structures, in archival sources, in primary and published documents, and in the minds of many individuals who have had a continued relationship with the site over time. As such, Downsview Park's "collective memory" is revealed through an examination and interpretation of these "historical resources" and is in turn organized into four "symbolically loaded chronicles" or terrains of heritage. Borrowing from Schama's approach to, and description of his work Landscape and Memory, the four heritage landscapes that comprise this thesis are "constructed as an excavation below our conventional sight-level to recover the veins of myth and memory that lie beneath the surface."92 As Schama astutely recognizes, "it is our shaping perception that makes the difference between raw matter and landscape."93 Throughout this thesis then, I have shaped the "raw matter" of the Park's collective memory into four conceptual and symbolic heritage landscapes for the reader to engage with. Downsview Park's immediate physical landscape is thus transformed "from an external phenomenon to be engaged visually, to a psychic terrain of internalized symbolic meaning." Osborne suggests that this terrain "serves as an emotional prompt for action in the present."95 Certainly, at various points 90 Osborne, "Locating Identity" 1906. 91 Osborne, "Locating Identity" 1904. 92 Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (Toronto: Vintage Canada Edition, 1996) 14. 93 Schama 10. 94 Osborne, "Locating Identity" 1906. 95 Osborne, "Locating Identity" 1906. throughout my thesis, elements of each heritage landscape assert themselves as a "prompt for action in the present" both for PDP and for the wider community of individuals who care about the Park's heritage. As contemplated and discussed in the section on place biography, multiple perspectives and competing notions about the meaning behind a place often exist. Therefore, each heritage landscape produced in this thesis will communicate different meanings to different people depending on their relationship to the place that is now Downsview Park. Further, in scholarly realms, certain concepts and ideologies may seem more relevant to understanding the heritage of Downsview Park than others depending on one's position within the academy. However, the purpose of this thesis was to develop a broad, but deep, consideration of the heritage of Downsview Park. While this consideration was informed by various theories and ideas pertaining to such themes as gender, colonialism, and class, these themes were woven throughout the narrative rather than constituting its main theoretical thrust. In this sense, my work helps to illustrate the scope for more theoretically specific investigations into aspects of the Park's heritage. In his work, Place: a short introduction, Tim Cresswell makes the important point that "Class, gender, and race have so often been treated as if they happened on the head of a pin. Well they don't - they happen in space and place."96 This is certainly evident when one considers the spatial aspects of gender. As Monk suggests, "the ideologies which people hold about gender are important in shaping landscapes. In Tim Cresswell, Place: a short introduction (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2004) 27. 41 turn, landscapes set the contexts within which men and women act and reproduce gender roles and relationships."97 Approaching the heritage of Downsview Park from this perspective alone could certainly yield fruitful work about the gendered nature of labour at de Havilland during the mid-twentieth century and the experiences of women that resulted from this power dynamic. The story of Kathleen Neal discussed in this thesis is but one of a wealth of examples, thus revealing the influence of gender on the nature of the Downsview Park landscape. The heritage of the Park could also be approached from a purely post-colonial perspective. As Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge recognize, "Post-colonial re- evaluations recognize indigenous heritage in ostensibly natural landscapes and built environments, while seeking to insert the missing figures into the historical record and adding resistance to, or simply difference of emphasis from, the colonial order."98 While the beginnings of a "post-colonial re-evaluation" is evident in my work about the relationship of Aboriginal people to the Park, I have also concluded that there is much more work to be done in this vein and have encouraged PDP to pick up where I have left off. Finally, an approach could be taken to the heritage of the Park that more overtly and explicitly considers relationships of power, particularly where issues of class and labour are concerned. Robertson and Hall make the key point that, "Landscapes represent power and control. Those with the power write their own landscapes in 97 Janice Monk, "Gender in the landscape: expressions of power and meaning," Inventing Places: Studies in Cultural Geography, ed. Kay Anderson and Fay Gale (Melbourne: Longman Cheshire Pty Limited, 1992) 123. 98 Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge 34. 42 their own image, although it would be facile not to accept that contestation and conflict can also be written into a landscape."99 When examined from this perspective, there is most definitely further scope for an evaluation of relationships of power and how they shaped both, the settler and industrial identities of Downsview Park, as well as its contemporary identity for that matter; as Wolch and Dear state, "Some of the most basic impetuses to human territorial organization stem from the division of labor."100 From agriculture to aviation relations of production and power are embedded within the heritage of Downsview Park. The purpose of this last section of the chapter then, has been to provide a point of departure for those who may wish to pursue further work on the Park's heritage from one specific theoretical perspective, but also to flag some of the theories and ideas that are implicitly embedded in this work and have, in one way or another, informed the shape that it has taken. We now turn our attention to the specific heritage landscapes themselves, the biography of the place that is now Downsview Park if you will. 99 Iain Robertson and Tim Hall, "Memory, Identity and the Memorialization of Conflict in the Scottish Highlands," Heritage, Memory and the Politics of Identity: New Perspectives on the Cultural Landscape, ed. Niamh Moore and Yvonne Whelan (Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2007) 33. l00Jennifer Wolch and Michael Dear, "How territory shapes social life," The Power of Geography: How Territory Shapes Social Life, ed. Jennifer Wolch and Michael Dear (Winchester, Mass.: Unwin Hyman Inc., 1989) 10. 43 Chapter Three: A Landscape of Natural Heritage On my first research visit to Downsview Park, I found it difficult to imagine how the term natural heritage might apply to a vast tract of land in a highly urbanized setting which in its industrial and military phases was relatively free of trees and exhibiting an over abundance of asphalt and highly manicured, mown grass. However, the very purpose of my visit, and subsequently this chapter, was to consider what constitutes the natural heritage of Downsview Park and how this heritage, as it continues to evolve, is relevant to park development. As I later came to learn, a number of individuals informed in the study of ecology have recognized, "...there are few situations like Downsview where restoration and rehabilitation of ecological functions can occur in such a large block of urban land."101 Drawing on elements of the Park's "collective memory" such as, relevant park planning documents, key contextual sources, the expertise of individuals who have had an intimate relationship with the site over time, and, of course, the land itself, this chapter will explore a number of aspects related to Downsview Park's natural heritage identity, and consider how they contribute to the development and production of a landscape of natural heritage that has both tangible and conceptual implications for the future of the Park. Before proceeding further, it is first necessary to consider how the concept of natural heritage can be defined in relation to Downsview Park. The City of Toronto, in its 2001 Natural Heritage Study, defines natural heritage as, "the basic fabric of the landscape including: Land (landforms, soils, geology); Water (surface and ground); Ecological Services Group, Green Infrastructure Report: Downsview Lands (Guelph: Ecological Services Group, March, 1997) 1. 44 and Life (plants and animals). It includes the physical and biological elements and interactions of our environment that constitute what is often termed 'nature'."102 This definition, with its categorical considerations of the concepts of "Land," "Water," and "Life," is highly relevant to a discussion of aspects of Downsview Park's natural heritage, both in terms of what exists on the site at present and what may become a part of this heritage identity in future. The City of Toronto's Natural Heritage Study determines that the "pre- settlement" landscape of what is now Toronto would have consisted of deciduous and mixed forests populated primarily by beech, maple and hemlock. This observation is corroborated by early settlers' accounts of the Toronto area that Warren Kalbach details in his discussion of "Spatial Growth" in the City. "The lay of the land inward from the beach between the Humber and Don Rivers was described as a declivity that rose northward, dark with virgin forest" by E. Pelham Mulvany in 1884.104 Given these descriptions it is not particularly surprising that the Downsview Lands Stormwater Management and Headwaters Restoration Project states that, "Large areas of the Downsview lands would have been covered with upland forests prior to European settlement...Typical old-growth forest would be dominated by sugar maple...and beech."105 However, while the land that is now Downsview Park may have at one time been heavily forested, it is important to remember that the site has 102 Toronto and Region Conservation Authority, City of Toronto natural heritage study. Final report: a project in partnership between City of Toronto and Toronto and Region Conservation Authority (Toronto: Urban Development Services, 2001) 3. l03Toronto and Region Conservation Authority 8. 104 Warren Kalbach, "Spatial Growth," Special Places: The Changing Ecosystems of the Toronto Region, ed. Betty I. Roots, Donald A. Chant and Conrad E. Heidenreich (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1999) 77. 105 Leslie Coates and Jennifer Vincent, Downsview Lands Stormwater Management and Headwaters Restoration Project (North York: Canada Lands Company and Toronto and Region Conservation Authority, Apr. 1998) 22. 45 undergone a number of significant transitions since this period, making it virtually impossible, and arguably undesirable in its current urban context, to attempt to return it to this "pre-settlement" state. Indeed, as the Downsview Park International Design Competition Brief states, "...no single 'original' state has been - or can be - identified to which the natural system should be restored. No one period in the natural history of the site can claim special status in the dynamic unfolding of nature."106 Similarly, in their discussion of the Don River and its green spaces, Chant and Regier recognize that it is impossible to return such places to their "original natural state" through preservation and restoration. Instead, they suggest that while such initiatives are important, we must "not fool ourselves that we have done anything to turn the clock back to a time when the natural systems of the Greater Toronto region were in their original, undisturbed state."107 In fact, the idea of Toronto's forests and natural systems ever existing in a completely pristine, "undisturbed state," is itself illusory. As Rodney Bobiwash describes, There is much evidence that when European explorers first penetrated the interior of North America they found broad park-like forest areas. This led to the mistaken belief that North American forests were proto-forests, or primordial forests. In fact, the park-like forest expanses were carefully 108 managed and cultivated storehouses for Native people. Detlef Mertins and Engel Consulting Group, Downsview Park International Design Competition (Toronto: CLC Downsview Inc., 3 Dec. 1999) 34. 107 D.A. Chant and Henry A. Regier, "Discussion and Conclusions," Special Places: The Changing Ecosystems of the Toronto Region, ed. Betty I. Roots, Donald A. Chant and Conrad E. Heidenreich (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1999) 297. 108 A. Rodney Bobiwash, "The History of Native People in the Toronto Area: An Overview," The Meeting Place: Aboriginal Life in Toronto, ed. Francis Sanderson and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Toronto: Native Canadian Centre of Toronto, 1997) 5. 46 Moving forward to the twenty-first century, Downsview Park is clearly part of a "disturbed," highly urbanized environment. It is within this contemporary context that we begin our exploration of the natural heritage of Downsview Park and its relevance to the future of the site. When it became evident that the federal government intended Downsview to become Canada's first "national urban park," development of an in-depth understanding of the physical landscape became an important priority. As such, a number of reports were prepared by external consultants detailing such aspects as topography, soil toxicity, and hydro-geological conditions. Interestingly, these reports, along with the Design Competition Brief, and the winning design itself, demonstrate an early emphasis on the importance of natural heritage to the site, and trace an evolution in conceptual considerations about the relevance of this heritage to park development as it progresses. As early as 1998 the theme of natural heritage was an important consideration in concepts of park development and design. The Downsview Urban Design Study, prepared for the City of Toronto North York Planning Department, states that a guiding principle for the development of the Downsview Lands is 'To preserve and enhance the existing landscape, natural environment and habitats."109 Further, it poses the important question of how the natural history of these lands can be expressed and how natural systems and habitats can be restored to an approximation of their former Cochrane Brook Planning and Urban Design, Downsview Urban Design Study (Toronto: North York Planning Department, June 1998) 10. 47 state.110 Clearly then, natural heritage was viewed as a priority during this period of the Park's evolution. This claim is substantiated by two key documents from 1999: the Vegetation Study for the Downsview Lands Park, and the Downsview Park International Design Competition Brief. In its introduction, the Vegetation Study describes the plan to build a large park on the western side of the Downsview Lands, "most of which will have a natural heritage emphasis."1'' Even more striking is the statement in the International Design Competition Brief 'The Park presents an opportunity to examine the natural history of the lands and its transformation over the past several centuries."112 During this period a number of initiatives were also undertaken to raise awareness of, and connect the public with, aspects of the Park's natural heritage. In its Chronology of Public Consultation, Engel Consulting Group lists a number of activities related to natural heritage that took place on site between 1998 and 2000 including a "Natural Environment Walking Tour" in summer 1998 and a "Habitats and Communities Workshop" in June of 1999."3 These and other similar initiatives are indicative of an emphasis on natural heritage during this phase of the Park's development. It is important also to consider the relationship of the winning park design, Tree City, to the concept of natural heritage. While Tree City purported to recognize the 110 Cochrane Brook 10. ''' Charles Kinsley, Gavin Miller, and Jason Brown, Vegetation Study for the Downsview Lands Park (Downsview: The Ontario Native Plant Company, Apr. 1999) 1. "2Mertins29. 113 Engel Consulting Group, Pare Downsview Park Public Consultation Program: Chronology of Public Consultation, Public Involvement and Park Initiatives (Downsview: Pare Downsview Park Inc., 15 Jan. 2002)44, 59. 48 importance of natural heritage to the site, it did so under the partly false assumption that this heritage would not be preserved or regenerated, but rather "manufactured" and "constructed." At its very outset, Tree City states, "The winning design did not propose itself as a traditional national park because unlike most of Canada's parks, the Downsview site did not offer an extraordinary landscape that needed to be preserved or protected."114 Later the Plan states that "Tree City will be a constructed beauty, not reclaimed wilderness."115 However, as we further explore aspects of the site's existing natural heritage, it will become clear that Downsview Park is already very much in possession of physical characteristics that make it an "extraordinary landscape." Further investigation revealed, that despite such statements in Tree City, the concept of natural heritage did not disappear completely from conceptual ideas about park design and development, but are rather found in the future-oriented section of the Plan titled "Build a Living Database = Legacy." This aspect of the Plan suggests that to build a living database the design will, create an on-site nursery as a retail education model based on the Park's ecological history and future; Develop an evaluation and assessment of Downsview's cultural and ecological past in order to inform its future; Articulate an understanding of the natural history of the site by conserving existing landscape features; and research and develop an inventory of past and present species.116 Arguably, what has taken place with the development of the Tree City plan is not a complete abandonment of natural heritage principles, but rather a re-positioning of this heritage aspect as a part of the legacy theme, oriented toward guiding initiatives 114 Bruce Mau, Tree City: Park Design and Program F're-Schematic (Toronto: Bruce Mau Design Inc., 28 Aug. 2003) 1. 115 Mau 18. 116 Mau 16. for the future. Within this approach aspects of the site are created and manipulated to result in the evolution of a "natural" ecosystem in an interventionist and urbanized environment. Bearing in mind the definition of natural heritage discussed at the outset of the chapter, it is not inconceivable to imagine that as the Park continues to develop, newly planted trees, and newly created habitats, will become a part of the site's legacy, or of a natural heritage for the future. However, that said, and in spite of Tree City's initial assertion that the Downsview Park landscape offers nothing worthy of preservation or protection, there are a number of physical features on the site that warrant discussion as a part of its existing natural heritage. Later portions of the chapter will be more concerned with the further development and recognition of natural heritage attributes and opportunities. Perhaps one of the most significant physical features of the Downsview Park landscape is its topography. Figure 2 Downsview Park's unique topography. K. McLeod 13 October 2008 50 With an elevation of approximately 196 metres above sea level at its highest point, dropping gently to about 174 metres above sea level at the site's western edge,117 Downsview Park affords one of the most impressive views in Toronto. As noted in the Green Infrastructure Report, "The topography generally reflects original contours, with the probable exception of some drainage course alteration and airport leveling."118 Indeed, on a clear day the view from the high point of the landscape is absolutely stunning, revealing much about the urban environment that now surrounds Downsview Park. As a landscape architect possessing intimate knowledge of the site has noted, "It's a high spot and one can overlook the City of Toronto in an amazing way."119 The size and topography of the site also result in its unique microclimatic conditions. At PDP's Annual Public Meeting in September 2007 the site was described by a former member of the Tree City design team as a "big windswept piece of land."120 The landscape architect with whom I became acquainted referred to the site as, "highly wind exposed with no natural protection whatsoever anymore," and elaborated by explaining, "Even though we are in southern Ontario you have actually a climate condition that is more reminiscent of...closer to northern Ontario."121 117 Beatty Franz and Associates, Hydrogeology of the Downsview Lands (Downsview: Canada Lands Company Limited, Jan. 1998) 1. 118 Ecological Services Group 7. 119 Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 120 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Public Meeting, Downsview Park, 11 Sept. 2007. 121 Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 51 Indeed, the landscape's unique topography and microclimatic conditions are immediately recognizable when walking through the Park. This has led to a description of the site as "prairie-like" with its windy conditions and long views. Figure 3 "Prairie-like" conditions at Downsview Park. K. McLeod 29 August 2007 52 The geological aspects of Downsview Park are also deserving of some mention. As Beatty Franz and Associates note in their report on the "Hydrogeological Setting" of the Downsview lands, "The Downsview study site lies within a level-to-undulating area of silty clay and clay soils known as the Peel Plain. The clay soils tend to be heavy in texture and poorly drained..."122 The Report also acknowledges that the glacial till deposit is part of the larger Halton Till sheet from the Wisconsin glacial stage.123 The Wisconsin Glaciation is the most recent glaciation in the Toronto region. It began some 100,000 years ago, burying the region below the Laurentide Ice Sheet, and ended approximately 10, 000 years ago.124 The physical landscape of Downsview Park then, is intimately related to the geological history of the larger Toronto region. A discussion of Downsview Park's existing natural heritage would not be complete without consideration of its important location at the headwaters of tributaries to the Don and Humber Rivers.125 More specifically, "[t]he Downsview lands are tributary to three distinct watersheds, namely the Black Creek, Dufferin Creek and the West Don River."126 As Helen Mills of the Lost Rivers Program described to me at our first meeting, When we first started to research the rivers we discovered to our absolute amazement that most of the rivers in the lower West Don watershed and the lower Don watershed actually originally started at the Downsview lands; and we realized it was an important node along the divide between the Don and Humber that fed rivers going in virtually every direction.127 Beatty Franz 3. 123 Beatty Franz 3. 124 Nick Eyles, Toronto Rocks: The Geological Legacy of the Toronto Region (Toronto: Fitzhenry and Whiteside, 2004) 19. 125 Ecological Services Group 9. 126 Coates and Vincent 3. 127 Helen Mills, Personal Interview, 24 Sept. 2007. 53 Downsview Park is therefore significant in that it represents a point at which the Don and Humber watersheds are in relatively close proximity. This is particularly meaningful because it is virtually the only place where there is a distinct possibility of connecting the two watersheds. As David Oleson of Oleson Worland Architects shared, this potential connection has metaphoric as well as physical implications for the Park. In the Master Plan which we worked on for PDP we proposed ideas such as creating a new pond at the low point of the western section of the Park, along Keele Street, and pumping water back eastward to the high point via windmills along the railroad tracks. This water could actually flow westward with the slope, and/or be circulated for irrigation of the planting. This would be a visual way of sensing the natural watershed to the west. A physical demonstration of the watershed to the east, to the Don, would not be so direct as the closest connection point to that ravine system is approximately a block away to the northeast. We also proposed demonstrating the relationship between the two watersheds with a trail at Downsview Park connecting to a Humber River trail to the west and a Don River trail to the east.1"8 This trail would have important implications for wildlife and human beings alike, as well as for the enhancement of biodiversity more broadly. One beautiful September day, a program coordinator at Downsview Park, took me to the north side of Sheppard Avenue to what is known as the William Baker Neighbourhood where he showed me one of Downsview Park's most stunning examples of existing natural heritage. A twelve acre woodlot is the backdrop against which current military housing is nestled. In Cities and Natural Process, Michael Hough discusses the importance of woodlots such as this one to the urban ecosystem: Many wooded remnants still retain plants and animals that have become locally rare due to their isolation in the urban region. It is here in the middle of the city that one can still find trout lilies flourishing on the forest floor, or observe the annual migration of birds. Such places are one of the David Oleson, Personal Email 21 Aug. 2008. 54 irreplaceable links between natural and urban processes. They are a small but vitally historic and educational opportunity for nature in the city.129 The 1998 Downsview Urban Design Study makes specific mention of the woodlot stating that it should be "preserved and protected as open space."130 Further, it makes the important point that re-development of that particular neighbourhood must occur in such a way that the integrity of the woodlot is protected.131 While it would seem that PDP is aware of the significance of this woodlot to the development of a seed base for further planting and growth on the site132 and to natural heritage more broadly, it is concerning that the 2007 Annual Report states, "PDP will consider selling these lands to a development partner."133 While a forest assessment of the woodlot is in the process of being completed in order to find ways to reduce the strain that any development would bring to this environment so that it may be protected and preserved, the potential sale of this land is still of concern to those individuals who value the irreplaceable natural heritage found within this woodlot. Colin Lacey of the Evergreen Foundation expressed concern about how development of this neighbourhood would impact the water table upon which a number of rare species found within the woodlot are dependent, thus compromising the delicate balance between human and natural systems evident in this setting.134 Helen Mills worried about the potential damage to the woodlot that may occur as a result of development that is insensitive to its presence: 129 Michael Hough, Cities and Natural Process: A Basis for Sustainability, 2nd Ed. (New York: Taylor and Francis, 2004) 89. 130 Cochrane Brook 25. 131 Cochrane Brook 25. 132 Jay Todd, Personal Interview, 4 Oct. 2007. 133 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2006-2007 (Toronto: Pare Downsview Park Inc., June 2007) 15. 134 Colin Lacey, Personal Interview, 24 Sept. 2007. 55 The woodlot...has extraordinary biodiversity and it's remarkably free of alien invasives and really it should be the force from which the rest of the Park grows.. .the spirit of the greening of the Park is right there and the diversity that's embedded in that is irreplaceable and we cannot, no matter how many trees we plant, we can never create what nature created there. So to go ahead and destroy it either directly by getting rid of it or indirectly by putting the wrong things really close by...to me is just like such an awful, horrible thing to do that I can hardly bear it.135 The woodlot in the William Baker Neighbourhood is one of the most important examples of Downsview Park's natural heritage. It does not need to be a "manufactured" or "constructed" aspect of nature because it already exists and is worthy of preservation by PDP and its surrounding communities. As plans for this neighbourhood continue to evolve, PDP should be strongly encouraged to continue to recognize the relevance of the woodlot to the site's natural heritage, and its potential for providing the necessary seeds to plant natural tree species on other parts of the site. In his Inventory and Natural History of the Albany Neighbourhood Forest, Marshall Buchanan states that "[recognition of the importance of urban trees and woodlots to the social and ecological well-being of communities does appear to be increasing, often led by citizens' groups."136 Leading by example, PDP has an important role to play in encouraging such recognition within its immediate community as well as at a national and even international level. The William Baker Neighbourhood provides a unique opportunity for environmentally conscientious residential development. However, PDP must be able to ensure that the values of their prospective "development partners" align with this type of project. One need not look very far for examples of 135 Helen Mills, Personal Interview, 24 Sept. 2007. 136 Marshall Buchanan, Inventory and Natural History of the Albany Neighbourhood Forest. (Toronto: n.p., n.d.) 2. 56 the impact of high density residential development on the ravines of the Don and Humber watersheds. The garbage that pervades the ravine west of Keele Street directly across from the Park is a prime example of this negative impact. The effect that this type of development would have on the woodlot must be avoided if it is to be preserved in a meaningful way. Michael Hough makes the important point in Cities and Natural Process, "that the biophysical processes of water, land and forests are an interacting system, profoundly influenced by human activity."137 The place that is now Downsview Park has been subject to much human activity in its agricultural, industrial and military phases. This activity has had a profound impact on the site and will continue to do so as the Park evolves amidst an increasingly dense urban environment. Therefore, as plans are made to "re-naturalize" certain areas of the Park, the impact of urban stresses on this environment must be considered. Uzzell and Ballantyne contend that heritage is meaningful because it not only relates to the past, but it is also an integral part of the present and future.138 In essence, PDP is engaging in the development of a natural heritage for the future. As the soil is regenerated, trees are planted and wetland habitats are created, natural features are being returned to the landscape providing important education and stewardship opportunities. While most of these features are no longer naturally occurring on the site, eventually they will become an integral part of the landscape and ideally an important example of how natural processes can be deliberately returned to, and later evolve more naturally within, an urban environment. Hough, 2004 30. Uzzell and Ballantyne 154. 57 In order for PDP to begin to successfully create a natural heritage for the future, the impact of human activity on the landscape had to be assessed and the land itself needed to be returned to its "agricultural potential."139 As previously discussed, the soil on the site is predominantly clay and has been described by some as "denser than concrete."140 This is largely a result of soil compaction. As there was very little forest cover during the agricultural, industrial and military phases of the landscape, frost was able to penetrate the soil deeply over a number of years. During the site's latest incarnation as a military base, prior to it becoming a park, the grass was kept closely mown and an influx of a range of plant material was absent. Both of these conditions greatly contributed to the over compaction of the soil.141 The challenge for PDP became how best to increase the air content and bacteria life in the soil so that the planting of a forest could take place in ideal organic soil conditions. Importing top soil, which is in great abundance in nearby suburban developments, was not an option as it would not contain the necessary micro organisms and nutrients.142 Instead, as Jay Todd, Director of Park Management, described to me as we bumped across the Park in a bio-diesel all-terrain vehicle, a "deep soiling" process was used to break up the soil allowing for improved penetration of water and nutrients.143 Clover was then planted, which when cultivated, adds nitrogen and green manure to the soil.144 This regeneration of the soil Friday with Horst Dickert, Horticulturalist, (Toronto: n.p., n.d.) n.pag. 140 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Public Meeting, Downsview Park, 11 Sept. 2007. 141 Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 142 Horst Dickert, n.pag. 143 Jay Todd, Personal Interview, 4 Oct. 2007. 144 Horst Dickert, n.pag. 58 produced the necessary planting conditions for the re-forestation of a portion of the site. It would take close to ten thousand years for water to infiltrate a ten metre "unfractured" layer of soil on the land at Downsview Park.145 As a result, water run off patterns at the Park needed to be considered and adapted to reduce flooding and erosion in the nearby tributaries of the watersheds. As Michael Hough observes, 'The amount of water run-off is governed by the filtration characteristics of the land and is related to slope, soil type and vegetation. It is directly related to the percentage of impervious surfaces."146 At Downsview Park the significant height of the land, its relatively impervious clay soil, the absence of large amounts of vegetation, and a number of hard surfaces such as parking lots and roofs, all contribute to the need for a solution to water run-off. While reforestation initiatives provide a partial solution to this problem, the development of bio-swales on the landscape and the creation of a lake toward the south-west end of the site, will help to reduce run-off and facilitate the creation of a number of wetland habitats. The issue of surface water run-off provides PDP with an opportunity to, create an interesting set of swales, ditches and localized wetlands all throughout the Park which are all essentially naturalized areas with the exception of one. That provides opportunities not only to naturalize vegetation, plants from lichens to trees, but also [for] wildlife corridors, habitat for wildlife in general; diverse habitats for wildlife.147 Coates and Vincent 13. Hough, 2004 31. Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 59 The development of such bio-swales also serves the purpose of purifying the water before it leaves the Downsview Park landscape and enters tributaries of the Black Creek in particular: The plan is to divert all that water over land, as opposed to channeling or piping. We want it to run over land through these bio-swales, to purify that water as it meanders through the bio-swales...before it exits the Park through the Black Creek tributary...That also creates features for us that we can [use to] educate, and enhance our property as well.148 Following as much as possible the natural contours of the land, the bio-swales not only serve the important purposes of water purification and run-off reduction, but also contribute to the development of natural heritage features such as wetland habitats and other riparian characteristics. Figure 4 A Downsview Park bio-swale. K. McLeod 13 October 2008. Jay Todd, Personal Interview, 4 Oct. 2007. 60 Perhaps the most significant aspect of the preservation and creation at Downsview Park of a natural heritage for the future is to be found in the planting and maintenance of the "Canada Forest," at the heart of which exists a small cluster of trees known as Boake's Grove, named for the Boake family whose relationship to this place spanned three generations. Like the ( ^^^^^ William Baker woodlot, Boake's Grove is an important, albeit smaller, example of the Park's existing natural heritage and therefore deserves recognition as one of the only FiSure 5 Boake's Grove in the distance- K-McLeod x 3 fe J October 2008 remaining stands of trees on the site. Twenty-five thousand native trees were added to this 35 acre area of the Park in 2006-2007149 and many tree-planting events have taken place in this area since. While the site may never experience levels of forestation found prior to European settlement, the trees are an important contribution to the development of a naturalized landscape at Downsview Park. The fact that the majority of trees planted are representative of what would have been found on the site prior to European settlement such as various species of maple, ash, aspen, and oak, is also significant to the creation of natural heritage features at the Park. As well, the Forest provides an important habitat for wildlife that are returning to the site in increasing numbers including, red-tailed hawks, and two white tailed deer that were identified during a 149 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2006-2007 10. 61 recent spring. As the Forest begins to mature there is much scope for intentional habitat creation such as raptor perches, rock piles for snakes and other reptiles and thickets for deer. This habitat creation would compliment habitats that are beginning to emerge naturally within the forest and would not take place until the Forest reaches a more mature stage of its development.15 However, it is important to bear in mind that if one wishes to have a forest in this century, and the habitat that comes with it, simply planting large numbers of trees does not a forest make. A certain level of intervention is required if the aim of having a healthy forested environment, able to withstand urban stresses, is to be met in the next two or three decades. To simply plant pioneer species and let nature take its course would mean that it would take about two hundred years to develop the forest.151 Therefore, growth must be accelerated, directed and controlled to a certain extent. At Downsview Park this has meant that the choice has been made to plant a hardwood and softwood forest mix right at the outset, rather than planting only pioneer species first and then interspersing the hardwoods which occur later on in nature and grow under the protection of pioneer species.152 This increased rate of forest development, and choice of species, is also reflective of the political and economic pressures that come to bear upon this project. Unlike a naturally occurring forest that needs to be preserved, the Canada Forest is an intentional human initiative. Although it will eventually contribute to the Park's Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 151 Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 152 Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 62 natural heritage, its development needs to be paid for in the meantime, and an often skeptical public needs to see evidence of progress at the Park. As one individual shared with me, "[progressing this project was in part politically driven. Downsview Park had gotten the rap of not doing anything, having 1 S^ spent money on plans but nothing to show for it." In essence, planting the forest would not only demonstrate to the public that something was happening at the Park, but involve them in the process as well. Further, although planting native species is desirable from a natural heritage perspective, "replacing what was there originally...is the only guarantee that it becomes sustainable financially and technically."154 In addition, financial considerations also in part dictate the rate and method of planting as "there is always money for big capital projects at the beginning, there's never any money to keep it up."155 From an economic perspective, with PDP's self-financing mandate, it would seem a pragmatic decision to get a significant amount of the forest project underway while the budget is allocated to that aspect of development and before other considerations potentially become a factor. The development of natural heritage at Downsview Park for future generations of Canadians is therefore inextricably linked to contemporary political and economic considerations. With the continued re-establishment of natural features on the Downsview Park site, there is great scope for involving the public through education and stewardship opportunities. Indeed, much of this is already happening. School children are a 153 Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 154 Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 155 Landscape Architect, Personal Interview, 19 Sept. 2007. 63 common sight at the Park learning, among other things, about sustainability, the water cycle and local plants and animals as they take a nature walk through Boake's Grove, the beginnings of the Canada Forest, and the existing woodlot. These kinds of experiences in many ways help to address the disconnect that exists between many urban youth and natural systems. As one of PDP's program coordinators explained, through activities at the Park they are being given the opportunity to connect with nature right in their own urban environment.156 This approach to education helps to counter the assertion "that children know more about nature in distant lands than they do about the natural things in their own backyards, neighbourhoods and cities." This reconnection of people with natural systems is not limited to youth. Through stewardship initiatives people of any age have the chance to become involved with the restoration and maintenance of Downsview Park's growing and evolving natural heritage. As Michael Hough suggests, "Learning about natural systems in the places where people live involves a continuous process of experience and exposure to one's 1 SR local surroundings from which environmental understanding can emerge." The more people begin to understand the natural processes that are beginning to re-emerge in the Park as a result of re-naturalization efforts, the more the ways in which they can become involved in supporting such processes become evident. The cultivation of an "environmental understanding" within visitors to the Park through education and stewardship initiatives relates directly to the concept of natural heritage. As people learn about and aid in efforts to sustain and grow the Park's naturalized environments, they are also learning about its natural heritage and 156 PDP Program Coordinator, Personal Interview, 17 Sept. 2007. 157 Michael Hough, Cities and Natural Process (New York: Routledge, 1995) 24. 158 Hough, 2004 257. 64 contributing to development of that heritage for the future. Over sixteen years ago Tom Symons was quoted as saying, "The attention of the nation in 1992 is on many things, but I think it is safe to say that heritage is not near the top of the list. The environment is. And this is because the environment has been made relevant to the average Canadian...whereas heritage has not."159 Symons builds on this statement by ultimately calling for the "integration of heritage values into the environmental ethic."160 While this quote is almost fifteen years old, it remains relevant to the position of heritage in Canada. As a national urban park Downsview Park represents a vital opportunity to bring together current environmental initiatives and natural heritage concepts in such a way that heritage values do become integral to the "environmental ethic" at Downsview Park. One way in which PDP can accomplish this objective is by continuing to foster external relationships with environmental and heritage organizations, and with the physical watersheds of which it is a part. Two such external organizations deserving of mention are, the Lost Rivers Program and the Evergreen Foundation. The Lost Rivers Program provides an excellent example of how heritage concepts and environmental initiatives can work in concert to promote a greater understanding of, and concern for, one's immediate environment. Helen Mills describes the purpose of the Program in the following way: What we mainly do is research about the human and natural history of Toronto's ecosystems and rivers and we mainly communicate that through T.H.B. Symons, 'The Greening of Heritage: Historic Preservation and the Environmental Movement." Linking Cultural and Natural Heritage, ed. John Marsh and Janet Fialkowski (Peterborough: Frost Centre for Canadian Heritage Development Studies, 1995) 4. 160 Symons 5. 65 a website, and through the Lost River walks. The goal I think is both to give people a deeper sense of place and information about how they can help the environment in a practical way starting now.161 Some seven or eight years ago a number of Lost River walks took place on the Downsview lands, and a map was produced by the Program detailing 'The Lost Rivers of the Downsview Lands." Both the walks and the map made important contributions to the understanding and promotion of Downsview Park's natural heritage. When I met with Helen Mills, her enthusiasm for the Lost Rivers walks was catching and together we worked with PDP to plan a new walk which would also incorporate information about current re-naturalization efforts. In October of 2007,1 had the privilege of participating in a walk with Helen, and a number of interested community members, at the Park. It was during this walk that I fully began to realize how existing elements of the Park's natural heritage, and new regeneration initiatives were truly combining to constitute the development of a natural heritage for the future at Downsview Park. A continued and enhanced relationship between PDP and the Lost Rivers Program will certainly contribute to a greater awareness of the Park's natural heritage within the surrounding community and further a-field. The Evergreen Foundation, founded in 1991, is a national non-profit environmental organization whose mission "is to bring communities and nature together for the benefit of both." Through their Common Grounds program Evergreen has worked with PDP on the implementation of six planting events, as well 161 Helen Mills, Personal Interview, 24 Sept. 2007. 162 Evergreen Home Page, 2000. Evergreen, 25 September 2007 66 as the development of a bi-weekly stewardship initiative to help maintain these plantings.163 The bi-weekly stewardship program took place in summer 2007 and started late in the stewardship season, thus making it more difficult to engage citizens in the endeavour.164 However, some members of the community did participate in tree maintenance and tree counts, helping to create a database of the Park's existing tree species, thus contributing to this aspect of natural heritage development. PDP plans, and should be strongly encouraged, to further expand its relationship with Evergreen in future. There is much scope for this expanded relationship in the areas of education and stewardship. One need only look to the work Evergreen is doing at the former Don Valley Brick Works to gain an understanding of the kind of role they might play at Downsview Park. With regard to natural heritage in particular, Evergreen has embarked on a naturalization project which "provides habitat for urban wildlife, assists in stormwater managements, and provides shade for visitors."166 Further, it is their intent to establish learning stations throughout the site which would "provide information on the unique aspects of the park, as well as to illustrate the relationship between people, natural processes and behaviour."167 As Michael Hough observes, the Brick Works project is doing much to link heritage and environmental restoration in the Don Valley. "It has significance because the restoration of urban places is inevitably tied to human activity and natural processes." As an organization, 163 Colin Lacey, Personal Interview, 24 Sept. 2007. 164 Colin Lacey, Personal Interview, 24 Sept. 2007. 165 Jay Todd, Personal Interview, 4 Oct. 2007. 166 Evergreen, Evergreen at the Brick Works: Final Master Plan (Toronto: Evergreen Foundation, June 2006) 40. 167 Evergreen, 2006 40. 168 Hough, 2004 52. 67 Evergreen's values align with the kinds of initiatives that are taking place at Downsview Park. Ideally, the Park will continue to evolve in a direction that allows for an expanded relationship with Evergreen thus placing further emphasis on the important relationship to be developed between the "environmental ethic" and concepts of natural and cultural heritage. There is also much scope for PDP to develop physical external relationships through a series of green linkages with other green spaces throughout the Don and Humber watersheds. This potential has been recognized in a number of reports and design concepts dating back to as early as the 1997 Green Infrastructure Report which states, "You will note that we have identified several restoration, linkage and rehabilitation opportunities for these lands."169 Creating such linkages which would enhance wildlife corridors is still a goal of PDP according to Jay Todd. However, the surrounding urbanized, and in many cases industrial, environment does pose a challenge to this initiative.170 In their discussion of the Humber River watershed the Toronto and Region Conservation Authority identifies the challenge of providing a connected and accessible system of green spaces which would link "natural features, recreation venues and tourist destinations without destroying the integrity of the natural systems."171 This also poses a challenge to PDP as it considers the potential for linkages with both the Don and Humber watersheds. Michael Hough writes of the future possibility of using biology rather than politics to establish boundaries and protect natural systems and the species which inhabit 169 Ecological Services Group i. 170 Jay Todd, Personal Interview, 4 Oct. 2007. 171 Toronto and Region Conservation Authority, Draft Humber River Watershed Plan (Toronto: 11 June 2007) 113. 68 them.172 This idea has interesting implications when one considers the physical landscape and political position of Downsview Park. However, there are some who feel that this could be an exciting aspect of the Park's long-term vision: Tree City did include extending beyond the boundaries of the Park. I continue to have this way out in the left field vision that this park eventually has to extend into a matrix of green links that reconnect the city and redo the ecology of the whole city and its water via the lost rivers. So in my dreams ultimately you could be standing at the Brick Works and you'll be in the national park...m Such an idea warrants creative inter-jurisdictional approaches which would privilege biology over politics and begin to recognize that natural ecosystems and processes should be important determinants in the creations of boundaries within an urban setting. In the case of PDP, this means the continued task of working to build positive and productive relationships with both the City of Toronto and the Province of Ontario, in order to begin to connect the Park to other green spaces throughout the City both physically and politically. Such linkages or connections would have positive implications both for nature and for its human inhabitants. This chapter has been devoted to the production of a symbolic landscape of natural heritage; first by establishing what constitutes this aspect of the Park's identity, and second through a discussion of how this identity is relevant to current and future initiatives in park development. Beginning with the establishment of a working definition of natural heritage as it pertains to Downsview Park, I then moved to a discussion of what primary park planning documents and reports reveal about the importance of natural heritage to conceptual plans for the site. This discussion was followed by an investigation of Downsview Park's existing natural heritage features 172 Hough, 2004 255. 173 Helen Mills, Personal Interview, 24 Sept. 2007. and an identification of ways in which PDP is embarking on the challenge of creating a natural heritage for the future at the site. The remainder of the chapter was devoted to emphasizing the importance of engaging the public and external environmental and heritage organizations in this endeavour. Throughout this chapter it became evident that natural heritage concepts are inextricably linked to issues of politics, economics and the environment. To understand re-naturalization efforts taking place at Downsview Park, we must recognize their important political, economic, and environmental implications; we must also acknowledge that these efforts play an important social role in that they work to reconnect human beings with natural systems within an urban environment through education and stewardship initiatives. As George Dark, Board Chairman for the Evergreen Foundation acknowledged in its 2004 Annual Report, "We are increasingly a country of urban dwellers and the experience of nature, to many of us, is increasingly distant."174 Downsview Park represents an important opportunity both for the revitalization of natural processes and the reconnection of human beings with those processes within a dense urban environment. By returning a measure of biodiversity to the site through re- naturalization efforts, PDP is ideally rejecting "the urban obsession with formal aesthetic doctrines [that] has replaced naturally regenerating sites with horticultural deserts,"175 in favour of a more naturalized approach to park development that allows room for the re-emergence of natural processes and natural heritage within an urban park setting. 174 Evergreen, Annual Report 2004 (Toronto: Evergreen, 2004) 2. 175 Hough, 1995 i. 70 Chapter Four: A Landscape of Aboriginal Heritage The previous chapter drew upon aspects of Downsview Park's "collective memory" to produce a natural heritage landscape of the Park which encompassed both physical and conceptual elements. This chapter will take as its focus an important and related aspect of cultural heritage, namely the relationship of Aboriginal people to the place that is now Downsview Park, in order to create a landscape of Aboriginal heritage which also encompasses both material and intangible considerations. The landscape of Aboriginal heritage produced in this chapter is also intended to function as a "prompt for action in the present," encouraging PDP to take a proactive role in recognizing, respecting, and further revealing, this important aspect of the Park's cultural heritage as development progresses. As is the case with the place biographies discussed earlier in the thesis, the implications of colonialism for the shaping of Downsview Park's past identities are never far below the surface, particularly in this chapter. The early part of the chapter is devoted to a critical analysis of existing narratives pertaining to the relationship of Aboriginal people to North York, and in particular, the place that is now Downsview Park. This analysis addresses the absence of Aboriginal people in official histories of both North York and Downsview Park and considers how descriptions of particular historical events over time have contributed to this perception of absence. This section of the chapter thus works to retell a version of the story that includes Aboriginal people and considers the impact of various colonizing events and 71 moments on those groups who once called the area in and around Downsview Park home. The discussion then moves to a critical examination of a physical element of this heritage landscape as the archaeological potential of the Downsview Park site is explored through my foray into the complex world of politics and legislation that often surrounds archaeological activities. The necessity of taking a respectful and responsible approach to this aspect of the Park's heritage as development continues is emphasized as the complexities of the story unfold. The last section of the chapter contemplates how PDP might borrow from Parks Canada's approach to Aboriginal cultural landscapes in order to develop respectful research relationships and a better understanding of the relationship of Aboriginal people to the place that is now Downsview Park over time. As such, the chapter as a whole provides a point of departure for further investigation into this rich and varied aspect of the Park's cultural heritage. Before turning to a discussion of the Downsview Park site specifically, it is first important to consider the place of Aboriginal people in broader narratives about the history of North York, as well as how these narratives have informed aspects of Downsview Park's own historical narrative. In 1968, Patricia W. Hart wrote one of the most comprehensive local histories of the North York area ever to be produced. While Pioneering in North York is immensely useful to those wishing to understand the social, economic and political development of "pioneer" communities in this area, it devotes little time to the relationship of Aboriginal people to this landscape. In fact, only five pages are devoted to the "pre-settlement" era, and within those pages 72 Aboriginal people are relegated firmly to ancient history, only to re-appear from time to time throughout the book as viewed from the Eurocentric perspective of the early settler to the area. Hart's description of Elizabeth Cummer's interaction with an "Indian" man in 1797 is indicative of the role Aboriginal people were seen to play in the story of North York: Elizabeth, busy with her household chores, was startled by an Indian peering through the door, his eye on a shiny kitchen knife lying on the table. Being afraid, and most anxious for him to leave, she quickly gave him the knife. Later, he returned bringing her a cradle he had made for her baby John. It was an Indian custom to return gift for gift.176 Through this anecdote one learns very little about this "Indian" man's relationship to the landscape beyond how he is perceived by an early settler to North York. His presence only serves to tell the story of the nature of life for early European inhabitants. Indeed, an examination of other books and local newspaper articles further exemplifies the place of Aboriginal people in the story of North York. Often they are positioned either as guides for early explorers and settlers traversing the historic Toronto Carrying-Place Trail, or as a part of the region's "ancient" history, only to be discovered through intense study of archaeological sites and their related artifacts. For instance, in Toronto During the French Regime Percy Robinson posits that the history of the Toronto Carrying-Place Trail really only begins with the arrival of French explorers, in particular Brule. "It is at this point that the 'Toronto Carrying- Place' comes into history, for it was by this route that Brule and his companions set Patricia W. Hart, Pioneering in North York: A History of the Borough (Toronto: General Publishing Company, 1971) 167. 73 out on their long and devious journey to Andastes."177 Robinson makes no reference to the fact that the trail was used extensively by Aboriginal people prior to the arrival of Europeans. For him, history really only begins when it can be documented on paper. Margaret Sault, Director of Research, Lands & Membership for the Mississaugas of New Credit, has identified this as an important challenge to our understanding of the history of Ontario prior to its written documentation by European explorers or settlers: "What was Ontario, this land we live in, like before? This is a difficult question. There are no records for First Nations on this topic because, for Native people history was oral, passed down from generation to generation."178 While Aboriginal people, as perceived by European explorers and settlers, are to be found in books detailing the story of North York, their roles are limited and eventually they are absent from the story altogether as the area begins to grow and prosper, first agriculturally, and later industrially. Essentially, the relationship of Aboriginal people to North York, as presented by books and articles, is frozen in a particular period in time. As Daniel Francis suggests, Canadians did not expect Indians to adapt to the modern world. Their only hope was to assimilate, to become White, to cease to be Indians. In this view, a modern Indian is a contradiction in terms: Whites could not imagine such a thing. Any Indian was by definition a traditional Indian, a relic of the past. The only image of the Indian presented to non- Percy James Robinson, Toronto During the French Regime: A History of the Toronto Region from Brule to Simcoe, 1615-1793 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965) 6. 178 Margaret Sault, "History of the Mississaugas of the Credit," Celebrating One Thousand Years of Ontario's History: Proceedings of the Celebrating One Thousand Years of Ontario's History Symposium, ed. Colin Agnew, Dorothy Duncan, Jeanne Hughes, and Martin Ahermaa (Willowdale: The Ontario Historical Society, 2000) 33. 74 Natives was therefore an historical one. The image could not be modernized.179 This concept of Aboriginal people as "relics of the past" is also evident when one considers their presence in the local press. A detailed search at the North York Central Library yielded numerous articles discussing the area's archaeological heritage, but little was to be found about Aboriginal people outside of this context. Articles with titles like "North York has an Indian Legacy," "Display of Indian artifacts shows North York's history," and "Aboriginal Peoples lived in North York centuries ago," span a thirty year time period and continue to address the same subjects as those raised in a 1954 article in the Don Mills News titled "Last Evidences of Indians in Metro Toronto" which states, Their once proud and populous village sites are being bulldozed and leveled to make room for the white man. Great gashes cut in the earth to receive pipe lines to convey earth to our mechanical world have cut through the family fire places of the ancient 'Longhouses' of these people. Railway roadbeds have cut through ancient burial grounds. Nowhere is this more true perhaps than in the area of Downsview and the Black Creek Valley where construction and change has gone forward so rapidly.180 In the story of North York then, Aboriginal people largely exist as "relics" of an ancient past, or as bit players in the larger drama of European exploration, settlement and colonization in the area; mostly absent from the story of intense agricultural settlement, and almost entirely absent from narratives of progress and modernization. As Marcia Crosby argues, the portrayal of indigenous people as victims, contaminated by European culture and dying rather than changing, has benefited those who have participated in its construction. This is not to say that aboriginal cultures did not go through dramatic changes that were violently imposed on our Daniel Francis, The Imaginary Indian: The Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1997) 59. 180 "Last Evidences of Indians in Metro Toronto," Don Mills News [Toronto] 2 July 1954: 8. 75 communities. However, we did not all die. We are still here-altered forever, and without the 'authenticity' that some, nostalgically, would like to impose.181 Given the time period in which many of these books and articles were written, it is not surprising that their authors chose to present Aboriginal people in this way. It is only within the last two or three decades that portrayals of Aboriginal people as a "dying race" with a culture that only exists in an "authentic past" are being challenged within legal, social, and academic arenas.182 However, what is concerning, is that, in the context of North York history in particular, very little else is readily accessible to those interested in learning about the relationship of Aboriginal people to this area. It is not surprising then, that someone interested in the relationship of Aboriginal people to Downsview Park specifically, might conclude that there is really very little information available on this subject, and that other aspects of the site's heritage might yield more fruitful and relevant stories. This is exactly the impression I was given when first reading what has been written thus far about Downsview Park's heritage. In 1998, a document called 'The Downsview Family Tree': An Historical Summary of the Downsview Lands, was prepared for Canada Lands Company Limited, then responsible for park development. While this summary pays detailed attention to aspects of agricultural, aviation and military heritage, it spends little time, two paragraphs in fact, discussing the relationship of Aboriginal people to the Downsview Park site. After a brief discussion of the Humber Trail, the Seneca village of Teiaigon, ancient Iroquois 181 Marcia Crosby, "Construction of the Imaginary Indian," Vancouver Anthology: The Institutional Politics of Art, ed. Stan Douglas (Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1991) 270. 182 Crosby, "Construction" 284. 76 villages, and the Toronto Purchase, the reader is almost immediately introduced to the beginnings of the relationship of the British to the site. While the remainder of the document is comprehensive, as a reader with an interest in the relationship of Aboriginal people to this place, I was left with very little information. As with natural heritage, early planning and design documents for Downsview Park point to the importance of recognizing the site's cultural heritage as park design and development evolves. For instance, the 1998 Downsview Urban Design Study raises the important question of: "How can the history of Downsview, the region and Canada be revealed through the stories of the men and women who traversed, settled, farmed, worked and lived on these lands?"184 The 1999 International Design Competition document also picks up on this theme stating, "The Park should create a sense of uniqueness and place, building on the cultural and natural history of the site."185 The winning Tree City design, while shifting the emphasis from heritage to "legacy," is consistent in its recognition of the importance of Downsview Park's cultural heritage to aspects of park development. In its discussion of the legacy theme, the plan calls for the development of "an evaluation and assessment of Downsview's cultural and ecological past in order to inform its future." A Wayne Edward Kelly, "The Downsview Family Tree": An Historical Summary of the Downsview Lands (Toronto: Canada Lands Company Limited, 1998) 3. 184 Cochrane Brook Planning and Urban Design, Downsview Urban Design Study (Toronto: North York Planning Department, June 1998) 10. 185 Detlef Mertins and Engel Consulting Group, Downsview Park International Design Competition (Toronto: CLC Downsview Inc., 3 Dec. 1999) 27. 186 Bruce Mau, Tree City: Park Design and Program Pre-Schematic (Toronto: Bruce Mau Design Inc., 28 Aug. 2003) 16. 77 comprehensive exploration of the relationship of Aboriginal people to the site would have an important place within such an assessment. Finally, PDP's 2006-2007 Annual Report continues to reference the "rich natural and cultural heritage of Downsview Park,"187 in its discussion of educational programs offered on site. However, while all of these documents profess to recognize the importance of cultural heritage to park development, none of them explicitly mention the importance of discussing the relationship of Aboriginal people to the site. In fact, one of the only references to Aboriginal people found in any of these documents comes under the "Annual Events" section of the Annual Report. The "Love Winter" event, identified as "a celebration of Canadian winter activities,"188 contains a description of these activities including, "an ice maze for kids, aboriginal arts and crafts, native drumming and dancing and live entertainment."189 The reader is not told whether the Aboriginal people involved in this day have a relationship to the Downsview Park site, and indeed, further inquiry at the Park revealed that the event coordinators were fairly certain that they weren't connected to the history of the Park in anyway.190 While all of the reports and plans examined speak of the need to address and to relate to the site's cultural heritage, up to this point very little effort has been made to do so in a meaningful way. If PDP is serious about recognizing and celebrating principal aspects of the site's cultural heritage, a more in-depth consideration of both historical and contemporary relationships of Aboriginal people to this place is 187 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2006-2007 (Toronto: Pare Downsview Park Inc., June 2007) 23. 188 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2006-2007 20. 189 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2006-2007 20. 190 Joanne Fulsom, "Re: Love Winter- January 2007," e-mail to the author, 25 Oct. 2007. 78 necessary. While the information provided in the Downsview Family Tree gives one a point of departure, there is much more to say about the nature of this relationship. In the pages that follow, an attempt will be made both to reexamine aspects of the relationship of Aboriginal people to the Downsview Park site, and to identify important questions and approaches that will further aid in the process of telling the story of this relationship. Although the Downsview Family Tree does make reference to the Iroquois, Seneca and Mississauga peoples, their relationship to the Don and Humber watersheds is far more complex than this text suggests. To begin, it is important to emphasize that the terms Iroquois, Seneca, Mississauga, and Huron were all names imposed upon groups of Aboriginal people by early explorers and colonizers.191 These terms are only used throughout this text to remain consistent with historical descriptions and governmental reports and not as an affirmation of their contemporary accuracy. Rodney Bobiwash discusses in "The History of Native People in the Toronto Area," how the original inhabitants of the Toronto area have been given the label of the "Clovis" people by archaeologists and are believed to have been large game hunters who inhabited the area between 9 000 and 5 000 BC.192 From 9 000 BC onwards, archaeologists have identified a number of time periods that correspond to the culture 191 In many instances today, Aboriginal people have reclaimed their own languages and terminology. The term Iroquois Confederacy has been replaced by the Haudenosaunee Nation. The Seneca are a part of the Haudenosaunee Nation and historically were "the keepers of the western gate" (http://www.rivernen.ca/seneca.htm). The Huron have referred to themselves as Wendat which means '"people who live on the back of a great turtle'" (http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/settlement/kids/021013-2111-e.html), and the Mississauga people also refer to themselves as Anishnawbe (Bobiwash 7). 192 Rodney Bobiwash, "The History of Native People in the Toronto Area: An Overview," The Meeting Place: Aboriginal Life in Toronto, ed. Francis Sanderson and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Toronto: Native Canadian Centre of Toronto, 1997) 7. 79 and history of the first inhabitants of the Toronto area including, the "Paleo-Indian" (7 000-9 000 BC), "Archaic" (1 000-7 000 BC), "Early Woodland" (400-1 000 BC), "Middle Woodland" (600 AD- 400 BC), "Transitional Woodland" (AD 900-AD 600), and "Late Woodland" (AD 1650-AD 900) periods.193 While it is important to remember that these terms have been created by archaeologists and therefore do not necessarily reflect the history of Aboriginal people in the Toronto area as told through oral narratives and Creation Stories, they do help to further establish the point that different groups of Aboriginal people have inhabited the Toronto area for at least eleven thousand years. It is necessary to emphasize too, that while the Mississauga people may have been the primary inhabitants of this landscape at the time of treaty negotiations with the Crown, this was not always the case during the "post-contact" period. In the early seventeenth century, the Huron people were the primary inhabitants of the north shore of Lake Ontario, while the Mississauga occupied lands on the north shore of Lake Huron, and the Iroquois Confederacy primarily occupied what is now New York State.194 However, this was all to change, in large part as a result of fur trade relationships. Both the Huron and the Mississauga were allies of the French, while the Iroquois traded primarily with the Dutch and the British. By the mid-seventeenth century, the Iroquois Confederacy had replaced the Huron people on the north shore Archaeological Services Inc., A Master Plan of Archaeological Resources for the City of Toronto: Interim Report (Toronto: City of Toronto, Culture Division, Aug. 2004) 13. 194 Daniel J. Bellegarde, Mississaugas of the New Credit: First Nations Inquiry: Toronto Purchase Claim (Ottawa: Indian Claims Commission, 2003) 7. 80 of Lake Ontario and would maintain control of this region for the next four decades.195 However, by the beginning of the eighteenth century the Mississauga had expelled the Iroquois from their hunting territory and had established control of the north shore of Lake Ontario.196 In the year 1700, representatives of the Mississauga people travelled to the capital of the Iroquois Confederacy with an offer of peace. As Daniel Bellegarde states, In exchange for the Confederacy's recognition of the Mississaugas' territorial control, and an agreement to allow them direct access to English fur traders, the Mississaugas offered to cease hostilities. The offer of peace was accepted in June 1700, and as a result the Mississaugas secured their control of the territory between Lake Huron and Lake Ontario. They would occupy these lands until the land cessions of the late 18th and early 19th century confined them to a very small proportion of their former territory.1 The Downsview Park site was, at various times then, a part of Huron, Iroquois, and Mississauga territories and is related to the larger story of fur trade relationships and competition on the north shore of Lake Ontario. In order to better understand how the Downsview lands came to be in the possession of the Crown, a more in-depth discussion of the Toronto Purchase, and the complications that accompany it, is necessary. While the Crown is said to have negotiated the initial Toronto Purchase with the Mississauga people in 1787, a closer reading of the circumstances surrounding the negotiation reveals that the Crown did 195 Bellegarde 8. 196 Robert J. Surtees, "Land Cessions, 1763-1830," Aboriginal Ontario: Historical Perspectives on the First Nations, ed. Edward S. Rogers and Donald B. Smith (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1994) 94; Bobiwash 14. 197 Bellegarde 9. 81 not negotiate in good faith. In 1787 and 1788, representatives of the Crown met with Aboriginal bands at both the Toronto and Quinte Carrying-Place in order to arrange for the purchase of a significant area of land on the north shore of Lake Ontario. However, as Rodney Bobiwash describes, "the document which formalized the transaction omitted a description of the area surrendered. Instead, it contained a blank spot where descriptions of surrendered land were supposed to be inserted after the fact."198 This negotiation, then, demonstrated a complete disregard for the Royal Proclamation of 1763 which stipulated that lands belonging to "Indians" had to be purchased by the Crown before settlement could proceed, and that such transactions had to have the consent of the band concerned before they could be considered valid.199 From the perspective of the British Crown, it was necessary to acquire as much land as possible on the north shore of Lake Ontario, in part to accommodate the large numbers of United Empire Loyalists, including Aboriginal loyalists and allies, who were migrating to Ontario during this time period.200 It soon became evident to the Mississauga people, however, that the 1787 agreement was not meant to make official arrangements to share the land, but rather for its surrender. With the arrival of increasing numbers of settlers, the Mississauga people were beginning to be displaced from their own territory as "newcomers encroached on their fisheries and denied them the right to cross patented land." 198 Bobiwash 15. 199 Donald Smith, "Aboriginal Ontario: An Overview of 10 000 Years of History," Aboriginal Ontario: Historical Perspectives on the First Nations, ed. Edward S. Rogers and Donald B. Smith (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1994)419. 200 Bellegarde 17. 20lBellegarde21. 82 By 1805, it was quite evident to the Crown that a formal agreement would have to be reached in order to increase the amount of land available for agricultural settlement, as well as to secure title to the government's capital city.202 As Daniel Bellegarde states, The formal deed of surrender confirming the Toronto Purchase was drawn up and executed on August 1, 1805, the date that the surrender of the Mississauga tract was negotiated. In addition to confirming the 1787 transaction made with Sir John Johnson, the deed included a detailed legal description of the boundaries of the surrendered parcel, which comprised some 250,880 acres of land, and which was made subject to the First Nation's right to fish in Etobicoke Creek.203 However, although one may assume the story ends there, the Toronto Purchase continues to be the subject of debate between the Mississauga people and the Canadian government. In June of 1986, the Mississauga Tribal Claims Council submitted a claim relating to the Toronto Purchase to the Specific Claims Branch of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. The Toronto Purchase Claim alleged, "that a vast expanse of land in southern Ontario, which includes metropolitan Toronto, had never been properly surrendered to the Crown. It also alleged that the transactions concerning the purchase, which took place in 1787 and 1805, were tainted by breaches of fiduciary duty owed by the Crown to the Mississauga nation."204 It wasn't until July of 2002 that Chief Bryan Laforme of the Mississauga New Credit First Nation was informed that the Canadian government was willing to accept specifically the Toronto Purchase Claim for negotiation.205 As Daniel Bellegarde, Commissioner for the Indian Claims Commission states, "For the 202 Bellegarde 29. 203 Bellegarde 30. 204 Bellegarde 1. 205 Bellegarde 32. 83 purpose of negotiation, Canada accepted that the circumstance surrounding the 1805 surrender constituted a breach of lawful obligation on the bases that a treaty or agreement between the Indians and the Crown had not been fulfilled."206 An online background document produced by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada in 2004 makes clear that while negotiations will be attempting to arrive at an agreement that fairly compensates the Mississauga First Nation in cash for the losses resulting from the 1805 Toronto Purchase; "[t]he current ownership of that land is not in question and is not an issue in this claim."207 One might be compelled to ask, then, what this has to do with the relationship of Aboriginal people to the Downsview Park site specifically. As the Downsview lands were acquired from the Mississauga people as a part of the Toronto Purchase, it is important to understand the impact this document has had on these people since its initial negotiation in 1787. To present the Toronto Purchase as a simple land transaction between two agreeable parties is to leave out a significant part of the story. While the British Crown was able to obtain the land it needed to sufficiently provide for the increasing numbers of settlers arriving in the Toronto area, including those who ultimately took up residence on the site of what is now Downsview Park, its methods of doing so continues to have implications for members of the Mississauga First Nation living in Ontario today. If one is to truly understand the relationship of Aboriginal people to what is now Downsview Park, and to North York more broadly, this part of the story cannot be dismissed or overlooked. 206 Bellegarde 32. 207 Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, Backgrounder Mississaugas of New Credit's Toronto Purchase Specific Claim (Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 23 April 2004), 24 October 2007 84 As discussed earlier in the chapter, much of the work available about the relationship of Aboriginal people to North York more broadly, and to Downsview Park specifically, situates them in "ancient" history or as incidental to the larger, "more important," narrative of early agricultural settlement. As agricultural settlement intensifies, Aboriginal people are largely absent from the story. By the time the area has industrialized, there is no trace of them at all. This may lead one to believe that Aboriginal people are no longer present in North York after the mid- nineteenth century. Certainly, they are absent from official historical narratives, but there are other ways to locate them in the story of North York. The work of William Perkins Bull, a grandson of John Perkins Bull, whose first wife Caroline Amelia Carpenter is responsible for the Downsview name, provides at least a few clues about the relationship of Aboriginal people to the Downsview area in the mid to late nineteenth century. In 1941, Bull published an in-depth narrative titled, From Oxford to Ontario: A History of the Downsview Community, about the history of the Downsview area, and in particular its pioneer inhabitants. Like other narratives of its time, it pays very little attention to the lives and stories of Aboriginal people. In fact, toward the end of the book Bull states, "Nearly all Downsview folk were of British birth, and anyone of foreign extraction was conspicuous."209 However, while the narrative itself may not address Downsview's Aboriginal residents specifically, Bull's research notes for the book do. A visit to the Peel Heritage Complex, where the majority of Bull's papers are housed, revealed that in 208 William Perkins Bull, From Oxford to Ontario: A History of the Downsview Community (Toronto: The Perkins Bull Foundation, 1941) 196. 209 Bull 234. 85 preparation for writing From Oxford to Ontario Bull certainly considered the relationship of Aboriginal people to the broader Downsview community. A "Pioneer Questionnaire," circulated amongst long-time Downsview residents in the mid 1930s, poses the following question, "Do you recall any stories of dealings of early settlers with Indians; going hunting or fishing with them; being alarmed, injured or helped by them; doing business with them by sale or barter; or giving to them when they begged?"210 Although the question itself takes a Eurocentric perspective, assuming that only a relationship between "early" settlers and Aboriginal people in the Downsview area might have existed, the fact that the question was even being asked in preparation for such a narrative is fairly unique for that time period. Further, the answers it yields are indicative of a relationship of Aboriginal people to the Downsview area that extends well into the latter half of the nineteenth century. For instance, a letter from a W.A. Clarke dated 25 March 1935, states that this individual can remember plenty of Indians being in the neighbourhood. "They came down from the 'north' I believe from the Lake Simcoe islands of Georgina and Snake Islands, spent the summer making baskets and selling them and returning to the islands for the winter."21' When asked what he could recall of "Indian days" at Downsview, Mr. John Shirley was able to remember a number of Indians camping in the neighbourhood for part of a summer and winter about fifty-seven years prior to his being interviewed. He states, "They made their teepees of [?] covered with bark, 210 "Pioneer Questionnaire" Region of Peel Archives. 91-0045, Series 11, Files 13-28. 2" 25 March 1935 Region of Peel Archives. 91-0045, Series 11, Files 13-28. 86 and a hollow bass wood through the centre for the smoke to go out from the fire...The camp was situated where the Downsview station..."212 When interviewed, Edwin James Ross MacDonald, then seventy-one years of age, was able to recall Indians living on what was then "Sheriff Mowat's place" approximately fifty-five years prior to his interview. He also remembered a little reserve located at the back end of the MacDonald's farm. Research notes from the interview read as follows: "Apparently did not barter much with the settlers, lived to themselves, neither harmed nor helped the settlers as far as Ed MacDonald can remember. He is 71 years."213 One might well ask again what relevance such narratives have to the Downsview Park site itself when the community of Downsview is known to have occupied a larger area than the site of the Park itself. However, a further exploration based on the accounts of these former Downsview residents reveals that in 1878 both Sheriff Mowat and Edwin MacDonald owned property on the west side of Keele Street almost directly across from the farm of Edward Boake which is now the present site of the Park. While Frederick Mowat owned Concession IV W, Lot 14, Edward Boake owned Concession III W, Lot 14. The MacDonald properties were also in close proximity to present-day Downsview Park; and were located at Concession IV W, Lots 4, 7, and 12 respectively.214 The camp sites and small settlements these men describe, then, would literally have been located directly across the street from present-day Downsview Park. 212 John Shirley Region of Peel Archives. 91-0045, Series 11, Files 13-28. 213 Research Notes Region of Peel Archives. 91-0045, Series 11, Files 13-28. 214 Miles and Company, Illustrated historical atlas of the county of York; selected and reprinted from the 1878 edition (Belleville: Mika Silk Screening Limited) 14-15. 87 The research of W.P. Bull for From Oxford to Ontario helps to establish an Aboriginal presence in the Downsview Park area during the mid to late nineteenth century, thus contradicting the implicit assumption that Aboriginal people disappeared from the Downsview area after a period of intensive British agricultural settlement. Further, Bull's research notes and anecdotes contribute to the process of writing Aboriginal people back into the story of Downsview, albeit in a limited way, and therefore should be regarded as important preliminary resources in the establishment of a continuing relationship of Aboriginal people to Downsview Park. One question that does remain, however, is why this material does not ultimately appear in the book. As the agricultural era of the Downsview Park site comes to an end, and it gradually becomes more industrial and urban in nature, the lives and stories of Aboriginal people are largely absent from narratives about aviation, the war effort, and increasing numbers of newly arrived immigrants to Canada who have chosen to make the Downsview area their home. Yet this does not mean that one should safely assume that Aboriginal people have now disappeared from North York all together; relegated to the land bases largely chosen for them by the Federal Government. Research to this point has not revealed much of the stories and experiences of Aboriginal people living and working in the Downsview area in the twenty and twenty-first centuries. However, this does not mean that such stories do not exist. While federal legislation in the form of the Indian Act determines who is considered an "Indian" in the eyes of the government and the law, Marcia Crosby points out that, "almost half of the Native people in this country do not have a legally defined identity 88 as 'Indians'; that is, they are not registered with the Department of Indian Affairs, and therefore are not status 'Indians' within the meaning of the Indian Act."215 This legal definition of "Indian" has complex implications in terms of who is, or is not, granted access to reserve land. Aboriginal people who are legally defined as "non-status" or "Metis" often do not have legal rights to this land. Further, a lack of opportunity, or other more grave circumstances, the complexities of which are largely a result of colonial relationships, have resulted in many "status Indians" leaving, or being forced to leave, their land base. Many of these people ultimately made their homes in urban centres such as Toronto. As Bonita Lawrence states, "[Toronto's] Aboriginal residents are the products of multiple generations of inter-marriages, dislocations, and removals."216 To assume then, that Aboriginal people have not had some kind of continued relationship with the Downsview Park site, is unfair. They may have married farmers of British descent; they may have worked for de Havilland; or for the Department of National Defence at CFB Downsview. These stories are not always revealed through an examination of census data or company documents, but that does not mean that they aren't there. They are present in the larger narrative of the experiences of Aboriginal people living and working in the Toronto area; a narrative which Bonita Lawrence suggests is not always readily visible, "...because Toronto is located in Eastern Canada, where Aboriginal people on the whole are far less visible than in 215 Marcia Crosby, "Lines, Lineage and Lies, or Borders, Boundaries and Bullshit," Nations in Urban Landscapes, ed. Faye Heavyshield, Shelley Niro, and Eric Robertson (Vancouver: Contemporary Art Gallery, 1997)26. 216 Bonita Lawrence, "Real" Indians and Others: Mixed-Blood Urban Native Peoples and Indigenous Nationhood (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004) 19. 89 Western Canada and where the presence of large numbers of people of colour ensures that the racialized Other in Toronto is not Aboriginal, urban Native people in Toronto suffer from a certain invisibility."217 This invisibility is reflected in the narratives of progress, innovation and immigration that have thus far been dominant in considerations and presentations of Downsview Park's heritage. Thus far this chapter has attempted to analyze critically the place of Aboriginal people in historical narratives about North York more broadly, and Downsview Park specifically, and to challenge certain assumptions about their relationship to the place that is now Downsview Park. The remainder of the chapter will consider the relevance of physical and philosophical approaches to further developing an understanding of the relationship of Aboriginal people to what is now Downsview Park. We remember the disrespect inherent in the settlement and development that has taken place on our lands over the past five hundred years or more. We remember the ways in which our remains have been handled and collected in the early years of archaeology. We also recall our ancestral responsibilities to welcome, comfort, and advise newcomers to our land. The recovery of the evidence of our ancestors comes as a deep form of this advice.218 This quote by Dr. William Woodworm is a crucial reminder of the importance of working with First Nations communities in a collaborative archaeological process. In their discussion of an archaeological project at the Moatfield Ossuary in the late nineteen-nineties, Ron Williamson and Susan Pfeiffer state, "It is hoped that the co- 217 Lawrence 19. 218 William Woodworth, Raweno:kwas, Foreword, 'Their Bones are Here: Raotihskionh," Bones of the Ancestors: The Archaeology and Osteobiography of the Moatfield Ossuary, ed. Ronald F. Williamson and Susan Pfeiffer (Ottawa: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2003) 1. 90 operative nature of the project between scholars and First Nations has helped to tell some of the stories of the Ancestors, stories that were until now, untold."219 As the previous section of the chapter discussed, it is certain that there are countless "untold stories" about the relationship of Aboriginal people to the Downsview Park site. An archaeological approach is one way to begin to reveal some of these stories. As a discussion of the archaeological potential of the Downsview Park site unfolds, the above quotations from Dr. Woodworth, and Ron Williamson and Susan Pfeiffer, serve as an important reminder of the necessity of working closely with First Nations communities whenever a relevant archaeological find is unearthed The Ministry of Culture for the Province of Ontario states on its website, "Presently, only an estimated 10-15% of all archaeological sites in the Province have been identified. Much of our future ability to understand and appreciate our past will depend on finding and documenting such resources before they are destroyed."220 Similarly, the ability to "understand and appreciate" Downsview Park's past specifically, is also in part dependent on the potential discovery of such resources. However, as I have come to learn, the process of ensuring that an archaeological survey takes place on the site is less than straightforward. What follows, is a discussion of my research journey into the complex web of policies and legislation, in order to determine whether PDP has an obligation to take the necessary measures to 219 Ron Williamson and Susan Pfeiffer, "Summary and Conclusions: What We Learned from Studying the Ancestors," Bones of the Ancestors: The Archaeology and Osteobiography of the Moatfield Ossuary, ed. Ronald F. Williamson and Susan Pfeiffer (Ottawa: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2003) 345. 220 "Archaeology," Ministry of Culture Home Page (Toronto: Government of Ontario, 2006), 12 December 2007 91 discover more about the site's potential to yield archaeological resources and the stories that accompany them. The first discovery I made on this journey was that a number of sites of archaeological significance have been discovered in relatively close proximity to Downsview Park. The site in closest proximity to the Park, is aptly named, the "Downsview Site." Located on the bank of the Black Creek, just northwest of what used to be the Downsview Post Office, on Lot 29, Concession 4 West in North York Township, the site was excavated in the fall of 1950 by University of Toronto Students.221 Driving west on present-day Sheppard Avenue between Keele and Jane Street, the site is on the left as one enters Downsview Dells Park and large apartments now sit on the plateau where it was originally located. Archaeologist John Norman Emerson described the Downsview site as follows: It was very rich and interesting and yielded a very adequate cross-section of material. It is atypically Iroquoian in that is occupies both the top and side terraces of a very high hill... The finds are characterized by a well- developed chipped-stone industry, a relatively elaborate bond artifact series, an elaborate smoking complex, and a rich ceramic tradition.223 The next closest site to Downsview Park is the Black Creek site. Located on Lot 27 Concession 5 West, North York Township, the site is to be found close to the present-day junction of Jane and Wilson Avenue.224 Excavated in the fall of 1948 by University of Toronto students, it is the earliest of the sites in the middle Humber 221 John Norman Emerson, The Archaeology of the Ontario Iroquois, PhD Dissertation (Chicago: U of Chicago, 1954) 101. 222 North York Public Library, North York Historical Scrapbooks (Toronto: North York Central Library, Vol. 26, n.d.) n.pag. 223 Emerson 102. 224 Emerson 121-123. 92 area, dating back to the early fifteenth century.225 It is believed that the Black Creek population may have moved to the Downsview site before eventually relocating to the Parsons site near the York University Campus.226 John Norman Emerson described the site as follows: "Archaeological remains at Black Creek were mostly obtained from rather rich refuse deposits located along the slope leading to the Black Creek itself. Materials in all categories were relatively rich and well represented. Close similarities to Downsview are immediately obvious."227 The final site to be discussed is the Parsons site. Located mostly within Lot 21, Concession 4, York Township, northwest of the present-day intersection of Finch Avenue and Keele Street, the site was first excavated by University of Toronto students under the direction of John Norman Emerson in the fall of 1952.228 Williamson et al. describe the site as follows: 'The Late Iroquoian Parsons site...is situated on a broad promontory formed by a meander spur overlooking Black Creek, a tributary of the Humber River."229 A 1977 article in the North York Mirror titled, "Huron Village dates from the 14th century" described the site as a Huron village, built about the year 1350, which had an estimated population of about 1,200.230 In fact, the Parsons site was the subject of much local press in the late nineteen- sixties and early nineteen-seventies as Russell Cooper, then Administrator of the 225 Emerson 123. 226 Ron Williamson, Stephen Cox Thomas, and Robert I. MacDonald, "The Archaeology of the Moatfield Village Site," Bones of the Ancestors: The Archaeology and Osteobiography of the Moatfield Ossuary, ed. Ronald F. Williamson and Susan Pfeiffer (Ottawa: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 2003) 25. 227 Emerson 124. 228 Ronald F. Williamson, Martin S. Cooper, and David A. Robertson, "The 1989-90 Excavations at the Parsons Site: Introduction and Retrospect," Ontario Archaeology 65/66 (1998): 4. 229 Williamson, Ontario Archaeology 4. 230 Jay Myers, "Huron village dates from the 14th century," North York Mirror [North York] 29 June 1977: n.pag. 93 Historic Sites Division of the Metropolitan Toronto and Region Conservation Authority advocated for its designation as a national historic site. "I would envisage the eventual Parsons' Village as being a living museum where the present-day Indian would portray the life of his ancestor for the hundreds of thousands of visitors who would come annually to see a museum of this kind."231 Ultimately, Cooper's attempt to have the site designated by the Historic Sites and Monuments Board in 1968 was unsuccessful. As Williamson and Robertson recognize, "It seems that the Board's primary concern at the time was the celebration of the icons of European 9^9 colonialism." If an understanding of what constitutes Downsview Park's heritage in particular was to continue to move beyond the consideration of dominant colonial narratives, my next step was to learn about how determining and acting upon the archaeological potential of the site itself could aid in this process. To begin, as established in the previous chapter on natural heritage, Downsview Park has a unique topography, and indeed is one of the highest points of elevation in the City of Toronto. In his discussion of "pre-contact" village sites in Ontario J.N. Emerson states, "In the absence of converging creeks a similar plateau formation was selected, always dominated by steep bank approaches and not far from some waterway. In areas apparently remote from enemy attack the villages often occupied gradually sloping, rolling hilltops."233 Further, in their Interim Report titled A Master Plan of Archaeological Resources for the City of Toronto, Archaeological Services Inc. 231 Russell Cooper, Background Material on Indian Village Site Black Creek (Toronto: Metropolitan Toronto and Region Conservation Authority, 18 Dec. 1967) 1. 232 Ronald F. Williamson and David A. Robertson, "Preface," Ontario Archaeology 65/66 (1998): 1. 233 Emerson 27. 94 identifies slope as a key factor in the selection of site locations by "pre-contact groups."234 The topography of Downsview Park, then, lends itself to having archaeological potential. Archaeological Services Inc. also recognizes that, "over 85% of all registered, pre- contact camps and villages in the City and expanded study area lands are found within 250 metres of water."235 As discussed previously, the Lost Rivers Project would indicate that a number of small tributaries to the Don and Humber Rivers ran across the Downsview Park lands prior to industrial and military development, and in many cases, still run underneath the surface of the site. Further, in refining the proximity to water criterion, Archaeological Services Inc. suggests that, "all lands located beyond 250 metres of water, but within 250 metres of the top of bank of all major rivers within the City, such as the Humber, Don or Rouge and their major tributaries, are also considered to demonstrate significant potential for selection by pre-contact populations." Both Downsview Park's topography, and its proximity to tributaries of the Don and Humber Rivers, need to be taken into account when considering the archaeological potential of the site. While the above discussion may suggest that these physical characteristics of the place that is now Downsview Park are indicative of archaeological potential, the argument has been made that the site has been so disturbed by the erection of buildings and development of related infrastructure by the Department of National Defence, during its time as a military base, that any items of archaeological 234 Archaeological Services Inc. 30. 235 Archaeological Services Inc. 29. 236 Archaeological Services Inc. 29. 95 significance have surely been destroyed. However, as Archaeological Services Inc. states in their Interim Report, Whatever the development history, it is recognized that some features associated with many historic archaeological sites are likely to have survived, as deeply buried deposits, in areas that have been developed and even re-developed. Only where land has been disturbed to a depth of ten or more feet should it be concluded that there is no potential for survival and therefore no requirement to carry out an assessment. Further, as an archaeologist for the Toronto and Region Conservation Authority suggested, "there is no evidence that there is not anything there [at Downsview Park]... if every square inch has been previously disturbed, then maybe." Although the Department of National Defence has reports in its possession that would indicate that there is no significant archaeological potential on the site, statements in these reports are contradictory and provide no evidence of a comprehensive archaeological survey ever taking place on the site. An Environmental Assessment, conducted in 2002, as a part of the "Downsview Administrative and Training Facility" project draws on the following statement from a 1994 Environmental Baseline Study Final Report prepared for the Department of National Defence by Dillon Consulting: [Canadian Forces Base (CFB)] Toronto does not contain any archaeological resources registered in the Archaeological Sites Data Base maintained by the Heritage Branch of the Ontario Ministry of Culture, Tourism, and Recreation. However, there are several registered prehistoric sites along Black Creek and the West Don River immediately west and east of the base. While the greatest potential for encountering additional Native archaeological resources would be in close proximity to Black Creek and the Don Valley, the presence of these sites suggests that there may be significant heritage sites within the base itself. In addition to Archaeological Services Inc. 37-38. TRCA Archaeologist, Personal Telephone Conversation 27 Nov. 2007. 96 the Native prehistoric occupation of the area, there is documentary evidence for extensive nineteenth century Euro-Canadian settlement. Farmsteads and related rural features would have been present in the area prior to the military use of the property. Whether or not any of these resources have survived the development of the site is dependent upon the extent and degree to which the property was modified during various construction activities. Since the archaeological potential of the property is moderate at best, the potential for intact resources within CFB Toronto is considered low. Interestingly, despite the fact that it asserts that "the potential for intact resources within CFB Toronto is considered low," the above statement also suggests "that there may be significant heritage sites within the base itself," thus creating a contradictory impression of the perceived archaeological potential of the site. A further examination of both reports reveals that no specific reference is made to a comprehensive archaeological survey in the drawing of these conclusions. Extensive investigation and correspondence with relevant individuals led me to the reasonable conclusion, therefore, that no comprehensive archaeological survey of the Downsview Park site in its entirety had been conducted despite the fact that developments taking place at the Park had already, and would continue, to further disturb the physical landscape. The 2006-2007 Annual Report indicates that over the course of the year, "PDP undertook visible changes to the landscape, including deconstruction of obsolete infrastructure, earth moving, grading for planting areas, soil amelioration, aeration, and stormwater management."240 All of these activities occurred in the absence of a comprehensive archaeological survey, and plans for development continue with the proposed digging of the "pond" or "lake." Dillon Consulting, Canadian Forces Base Toronto Environmental Baseline Study Final Report Vol. 1 (Toronto: Department of National Defence, 30 Nov. 1994) 1-5-5. 240 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2006-2007 20. 97 I soon came to discover that I was not the only one who felt that PDP should be exploring the site's archaeological potential. Both archaeologists and municipal heritage officials expressed concern about the lack of a comprehensive archaeological survey for the Downsview Park lands. Ron Williamson, an archaeologist with Archaeological Services Inc., who is heavily involved in the preparation of an Archaeological Master Plan for the City of Toronto, had the following to say about the archaeological potential of Downsview Park: [T]he archaeological master plan will eventually cover the Park although any policies generated will not apply to federal land as you guessed. There are several tributaries of the Don River that at one time extended quite close to the Park such that I would expect wherever previous use of the Park has not involved substantial sub-surface disturbance, pre-contact sites could definitely be present. I happen to know that City heritage officials and agencies have expressed their concern that archaeological assessment of the lands occur prior to any future development in the Park ...Certainly its position in the Don and Humber watersheds, both of which exhibit significant archaeological potential suggest those lands should be no different. Both watersheds have thousands of years of occupation including substantial ancestral Huron village and ossuary sites. 41 Indeed, to further substantiate this assertion, an examination of From Oxford to Ontario reveals an inset photograph of "Indian Relics found on Dublin Farm."242 Further consultation with a heritage official revealed that the Dublin area was located right at the idle of the present-day runways.243 While presently under the control of Bombardier Inc, and therefore not a part of the Park, these runways are right next to the Park site. Moreover, some or all of the lands now under Bombardier control may well, in due course, become part of the Park. Evidence of such a discovery calls into 241 Ron Williamson, "Re: The Archaeological Master Plan and Downsview Park," e-mail to the author, 2 November 2007. 242 Bull 121. 243 Wayne Kelly, "Re: Research on Downsview Park's Heritage," e-mail to the author, 29 October 2007. 98 question what already has been found on the Park site, and what still remains uncovered. Finally, as is so often the case, a need for concrete physical evidence to substantiate claims of archaeological potential at Downsview Park was called for. It would seem that without a comprehensive archaeological survey, such evidence would be difficult to locate. However, with the aid of a City of Toronto Heritage official, the beginnings of such evidence, was obtained. Susan Hughes, Supervisor of Special Projects concerning archaeology at the Heritage Preservation Services Policy and Research Division of City Planning, stated the following in an email on 18 December 2007: The following archaeological master plan maps of the Downsview Park lands illustrate that the property does indeed have both pre-contact and historic archaeological potential. The City of Toronto would most certainly expect that a Stage 1-2 Archaeological Assessment would be conducted for these lands prior to any soil disturbance activity. Furthermore, I would expect that the federal government would abide by the City of Toronto's archaeological master plan and complete the work in accordance with the City's protocols and reporting procedures for these lands. The provincial ORC Ontario Realty Corporation abides by the City's protocols for archaeology.244 The maps provided by Susan Hughes are indeed indicative of archaeological potential on the Downsview Park site, thus providing the evidence missing from opposing statements in the aforementioned Department of National Defence reports. Interestingly, it would appear that the areas most demonstrative of "pre-contact" potential encompass both lands slated for development and land that will remain Susan Hughes, "Re: Re: Downsview Park and Archaeological Survey," e-mail to the author, 18 December 2007. 99 dedicated to public open space. Both of these types of land comprise Downsview PRE-CONTAGT POTENTIAL Figure 6 Map of Downsview Park's "Pre-Contact" archaeological potential as denoted by shaded areas. Courtesy of Susan Hughes 18 December 2007. 100 Park as a whole, and therefore their archaeological potential is very relevant to park development as it progresses. The question then became, whether any formal obligation existed to ensure that PDP recognized, and took responsibility for, this potential archaeological heritage through conducting an archaeological survey and engaging relevant First Nations communities. Research revealed that the legislation at municipal and provincial levels pertaining to archaeological heritage is fairly comprehensive, particularly when a municipality engages in the development of an archaeological master plan, as the City of Toronto has done. As stated in the 1994 Inventory of the Cultural Heritage Resources of the Lake Ontario Greenway Strategy Study Area, "Lower tier governments are most able to protect their archaeological resources through the preparation of master plans of archaeological resources, since they represent the most effective tool for conserving archaeological sites." In the case of Toronto, an archaeological master plan was commissioned by City Council in 2003. The Plan, "demarcates for the first time all known aboriginal and post-contact colonial villages, settlements and burial grounds...Most importantly, it identifies land...that may hold undiscovered artifacts now protected by a new screening process."246 This means that both developers and utility companies must finance archaeological assessments for many of their new projects. Further, in January 2006, legislation was passed by Toronto City Council that calls for archaeological assessments on real estate that the plan identifies as archaeologically 245 Archaeological Services Inc. and Unterman McPhail Cuming Associates, Settling the North Shore: An Inventory of Cultural Heritage Resources of the Lake Ontario Greenway Strategy Study Area (Toronto: Waterfront Regeneration Trust, July 1994) 14. 246 Joshua Knelman, "Digging up the city's history," Globe and Mail [Toronto] 3 March 2007: Ml. 947 sensitive, or possessing archaeological potential. At the municipal level, the preservation of archaeological heritage has become a priority. At the provincial level, the Minister of Culture is responsible for, encouraging the sharing of cultural heritage and for determining policies, priorities and programs for the conservation, protection and preservation of the heritage of Ontario. These goals are generally accomplished through other legislated processes, such as those required by the Planning and Environmental Assessment Acts, rather than directly through the Ontario Heritage Act itself.248 Both levels of government, then, work together to ensure that the province's archaeological resources are not destroyed by development, particularly in areas of intense urban densification, like many in the City of Toronto and its ever-expanding suburbs. However, although Downsview Park is located in the City of Toronto, the land is controlled at the federal level, thus posing a number of challenges to ensuring archaeological accountability and responsibility on the site. A report prepared for Parks Canada titled Unearthing the Law: Archaeological Legislation on Lands in Canada states: Unlike the provinces and territories, there is no federal legislation governing archaeological research and planning per se; the federal statutes only cover archaeological exports, and archaeological studies within the confines of an environmental impact assessment. In other words, unless there is a prospect that artifacts will be exported- or that a government department is about to undertake an environmental impact assessment for some reason- then there is no federal statute directing how a given department is supposed to treat archaeological issues on its lands.249 247 Knelman M2. 248 Ministry of Culture Home Page What does this mean for Downsview Park then? The first assumption might be that during the time when the site was under the jurisdiction of the Department of National Defence, archaeological resources, if found, would have been reported and protected. A complex investigation into this question did not reveal that this was the case. However, concrete evidence contradicting this assumption has yet to be found and presented. It is fair to assume, however, that during the time the site was under the control of the Department of National Defence, it was not disturbed to a depth of greater than ten feet in all areas. Therefore, as the maps from the City would suggest, certain areas within Downsview Park may still have archaeological potential. The next assumption might be, that as a Crown Corporation, PDP would have been subject to the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act, meaning that any activity undertaken on the site that would prompt an environmental assessment, would also require that research be undertaken in the areas of archaeology and paleontology.251 However, consultation with a Senior Program Officer at the Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency revealed that although the Environmental Assessment Act was strengthened in 2003 under Bill C-9 to include Crown Corporations as a federal authority, it only includes Parent and not Subsidiary Crown Corporations. Although PDP has been deemed a Parent Crown Corporation for the purposes of reporting to Parliament, it is still ultimately viewed by the 250Denhez31. 251 Denhez 23. Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency as a subsidiary of the Canada Lands Corporation, and therefore does not appear to be subject to the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act.252 The question then became, whether there is any specific federal legislation pertaining to archaeological resources on federal lands. The short answer, as confirmed by a Senior Policy Analyst at Parks Canada, is no.253 This means that presently there is no federal legislation governing the actions of PDP with respect to archaeology. The choice to conduct an archaeological survey is left entirely to their discretion, and to their willingness to abide by City protocols in good faith. However, a Parks Canada 2002 report titled, Towards a New Act Protecting Canada's Historic Places, makes clear, that there is awareness within the federal government, of a need for more comprehensive legislation to govern the protection of potential archaeological resources on federally owned lands. The report states, "To address the gaps in federal legislation, the Government of Canada is considering legislation to establish a new Canada Historic Places Act. Such a bill would offer legal protection for all historic places on federal lands and protection for archaeological resources on or under federal lands or waters."254 The report goes on to state that: With respect to the protection of archaeological resources, proposed intervention on lands owned by the Government of Canada that involved disturbance of the grounds would require an archaeological impact assessment. This would apply both to construction projects and Anonymous, Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency, "Which parent Crown corporations are subject to CEAA?" e-mail to the author, 20 December 2007. 253 Anonymous, Policy Analyst, Parks Canada, "Re: Fw: Downsview Park- Archaeological Heritage," e-mail to the author. 5 December 2007. 254 Canadian Heritage, Towards a New Act Protecting Canada's Historic Places (Ottawa: Minister of Public Works and Government Services Canada, 2002) 5. archaeological research projects. As with other sections of the proposed legislation the archaeological rules would apply to all federal departments, agencies and Crown Corporations.255 Further investigation revealed that, "work on this legislation is ongoing."256 The 2006-2007 Annual Report articulates the vision for Downsview Park in the following way, '"Downsview Park is a unique, urban, recreational green space, a safe and peaceful place developed according to the principles of environmental, economic, and social sustainability, for Canadians to enjoy in all seasons. The park reflects Canada's mosaic brilliance and celebrates its past, present and future accomplishments.'"257 Although Downsview Park is governed by a Crown Corporation, and therefore is not considered a national park as defined by the National Parks Act, it is still a space of national significance, and presents itself in that way. As such, it did not seem unreasonable for me to argue that the Corporation of PDP has an obligation, which may soon be federal law, to respect its potential archaeological heritage as park development progresses. If unearthed, archaeological resources would play an important role in telling the story of the relationship of Aboriginal people to the place that is now Downsview Park. I felt strongly that PDP must be encouraged to be accountable for this aspect of its heritage through the implementation of an archaeological survey, particularly in areas that the City's master plan had identified as having potential archaeological significance. It seemed to me that as a park of national importance, Downsview Park owed it to all Canadians Canadian Heritage 7. 256 Anonymous, Policy Analyst, Parks Canada, "Re: Fw: Downsview Park- Archaeological Heritage," e-mail to the author. 5 December 2007. 257 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2006-2007 3. 105 to recognize and respect its potential archaeological heritage as park development continued. Just when it seemed that I had reached the end of this particular research thread, I learned that as a result of their work with the City of Toronto on revisions to the Downsview Area Secondary Plan, PDP would in fact be participating in an archaeological assessment process. Almost a year after I had begun researching aspects of the Park's archaeological potential, I received an email from Ron Williamson: I have some good news. We are actually now involved with a study of the Park as part of a secondary planning exercise. We are responsible for the archaeological component and are doing some research to evaluate past impacts to potential archaeological resources, in much the same way as we have approached the balance of the City in the archaeological master plan process. This is an encouraging step towards a further understanding of the relationship of Aboriginal people to the place that is now Downsview Park. By beginning to determine the Park's archaeological potential, PDP is one step closer to learning more about the stories that might accompany this relationship, as told through the discovery of particular physical resources. They should be encouraged to follow the assessment process through to its conclusion, including the archaeological survey component. In considering the relationship of Aboriginal people to the Downsview Park site, it is important to move beyond a discussion of physical approaches to exploring this relationship, to one which takes into account the importance of oral narrative and Aboriginal world views. For many years oral tradition and history was dismissed by historians of the dominant culture as unreliable. The following quote from Percy 258 Ron Williamson, Personal Email 12 August, 2008 106 Robinson in Toronto During the French Regime is indicative of the attitude toward oral history during the mid-twentieth century and beyond: Indian tradition is notoriously inaccurate, but the fact that Copway, himself a Chippewa, in his traditional history of the tribe, asserts that it was in the latter part of the seventeenth century that the Mississaugas expelled the Iroquois from the country north of the lakes, may be allowed some consideration.259 Fortunately, while this attitude is still present amongst some, there has been, in recent years, a greater recognition of the importance of oral tradition in determining the relationships of Aboriginal people to particular landscapes. In 1999 Susan Buggey produced a report for Parks Canada titled, An Approach to Aboriginal Cultural Landscapes that recognizes the importance of Aboriginal world views in determining sites of national significance. The report states, Traditionally, the HSMBC has used historical and anthropological frameworks and specified criteria as the bases for assessing the national historic significance of places, people or events. The Board has, however, recognized that its conventional criteria, structure, and framework for evaluation do not adequately respond to the values inherent in the history of Aboriginal people.260 The report goes on to discuss the importance of understanding the need to focus on Aboriginal world views, rather than those stemming from western scientific tradition when considering the commemorations of cultural landscapes.261 Buggey defines an Aboriginal cultural landscape as, "a place valued by an Aboriginal group (or groups) because of their long and complex relationship with the land. It expresses their unity with the natural and spiritual environment. It embodies their traditional Ziy Robinson 59. 260 Susan Buggey, An Approach to Aboriginal Cultural Landscapes (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1999) 14 December 2007 < http://www.pc.gc.ca/docs/r/pca-acl/index_e.asp>. 261 Buggey < http://www.pc.gc.ca/docs/r/pca-acl/index_e.asp>. knowledge of spirits, places, land uses, and ecology." This approach to determining the relationship of Aboriginal people to a particular landscape has far less to do with the unearthing of physical "evidence" and much more to do with the recognition of how Aboriginal world views and oral traditions work to establish connections to a particular place. The report also recognizes that while particular groups of Aboriginal people may not currently occupy or use a particular landscape, it still may be of historic significance to their culture. Further, it identifies the importance of directly involving relevant groups of Aboriginal people in the process of defining their relationship to a particular landscape: One of the key implications of the redefinition in approaching landscapes is the involvement of associated peoples directly in the selection, research, designation, and management of places of heritage significance . .. The active involvement of Aboriginal people, particularly Elders, has refocused the investigative effort from the analysis of physical resources to recognition of the holistic and essentially spiritual relationship of people and land.264 Downsview Park is not a national historic site, but many of the ideas presented in the Parks Canada report are relevant to the consideration of an alternative approach to determining the relationship of Aboriginal people to this place. This is not to say that one should automatically assume that the site is of significance to Aboriginal people, but it is important to incorporate this approach before concluding one way or the other. As Gail Valaskakis states, "The vanquished have been drawn in the words of the victors, whose assertion that oral tradition is folklore, not history, constructs Buggey < http://www.pc.gc.ca/docs/r/pca-acl/index_e.asp>. Buggey < http://www.pc.gc.ca/docs/r/pca-acl/index_e.asp>. Buggey < http://www.pc. gc.ca/docs/r/pca-acl/index_e.asp>. 108 Indians as historyless vagrants without an authenticated written past" In order for the relationship of Aboriginal people to Downsview Park to be better understood, further research and collaboration with relevant First Nations communities needs to occur so that an approach based on oral traditions and histories may become a part of the Park's heritage narrative. This can only be accomplished, by taking the time to build respectful and reciprocal relationships, with those who may have knowledge to share; and through consideration of how this knowledge can be communicated to a broader public in an appropriate and non-exploitative way. As Linda Tuhiwai Smith discusses in Decolonizing Methodologies, "Indigenous peoples have attempted through the development of instruments such as treaties, charters and declarations to send clear signals to the world's scientific and research communities that open-cast mining approaches to research...are absolutely unacceptable."266 The time needed to develop these kinds of meaningful relationships is outside the scope of this particular research agenda. However, this research can encourage PDP to continue to take the time to develop these relationships, to ensure that the potential significance of the site to Aboriginal people is not solely interpreted within an archaeological framework. As Lynne Davis asserts, [D]espite researchers' often good intentions, there is no doubt that research relationships have mirrored and continue to reflect the historical power relationships between Indigenous and non Indigenous peoples. Moreover, research has served to reinforce outsiders' interests through the very act of collecting stories that result in narratives that name and Gail Guthrie Valaskakis, Indian Country: Essays on Contemporary Native Culture (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier Press, 2005) 76. Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples (New York: Zed Books Ltd., 1999) 118. interpret Indigenous knowledge and experiences through non-Indigenous lenses."267 The active participation of Aboriginal people in determining how their relationship to the Downsview Park site is understood and portrayed is therefore crucial if research in this area of the Park's heritage is to continue. This chapter has attempted to discuss aspects of the relationship of Aboriginal people to the place that is now Downsview Park in order to produce a landscape of Aboriginal heritage which establishes why it is important for PDP to take a proactive role in recognizing, and endeavouring to learn more about, this part of the site's cultural heritage. Beginning with a critical analysis of existing narratives pertaining to the relationship of Aboriginal people to North York, and the Downsview Park site specifically, an attempt was then made to provide a more in-depth understanding of both historical and contemporary circumstances and experiences that contribute to this relationship. The discussion then turned to a critical examination of the archaeological potential of Downsview Park which emphasized the importance of taking a responsible and respectful approach to this aspect of the Park's heritage as development progresses. Finally, the chapter concluded with a discussion of approaches being taken by Parks Canada with regard to Aboriginal cultural landscapes, and how these approaches might contribute to a better understanding of the relationship of Aboriginal people to Downsview Park, as told from their own perspective. Lynne Davis, "Risky Stories: Speaking and Writing in Colonial Spaces," Native Studies Review 15.1 (2004): 4. 110 The material presented within these pages only begins to hint at the story of the relationship of Aboriginal people to the Downsview Park site. Without further effort on the part of PDP, with regard to archaeology and the building of relationships with associated First Nations communities, much of the story will continue to remain untold. As a park of national significance it would be unfortunate if Downsview Park were to neglect this potentially rich aspect of its cultural heritage. In fact, it has a responsibility to all Canadians to ensure that this does not happen. Ill Chapter Five: A Landscape of Settler Heritage The previous chapter revealed the many gaps and assumptions inherent in the consideration of the relationship of Aboriginal people to the place that is now Downsview Park. Colonial processes and related settlement policies have ensured that the stories of ensuing relationships to this place are more accessible. The challenge then, becomes sifting through the wealth of material that exists to uncover the stories relating to Downsview Park in particular, in order to begin to produce a biographical narrative of this place in the nineteenth century and beyond. As I discussed in the previous chapter, many of the planning and design documents for Downsview Park emphasize the importance of recognizing the site's cultural heritage as the Park grows and evolves. However, up to this point, very little concrete action has been taken to weave aspects of this heritage into the fabric of the contemporary park landscape. Walking around Downsview Park today, it takes imagination to conceive of the place as being either a part of the territory of various groups of Aboriginal people, or of the farms of the numerous settlers who would follow. However, these are both former identities of the site and room therefore needs to be made for their consideration. These identities need not be presented solely in opposition to one another, but rather as aspects of the Park's heritage that can "illuminate each other." If the early heritage of this place is to be considered in its totality, it is necessary to present the stories of both identities. In my consideration of the site's settler identity, I draw upon the various "historical resources" that form the "collective memory" of the Park to produce a landscape of settler heritage that encompasses both tangible and intangible elements. 268 Laura Cameron 84. 112 As Massey explains, the particularity of a place is constructed not only from an inward examination of its characteristics, but also through an exploration of its relationship to institutions and structures that lie beyond its physical boundaries.269 Throughout the chapter, I interact with broader historical narratives of Upper Canada to discuss how larger economic, political, social, and religious trends in the province shaped both the land and the people on the Downsview Park site during the nineteenth century. The work of local historians also plays a valuable role in revealing the nature of the broader Downsview community during this period in time and the relevance of its specific structures and institutions to those settlers living on the Downsview Park site. In particular, the work of William Perkins Bull provides a unique window into nineteenth century Downsview. A consultation of family histories also aids in the understanding of the importance of certain families and individuals to the growth and development of the Downsview area. For instance, an examination of the relationship of the Bull family to Downsview, reveals how their own activities and beliefs played a key role in shaping the settler identity of this community. This in turn allows me to create a more nuanced account of Downsview Park's settler identity. My use of the above "historical resources" is complimented by an in-depth examination of key primary sources such as census, assessment, and land registry data, as well as oral history, which further illuminates the stories of the Downsview Park settlers and their spiritual, social, and agricultural activities. From these sources, we are able to learn exactly what was being grown on the Downsview Park property during the nineteenth century, and by whom, thus creating a detailed picture of the 269 Massey, Space Place and Gender 5. 113 place during this period in time. Both primary and secondary sources therefore intermingle on the pages of the text in unique ways to produce a textured and contextualized landscape of settler heritage. To begin to create this landscape, the parameters of Downsview Park must be considered in order to determine how much of the local history available about North York, is relevant to this place in particular. Writing in 1963, North York historian Patricia Hart discusses how in 1903 York Township passed a by-law which divided the Municipality into "commuted statute labour districts." She states, Downsview was district no. 13, "comprising lots 1 to 16 inclusive in the 2nd and 3rd concessions, and lots 5 to 16 inclusive in the 4th, 5th and 6th concessions west of Yonge Street." In 1963, this means from Eglinton Ave. to approximately three blocks north of Sheppard Ave. and from Bathurst Street to Keele Street; and from Darien St. (about three blocks south of Lawrence Ave.) to Stanley Road (north of Sheppard Ave.), and from Keele St. to the Humber River.270 It is thus evident, that both historically, and in more contemporary periods, the name of Downsview applies to a broader area of North York of which the Park is a part. While the history of the area certainly holds relevance in its entirety, the purpose of this chapter is to explore, in particular, the cultural heritage of the place that is now Downsview Park. Although the physical landscape of the Park itself has been vastly altered since the early nineteenth century, it is possible through the consultation of both historical and contemporary maps, to determine the specific lots within the third Concession west of Yonge Street that are a part of what is now Downsview Park. These maps confirm that the Park is indeed located in the Third Concession west of Yonge Street and encompasses Lots thirteen through sixteen. 270 Patricia Hart, Early Settlers of Downsview (North York: North York Public Library, n.d.) i. 114 The work of McLaren and Kelly Heritage Consultants in the Downsview Lands Project Building Inventory confirms this assertion when it identifies the Downsview Lands as being inclusive of Lots thirteen through sixteen, and parts of Lots twelve and seventeen in the third Concession of North York Township.271 i as "1 "^-s* •S»««t!»ni«»*o«». H c\Jk' J EA . Nfesffr" •S&S. J I r i ~ 1 I t HI II S H3 *Hi'1 —> f~ .$ Figure 7 Map of the Downsview Park Lands. Note the current configuration of Sheppard Ave. *7r„> Pare Downsview Park t&yniitrt &(?*/»*'/yf"*'^«W.r"'*-" '?/"«•* 'Attxth Won*/ ^ Ft J^SfL,^ rt' rfa^Ztezr XI £tfr*ft I J*" *• - v ... r „ ^r»(^s -} .. i - - • • fVr ,VI>m/f Figure 8 Ca. 1878 map of fair Mrffnwovi •*'•* \.tJ.fat Lots 11-16 in the Third Concession West of Yonge Street (Clark/Hugill to 1,4- Wm. Duncan). Note the fP?'P,w;w original configuration of Jtmh,Sfsmft-t IfJf ^ Sheppard Ave. running just { . 4$t#t *^* ****** , ,„rt"y * ,^ril„. I south of the Duncan farm. http://digital.library.mcgill. let, hie ca/Count yAtl as/Pri marySo Jirttfttft** ttti urce.htm f I ./^ £?&*?* +i***t,*te* titj 271 McLaren and Kelly Heritage Consultants, Downsview Lands Project Building Inventory (Downsview: n.p., 1998) 1. 115 Having identified the relevant lots in the Third Concession west of Yonge Street, it becomes possible to explore what their stories reveal about the nature of the Downsview Park site in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Through an extensive consultation of published and archival sources; census, assessment and land registry data; and oral history narratives, the stories of this place begin to emerge. The following chapter will present these stories, and analyze them in the context of what they impart about aspects of Downsview Park's nineteenth and early twentieth century cultural heritage. Before proceeding to a discussion of the lots specific to the Downsview Park site, it is first necessary to establish the relevance of the Bull family, both to the broader Downsview area, and to the heritage of the Park itself. In the previous chapter, the work of William Perkins Bull was discussed in the context of establishing the potential archaeological heritage of the Park. However, his work is also of great relevance to the Park's cultural heritage, particularly during the nineteenth century. In fact, much of the work about the heritage of the Downsview area that has come since draws heavily on his research and writing. In order to understand why Bull took such an active interest in nineteenth century Downsview, we must consider the relationship of the Bull family to the area during this period in time. In their history of the Bull family, Bob and Nell, Helen McMahon Small and Mary Jean Bull McMahon discuss how members of the Bull family first came to Canada from Tipperary, Ireland, in 1819.272 Among them was Bartholomew Bull who would have a profound impact on the evolution of Methodism in York 272 Helen McMahon Small and Mary Jean Bull McMahon, Bob and Nell: Robert James Bull and Helen Forsyth Lees their relatives and descendants (Ottawa: M. Helen Small, 2003) 6. 116 Township and beyond. "Both John and his son Bartholomew were active lay preachers and did much to establish centres of Wesleyan Methodist worship and education amongst their neighbours in Upper Canada."273 While there is much more to be said about Bartholomew Bull and his contributions to Upper Canada, in particular the Davenport area of Toronto, what is important in this context is that in 1822 his wife Elizabeth Boake Bull gave birth to a son, John Perkins Bull, and in 1830 Bartholomew Bull purchased Lot 8 in the Fourth Concession west of Yong Street which he gave to his son on the occasion of his twenty-first birthday. As we learn from Bull, "Upon leaving Victoria College, the young man put up a temporary cabin on the lot and moved in. He took from home a saddle-horse, a yoke of oxen and a waggon, and commenced to clear away the forest."274 John Perkins Bull would play a formidable role in the spiritual, educational, cultural and physical development of the Downsview area. As such, his name appears in many articles, books and documents pertaining to its history. For instance, in the 1899 The Methodist Churches of Toronto, he is described as "one of the earliest and most respected of York's pioneers."275 Perhaps the best description of him and his contributions to the Downsview area is given by his grandson, in From Oxford to Ontario: 273 Small and McMahon 9. 274 William Perkins Bull, From Oxford to Ontario: A History of the Downsview Community (Toronto: The Perkins Bull Foundation, 1941) 87-88. 275 Thomas Edward Champion, The Methodist Churches of Toronto (Toronto: The G. M. Rose & Sons Company, Limited, 1899) 355. Found with the assistance of North York Central Library's Local History Files. 117 John Perkins Bull strove with vigour and efficiency to assist pioneering activities. He had been reared in the fine traditions of his forbears and, realizing there was no church in the neighbourhood, he followed the practice of his forerunners in the district and opened his home for religious services. For the ensuing forty years he participated enthusiastically in all that was calculated to promote the spiritual and temporal health and happiness of the district. An active Justice of the Peace, he was known throughout the countryside as 'Squire Bull'.276 A description of John Perkins Bull by local historian Patricia Hart in 1963 corroborates his grandson's description of him. "The Squire was secretary of the School Board, trustee of the Weston Grammar School and deputy-reeve of York Township. He was president of the county Agricultural Society, director of the Industrial Exhibition Association and founder and treasurer of the Dominion Grange."277 Clearly then, John Perkins Bull played a key role in the development of the Downsview area in the mid to late nineteenth century. However, it was his first wife, Caroline Amelia Carpenter, who from her home on Lot 8 of the Fourth Concession, south-west of the present-day Park, would give the area its name. In The Downsview Family Tree, Kelly states, "In 1843 Caroline Amelia Carpenter married John Perkins Bull. She was so impressed by the commanding view from the Bull's house that she named the farm 'Downs View."278 As Cresswell articulates, "When humans invest meaning in a portion of space and then become attached to it in some way (naming is one such way) it becomes a place."279 When the new Mrs. Bull named the area "Downs View" she was securing its identity as a place imbued with human meaning. 2/6 Bull 88. 277 Hart, Early Settlers 18 Wayne Edward Kelly, "The Downsview Family Tree": An Historical Summary of the Downsview Lands (Toronto: Canada Lands Company Limited, 1998) 9. 279 Cresswell 10. 118 A 1996 article in the Toronto Sun discusses the naming of the Downsview area making the important point that a "Downs," as defined in the dictionary is, " 'open, rolling upland with smooth slopes usually covered with grass.'"280 As Mrs. Bull looked out over her rolling farmland she may have been reminded of the landscape of her home in Ireland which she had not long ago left behind. Naming the farm "Downs View" may have been a way for her to maintain a connection with home, while at the same time coming to terms with the nature of the new landscape she was encountering. The name Downsview is therefore embedded with meaning and is reflective not only of the cultural heritage of the nineteenth century, but of the many transitions that have occurred in this area of North York over time. The decision to name the former CFB Toronto, Downsview Park, can be perceived as an acknowledgement of the site's natural and cultural heritage, and of the increasingly urban and industrial nature of the area that now surrounds it. As a place, Downsview has come to hold multiple meanings for the many people who have lived and worked in the area since the mid- nineteenth century. While living on Downs View farm, Squire Bull and Caroline Amelia Carpenter gave birth to a son, Bartholomew Hill Bull, in 1845.281 B.H. Bull went on to marry Sarah Duncan, whose family name is also relevant to the Downsview Park site, as the Duncans were the original settlers on Lot 16 in the Third Concession west of Yonge Mike Filey. "From Downs View to Downsview," Toronto Sun [Toronto] 24 March 1996: 60. 1 Small and McMahon 49. 119 Street. In 1870, B.H. and Sarah gave birth to William Perkins Bull/82 The author of From Oxford to Ontario was grandson then, of both Squire Bull, and William Duncan III, both of whom played a key role in the early settlement of the place that is now Downsview Park. As the grandson of two of Downsview's most prominent settlers, it is not surprising that William Perkins Bull would take an interest in the history of this area. In fact, W.P. Bull wrote an entire historical series of books about the history of Peel County, Davenport, and Downsview. Much of the research and writing of, these books took place in Bull's Rosedale Home, "Lome Hall," where he employed the aid of a team of researchers and ghost writers who worked out of the basement.283 The majority of the research material for these books is now housed at the Region of Peel Archives and has made an important contribution to the heritage of both Peel County and the Toronto area. While much more could be said about William Perkins Bull himself, as well as his contributions to Peel County and Toronto's heritage, the most important point to be made about this " 'larger than life' character,"284 in the context of this chapter, is the relevance of his research and writing about the Downsview area in particular. From Oxford to Ontario: A History of the Downsview Community, published by the Perkins Bull Foundation in 1941, is perhaps the most comprehensive piece of writing about nineteenth century Downsview ever written. Research notes for the book reveal that 282 Small and McMahon 51. 283 Small and McMahon 76. According to Bull's grandson, Professor Tom Symons, large sections of Lome Hall and almost the whole of the stables and garage, were given over to this work. 284 Small and McMahon 51. 120 Bull and his assistants were able to interview a number of Downsview residents who had stories and memories to share about this time period in the area's history. Further, in his chapter, "The Story of the Land," Bull was able to paint a picture of the Downsview community through an in-depth discussion of the history of various relevant lots in the Third and Fourth Concessions west of Yonge Street. Borrowing from this approach, my work draws upon Bull's unique personal accounts and combines them with census and assessment data to produce a story of the land and its people that spans generations and is reflective of the settler identity of the place that is now Downsview Park. In the sixty-seven years following the publication of From Oxford to Ontario, much local history has been written about the Downsview area during the nineteenth century. However, a close reading of many of these documents reveals that they draw heavily on the work of W.P. Bull. For instance, in The Downsview Family Tree, Wayne Kelly cites Bull's work fifteen times in his section on "Settling 'Downs View'" and makes specific reference to Bull and his work when he states, "Dr. Bull was a descendant of John Perkins Bull and wrote much of Downsview's early history. He served with the Canadian army in London during the Great War as steward of a military hospital. Later, in 1941, he wrote a history of Downsview entitled From Oxford to Ontario."285 Kelly was not the only individual to make such use of Bull's work when discussing Downsview's history. He is also cited on numerous occasions in the work of local historian Patricia Hart, and anecdotes and information from his book appear 285 Kelly, Family Tree 13. 121 consistently in local newspaper articles about Downsview. In fact, it would have been nearly impossible for me to write about the history of Downsview without making some reference to From Oxford to Ontario. Herein lies one of the most significant challenges I faced in finding original historical information about the history of Downsview during the nineteenth century, it all comes back to Bull. However, as the focus of this chapter is narrowed to the stories of lots that are of relevance to Downsview Park in particular, it has been possible to expand upon the work of W.P. Bull, and historians that have followed, to provide an in-depth examination of this place in the nineteenth century. While this examination utilizes both Bull's published work and his research notes, it also draws upon census, assessment and land registry data, as well as oral history and other published sources to create a unique look at the cultural heritage of Downsview Park during this period in time. The initial land grants, for a number of the Downsview Park lots, occurred in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. In many cases, land was granted to members of families in positions of power and prominence within Upper Canadian society. Information about the lives and careers of these individuals was easily obtained from published and archival sources. Privilege was obviously afforded to their stories in the broader historical narratives of Upper Canada. In order to better why these individuals were the first to be granted land on what is now Downsview Park, a brief discussion of early land-granting policies in Upper Canada is necessary. 122 As I discussed in the previous chapter, the Grown acquired the Downsview Park land from the Mississauga people through the signing of the still controversial Toronto Purchase. Once this land had been acquired, the Crown's most immediate goal was to subdivide and settle it. Crang has referred to this process as the imposition of "intellectual order upon the landscape," as land was divided up "according to an elegant principle and rational logic hundreds of miles removed from the actual scene."286 As Johnson states, "After the Government had acquired the Indian lands, the second step in preparing the area for settlement was the laying out of townships and the survey of the lots and concessions."287 Johnson discusses how there were two types of petitioners to whom land was granted during this period. The first group was known as "official grantees" and included United Empire Loyalists who were granted land as compensation for their losses during the American Revolutionary War; individuals who had served in the military, including privates, non-commissioned officers, and officers; as well as members of Upper Canada's elite citizens.288 "All too often the result of this official generosity was that large acreages, sometimes whole townships, were granted and then were left vacant to impede the orderly spread of settlement." The second group of petitioners was known as "unofficial grantees" and was expected to pay appropriate fees for their land, and to fulfill specific "settlement duties" in order to ultimately gain ownership of it. These duties included, within two 286Mike Crang, Cultural Geography (London: Routledge, 1998) 104. 287 Leo A. Johnson, History of the County of Ontario 1615-1875 (Whitby: The Corporation of the County of Ontario, 1973)36. 288 Johnson 38. 289 Johnson 39. 123 years, clearing and fencing ten acres, constructing a sixteen by twenty foot log cabin, cutting down all timber in front of, and the entire width of the lot, and clearing smooth thirty-three feet which was to be left for half of the public road.290 Thus, "unofficial grantees" had an arduous task ahead of them if they wished to gain ownership of their land after this two year period. However, for the purpose of this discussion, it is the "official grantees" that are of most interest and in particular those who received land, including land on the Downsview Park site, as a result of their social position within Upper Canada. As Harris and Warkentin discuss, At various times the government gave important individuals 1000, 5000, or even more acres of land, a policy that rested partly on the intimacy of the establishment, partly on the need, when money was scarce, to repay officials for faithful service, but just as much on the tory view that a concentration of wealth among the elite was entirely fit and proper.291 Craig discusses how it was Governor Simcoe's perspective that members of the executive and legislative councils, along with other leading citizens, should receive grants equivalent to those being given to other "official grantees:" The practice was established, at the end of Simcoe's period, of giving such people some 3,000 to 5,000 acres, and usually their children, sometimes very numerous, could count on each receiving 1,200 acres. Thus Simcoe hoped to build up the aristocracy that was central to all his plans for Upper Canada.292 An examination of early land transactions for the lots on the Downsview Park site revealed that in many instances, members of the Upper Canada elite were among the 2W Johnson 43. 291 R. Cole Harris and John Warkentin, Canada Before Confederation: A Study in Historical Geography (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974) 122. 292 Gerald M. Craig, Upper Canada: The Formative Years 1784-1841 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1963) 33. 124 initial land grantees and property owners. As Edith Firth suggests in The Town of York, 1793-1815, There were not many people belonging to this upper class, yet there was a complicated and shifting hierarchy within it depending on position, background, and closeness to the governor. It included the members of the Executive Council, the judges, a few of the senior officials, some of the lawyers, and the senior officers at the Garrison. On a lower level, but still within the group were those connected to it by relationship or 293 patronage. The first clue of the involvement of this class in the Downsview Park lots comes from an examination of Lot 14. In 1798, Charles Samuel White was granted the east 100 acres, while his brother William G. White was granted the west 100 acres of this lot. From Bull I learned that these individuals were the sons of Attorney General John White who was killed early in 1800 in a duel with Major John Small, clerk of the Executive Council. Further investigation revealed that White was in fact the first attorney general of Upper Canada, and was the first president and treasurer of the Law Society of Upper Canada.296 After White's death at the hand of John Small, his land grant, which was equivalent to that of a member of the Executive Council, was given to his wife and children.297 Lot 14 was a part of this grant. While White's sons would never actually live on this lot, it provided them with a source of revenue after 293 Edith G. Firth, The Town of York, 1793-1815: A Collection of Documents of Early Toronto, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962) ixxx. 294 Land Registry Data for Lot 14 in the Third Concession West of Yonge Street, North York, Reel 512. Accessed at the Land Registry Office, 20 Dundas Street W., Suite 420. 21 February, 2008. 295 Bull 68. 296 Edith, G. Firth, "John White." Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online (University of Toronto, 2 May 2005), 8 February 2008, 125 their father's death. Both halves of the lot were sold by William G. White to John Dawson in 1830.298 The name George Truscott also appears in the land registry data for Lot 14 when in 1834 he bought the east half from John Dawson, and sold it to Clarke Gamble in 1836.299 Truscott hailed from England and came to Upper Canada in 1833. In May 1834, his firm Truscott, Green and Company began operations in Toronto as the Agricultural Bank.300 There is a lengthy entry in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online which details the unfortunate fate of Truscott and his bank and ultimately concludes that "the default of the Agricultural Bank likely accelerated the institution of stricter banking controls in Upper Canada."301 An examination of Lot 16 also yields interesting information with respect to the class of early landholders on the Downsview Park site. In 1796, Elizabeth Russell was granted Lot 16 in its entirety from the Crown. Reading further in From Oxford to Ontario I learned that she was the sister of Peter Russell who automatically assumed the position of Administrator of the Province after Simcoe's departure from Upper Canada. Interestingly, the Russells were close friends of Attorney General John White. Bull states, "As an Executive Councillor, Russell was entitled to 6,000 acres. In 1795, '1200 acres of the waste lands of the Crown' including 400 acres in Land Registry Data, Lot 14. 299 Land Registry Data, Lot 14. 300 "George Truscott," Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online (University of Toronto, 2 May 2005), 8 February 2008, 126 Downsview, reported to be the 'best land for timber in the district', was given to his sister, the only immediate member of his family."303 Further investigation revealed that both Peter and Elizabeth Russell appear in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online. Elizabeth is described as a "gentlewoman and diarist."304 Excerpts from her diary, within which she makes frequent reference to the Baldwin and Willcocks families, have been published in The Town of York, 1793-1815. Firth discusses how, "In her letters and diary, she has left behind a detailed picture of one woman's life in early Upper Canada." Interestingly, in 1823 both Maria Willcocks and William Warren Baldwin appear "inf. in the land registry data for Lot 16. The Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online entry for Maria's father, William Willcocks, states that he is the first cousin of Peter Russell.307 William Warren Baldwin's entry states that he moved to York in 1802, "where he entered the somewhat closed family worlds of the Russell and Willcocks households . .. Peter Russell's 'friendship' was of particular consolation to Baldwin, and Peter was a first cousin of William Willcocks, soon to be Baldwin's father-in- law."308 The remainder of the entry details his extensive involvement in the political and legal institutions of Upper Canada. 303 Bull 40. 304 Edith G. Firth, "Elizabeth Russell," Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online (University of Toronto, 2 May 2005), 8 February 2008, 127 Finally, in 1885, a Thomas G. Ridout appears in the land registry data for Lot 16. His name also appears in the data for Lot 13 and 15 in 1855.309 He was educated by John Strachan at Cornwall, after which he was appointed as deputy to his father and then registrar of deeds for York County.310 In 1822, he was elected as the first cashier, or general manager, of the Bank of Canada.31' As the Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online elaborates, Ridout, who had handled and disbursed large sums of money during the war, was an obvious choice for the post. He was accepted by the capital's growing Tory clique because he was a member of one of York's first families . .. Once established in his post as cashier Ridout began to assume his rightful place as a second generation member of York's gentry.312 Ridout is also described as being brother-in law to Robert Baldwin, son of William Warren Baldwin.313 The close connections I came to discover between the White, Russell, Baldwin, Willcocks, and Ridout families, substantiate Firth's assertion that very few people belonged to York's upper class in the early nineteenth century. The land grant process in Upper Canada during this period ensured that people of this class had access to large tracts of desirable land close to the province's capital. In the case of the Downsview Park lots, there is no evidence that any of these families ever settled Land Registry Data for Lots 13, 15, 16 in the Third Concession West of Yonge Street, North York, Reel 512. Accessed at the Land Registry Office, 20 Dundas Street W., Suite 420. 21 February, 2008. 310 Robert J. Burns, "Thomas G. Ridout," Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online (University of Toronto. 2 May 2005), 8 February 2008, < http://www.biographi.ca/EN/ShowBio.asp?BioId=38793&query=Ridout>. 311 Burns Park site, and resulted in very particular kinds of relationships with the land that were more concerned with its market value than its value as a home and farm within the beginnings of an agricultural community. The fact that some of these lots were granted to such prominent citizens of Upper Canada is indicative of just how valuable this land was thought to be. That the Downsview Park site had such prominent initial landholders, with such a particular kind of relationship to the land, is an interesting and relevant part of its nineteenth century cultural heritage. The accessibility of information about these individuals is also a point deserving of further mention. Although Bull discussed many of these people in his work, further information about the stories of their lives was not difficult to find. While the stories of later, less prominent settlers exist, much more digging is required before they can be unearthed, and in some cases they are not to be found at all. The following section of this chapter begins to explore some of the stories of those individuals who had a closer physical relationship to this place and its institutions, through an examination of their rural lifestyles and livelihoods. Although it is not located directly on the landscape of the Park, Lot 11 in the Third Concession west of Yonge Street provides important insight into the spiritual and social lives of the Downsview Park settlers and is therefore deserving of attention. To begin, Lot 11 plays a prominent role in discussions of religion in nineteenth century Downsview, as it is the lot upon which the Methodist Church, later the United 129 Church, was located. As Bull indicates, "Before there was a meeting-house, the settlers in the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th and 6th Concessions of York township west of Yonge Street used to come together in one another's homes . . . Itinerants, circuit riders and newcomers were cheerfully received in the log homes scattered through the forest."314 This was to change in approximately 1828 when Downsview's first public building was erected on Lot 11. The building, a log structure, straddled Keele Street just north of Wilson Avenue,315 and served as a school, chapel and general meeting hall.316 In 1848, Robert Clarke bought the west half of Lot 11, and when the community decided that the old log meeting hall was no longer suitable as a place of worship, Clarke made available a piece of land just behind the hall for the erection of a new church. As Bull describes, All helped with the work. They hauled the sand and stone, and a fire proof chimney rose into sight above the ridge pole. Then more sand and some gravel were laid down, and soon there was a roughcast meeting house, small but adequate, ready for service. It was opened before the 1850 harvest was gathered, and the congregation met no more in the log schoolhouse.317 The congregation also invited the local teacher to hold his classes there rather than in the older log structure,318 and thus the tradition of using one building as church and schoolhouse was perpetuated. Lot 11 is therefore also relevant to the evolution of formal, organized education in the Downsview area from which those settlers living on the Downsview Park site would benefit. 314 Bull 193. 315 Patricia W. Hart, Pioneering in North York: A History of the Borough (Toronto: General Publishing Company, 1971) 105. 316 Bull 175. 317 Bull 200. 318 Bull 200. 130 As time progressed, the question of the suitability of the present church for the size and stature of the congregation once again arose. The decision was made to build a new brick church and on 28 June 1870 the corner-stone of this new structure was laid by Mrs. John McDonald.319 This new church was built across the road from the older building, on the edge of the Fourth Concession. In 1876, the decision was made to change the name of the Church from York to Downsview Church,321 and in 1925, with the amalgamation of the Presbyterian, Congregational, and Methodist Churches into the newly formed United Church of Canada, the Church became known as Downsview United Church322 and still stands today in the same location, albeit with very different surroundings. The history of this physical structure on Lot 11 is also indicative of the evolution and importance of the Methodist religion to many of the settlers living on the Downsview Park site. As Bull states, "There could be no question of the depth and intensity of religious feeling among the Downsview folk, and the church was in very truth the centre of their spiritual life."323 That the religion practiced within the walls of this church was Methodist, tells an important story of the position of these settlers in relation to certain members of the ruling class of Upper Canada who wished to see the Church of England reign supreme in all corners of the province. Craig describes how the Church of England was not formally the established Church of Upper Canada, in spite of feelings on the part much of the ruling class that it should be, but 319 Bull 213. 320 Hart, Pioneering 109. 321 Bull 220. 322 Bull 258. 323 Bull 219. 131 that it most certainly held a position of privilege within the province and the amount of financial assistance it received as compared to other denominations was certainly indicative of this.324 To understand why many of the Downsview Park settlers were adherents of Methodism rather than the Church of England, we must again turn in part to the relevance of the Bull family to the Downsview area. Earlier in the chapter I gave a brief description of Bartholomew Bull and his importance to the evolution of the Methodist religion in Upper Canada. Bartholomew Bull was in fact a Wesleyan Methodist and, as previously mentioned, an active lay preacher, opening his Davenport home for worship on many occasions. Like his father John, Bartholomew Bull was influenced by the Methodist movement while still living in Ireland, bringing his religion with him when he immigrated to Canada. It is not surprising then, that after growing up in his father's home, John Perkins Bull would bring with him the values and approaches of the Methodist religion to Downsview. Indeed, he too opened his home to the community for religious services before a formal structure was in place to act as a church. Given his influence in the community, it is not surprising that Methodism thrived in Downsview. Further, as Craig astutely emphasizes, the Church of England did not have the organizational capacity to minister to a population that was both rural and widely Craig 169. scattered across the province. Rather, it was the Methodist clergy who ventured far and wide across the province and were well received in Downsview area homes such as that of John Perkins Bull. As Craig details, although Methodists were the largest religious group in the province at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the itinerant 'saddlebag' preachers of the Methodist church were not regarded as bona fide clergymen by the Anglican leaders of the province. They were denounced as untrained, ignorant fanatics, part-time exhorters, who could stir up a meeting, probably mixing politics with religion as they went along, but who were not capable of elevating the minds manners, and morals of the people of Upper Canada.326 There is much more to be said about the antagonistic relationship between the Church of England and Methodism during the nineteenth century in what was then Upper Canada, but the important point is that the majority of residents on the Downsview Park site were Methodists, and therefore their religious values, while aligned with a significant majority in the province, did not curry favour with those members of government and the ruling class who envisioned a prominent role for the Church of England in the society of Upper Canada. As the site of the first post office in Downsview, Lot 11 also tells an important story of increased accessibility to postal services for local residents in the mid- nineteenth century. In 1869, Robert Clarke opened Downsview's first post office which was located in a small addition to his home. Prior to Clarke opening the post office in 1869, Downsview residents had to travel to the communities of Weston, York Mills, or Yorkville to collect their mail. Clarke served as Downsview's first Craig 169. Craig 55-56. Hart, Pioneering 209. 133 post-master from 1869 to 1885. The 1871 Census confirms that Clarke was born in Ireland, was a Wesleyan Methodist, and held the dual occupations of farmer and post- master. Although there is no remaining physical evidence of the early church and post office structures that were located on this lot, the collective efforts of local historians and Downsview residents have ensured that their memory is kept alive. In fact, as I searched through local newspaper articles, I learned that these physical structures, and the stories they tell, hold a privileged position in the presentation of the heritage of the broader Downsview community. For instance, an article in the Woodbridge News from 1 December 1960 titled, "90th Anniversary of Downsview United Church Recalls Fascinating History," draws extensively on the work of W.P. Bull to discuss the history of both the Church, and Methodism more broadly, in the Downsview community. An entire file at the North York Central Library devoted to the Church is brimming with similar articles that span the twentieth century. Similarly, in its section "remember when" the North York Mirror devoted an entire article to the history of the Downsview Post Office in 1978. Clearly, the built structures originally located on Lot 11 have played an important role in the presentation of Downsview's heritage, even if they are now absent from the physical landscape. An in-depth examination of the stories Lot 11 holds, therefore, demonstrates the importance of this lot to the history of religion, education, and 328 Jay Myers, "Keele Street core for thriving Downsview," North York Mirror [North York] 11 Oct. 1978: n.pag. Found with the assistance of North York Central Library's Local History Files. 329 1871 Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-9967. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 134 postal services in the Downsview area. Most importantly, it provides insight into the institutions that were relevant to the Downsview Park settlers as they went about their daily activities. Building upon the previous discussions of this chapter, Lot 13 is the first of the lots specific to Downsview Park to be examined for the stories it reveals about the identities and agricultural activities of its nineteenth century occupants. From Bull we learn that Lot 13 was a Clergy Reserve, first leased by Michael Gray in 1821.33° Interestingly, land registry data confirm that the actual patents for sections of Lot 13 were not granted until after 1840.331 To understand why, it is necessary to situate Lot 13 in the broader story of Clergy Reserves in Upper Canada during the nineteenth century. While this chapter has already addressed the effects of an overly generous land granting policy on the pace of actual settlement in Upper Canada, it is important to note that the reservation of land in anticipation of the revenue it would generate for a Protestant clergy, also impeded settlement to a certain extent, including on the Downsview Park site. In his work, The Clergy Reserves of Upper Canada: A Canadian Mortmain, Alan Wilson describes how in nineteenth century Upper Canada, English-speaking Canadians, presumed to treat land as a kind of public treasury to be drawn on to provide support for a wide range of public purposes. Leasing, selling, speculating, or reserving land, they hoped, would provide the means to iM Bull 186. 331 Land Registry Data for Lot 13 in the Third Concession West of Yonge Street, North York, Reel 512. Accessed at the Land Registry Office, 20 Dundas Street W., Suite 420. 21 February, 2008. convert and clothe the Indian, to educate the young, to sustain the military, and to defray the cost of government. Perhaps the most contentious ambition was the proposal that land could be so managed as to provide a proper support for "a Protestant clergy."332 This presumption was supported by a proclamation issued by Governor Simcoe on 7 February 1792, which conveyed the essential characteristics of the land granting system in Upper Canada. As Craig details, Surveyors were to mark off townships, which were to be ten miles square in the interior, or nine by twelve miles along navigable waters. Within a township, the size of a farm lot was fixed at 200 acres, but at the discretion of the government any person might be granted an additional amount up to 1,000 acres ... Grants were to be made only after the surveyors had reserved one-seventh of the township for the support of a Protestant clergy and an additional one-seventh "for the future disposition of the Crown."333 Thus it came to be that Lot 13 in the Third Concession west of Yonge Street was set aside as a Clergy Reserve during the survey process. Until it was leased or sold by the Crown, it would remain a vacant space on the nineteenth century physical landscape of Downsview Park. However, by 1840, William Jackson received the patent for the west half of the lot, and by 1844, William Magee received the patent for the final quarter of the east half.334 From this point forward, the Jackson and Magees families play a prominent role in the story of Lot 13. William Jackson hailed from County Sligo, Ireland, but was of Scottish descent. In 1826, before leaving for Canada, he married Jane Duncan, sister of William Duncan III,335 who plays a lead role in the story of Lot 16. Although William and Jane ultimately settled on Lot 13 in the Fourth Concession, Alan Wilson, The Clergy Reserves of Upper Canada: A Canadian Mortmain (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968)3. 333 Craig 24. 334 Land Registry Data, Lot 13. 335 Bull 79. 136 they also owned the west half of the same lot in the Third Concession and their family farmed it for many years. W.P. Bull provides the following description of Jackson in From Oxford to Ontario; "The bridegroom was a tall, powerful, hard-working man who cleared his land largely without other assistance than his axe and his oxen."336 Building on Bull's description, an exploration of census and assessment data revealed that in 1851 William Jackson was listed in the Census as a farmer from Ireland and a Wesleyan Methodist who was sixty years of age. By this point, he and his wife Jane had ten children, and lived in a two-storey brick house. By 1892, "AJ" Jackson appeared in the assessment data for Lot 13 and was listed as a "Downsview Farmer" of Methodist faith who had cleared ninety acres of the property.338 Ten years later, George Jackson, very likely a son or nephew of William Jackson, was listed as resident on Lot 13. He was described as a Protestant and a public school supporter. There were nine people in his family. At this point ninety- eight acres of the lot had been cleared and the Jacksons had amassed thirty cattle and twenty horses. They had five acres of orchards and gardens on the lot, and twenty acres of fall wheat. Moving forward through time in ten year increments, from 1912 to 1942, George Alfred Jackson is seen to have a continuing relationship with Lot 13. W.P. Bull identifies George Alfred as William Jackson's grandson.340 In 1942, George Alfred 336 Bull 80. 337 1851 Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-l 1760. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 338 1892 Assessment Roll for York Township. Microfilm Reel GS-6470. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 339 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Div 4: 1902. 340 Bull 81. 137 was listed in the assessment roll as owner of the west half of Lot 13 with ninety-eight acres cleared.341 An article in the 18 January 1947 Telegram describes the contributions George Alfred Jackson made to the Downsview community over the course of his life: George Alfred Jackson, 84, widely known Shorthorn cattle and Clydesdale horse breeder, died yesterday at his Downsview home where he had lived all his life . .. Mr. Jackson spent most of his life exhibiting his Clydesdales and Shorthorns. He had a large collection of medals and awards won at various fall fairs and exhibitions. In his younger days, Mr. Jackson was a cornet player. He organized and led the Downsview Brass Band and at one time led the Weston Brass Band ... The oldest member of the Downsview United Church, he and his father served as treasurer of the church for a total of 75 years.342 An earlier article in the Telegram, celebrating Jackson's 82nd birthday, provided similar information about the man's life. The west half of Lot 13 then, was intimately connected to the Jackson family and their prize-winning breed of Shorthorn cattle. In fact, their relationship with this lot continued right up until its expropriation by the Crown during the Second World War.343 When combined with Bull's descriptions, the census and assessment data paint a vivid picture of the relationship of the Jackson family to the Downsview Park site and further affirm the agricultural nature of its nineteenth century settler identity. Like the Jacksons on the west half, the Magee family had a long relationship with the east half of Lot 13. Bull describes how William Magee purchased the lease for the 341 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Ward 2, Div 3, Roll 19: 1942. 342 "Clydesdale Breeder Band Leader Dies," Telegram [Toronto] 18 Jan. 1947: 4. Found with the assistance of North York Central Library's Local History Files. 343 Land Registry Data, Lot 13. 138 south-east quarter of the lot from Lancelot Eller in 1828 for £6/15.344 By 1844, Magee had purchased the entire east half of the lot from the Clergy Reserves Corporation, and had received the patent to his land. Bull describes Magee as, "a County Antrim immigrant who, as soon as he had leased his property, married Lucinda, daughter of Ignatius Galloway, a pioneer of Scarboro Township. Throughout his life, William, a staunch Wesleyan, regularly attended Downsview Church."345 Again, using Bull's description as a point of departure, an exploration of census and assessment data revealed that in the 1851 Census, William Magee was listed as a farmer of Wesleyan Methodist faith from Ireland. His son Ignatius also appeared and was recorded as being nine years of age. Magee also appeared in the 1861 Agricultural Census. An examination of his entry reveals much about the nature of the east half of Lot 13 during this period in time. In 1861, twenty acres of Magee's one hundred were under pasture. He had an orchard and garden of just over an acre, and seven acres of wood or wild. He was growing wheat in the fall and spring, along with barley, oats, potatoes, turnips, carrots, and beans. He had nine cows, three horses, three sheep, and seven pigs. William Magee also owned one "pleasure carriage" valued at one hundred dollars.347 Standing at the south end of present day Downsview Park, I close my eyes and picture this spot in 1861. I can see the Magee farm and am impressed by its agricultural productivity. 344 Bull 186. 345 Bull 187. 346 1851 Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-11760. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 347 1861 Agricultural Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-1091. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. By 1882, both William and Ignatius appeared in the assessment data for Lot 13. William was 82, his son 39.348 By 1902, Emma Magee was the sole member of the family to appear in the assessment data. She was listed as a widow, and a non resident.349 From Bull we learn that Emma was the wife of Ignatius.350 From 1902 onwards, a number of tenants occupied the property, including Joseph Mowatt who in 1902 was listed as a farmer; Morris D. Morgan also listed as a farmer in 1912; and in 1922, one F.J. Wicks appeared as a tenant.351 In 1931, Mrs. Emma Magee was still listed as the owner of the property, and was living on Brunswick Avenue in Toronto. By 1942, her son Harold William Magee was listed as the owner of the property.353 Land registry data revealed that the Magee family continued to have a relationship with Lot 13 until it was expropriated by the Crown during the Second World War.354 What began as a piece of land set aside to generate revenue for a Protestant clergy, ultimately became part of two prosperous Downsview farms, that of the Jacksons and the Magees. Both families were originally from Ireland, and both remained active in the Downsview Church for a significant number of years. Through an in-depth 348 1882 Assessment Roll for York Township. Microfilm Reel GS-6467. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 349 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Div 4: 1902. 350 Bull 187. 351 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Div 4: 1902. City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Div. 2: 1912. City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Ward 5, Roll 324: 1922. 352 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Div 2, Book 3, Roll 59: 1931. 353 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Ward 2, Div 3, Roll 19: 1942. 354 Land Registry Data, Lot 13. 140 exploration of this southern-most of the Downsview Park lots, one learns much about the cultural, and in particular agricultural, heritage of this place in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The story of Lot 14 began earlier in the chapter with a discussion of the land grant of Attorney General White and his family. However, it continues here with the purchase of seventy-five percent of the lot by Clarke Gamble, U.E., Q.C., in 1836. We learn from Patricia Hart in Early Settlers of Downsview, that Clarke Gamble, was the son of Dr. John Gamble of Enniskillen who served with the Queen's Rangers during the American Revolution. Clarke, City Solicitor 1840-63, was a promoter and director of the City of Toronto and Lake Huron Railway. He sold the east half of lot 14 to his brother-in-law, William Henry Boulton, who built a grist and saw mill on the Humber near Emery, which he operated in connection with his farm.355 In 1836, Edward Boake purchased the north-west quarter of the lot from Edward Charlton, thus beginning a relationship between Lot 14 and the Boake family that would last until the middle of the twentieth century and continues to this day through the interest the Boakes express in developments at Downsview Park. It is to the story of this relationship that we now turn. Like many of his neighbours, Edward Boake came from Ireland. As described in The Boake Family in Canada, Edward and his brother John came to Canada from County Tipperary, Ireland, in approximately 1824.357 The Bull family also hailed from County Tipperary, and Bartholomew Bull was married to Elizabeth Boake Bull, who was the sister of Edward and John. That the Bull family was already settled in 355 Hart, Settlers \2. 356 Land Registry Data, Lot 14. 357 Erysll and Ivadell Boake, The Boake Family in Canada 1824-1974 (n.p., n.d.) xi. 141 Upper Canada when the Boakes arrived may indeed have influenced their decision to come to this place. In fact, the many connections established between prominent Downsview area families prior to, and after, their arrival in Upper Canada, leads me to the conclusion that an informal process of chain migration may have impacted the settlement of the Downsview Park site. In order to better understand what might have prompted this migration from Ireland, we turn to the work of Donald Akenson. In his work The Irish in Ontario, Akenson emphasizes that for the better part of the nineteenth century, the Irish were the "single largest European group in Upper Canada."358 Focusing on demographic data and rates of emigration from 1821 to 1841, Akenson suggests, "It is fair to assess the pre-Famine emigration as composed largely of migrants who were in reduced circumstances but were well above the poverty line."359 Further, he concludes from the data that in most pre-Famine years Belfast was the most common port of out- migration, that most migrants came from the northern half of Ireland, that most came from the relatively prosperous areas of the country, not from the subsistence regions, and that Protestants had a higher propensity to emigrate than did Catholics.360 While not all of these conclusions apply equally to the Downsview Park settlers, they do provide insight into the kind of individuals and families that were coming to Upper Canada from Ireland during this period in time. Clearly, they were people who had the economic means both to immigrate to Upper Canada and to establish modestly successful farms over time. 358 Donald Akenson, The Irish in Ontario: A Study in Rural History 2nd Ed. (Montreal: McGill- Queen's University Press, 1999)5. 359 Akenson 23. 360 Akenson 23. 142 Returning to the Boake family in particular, The Boake Family in Canada details how after their marriage in 1835, Edward and Sarah Boake settled in a log home on the north-west quarter of Lot 14 where fourteen of their fifteen children were born. In about 1860, their second home, "Locust Lodge" was built.361 It was here that four successive generations of the Boake family would live before the property was expropriated and the house torn down by the Department of National Defence in 1951. From 1862 to 1873, Edward Boake worked to acquire the remainder of Lot 14, save the south-east quarter which was acquired by Ignatius Magee. Known throughout the neighbourhood as "Uncle Neddie and Aunt Sally,"364 Edward and Sarah appeared consistently in early census data. In 1851, Edward Boake was listed as a Wesleyan Methodist, originally from Ireland, with a wife Sarah and eleven children.365 The 1861 Agricultural Census paints a clear picture of their farm during this time period. Of their forty-nine acres, four were under cultivation, twenty were under crops, and one was under pasture. They had two acres of orchard and gardens, and two and a half acres of woods or wild. Their farm was producing 140 bushels of wheat in a year and one hundred bushels of potatoes. They had five cattle, four horses, twelve sheep, six pigs, and one pleasure carriage at a value of fifty dollars.366 Standing amidst the trees in Boake's Grove, I can almost picture Edward and Sarah working in the fields and the garden to harvest the fruits of their labour. 361 Boake 123. 362 Boake 123. 363 Bull 77. 364 Boake 123. 365 1851 Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-l 1760. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 366 1861 Agricultural Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-l091. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 143 By 1882, both Edward and his son Bartholomew Boake were listed in the assessment data as Methodist farmers with 140 acres cleared. They now had six cattle, twelve sheep, four hogs, and four horses. By 1892, only Bartholomew (B.J.) Boake was listed in the assessment data. He was described as a public school supporter and a Methodist with 247 acres between Lots 14 and 15 combined.368 By 1902, B.J. Boake had twenty-two cattle, nine hogs, six horses and four acres of orchard and garden.369 From 1923 until 1942, Harold F. Boake, son of B.J., appeared in the assessment data. His children would be the last generation of Boakes to live at Locust Lodge. Figure 9 Locust Lodge. Courtesy of PDP n.d. 1882 Assessment Roll for York Township. Microfilm Reel GS-6467. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 368 1892 Assessment Roll for York Township. Microfilm Reel GS-6470. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 369 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Div 4: 1902. 144 Census and assessment data for Lot 14 also revealed that it was home to a number of tenants over the course of its history including, Elizabeth Watson, who in 1902, 370 was described as a "spinster." Women were rarely, if ever, given a title in early assessment data that did not somehow correspond to their relationship to a man. In 1912, 1923, 1931, and 1942, the Clandinan family was listed as tenants on the south east fifty acres, and the Wicks family appeared in 1923 and 1931 as tenants on the north-east quarter of Lot 14, as well as the east half of Lot 13. The boundaries of the lots then, did not always necessarily demarcate the lived realities on the land of certain tenants and landholders. By 1942, de Havilland Aircraft of Canada also appeared as owner of fifty acres in the north-east quarter of Lot 14,371 thus marking the early beginnings of a transition in the identity of the site from one which was largely rural, to one more industrial in nature. The last generation of Boakes to live on Lot 14 was particularly adept at establishing an oral record of aspects of their family history. In October 1994, the four children of Harold Franklin Boake participated in the first of two oral history interviews concerned with the history of their family. The Boake family has been kind enough to share the content of these interviews with me, and so what follows, is a brief discussion of their relevance to the story of Lot 14 during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The stories and memories shared by the Boakes were mainly centred upon the church, school, and farm. Throughout the interviews they recalled the role their 370 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Div 4: 1902. 371 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Div. 2: 1912; Ward 5, Roll 324: 1922; Div 2, Book 3, Roll 59: 1931; Ward 2, Div 3, Roll 19: 1942. family played within the church with Harold Boake as superintendent of the Downsview Sunday School for forty-one years, and at the school where he was a trustee. Two important anecdotes are worthy of discussion in this context, as they demonstrate the value of oral history in revealing the stories of a particular place and the transitions in its identity over time. Herb Boake shared a story about his grandfather's misadventures with the wagon in the pond on Lot 14, upon which they had skated as children. Herb described his grandfather, Bartholomew James, as a strapping man of six foot four who on one occasion backed the wagon into the pond in order to allow the water to swell up the wood so that the spokes of the wheels would tighten and they wouldn't fall off as they were taking a load of hay into Toronto. Three or four days later, it came time to get the wagon out of the pond and go to Toronto: Grandfather evidently said oh gee we gotta have that wagon out of there for tomorrow morning to load the load on. So he went down to the pond and the tongue of the wagon was out on the dry land and he grabbed the tongue of the wagon with one hand and as one of the horses turned around to go back to the stable he grabbed the horse's tail with the other hand, wrapped his hand around the horse's tail, and he pulled the wagon out hanging on to the horse's tail. That's how they got the wagon out of the pond.3f2 Mary and Herb Boake also had some very distinct memories of their home, "Locust Lodge." A portion of its original foundation is barely visible in "Boake's Grove" at the Park today. Mary shared the following about "Locust Lodge:" I think rather wistfully of the house because I think it's a very attractive colonial architecture. It was very symmetrically designed and had lovely big rooms, very high baseboards, moulded baseboards, and a lot of woodwork underneath the windows. It had a centre hall plan and... very wide floorboards, pine boards, which I think my mother had refinished so Boake Stories #2. Compact Disc: October 1994. 146 that the floors were always quite stunning . .. but I was always sorry that the house was taken down because I think if it had been now instead of 1951 it probably would have been restored. It would have been a lovely example of a certain kind of architecture.373 Her feelings about the house sparked a memory on the part of her brother Herb: It was a great house. There were three verandahs on the house. The front verandah...the north verandah...and then there was the south verandah which was on the south side of the house overlooking one of the orchards... in the summertime we used to move a bed down from upstairs and a couple of us boys would sleep out on that south verandah all 374 summer. From their remembrances, I could imagine Locust Lodge as it must have been in the 4 • -• • '-"••• W'> •""«•' "^ '- 28. •? • 1 mm Figure 10 Boake's Grove, close to the former location of Locust Lodge. K. McLeod 13 October 2008. early twentieth century. Unfortunately, all that is left of the house now is pictures, and a tiny bit of the foundation which is difficult to find in the present-day park. The Boake Stories #2. Compact Disc: October 1994. Boake Stories #2. Compact Disc: October 1994. Department of National Defence was obviously not interested in incorporating the house into its plans for Lot 14. The pond Herb speaks of is also gone. What does remain is the collective memory of the Boake siblings whose stories help to produce a landscape of settler heritage for Downsview Park. To tell the story of Lot 14,1 drew on a combination of published and unpublished work, census and assessment data, and rich oral history. This oral history allowed me to discover more information about Lot 14 than any of the other lots. It therefore played a valuable role in the process of weaving together these "historical resources" to communicate a sense of this place during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The documented nineteenth century story of Lot 15 began in 1819, when Peter Whitney leased it from the Crown. Nine years later, the lot was granted to King's College.375 In order to understand why the Crown granted Lot 15 to King's College, we must briefly reflect upon the importance of land like Lot 15 to the establishment of formal post-secondary institutions in Upper Canada. According to Martin Friedland, the establishment of a university in the province was recognized as an important aspect of the overall development of the colony by John Graves Simcoe and John Strachan: "I have no idea that a university will be established," Simcoe wrote to the Anglican bishop of Quebec in 1796, "though I am daily confirmed in its necessity." Such an institution, he felt, would "strengthen the union with Great Britain and preserve a lasting obedience to His Majesty's authority." He also stated that a university would "have a great influence in civilizing the Indians," and then added, "and what is of more importance, those who corrupt them."376 375 Bull 179. 376 Martin L. Friedland, The University of Toronto: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002) 5. 148 By the late 1790s, an education endowment had been established with five hundred thousand acres of 'waste lands' throughout the province reserved "for the support of schools and 'a college or university for the instruction of youth in the different branches of liberal knowledge.'" However, by the 1820s, these lands were of little monetary value and therefore were not aiding in the mission to establish a university in Upper Canada. The solution to this problem was seen to lie in the exchange of the endowment lands for more desirable lands that would generate a higher amount of revenue for the proposed university, which had yet to receive a Royal Charter. Friedland states, "As no reply was forthcoming from the colonial office, it was decided that someone must go to England to lobby for the charter, and, of equal if not greater importance, for the proposed change in the endowment."378 John Strachan would be the one to undertake this journey. Craig describes Strachan's persistent, and ultimately successful, efforts to secure a charter for the proposed university: On March 31 1827, Lord Bathurst announced that a Royal Charter had been issued to King's College, that it was to receive £1,000 a year out of the Canada Company payments, and that the British government had agreed to endow the College with 225,944 acres of valuable Crown Reserves in exchange for an equivalent amount of poorer lands from the original School Reserves.379 Two hundred acres of this "valuable" land was located on Lot 15 in the Third Concession west of Yonge Street. As a result the lot came under the possession of Friedland 5. Friedland 6. Craig 184. 149 King's College until it was sold to the Littlejohn and Elliott families in the early 1830s. According to W.P. Bull, Gavin Littlejohn, an immigrant from Lanarkshire, bought the west half of Lot 15 in 1832. There, his son Samuel would grow up, eventually marrying Alice Bull and starting his own family. As Bull describes, "Sammy was a staunch Conservative, a Public School Trustee, Past Master of Grouse Hill L.O.L. No. 191 and a County Orange Master."380 The involvement of Downsview Park settlers in the Loyal Orange Lodge is not surprising given that many of them were of Irish Protestant heritage. The society has its roots in Northern Ireland and was founded in 1795 "to keep alive the 'Glorious Revolution' of 1688 and the Battle of the Boyne, 1690, when the Protestant succession to the throne was secured."381 Its platform is: '"the defence of Protestant Christianity and the unity of the British Empire- one school, one flag, one language.'"382 While the overtly colonial and racist undertones of this platform cannot be ignored, it is important to note that Orange halls often served the parallel function of providing a social meeting place for members of rural communities to gather and exchange stories and gossip about things which existed outside of an Orange context. Grouse Hill Loyal Orange Lodge No. 191 remained an important institution within the Downsview community throughout the nineteenth and into the twentieth century. J8UBull 180. 381 North York Historical Society, Book 30, Orange Lodge (North York: North York Historical Society, n.d.)4416. 382 North York Historical Society 4417. My exploration of the census data for Lot 15 revealed that when Samuel Littlejohn was not participating in activities at the Loyal Orange Lodge, he was running a busy farm. In 1861, the Littlejohns had twenty of their ninety-eight acres under cultivation, fifty under crops, and ten under pasture. There were three acres of orchard and gardens on the property and fifteen acres of wood or wild. The farm was producing 470 bushels of wheat, sixty bushels of barley, six hundred bushels of oats, and 180 bushels of potatoes. Resident on the farm were five cows, four horses, twelve sheep, and six pigs. The Littlejohns had one pleasure carriage valued at fifty dollars.383 Samuel Littlejohn appeared in the 1871 Census as a Wesleyan Methodist and "Scotch Farmer."384 By 1882, Samuel, Gavin and Bartholomew Littlejohn all appeared in the assessment data as Methodists and farmers.385 Presumably, Gavin and Bartholomew were Samuel's sons. By 1892, the Littlejohns were absent from the assessment data for Lot 15, perhaps having moved away from Downsview by this point. The Elliott family also maintained a relationship with Lot 15 until approximately the beginning of the twentieth century. This relationship began in 1842 when Forbes Elliott bought the east 100 acres of the lot from King's College.386 W.P. Bull describes Forbes Elliott, uncle of William Duncan III of Lot 16, as "witty, confident, and entertaining. To decry the evils of alcohol was his hobby. Forbes' personal 383 1861 Agricultural Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-1091. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 384 1871 Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-9967. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 385 1882 Assessment Roll for York Township. Microfilm Reel GS-6467. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 386 Land Registry Data, Lot 15. 151 good-fellowship and popularity added to his power. He radiated sunshine and his influence was healthy."387 Elliott's involvement in the Temperance movement is not surprising given its prevalence in Upper Canada during the nineteenth century. The first temperance society emerged in Upper Canada in 1828, and by 1832 there were approximately one hundred societies with a membership of ten thousand.388 As Patricia Hart describes, "Many families really did benefit from the movement, but perhaps its greatest value was its meeting of the settler's need for social life. The programmes at these socials included mouth organ solos, readings, songs, recitations, debates, and speeches."389 The activities of the families on Lot 15, then, reveal much about the external social institutions and practices that shaped the identity of this place during the nineteenth century. As Massey states, The identities of a place are always unfixed, contested and multiple. And the particularity of any place is, in these terms, constructed not by placing boundaries around it and defining its identity through counter-position to the other which lies beyond, but precisely (in part) through the specificity of the mix of links and interconnections to that 'beyond'. Places viewed this way are open and porous.390 Such a perception of place has shaped the way in which broader historical context has interacted with research specific to the Downsview Park site in order to tell the stories of its various identities. When he was not extolling the virtues of temperance, Forbes Elliott was building a successful family farm. By 1861, his son John Elliott had eighteen of the one hundred acres under cultivation, fifty-six under crop, and ten under pasture. The farm 387 Bull 180. 388 Hart, Pioneering 52. 389 Hart, Pioneering 53. 390 Massey 5. 152 had four acres of orchard and gardens, and twelve acres of wood or wild. It was producing 390 bushels of wheat, 175 bushels of barley, three hundred bushels of oats, one hundred bushels of potatoes, and seventy bushels of turnips. Residing on the farm was one bull or ox, nine cows, six horses, nineteen sheep, and fourteen pigs. The Elliott family had two pleasure carriages valued at one hundred dollars each.391 These statistics demonstrate that the Elliott farm was the more affluent of the two on Lot 15. By 1902, John Elliott appeared in the assessment data as an "agent" and was listed as non-resident on Lot 15. In the meantime, a number of other families were listed as having a relationship to Lot 15 including the Boakes who still owned a portion of the lot in 1942.393 Other families who appeared on more than one occasion in the assessment data include the Godfreys and the Embodens. While no information was to be found about these families outside of the assessment data, it is interesting to think that perhaps their descendants may have stories to share about their family's relationship to this place. PDP should consider the possibility of further encouraging families with a connection to the Park's rural identity to contact the Park and share their stories. In 1942, de Havilland Aircraft of Canada emerged as owner of approximately seventy-five acres on the east half of Lot 15, and twenty acres on the west.394 The Downsview Lands Project Building Inventory revealed that Gavin Littlejohn's 391 1861 Agricultural Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-1091. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 392 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Div 4: 1902. 393 City of Toronto Archives, Fonds 211, Series 545, York Assessment Rolls 1882-1997. Ward 2, Div 3, Roll 19: 1942. 394 Land Registry Data, Lot 15. 153 homestead and barn were located approximately 30 metres from the corner of old Sheppard Avenue and Keele Street, but that the buildings were demolished before the Depression and the property expropriated by the Crown in 1943. The Elliott farm was located at old Sheppard Avenue and Dufferin Street, and its buildings were demolished during the Second World War. This portion of the property was also expropriated by the Crown in 1943.395 Both expropriations were representative of the changing nature of the place during the mid twentieth century. The story of Lot 15 tells of the importance of land to the establishment of institutions of higher education in Upper Canada; it tells of the nature of the family farm on the Downsview Park site during the nineteenth century; and it provides a further understanding of the social institutions that were of importance to the Downsview Park settlers during this period in time. It also begins to tell the story of the changing nature of this place in the early decades of the twentieth century; a theme which will be discussed in much greater detail in the following chapter. Lot 16 has already been discussed in the context of its relationship to the Russell and Baldwin families, but there is much more to be said about its overall importance to the nineteenth century heritage of the place that is now Downsview Park. Land registry data confirm that William Duncan III purchased Lot 16 in its entirety from William Warren Baldwin in 1827.396 Given that Duncan was the grandfather of W.P. m McLaren and Kelly 8. 396 Land Registry Data for Lot 16 in the Third Concession West of Yonge Street, North York, Reel 512. Accessed at the Land Registry Office, 20 Dundas Street W., Suite 420. 21 February, 2008. Bull, it is not surprising that much attention is devoted to the history of the Duncan family in Upper Canada in From Oxford to Ontario. Bull details how the Duncan family migrated to Ireland from Scotland in the time of James I, and established linen mills in County Leitrim and oatmeal mills in County Sligo. William Duncan II married Jane Elliott, sister of Forbes Elliott of Lot 15, and over the course of their marriage they had five boys and three girls. William III was the eldest son. Bull states, "He first visited the New World in 1819, and, after studying colonial markets, made a number of transatlantic trips, developing a profitable export business from his family mills in Ireland."398 In the 1851 Census, William Duncan III was listed as Irish, and as a follower of the Church of England.399 However, by 1882, he was described as Methodist in the assessment data.400 This is an interesting point as it is indicative of the influence of Methodism in the Downsview community. That the Methodist Church was closest in proximity to the Downsview Park lots may have also hastened Duncan's conversion from Anglican to Methodist. Census data also revealed that in 1861 the Duncan farm was likely the most prosperous of the farms located on the Downsview Park site. Duncan's entry indicates that he held 398 acres between Lots 16 and 17, and that sixty acres were under cultivation, 206 were under crop, and twenty-eight were under pasture. There 397 Incidentally, further research reveals that additional writing about the Duncan family, their farm, and the small village of Dublin that grew up around it, for the most part paraphrases the work of Bull. Given the depth of his knowledge about the Duncans, and the relative scarcity of other research sources, this is partially unavoidable. 398 Bull 41. 399 1851 Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-l 1760. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 400 1882 Assessment Roll for York Township. Microfilm Reel GS-6467. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. were four acres of orchard and gardens and one hundred acres remained under wood or wild. The farm produced 840 bushels of wheat, 175 bushels of barley, 2,300 bushels of oats, six hundred bushels of potatoes, three hundred bushels of turnips, and two hundred bushels of carrots. Residing on the Duncan farm was one bull or ox, nineteen cows, twelve horses, sixty sheep, and fourteen pigs. The Duncans had one pleasure carriage valued at one hundred dollars. ' On the occasion of William Duncan's death in 1886, the Globe published the following: "The funeral of the late William Duncan, J.P., of Lot 16, Third Concession, West York, took place from the family residence to Mount Pleasant Cemetery yesterday ... He was one of the most wealthy and successful farmers of the county."402 Given the relative prosperity of the Duncan farm, it is not surprising that William III was instrumental in the establishment of the small village of Dublin on his property. As Patricia Hart describes, Near the Dufferin corner of the property a log shoemaker's shanty was built, and Tim and his wife Bridget, an elderly Irish couple, made boots, leather articles and carpet bags for the neighbourhood. On the corner a frame general store was constructed in the late 1830s and James Watson who lived across the road became an active proprietor ... When the Duncan children reached school age, their father, who had had a liberal education in Ireland, built a one-storey frame school-house on the west side of the cobblery, and hired a schoolmaster for his growing family and the neighbourhood children.403 A post office was also established at old Sheppard Avenue and Dufferin Street in 1854 and was known as "Carronbrook" until 1878 when its name was officially 401 1861 Agricultural Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-1091. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 402 "An Old Resident Gone," Globe [Toronto] 22 July 1886: n.p. Found with the assistance of North York Central Library's Local History Files. 403 Hart, Pioneering 199. changed to "Dublin."404 The Downsview Lands Project Building Inventory states that by the middle of the nineteenth century Dublin village was mostly deserted. The three buildings at the south-east corner of the homestead were tenantless and believed by some to be haunted. However, Watson's General Store continued to prosper for 405 many years. While the physical landscape of Downsview Park landscape does not yield any evidence of Dublin village or of the Duncan farm, it is important to remember that archaeological resources may still exist below the surface. If unearthed, they would make a valuable contribution to the story of Lot 16. One need only recall the discussion of the Park's archaeological heritage from the previous chapter to understand that the site holds possibility. As they move forward with archaeological assessment work, PDP should be encouraged to consider the archaeological potential of the Park in the context of its relevance to the nineteenth century agricultural heritage of the site, as well as in the context of what it might reveal about the relationship of Aboriginal people to this place. 404 North York Public Library, North York Historical Scrapbooks (Toronto: North York Central Library, Vol. 6, n.d.) 20. 405 McLaren and Kelly 11. 157 HISTORIC SETTLEMENT Figure 11 Map of "Historic Settlement" archaeological potential as denoted by the shaded areas. Courtesy of Susan Hughes 18 December 2007. 158 The surface of the Park's contemporary physical landscape does, however, yield a clue about the impact of early transportation routes on the Downsview Park site. The railroad that cuts across the Park actually dates back to 1853 when it ran through a section of William Duncan's farm. Land registry data revealed that in 1852, the Huron and Simcoe Railway Company purchased twenty acres of Lot 16 from William Duncan.406 This Railway, later renamed the Northern Railway, "quickly earned the reputation of being the Oats, Straw, and Hay Railway because of the thriving freight business it enjoyed hauling grain, feed, livestock and lumber."407 Certainly the proximity of the Downsview Park site both to this railway, and to Toronto, must have allowed for a level of accessibility to markets not equally enjoyed by all Upper Canadian farmers during this period. Bull's research notes on the railroad allow us to imagine what it must have been like for farmers to see the train making its first trek across their property. He describes how when the first train came through on the Northern Railway all of the farmers, their families, and their hired help, stopped work and made their way to the track to see the train.408 Today the tracks cut across a drastically altered physical landscape, but they remain as a tangible reminder of the early relationship of the railway to Lot 16. Lot 16 also had the advantage of being located at the crossroads of old Sheppard Avenue and the Gore and Vaughan Plank Road, also known as Dufferin Street. Prior Land Registry Data, Lot 16. 407 Harold Hilliard, "Locomotive put: First steam engine in 1852 was spur to area's progress," Toronto Star [Toronto] 16 Nov. 1982: n.pag. Found with the assistance of North York Central Library's Local History Files. 408 Region of Peel Archives, Appendix 25, Downsview Research Files, Series 16, Sub-series 2, Box 123, File 31: "Downsview Transportation." 159 to its being shifted to accommodate the needs of the Department of National Defence, Sheppard Avenue ran east-west approximately where Carl Hall Road is located at the Park today. Dufferin Street was re-routed away from the base altogether and research did not reveal any physical evidence of its original trajectory on the contemporary landscape of the Park. This intersection tells an important story of early transportation routes in the Downsview area. The Gore and Vaughan Plank Road was built in approximately 1850 as a result of the belief that planking would help to reduce the cost of road construction.409 Located on the road at Wilson Avenue, and again at Sheppard Avenue, were toll gates. Here, money was collected by the gate-keeper for the maintenance of the road. The toll gate at Sheppard Avenue was kept by Moses Hannah.410 In From Oxford to Ontario, W.P. Bull shares a particularly poignant memory of his experience at the toll gate on one cold November evening. "It was raining with thunder and lightning and the toll-gate was shut. The author got out of the rig and tried to open the toll-gate, but it was locked. Then he had to bang on the door, and await the toll-gate keeper's pleasure."411 In 1891, the toll gates closed, in part because the plank road was in such poor shape, and in part because the railway had increased in prominence.412 The toll gate was an important physical structure at the corner of Lot 16 and its former presence says much about the early history of transportation in the Downsview area. If the toll sign from this particular gate were ever to be found, as the one from Davenport Road Hart, Pioneering 205. 410 Bull 48. 411 Bull 48. Hart, Pioneering 206. 160 has been, it could be displayed at Downsview Park and serve as "a comment upon and a reminder of the progress in transportation during the last 100 years,"413 as the Davenport sign does hanging at Black Creek Pioneer Village. In fact, a recent article in the Star titled "When Yonge was a Toll Road," details the restoration of the third toll gate along Davenport Road by The Community History Project, and is indicative of a continued interest in Toronto's transportation heritage on the part of its • • 414 citizens. Lot 16 came to the same fate as the other Downsview Park lots, when it was expropriated by the Crown in 1950.415 However, its relationship to the Duncan family and Dublin village, as well as to early transportation routes, provides an important window into the changing nature of this place in the nineteenth century and beyond. Its story makes a significant contribution to our understanding of the Park's nineteenth and early twentieth century cultural heritage. The creation of a landscape of settler heritage reveals much about the identity of the place that is now Downsview Park during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. At the outset, it was necessary to establish the boundaries of the site, as an in-depth exploration of each of the relevant lots in the Third Concession west of Yonge Street provided much of the framework for this chapter. Following this, consideration was given to the impact an individual family, in this case the Bulls, can have on shaping the identity of a particular place, as well as on the subsequent presentation of its heritage. Hours of research ultimately exposed the fact that 4I3T.H.B. Symons, Personal Letter to The Honourable George Hees, 17 Aug. 1960. 414 Adam Mayers, "When Yonge was a toll road," Toronto Star [Toronto] 24 March 2008: A9. 415 McLaren and Kelly 11. 161 without the work of William Perkins Bull, much of the human side of the story of nineteenth century Downsview would have been lost. His ability to connect with individuals who still had living memories to share has meant that many stories exist about this place that might otherwise have gone untold. These stories add key context to the census, assessment, and land registry data which has important and related stories to tell. Time was then spent exploring the land grant process in Upper Canada to further understand how its procedures and policies impacted the rate of settlement on the Downsview Park site, and resulted in particular kinds of relationships between certain members of Upper Canada's elite and the land that comprises this site. The remainder of the chapter was devoted to an in-depth exploration of the lots in the Third Concession west of Yonge Street that are in the boundaries of the contemporary Park landscape. This exploration revealed much about the ways in which this land was used to serve the purposes of the architects of early social and religious institutions in Upper Canada with one lot contributing to the revenue needed to establish an institution of higher learning in the province, and another initially serving the needs of a Protestant clergy. Perhaps more importantly, much was also revealed about the agricultural, spiritual and social priorities of the people who would come to occupy this place for over a century. As Osborne suggests, the lots-concessions of Ontario represent more than "distinctive patterns of lines on the land." Rather, they are intimately related to "the social and economic realities of past ways of life . . ."416 416 Brian Osborne, "Some thoughts on landscape: Is it a noun, a metaphor, or a verb?" Canadian Social Studies 32.3 (Spring 1998): paragraph 11. 162 Drawing on a combination of "historical resources" that form the "collective memory" of the place that is now Downsview Park, and allowing them to intermingle on the pages of the text in unique and complimentary ways, I was able to produce a landscape of settler heritage that encompasses both material and symbolic elements. The stories revealed by these sources also begin to point to the emergence of a new identity for the site in the mid-twentieth century that would eventually impact this place in inalterable ways. It is my hope that the creation of this landscape of settler heritage will generate some enthusiasm about the possibility for further acknowledgement of this aspect of the Park's cultural heritage, as development continues to progress. While there is not an overabundance of physical markers on the site pointing to its settler heritage, many stories exist to help us to imagine what it must have been like during this period in time. It is these stories that provide the necessary foundation for the further recognition and interpretation of cultural heritage at Downsview Park. 163 Chapter Six: A Landscape of Aviation and Industrial Heritage As a physical landscape present-day Downsview Park does not yield many clues about the aspects of its heritage that have been discussed in previous chapters. Certainly, upon entering the Park, you are immediately aware of its striking elevation and topography, and some evidence exists of other, more subtle, pieces of its natural heritage that are encompassed in the regeneration efforts of PDP, including Boake's Grove. The railroad also continues to bisect the site, as it did in the nineteenth century, and evidence of old Sheppard Avenue exists in the present form of Carl Hall Road. Apart from these few, Downsview Park is largely vacant of physical indicators of its early heritage, although a careful archaeological examination of the site may yet reveal further information about its early identities if physical resources are discovered. As I walk along Carl Hall Road, mainly east of the railroad tracks, however, I find that much physical evidence of this place's aviation and industrial identity still exists. The two large buildings that sit south of Carl Hall Road, Plant 1 and Plant 2 respectively, were home to de Havilland Aircraft of Canada prior to the military occupation of the site and I >f <•.", the formation, soon after — .wi """ •"">' "T'" J"i-y "•"' 'fmi'-W\ the Second World War, H of what would become L4.1 -.4h_b.-i.JEU Canadian Forces Base Toronto. A portion of Plant 1 is now home to Figure 12 Former Plant 1 complex. K. McLeod 13 October 2008. 164 the Toronto Aerospace Museum and Plant 2 houses a sports centre called "The Hangar." On the north side of Carl Hall Road, a group of buildings, commonly referred to in Park planning literature as the "Cultural Commons," is presently occupied by various tenants. It contains the original de Havilland hangar that was dismantled and moved from the company's first Canadian location at Trethewey field, to Downsview in 1929, as well as a number of buildings that were built by de Havilland as workshops and for storage purposes, and were later used by the military. The landscape surrounding the buildings is mainly asphalt and by its characteristics I am immediately able to deduce that I am in an area of the Park that once held industrial significance. The stories that accompany this physical landscape begin to paint a vivid picture of just how significant it was to the development of aviation in Canada during the first half of the twentieth century. Figure 13 View of the Cultural Commons. K. McLeod 29 August 2007. 165 Recalling that Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge suggest that "heritage is a view from the present, either backward to a past or forward to a future,"4171 assume my position in the present to contemplate the past and future of this particular area of the Park, to determine what constitutes its aviation and industrial heritage, and how this heritage might make a significant contribution to the vision for, and development of, Downsview Park as a whole. A discussion of how this industrial landscape has been conceptualized by those involved in the park planning and development process over the past twelve years is followed by a reflection on the more distant past, in order to understand how aviation shaped this place, as well as its immediate surroundings, in the early twentieth century. Through this discussion, Downsview Park is situated in the larger story of aviation in Toronto and, indeed, Canada. I then move to the present in order to consider how the site's industrial past continues to be relevant to aviation activities across Canada and internationally, and to what extent it informs the Park's current identity. Finally, by looking to the future, the chapter concludes with a discussion of how the site's aviation and industrial heritage might be further incorporated into the growth and development of Downsview Park, thus revealing that the heritage of this place is as much about the future, as it is about the past. To accomplish this exploration through time, I draw upon the "raw matter"418 of the Park's collective memory as revealed through interviews, in published sources, and in primary Park planning documents and reports, to create a landscape of aviation and industrial heritage for the reader to consider. By drawing upon these "historical 4'7 Graham, Ashworth and Tunbridge 2. 418 Schama 10. resources" I am able to consider how both material and intangible elements of this identity combine to produce a unique symbolic landscape of aviation and industrial heritage which has implications for shaping the Park's future identity. Even before the official decision was made in 1994 to decommission Canadian Forces Base Toronto and create an urban park, certain aspects of the site's heritage were being addressed by the Department of National Defence. As Wayne Kelly outlined in his 1998 Heritage Building Conservation Study, the Federal Heritage Buildings Review Office (FHBRO) undertook a review of eighteen buildings on the site in 1990 all of which were constructed by de Havilland Aircraft of Canada between 1928 and 1944.419 The impetus for this review may have been related to the fact that CFB Toronto was undergoing transitions that would ultimately result in its closure, and that the buildings in question were all over forty years of age. At the time, the Treasury Board Heritage Buildings Policy stipulated that "Departments must arrange for Canadian Heritage to evaluate all buildings 40 years of age or older as to their heritage designation before acquiring, altering, dismantling, demolishing or selling them."420 The report of the Federal Heritage Buildings Review Office comprised of an introduction, eighteen individual building reports, and a number of relevant photographs, is a useful document to anyone wishing to learn more about the buildings on the Downsview Park site, some of which have since been demolished. However, at its outset, the FHBRO makes clear that its review of the buildings is impacted by the fact that, up to this point, it has not evaluated any comparable sites: 419 Wayne Kelly, Heritage Building Conservation Study (Toronto: Canada Lands Company Limited, Apr, 1998)2. 420 Kelly, Heritage Appendix C, 1. Since the FHBRO has not hitherto evaluated any comparable industrial complexes, and since the design of individual buildings followed the specialised needs of the manufacturing process rather than contemporary standard plans for DND, no use has been [sic] made of benchmarks except where noted otherwise.421 In essence, the buildings at CFB Toronto were unique in that many of them had been built for industrial purposes by de Havilland prior to their being used by the military. Therefore, it would appear that reviews of DND buildings on other properties were of little use to the FHBRO in this particular instance. The above statement suggests that the FHBRO had evaluated very few, if any, twentieth century industrial landscapes. Indeed, even today twentieth century industrial heritage sites do not feature prominently on the Historic Sites and Monuments Board's list of National Historic Sites. While it is not within the scope of this discussion to summarize the findings of the FHBRO report in its entirety, a few salient points do need to be made. First, each of the buildings was evaluated from the perspective of three main criteria, "Historical Associations," "Architecture," "Environment." As Kelly summarizes in his Heritage Building Conservation Study, "Buildings reviewed by FHBRO may be designated 'classified', 'recognized', and 'reviewed non-heritage' depending on the significance of their historical associations, architecture, and environment."422 To be designated as "classified," the highest level of heritage designation, the buildings at CFB Toronto had to receive a score of 75 or greater based on the above three criteria. To be 421 Dana Johnson, Eighteen Buildings Canadian Forces Base Toronto (Ottawa: Federal Heritage Buildings Review Office, 1990)2. 422 Kelly, Heritage 1. 168 designated as "recognized" federal heritage buildings, a score of between 50 and 74 had to be achieved.423 However, of the eighteen buildings reviewed, only four received a designation of "recognized" with the remainder being identified as "reviewed non-heritage" meaning that although they may possess some heritage significance, they have not been officially designated by the federal government.424 The four buildings designated as "recognized" included the Plant 1 and Plant 2 complexes on the south side of Carl Hall Road east of the railroad tracks, and Buildings 55 and 58 which continue to fall under the jurisdiction of the Department of National Defence and whose fate remains uncertain. Both Plant 1 and Plant 2 played a crucial role in aircraft manufacturing during the Second World War. This tended to be the main focus of the FHRBO reviews, with little mention made of the significance of the innovative aircraft design and production that took place in these buildings during the post-war period, to the heritage of the site as a whole. Finally, within the FHBRO reviews, the point is consistently reiterated that the site is closed to the general public. For instance, in reference to Plant 1, the Report states: Because of its wartime role, the former de Havilland Plant is reportedly a place widely known in the municipality, and this building is regarded as one of the most recognizable to the older segment of the community's population because of that role. Nevertheless, this building's undistinguished architectural presence and the closed nature of the present site now make it of significance only to those who work in the area.4 5 While this may have been the case in 1990, the site's present configuration as an urban park of national significance means that it is now open to the public, and 423 Kelly, Heritage I. 424 Kelly, Heritage 2. Johnson, Eighteen 16. 169 furthermore that the public is actively encouraged to visit the site and participate in its various activities. This means that Plant 1 and Plant 2, as well as a number of other buildings on the site, have achieved a whole new level of exposure to the public since the mid nineteen-nineties. This new park identity was accompanied by the responsibility of considering how, if it were to be incorporated into future development, this aviation and industrial heritage could be made relevant and exciting to park visitors. As the initial Crown Corporation responsible for Downsview Park, Canada Lands Corporation, was the first to grapple with this issue as a part of the larger challenge of conceptualizing the form and vision of Downsview Park. By the late nineteen-nineties, a number of reports pertaining to the development of the Park had been produced by consultants and relevant stakeholders. A brief discussion of these reports helps to illustrate the role that the industrial and aviation heritage of the landscape site in the development of early conceptual ideas about the Park. For instance, a report titled A Development Concept for Downsview, produced in 1998, stated in reference to the Cultural Commons/Campus area of the Park: Many of the former buildings reflect the site's aviation and military heritage. Past uses can be represented in the design and themes of the uses proposed for the Downsview Lands. Creative renovation and re-use of many of these buildings and structures can be used as symbols of the past to reflect and promote the heritage of the Lands.426 The Downsview Urban Design Study produced by the City the following month reflected similar themes and ideas about the importance of industrial and aviation heritage to the development of the Cultural Commons/Campus in particular, and Downsview Park more broadly. In its discussion of "Site Character," the Study 426 A Development Concept for Downsview (Toronto: North York Civic Centre, May, 1998) 3e. 170 states, "Preservation of Downsview's unique landscape and heritage identity should be the guiding force to direct future development of the site."427 More specifically, it describes the Cultural Commons/Campus as embodying, a rich history with significant meanings to generations of Canadians. Its historical associations, including the evolution of the aviation industry, the World War II effort, and Canada's role in international relief missions are visually reinforced by the strong imagery of its architecture, the presence of the runway and intimate campus-like setting.428 By late 1998, McLaren and Kelly Heritage Consultants had developed a comprehensive Building Inventory for Canada Lands Company which provided the Corporation with important historical and architectural context for each of the buildings on the site. In May of the following year, Brian Arnott Associates produced the Cultural Campus Development Report which in its "Principal Conclusions and Recommendations" identified '"the history and future of Canadian innovation' as the most promising theme for defining the identity of the Cultural Campus."429 Further, in its discussion of the Cultural Campus buildings, the report identified the majority of them as "heritage structures which are unique in their form and character," and emphasized their retention as "an important developmental criterion."430 Building upon these and other related ideas for park development, the Tree City concept also envisioned the importance of recognizing the site's industrial heritage. The Park Design and Program Pre-Schematic prepared by Bruce Mau Design Inc. in August 2003 stated, "In designing the icon, Tree City will: . .. Emphasize the site's 42/ Cochrane Brook 8. 428 Cochrane Brook 34. Brian Arnott Associates, Downsview Park Cultural Campus Development Report (Toronto: Canada Lands Company Limited, May, 1999) 6. 430 Brian Arnott Associates 12. 171 industrial character."431 At the same time PDP, now responsible for park operations, arranged for a Heritage Buildings Assessment to be completed by Novita Interpares. Interestingly, while the Assessment concluded that "None of the subject buildings has been cited for special heritage value and none is protected by legislation or by-law," thus meaning that there are no obvious impediments to the demolition of these structures on the part of PDP, it did recommend the retention of the 1928 de Havilland Hangar as an "artefact" and suggest that PDP "actively seek out an appropriate new use for the structure including a sympathetic reconstruction of its original fabric and form."432 Further, an examination of the Assessment's appendices provides key insight into the perspective of both provincial and municipal heritage organizations on the importance of Downsview Park's industrial and aviation heritage. A letter from the Director of Heritage Programs and Operations at the Ontario Heritage Trust states: Staff of the Ontario Heritage Foundation have reviewed your request and consider this site to be of provincial heritage significance because of its close association with de Havilland Aircraft of Canada and aircraft manufacturing in Ontario ... The Foundation also considers the site of former Canadian Forces Base Toronto to be important for its cultural landscape value and archaeological potential.43 A letter from Toronto Heritage Preservation Services describes how Plant 1, Plant 2, Garage No. 55, and Workshop Building No. 58 are all included on the City of Toronto's Inventory of Heritage Properties, and states: Please be advised that the preservation of the heritage buildings listed above should be taken into consideration as part of any land use planning for the site ... It should be noted that there may be other buildings on the 431 Mau 18 432 Novita Interpares, Pare Downsview Park Heritage Buildings Assessment (Toronto: Pare Downsview Park, 2003) 11-12. 433 Novita Interpares 19. site which are worthy of inclusion on the Inventory of Heritage Properties or designation under the Ontario Heritage Act.434 In 2003 then, both provincial and municipal heritage organizations, clearly articulated their position on the importance of industrial and aviation heritage to Downsview Park, yet to date little has been done to actively form partnerships with either of these organizations to pursue the common goal of recognizing and commemorating the Park's industrial and aviation heritage as development moves forward. As recently as June 2007, PDP continued to articulate a vision for the Cultural Commons which included the recognition and celebration of its industrial and aviation heritage. In its 2006/2007 Annual Report, it described this vision in the following way: Features include small renovated aviation buildings to create a pedestrian- scale village setting. Outdoor courtyards and public squares may feature the display of aircraft while a sequence of interpretive areas will describe the rich history of Downsview and its origins as a centre of aviation manufacturing and design innovation.435 On a conceptual level PDP seems eager to validate the industrial and aviation heritage of the Park in its plans for development. However, competing interests, financial challenges and a sense that the overall vision for, and identity of, the Park remain unclear, all contribute to an uncertain future for the role of this heritage identity in park planning and growth. However, it is reassuring to note that leading up to the closure of Canadian Forces Base Toronto, and the subsequent development of Downsview Park, the Department 434 Novita Interpares 18. 435 Pare Downsview Park, Annual Report 2006-2007 14. 173 of National Defence, Canada Lands Company, and finally PDP, have all in some way recognized the industrial and aviation heritage of the site and conceptualized its relevance to future initiatives pertaining to park development. What remains to be seen, is whether or not this aspect of heritage will play a pivotal role in Downsview Park's future as its new identity continues to be contested and negotiated. At the very least, however, we can say that up to this point there appears to be a legacy of heritage recognition that accompanies and influences reports and plans for park development. In order to contemplate why this is the case, we need to consider this specific aspect of the Park's twentieth-century heritage. To begin to understand the industrial and aviation heritage of Downsview Park, we must travel back in time to before the First World War to explore the relationship of aviation to North York more broadly. In his piece, "The First Airplane Over Toronto," Mike Filey describes the flight of Count Jacques de Lesseps who, on July 13, 1910, at an air meet hosted by W.G. Trethewey on his farm in Weston, was the first individual to fly over the City of Toronto: At a height of 2,500 feet and traveling at 70 mph, de Lesseps was soon over Sunnyside where he again banked, flying over the Exhibition grounds, then out over the bay turning once again to pilot the little craft over the heart of the city. Below, bewildered citizens filled streets and sidewalks, and lined porches and roof tops as they gazed skyward for a glimpse of the first airplane ever to fly over their city.436 The first flight over Toronto then, is intimately connected to the broader area of North York, and more specifically to the former site of the Trethewey farm at Jane Street and Lawrence Avenue. This farm, which hosted the July 1910 air meet, and de 436 Mike Filey, Toronto Sketches: the way we were (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1992) 64. Found with the assistance of North York Central Library's Local History Files. 174 Lesseps' famous flight, became the first home of de Havilland Aircraft of Canada in 1928. Although aviation had had a presence in Toronto since 1909, it was not until the advent of the First World War that it received any real attention from the federal government. As Kluckner describes, "aviation pioneer" J.A.D. McCurdy and his colleagues, "were repeatedly unsuccessful in attempts to get the government, through Minister of Militia and Defense Sam Hughes, to sponsor the development of aviation and pilot training."437 However, by September 1914, Hughes had reconsidered and subsequently approved the formation of the Canadian Aviation Corps to oversee the A'iQ training of pilots for the Royal Flying Corps. The first training school opened in Toronto in 1915 and was run by the Curtiss Aviation Company out of New York State. By 1917, the Royal Flying Corps assumed responsibility for the operation, located at Long Branch, and established three further airports and fields at Camp Borden north of Toronto, and at Armour Heights and Leaside more locally.439 Once again, an important connection was established between aviation and North York, this time during the First World War. On my recent tour of North York with aviation enthusiast and local historian Ken Swartz, the connection between the area and aviation was made tangible; all that was necessary was a little imagination: What I want to do is to take you back 80 years and this is the corner of Bathurst and Sheppard and at the time this is all farmland and to the east Michael Kluckner, Toronto the Way it Was (Toronto: Whitecap Books, 1988) 304. Found with the assistance of North York Central Library's Local History Files. 438 Kluckner 305. 439 Kluckner 305. 175 of us is the Don River ... this area is extremely flat and became very much preferred for aviation use in the First World War and later on.44 Indeed, according to local historian Jeanne Hopkins, "In the 1920s, the Township of North York was mostly farmland and the area's flat terrain was perfect for airplane landing strips. North York soon became the flying centre for the Toronto area. Of the 12 airfields in the Toronto vicinity, eight were in North York."441 My tour with Mr. Swartz proceeded south on Bathurst Street, turning east just north of Wilson Avenue to visit the site of the Armour Heights airfield in 1917: This is to give you an idea of how close First World War aviation was to the Downsview property. Now this is a high end residential area called Armour Heights, but in 1916/17, Armour Heights was one of the largest flying schools of the Royal Flying Corps in Canada ... The main flying school is now where the interchange is of Avenue Road and the 401 ... It was a property that was leased to the British during the war and then reverted back to its original owners in the 1920s and was developed as a commercial property, but Armour Heights was known as where a lot of early flying techniques and instruction were perfected."44 At Armour Heights there was accommodation for "58 officers, 56 cadets, 32 warrant officers and sergeants and 188 rank and file."443 The property was loaned to the Flying Corps by Colonel F.R. Robins.444 The tour continued west on Wilson Avenue towards Dufferin Street and stopped next in the parking lot of a "big box" complex, on land formerly owned by PDP, just south of Wilson Avenue. Looking north from the LCBO parking lot we could see the former de Havilland complex on the Downsview Park site. Mr. Swartz described how if you were to drive north on Dufferin Street in the early 1930s you would pass Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 441 Jeanne Hopkins, "Looking Back: North York airfields hosted air shows and WWI training," North York Post [North York] January 2001: 51. 442 Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 443 Alan Sullivan, Aviation in Canada 1917-1918 (Toronto: Rous & Mann Limited, 1919) 86. 444 T.M. McGrath, History of Canadian Airports (Ottawa: Lugus, 1992) 4. three airports before reaching Sheppard Avenue. To the east of Dufferin Street immediately north of Wilson Avenue would be the Toronto Flying Club. "In 1931 .. . the two lots that were north of Wilson get acquired by the Toronto Flying Club, leveled and drained ... and they had a clubhouse and a number of hangars . .." 445 Mr. Swartz described how the Flying Club was, in many ways, a "who's who" of Toronto with members of the city's social and economic elite eager to join and learn how to fly. An article from the Telegram on 27 June, describes its opening amidst much excitement and fanfare: The Toronto Flying Club will formally open its new home on the east side of Dufferin street and north of Wilson avenue this afternoon with fitting flying features, and Mayor W.J. Stewart declaring the airport officially opened, not only as the field of the flying club, but as Toronto's own airport, which it will be at least temporarily.446 Mr. Swartz explained that the Toronto Flying Club moved to Malton soon after the Second World War. Still in the parking lot south of Wilson, Mr. Swartz explained how if you were to continue further north on Dufferin Street during the 1930s, you would encounter the Canadian Air Express airport which opened on the east side of Dufferin in 1928. An article from the Telegram on 29 June 1928 describes the plans for the Canadian Air Express field: Canadian Air Express has a fleet of ships on order and the first units will be received from the De Havilland company during the first week of July. The company will operate a general commercial air service, will bid for mail contracts and will engage in passenger and sight seeing business and in aerial advertising, photography, surveying, etc.447 Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 446 "Flying Club In New Home" Telegram [Toronto] 27 June 1931: 30. 447 "Toronto to Have Airport Tract of 100 Acres Bought," Telegram [Toronto] 29 June 1928: 16. Found with the assistance of North York Central Library's Local History Files. The third and final airport you would encounter on a northward journey up Dufferin Street in the 1930s is the only one of the three that still exists today, as a part of Bombardier's operations. The runway is just east of the boundary of Downsview Park and is sometimes utilized by the Toronto Aerospace Museum for heritage- related initiatives. The origins of this airport can be traced to 1929 when de Havilland Aircraft of Canada purchased a plot of land on the west side of Dufferin Street, east of the railway line and south of Sheppard Avenue, and set up operations. As Ken Swartz described on the tour: You have a facility or a site, if you look at like sort its genealogy, de Havilland genealogy is aircraft. .. assembly and then manufacturing which becomes an industry; the Flying Club becomes airports and aviation advocacy and leadership and flight training . .. The Canadian Air Express ... the air mail is the only scheduled air service in Canada and so that's the route of commercial aviation ... the first scheduled passenger flights were air mail flights in many cases.448 After the tour, I viewed the area surrounding Downsview Park from an entirely different perspective. The Park, and the old de Havilland buildings, seemed to exist at the centre of an historic, and largely intangible, landscape of aviation in North York more broadly. It became clear that the vast tracts of farmland north of the city attracted aviation initiatives of various kinds, thus making the area a logical setting for the operations of the de Havilland Company upon its arrival in Canada, first at the Trethewey farm and soon after at Downsview. Adams et al. suggest that as a topic of investigation, place, "highlights the weaving together of social relations and human-environment interactions."449 It is these relations and interactions that give place its meaning, or meanings. A reflection on the 448 Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 449 Adams, Hoelshcer, and Till xiv. 178 history of de Havilland Aircraft of Canada Limited begins to establish the meaningful historic and contemporary relationships that exist between people, aircraft assembly, manufacturing, and design, and the place that is now Downsview Park. On 25 September 1920, Geoffrey de Havilland, noted British aircraft designer and pilot, established de Havilland Aircraft Company Ltd., and set up operations in the London suburb of Stag Lane.450 Soon after, the company commenced production of the Moth line of airplanes which played a pivotal role in the emerging flying club movement. As A.J. Jackson observed, "de Havilland's two seat Moth set a fashion in light aeroplane configuration which was often imitated but remained unsurpassed for over 20 years."451 In the same year, aircraft manufactured by the de Havilland Company first appeared in Canadian government records. To further its goal of promoting a strong air force within the Commonwealth, the British government sent twelve D.H. 9As to Canada as Imperial Gifts.452 In 1921, twelve more aircraft arrived under the Imperial Gifts Act, this time D.H. 4s.453 In 1927, the Controller of Civil Aviation in Canada, purchased ten DH-60 Moths from the de Havilland Company which, "were to be used for photo reconnaissance and mapping the Canadian hinterland."454 This order prompted the establishment of a Canadian branch of de Havilland in 1928. Knowing that Count Jacques de Lesseps had flown from the Trethewey farm in Mount Dennis when he made the first flight over Toronto, de Havilland Canada's first general manager, Bob Loader, sought out the site as the first home for the 450 A.J. Jackson, De Havilland Aircraft Since 1909 (Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press, 1987) 7. 451 Jackson 9. 452 Fred Hotson, De Havilland in Canada (Toronto: CANAV Books, 1999) 17. 453Hotson 17. 454 Kelly, Family Tree 17. 179 company's Canadian operations. "The company was formally incorporated under the name The de Havilland Aircraft of Canada Limited, on 5 March 1928, as a branch of the English company."455 The output of Moths at the Trethewey location continued to increase throughout 1928 and it soon became evident that a new hangar and airfield would be necessary to accommodate this growth in production. In the meantime, a new wooden hangar, designed by Mathers and Haldenby, was erected on the south-east corner of the Trethewey field. As Hotson notes, "Their specifications showed considerable foresight: a temporary building designed in sections for easy moving."456 This hangar still stands today at Downsview Park and is very likely the oldest remaining civil aviation building in the country.457 By October 1928, a new site had been chosen for de Havilland Aircraft of Canada. The Land Registry data for Lot 15 in the Third Concession west of Yonge Street reveals that de Havilland Aircraft of Canada purchased twenty acres lying east of the railway tracks from Ralph H. Boake in November of the same year. In December, a further fifty acres were acquired from the Godfrey family when de Havilland purchased the west half of the eastern portion of Lot 15.458 And so began a relationship with the Downsview Park site that continues to this day. 455 Hotson 22. 456 Hotson 25. 457 Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 458 Land Registry Data, Lot 15. 180 Figure 14 An aerial view of the hangar from Trethewey Field Figure 15 Current location of and the beginnings of the Plant 1 complex on the Downsview the original hangar from Park site. Courtesy of the Toronto Aerospace Museum's Fred Trethewey Field. K. McLeod Hotson Collection and Ken Swartz. May 2008. 29 August 2007. As I discussed earlier in the chapter, the Downsview area more broadly was deemed suitable for aviation-related activities by a number of organizations including Canadian Air Express and the Toronto Flying Club. Its relatively flat, open, rural landscape made its fields a natural choice for those in need of an air strip. As Fred Hotson describes, It took little work on the new field at Downsview to make it suitable for flying . .. The entire operation moved over from Mount Dennis during the first week in September, including Loader's portable hangar with the curved roof, which was to prove extremely useful in the years ahead ... To assist aerial visitors, the word Moth was painted in large letters on the round hangar roof.459 Construction also commenced on Plant 1. As McLaren and Kelly outline in their 1998 Building Inventory, by 1944 Plant 1 consisted of six buildings with Building 1, originally constructed in 1929 with a frontispiece and hangar, seeing a number of additions to accommodate RCAF orders and wartime expansion.460 It was within the beginnings of this Plant 1 complex that de Havilland would struggle through the years of the Depression which included a budget cut for aircraft purchases from $5 million to $1.7 million on the part of the Canadian government in April 1932.461 During this period, the Canadian company took on a number of different projects and contracts just to remain viable. In May 1936, Philip Clarke Garratt, a director of de Havilland Canada since 1935, • ::! .. it. 459 Hotson 30-31. ™ao. 460 McLaren and Kelly 14. 461 Hotson 42. Figure 16 The Plant 1 complex ca. 1929. Courtesy of the Toronto Aerospace Museum's Fred Hotson Collection and Ken Swartz. May 2008 182 assumed the position of general manager.462 In his first year in the position, Garratt made preparations for "a made-in Canada Tiger Moth incorporating all of the improvements the RCAF kept requesting."463 By March of 1937, an order for twenty-six planes was confirmed,464 and additions were made to Building 1 in order to accommodate production.465 In June of the same year, in an article in the Star titled "Tiger Moth Biplane Order is Confirmed," Phil Garratt stated, "They are the first R.C.A.F. aircraft we have manufactured and it is the largest single order in the last six years at least.'"466 At Downsview, on 21 December 1937, Garratt test flew the first Tiger Moth manufactured and assembled in Canada. It was the first de Havilland aircraft manufactured in Canada since 1917467 and it flew directly over what is now Downsview Park. The past experiences of employees at de Havilland Aircraft of Canada also shape the site's aviation and industrial identity and thus make an important contribution to this aspect of its heritage. A book titled de Havilland You STOL My Heart Away, compiled by Bert Ellis in 1993, is effective in relaying the "Stories, memories and history of de Havilland in Canada"468 from 1928 to 1993, from the perspective of former employees and individuals who were intimately connected to the Company. Of particular interest is the first section of the book titled, "de Havilland Canada 1928-1939: THE BEGINNING." This section includes a number of stories and 462 Hotson 57. 463 Hotson 58. 464 Hotson 58. 465 McLaren and Kelly 14. 466 "Tiger Moth Biplane Order is Confirmed, Toronto Plant to Manufacture 20 for R.C.A.F," Star [Toronto] 4 June 1937, n.pag. Found with the assistance of North York Central Library's Local History Files. 467 Kelly, Family Tree 19. 468 Bert Ellis, ed., de Havilland You STOL My Heart Away (Toronto: de Havilland Inc., 1993) title page. 183 reflections of early de Havilland employees including Ben Goul who began working at the Downsview site in 1937. Ben's stories and memories paint a picture of the de Havilland plant in the years leading up to the Second World War: In those days at DH there was no union in the plant; we did anything that was required to get the job done. I worked as a bench fitter, salvage mechanic, sheet metal mechanic, lathe operator, draughtsman, sub- assembler, major component assembler, final assembly erector, and overhaul and airframe mechanic ... In 1938 there were approximately 100 employees at DH. My clock number was 63. It was a very pleasant place to work, with a real family atmosphere.469 Kathleen Neal, who began work at de Havilland in 1938, recalled some of the health and safety implications of working in an aircraft plant during that period and some of the challenges of being a woman in this work environment. Her recollections paint a slightly less rosy picture than those of Ben Goul: The tanks had to be washed in a huge tank of black acid. The smell of the fumes was very potent. We had to wear black rubber gloves and wear a thick black apron over coveralls. No one liked this job so everyone had to take a turn, usually two at a time. We didn't even wear masks then.470 In speaking of her experiences working on Beaver aircraft in the Upholstery Shop after the Second World War, Neal recalled, "More and more men were hired for the Upholstery Shop, and soon I was the only female holding down a 'man's' job. For this I took a lot of flak."471 From this statement, the implications of being a female worker in a post-war, male dominated, environment become clear. Neal worked at de Havilland until 1972. Ben Goul, "Forty Years With an Airplane Company," de Havilland You STOL My Heart Away, ed. Bert Ellis (Toronto, ON: de Havilland Inc., 1993) 6. 470 Kathleen Neal, "My Life at de Havilland 1938-1972," de Havilland You STOL My Heart Away, ed. Bert Ellis (Toronto, ON: de Havilland Inc., 1993) 19. 471 Neal 21. 184 The stories of former workers provide insight into what it was like to be a member of the "de Havilland family" in the years leading up to and during the War. Hundreds of people engaged with the site as a place of employment. Themes pertaining to health and safety, gender, labour, paternal approaches to management, and appeals to tradition and history to stimulate production, all combine to constitute the important heritage of de Havilland workers on the Downsview Park site. Many former de Havilland workers still have a relationship with this place as a result of their involvement in the Toronto Aerospace Museum. To further develop the above themes and learn more about the de Havilland worker experience, an oral history project should be considered by both the Toronto Aerospace Museum and PDP. Willing individuals could then share their stories, thus contributing in a meaningful way to the heritage of de Havilland workers at the Park. The voices of former employees are crucial to understanding the industrial and aviation heritage of the site as a whole. This section would be incomplete if it were not to spend some time discussing the impact of the Second World War, on operations at de Havilland Aircraft of Canada, and therefore on the site's aviation and industrial identity as a whole. For it was really the War, that firmly entrenched this identity in the place that is now Downsview Park. As Fred Hotson describes, When war broke out in 1939 de Havilland Canada was one of the smallest aircraft companies in the country. . . If old photos of company picnics are any guide, DHC had 30 employees in 1935 and 53 in 1936. The Tiger Moth contract boosted the total to 199 by the end of 1939, still well below close competitor Fleet Aircraft Limited at 519.472 Hotson 70. 185 This would all change with the advent of the Second World War and the dramatic increase in the need for trainer airplanes such as the Tiger Moth. In February of 1940, de Havilland Canada received an order for 404 Tiger Moths from the federal government.473 "Soon the plant was in full swing again, moving slowly into overtime work and eventually to round-the-clock operations."474 At about the same time the Company also became involved in the assembly of British- made Avro Ansons for the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan (BCATP). After the fall of Dunkirk it became necessary to produce the Anson entirely in Canada and a consortium of Canadian aircraft manufacturers, called Federal Aircraft Limited, of which de Havilland was a member, was established to meet this need. It completed its first Anson on 9 January 1941.475 Over the course of 1942, de Havilland Canada produced 550 Tiger Moths in Plant 1, 362 Ansons in the newly built Plant 2, overhauled 119 aircraft and seventy-eight engines, and modified some 202 Jacobs engines.476 By producing these aircraft, de Havilland, and thus the Downsview Park site, played a supporting role in one of the most significant wartime training operations ever to take place on Canadian soil. In total, The British Commonwealth Air Training Plan graduated 131,553 of the 159,340 aircrew who commenced training.477 Graduates included aircrew from the Commonwealth countries of Canada, Britain, Australia, and New Zealand, among 4/3Hotson71. 474 Hotson 72. 475 Kelly, Family Tree 22. 476 Kelly, Family Tree 22. 477 Spencer Dunmore, Wings for Victory: The Remarkable Story of the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan in Canada (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Inc., 1994) 346. 186 others, as well as from the United States, France, Norway, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Holland, and Belgium.478 As Spencer Dunmore observes, To most people, the BCATP is just a dimming memory, but to those who were involved as students, instructors, or ground staff, it is all as vivid as if it happened only a year or two ago. They sense that they were part of something unique, something that helped change history, something that will never be repeated. Indeed, through its production of Tiger Moths and Avro Ansons, de Havilland Aircraft of Canada was an active participant in this historic wartime event as these planes were used to train incoming pilots. Its role in the BCATP is an important part of the aviation and wartime heritage that exists at the Downsview Park site. De Havilland Aircraft of Canada also played a crucial role in the production of Mosquito aircraft for the war effort. Fred Hotson explains, "While expansion was the order of the day at Downsview, events were taking place in England that would affect the lives of thousands of Canadians. In great secrecy, de Havilland England was designing not only a revolutionary aircraft but a whole new concept of aerial warfare."480 Due to the vulnerability of British munitions factories, the decision to manufacture the Mosquito in Canada was made relatively early on the in the process. This meant that North American suppliers had to be found for most of its parts. By 1944, an estimated 15,000 individuals were working at hundreds of sub contractors across Canada and the United States to produce parts for the Mosquito.482 478 Kelly, Family Tree 21. 479 Dunmore 344. 480 Hotson 81. 481 Mosquito Aircraft Production at Downsview, 2008, Toronto Aerospace Museum, Community Memories, Virtual Museum Canada. 24 May 2008, 187 Wartime necessitated that the Mosquito be designed, and initially built, in secret. On the afternoon of 23 September 1942, de Havilland Canada's chief test pilot, Ralph Spradbrow, flew the first Mosquito prototype at Downsview. Six days later, delayed by weather, Geoffrey de Havilland Jr. arrived from Britain and the Mosquito was again demonstrated at Downsview. Hotson noted, "Many citizens of downtown Toronto saw the Mosquito for the first time that day and the people back at Downsview witnessed Geoffrey's specialty- climbing rolls with one engine feathered."483 In total, 1,133 Mosquitos were built on the Downsview Park site, many of which made a significant contribution to the war effort. Of the 1,133 aircraft produced, every one has a story that begins at this place. For instance, in 1944, de Havilland Canada produced a Mosquito on the Downsview Park site that was named for 1941 Academy award winner Joan Fontaine, sister of actress Olivia de Havilland. An article in the Star titled "Joan Got Her Fontaine Through Fortune Teller" describes how Fontaine was in Toronto to help push the current Victory Loan campaign "over the top": "She will visit the de Havilland aircraft plant on Thursday. There she will christen a Mosquito 'Joan.'"484 This is only one of the many stories of Mosquito aircraft produced at the place that is now Downsview Park. These stories, and the overall contribution of the aircraft to the war effort, are an important aspect of the Park's industrial and aviation heritage. The expansion that accompanied wartime production forever altered the physical landscape of the Downsview Park site. By 1944, the number of de Havilland 483 Hotson 87. 484 "Joan Got Her Fontaine Through Fortune Teller," Star [Toronto] 9 May 1994: 3. employees on the site peaked at approximately seven thousand and Gray Coach buses had to be chartered to get employees to and from work in this still largely rural and inaccessible setting.485 The increase in production at de Havilland also meant an increase in physical plant. Additions were made to Plant 1 and construction on Plant 2 began in 1940. The FHBRO review states, "this building was designed with great care to accommodate an assembly line producing the Avro Anson, and then the de Havilland Mosquito."486 Fairey Battles were also assembled in Plant 2 and each of the five bays constructed was designed for specific tasks along an automated assembly line that was fully operational by 1944.487 'The idea for moveable carriages for aircraft assembly came from the Hurricane Plant in Fort William (now Thunder Bay). In the U.S.A., both Ford and General Motors were using similar production techniques to mass produce aircraft."488 485 Mosquito Aircraft Production at Downsview 189 ^^*R«iii^^^^#s Figure 17 Plant 1 and Plant 2 complexes ca. 1945. Courtesy of the Toronto Aerospace Museum's Fred Hotson Collection and Ken Swartz. May 2008. -•'"•I Figure 18 Former Plant 2 complex, now "The Hangar." K. McLeod 29 August 2007. The FHBRO review notes that the massive size of Plant 2 "reflects the scale of Canada's contribution to wartime aircraft production, and to the BCATP specifically."489 As McLaren and Kelly later observed, "This building dominates the area. Its construction intruded on the rural community and confirmed the industrial character of Downsview Airport."490 During the War, de Havilland also erected a number of smaller buildings north of what is now Carl Hall Road. These included, Building 39 which was erected in 1942 and "was used to store lumber, aircraft parts, and hardware."491 In 1944, an addition to the original hangar, also part of the Building 38/39 complex was used for receiving.492 In 1943, de Havilland constructed Building 43 which was used for "woodworking and shop work."493 In 1944, Building 40 was erected and used by de Havilland for storage. McLaren and Kelly noted that, its "architecture complimented that of the industrial complex."494 A Nissen Hut was also built in 1944 for storage purposes, as was Building 42 which "was built of tin flashing and used for storage."4 5 All of these buildings remain on the site of Downsview Park today, providing a potent reminder of its largely wartime transition, from a rural to industrial identity. PDP should be encouraged to communicate the relevance of these buildings to the manufacturing of aircraft during the Second World War and beyond. They provide an important tangible reminder of the Park's industrial and aviation heritage. 489 Johnson, Eighteen 23. 490 McLaren and Kelly 16. 491 McLaren and Kelly 29. 492 McLaren and Kelly 29. 493 McLaren and Kelly 34. 494 McLaren and Kelly 31. 495 McLaren and Kelly 33. 191 De Havilland Canada was ultimately able to produce a large number of aircraft for the war effort, but this unprecedented growth in the manufacturing process was not without its challenges and would ultimately lead to a stronger government presence on the site, a sign of things to come. As Fred Hotson observes, It was no longer a case of small plant grown bigger, for Canadian investment in everything from buildings to equipment had now become a dominant factor. Little of the prewar plant remained. The same owner/government also held responsibility for the British order for Mosquitoes under the Department of Munitions and Supply. Aircraft production was solidly in the hands of the Director General, Ralph P. Bell, who was the undisputed boss.496 After a less than favourable review of operations at de Havilland, CD. Howe, Minister of Munitions and Supply, appointed J. Grant Glassco as Controller of de Havilland Canada in 1943.497 The Federal government operated de Havilland for the remainder of the War, returning the company to private ownership within three months of peace and re-instating Phil Garratt as general manager.498 However, the relationship of de Havilland Canada to the Downsview site would never be the same again. In a 1966 report titled The Background, Functions and Impact of the RCAF Downsview Site, R.W. Butcher described how after the War, Federal Government interest in the airfield for defence purposes continued with the re-activation of one RCAF reserve fighter squadron in 1946 and a second in 1949. These squadrons were based administratively at the Avenue Road site (then RCAF Station Toronto); however, all flying activity was centred at the Downsview airfield by arrangement with DHW 496 Hotson 91. 497 Hotson 92. 498 Kelly, Family Tree 23. 499 R.W. Butcher, The Background, Functions and Impact of the RCAF Downsview Site (Downsview: RCAF Station Downsview, 1966) 2. 192 During the War, increased production at de Havilland had necessitated the acquisition of an additional ninety-six acres of land west of Dufferin Street and just north of Wilson Avenue in order to expand the Company's physical plant. The property, known as The Duffield Estate was expropriated and "Many families were evicted and their houses razed or relocated elsewhere to allow for the construction of brick and steel hangars, assembly bays, and paved runways."500 With the lengthening of the east-west runway, it became necessary to regulate traffic on Dufferin Street north and south of the aircraft approach area. Dufferin Street was eventually closed between Wilson and Sheppard Avenues and Wilson Heights Boulevard was constructed, at the expense of the federal government, to accommodate north-south traffic.501 In March of 1947 the Department of National Defence acquired the land north of Sheppard Avenue between the CNR tracks and Keele Street, and closed Sheppard Avenue between Keele and Dufferin for use as a private road.502 By 1952, the Department of National Defence had acquired the entire de Havilland property and buildings, granting de Havilland a long-term lease on ninety acres of land east of the CNR tracks at the south end of the property. Here, de Havilland built a modern factory which opened in 1954.503 By this point, the RCAF had full control over the airfield, but as Butcher described, "Notwithstanding that DH sold the site and its initial plants to DND, the continued growth of the firm and the shortage of available plant space made it necessary for DH to lease back a significant area within the old 500 Kelly, Family Tree 22. 501 Kelly, Family Tree 23. 502 Butcher 2. 503 Butcher 2-3. plant buildings." De Havilland maintained a presence in its former buildings up until the 1990s.505 De Havilland's wartime operations initiated the transition of much of the Downsview Park site from rural to industrial in character, and the continued interest of the Department of National Defence in the site after the War, confirmed this shift. This change in the nature of the physical landscape had an immediate impact on the families whose farms and homes were located upon it; and a lasting impact on the overall development of the Downsview area more broadly. While there is much more to be said on both of these subjects, the focus in this context remains upon how these transitions resulted in the evolution of a complex that made a significant contribution to this place's industrial and aviation identity both during and after the War. After the War, the military's need for aircraft was drastically reduced and "De Havilland struggled to find a niche in the post-war economy."506 However, as Fred Hotson discusses in reference to the Mosquito project, "While all eyes were on production at Downsview and the glamour of operational reports of this outstanding aircraft, DH Canada built an engineering capability that was to prove a key factor in the competitive years ahead."507 This "engineering capability" would in large part be responsible for the design and manufacture of some of the most innovative aircraft in the world, right on the Downsview Park site. The DHC-1 Chipmunk was the first aircraft that de Havilland designed and built entirely in Canada. The company accomplished this feat right at the place that is now 504 Butcher 3. 505 Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 506 Kelly, Family Tree 24. 507 Hotson 107. 194 Downsview Park. Even the first test flight took place in the skies above the site. While in later years, the Chipmunk proved popular with private owners as an "aerobatic aircraft,"508 their primary function was as an air force trainer. As Ken Swartz shared in our recent conversation, almost a complete generation of air force pilots learned to fly on the Chipmunk.509 Indeed, although it was the primary trainer of the Royal Canadian Air Force, the Chipmunk was popular with air forces all over the world. An article from the Star in 1947 titled "Canada's Chipmunk Has World at Door" states, "the little trainer has aroused the interest of foreign air forces the world over."510 In fact, air forces in Burma, Colombia, Denmark, Egypt, Iraq, Ireland, Lebanon, Portugal, Saudi Arabia, Thailand, and Uruguay, to name a few, all made use of the Chipmunk trainer511 which was designed and manufactured within the walls of Plant 1 and Plant 2; and is therefore an important tangible component of the site's industrial and aviation heritage. On 16 August 16 1947, test pilot Russell Banock flew the first DHC-2 Beaver over the Downsview Park site. Before production ceased, over 1,692 Beavers were sold.513 Since before the War, aircraft companies in Canada had been manufacturing planes for use in the North. However, de Havilland Canada astutely recognized that with the Beaver they had an opportunity to design an aircraft that would fit the specifications of bush pilots in the Canadian north like no other before. As details of 508 K.M. Molson and H.A. Taylor, Canadian Aircraft since 1909 (London: Putnam and Company Ltd., 1982)262. 509 Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 510 "Canada's Chipmunk Has World at Door," Star [Toronto] 11 April 1947: 7. 511 Jackson 534. 512 McLaren and Kelly 15-16. 513 Jackson 536. 195 the Beaver design began to form, letters were sent to a number of prominent bush pilots describing the project and soliciting their comments. One respondent was C.H. "Punch" Dickins who "had conducted many pioneering flights in the north, won a McKee Trophy for his efforts and was a logical choice for such a survey." By January 1947, Dickins became a director of de Havilland Aircraft of Canada Ltd.514 The Beaver played an important role in linking remote communities in the Canadian north, and in many cases acted as a substitution to the canoe or dog sled.515 By 1953, an article in the Globe titled "Canada's Beaver Most Famous Little Airplane in the World," described the aircraft as, "a familiar sight on all six continents, in more than 20 nations and dependencies, on war fronts, at holiday resorts, in the tropics and over both the frigid poles."516 The Beaver also proved popular with the U.S. military with both the Army and the Air Force purchasing more than fifty percent of the aircraft produced.517 During this period in time the "Buy America Act" was in effect making it difficult, if not impossible, to purchase military supplies outside of the United States.518 However, the Beaver emerged triumphant in a competition against U.S. aircraft mounted to determine the best plane for the Army and Air Force. As a result, the military was able to purchase aircraft from de Havilland.519 As the Globe noted in 1953, "It was the first time in peacetime U.S. history that a military aircraft had been purchased 514 Hotson 128. 515 Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 516 "Canada's Beaver Most Famous Little Airplane in the World," Globe and Mail [Toronto] 6 February 1953: A. 517 Jackson 536. 518 "Canada's Beaver Most Famous Little Airplane in the World," A. 519 Hotson 134. 196 outside the country."520 Often referred to as a "flying jeep,"521 the Beaver was used extensively by the United States military in both the Korean and Vietnam Wars. This plane, which has impacted Canadian aviation in so many significant ways, was designed and built at Plant 1 and Plant 2; two structures which remain as tangible reminders of this heritage on the contemporary Downsview Park landscape. On 12 December 1951, approximately three years prior to de Havilland Canada's move to their new factory location south of the present-day park, George Neal flew the prototype of the DHC-3 Otter over the Downsview Park site. In total 466 Otter were built, and customers of the aircraft included the United States Army and Navy, the Royal Australian Air Force, the Royal Canadian Air Force, and air forces in Burma, Chile, Colombia, Ghana, Indonesia and Norway.522 It was also an Otter that "made the first single-engine non-stop crossing of Antarctica at the Pole."523 Indeed, Max Ward, who brought the Otter to Yellowknife, and subsequently to many northern camps established for the exploration and exploitation of Canada's natural resources, stated, '"The Otter changed the whole transportation picture in the Arctic and flying took a big step forward. This was the first time we could carry full sheets of plywood and it changed the living styles considerably. Prospectors spent less time making camp and more time prospecting.'"524 The Otter is yet another aircraft that was designed at, and first flown over, the place that is now Downsview Park. After its move to the new factory location, de Havilland Canada produced five more aircraft in the DHC series including the Caribou, the Buffalo, the Twin Otter, 520 "Canada's Beaver Most Famous Little Airplane in the World," A. 521 "Canada's Beaver Most Famous Little Airplane in the World," A. 522 Jackson 537. 523 C. Martin Sharp, D.H., A History of de Havilland (Shrewsbury, Eng.: Airlife, 1982) 242. 524 Hotson 166-7. 197 the Dash 7, and the Dash 8. However, the origins of the DHC series of aircraft and the Short Take-Off and Landing (STOL) technology that made it possible lie within the buildings that still remain at Downsview Park. As C. Martin Sharp noted, "it is realized that the field of STOL, as it is called in our jargon, has been quietly pioneered by D.H.C."525 The story of every Chipmunk, Beaver, and Otter aircraft produced begins at what is now Downsview Park and continues, in many cases to this day, in locations across Canada and all over the world. The innovation in design that made these aircraft possible, and the stories that accompany them, form an important part of the Park's industrial and aviation heritage. Standing amidst the buildings of the former de Havilland industrial complex one warm spring afternoon in 2008,1 begin to wonder about the present legacy of de Havilland aircraft, individuals, and events related to the Downsview Park site. With the help of Ken Swartz, Paul Cabot, and some further reading and research, I discover just how important de Havilland aircraft, that were designed and built at this place, are to Canada's contemporary aviation identity. It turns out that de Havilland Canada aircraft have been officially recognized in a number of ways including on Canadian stamps and coins. In fact, while in the midst of this research, an announcement was made that the Royal Canadian Mint would be producing a 1/25 ounce gold coin honouring the de Havilland Beaver.526 Such a coin is a contemporary example of how de Havilland aircraft designed and built at the Downsview Park site, continue to be recognized and honoured as a part of Canada's larger aviation identity. 525 Sharp 243. 526 Ken Swartz, "Re: Canadian Mint Honours DHC-2 Beaver (again!)," e-mail to the author, 1 June 2008. The Beaver in particular has received many such honours since its first flight over Downsview just over sixty years ago. To mark its centennial celebrations in 1987, the Canadian Engineering Society bestowed upon the Beaver one of its Ten Outstanding Engineering Achievement Awards. As Neil Aird, avid Beaver historian noted, "More than 100 entries were considered for their effect on Canadians. The Beaver was one of the two manufactured products selected, the other being the snowmobile."527 A drive with Ken Swartz over to Bombardier's current operations in the complex including the plant originally occupied by de Havilland in 1954, revealed a cairn with an Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada plaque in honour of the Beaver sitting at the entrance to Bombardier's offices. The Beaver was designated a National Historic Event by the Board in 1974 with the plaque ceremony occurring in 1988 at Downsview. At the plaque unveiling ceremony, Professor Thomas Symons, then Chairman of the Historic Sites and Monuments Board described the Beaver in the following way: The de Havilland Beaver is, in truth, an historical monument - because it has played so great a part in the history of Canada and, indeed, of North America. It occupies a distinctive place in the opening of the Canadian north and in the story of our national defence.52 More recently, Professor Symons shared with me an additional story about the unveiling of the plaque: Neil Aird, Beaver Tails, 15 June 2008 199 Although the de Havilland Company had by then been long replaced by other owners, their historic connection with the aviation enterprise at Downsview was remembered by the participation in the ceremony of Olivia de Havilland who unveiled the plaque.529 Standing in front of the plaque our conversation turns to its present location. While it is located on a property used by de Havilland from 1954 onwards, it might perhaps be better placed at Downsview Park in close proximity to the former Plant 1 and 2 complexes where it was initially designed and built. Now that the site is one which is open to the public, and which they are encouraged to visit, it seems a most appropriate place for the cairn to be situated. Certainly, the level of exposure to the public would be much greater, and arguably a stronger connection between the Beaver and the Downsview Park site would be established. A number of individuals who worked on the Downsview Park site on the design and production of de Havilland Canada aircraft have also been honoured. Pilots Russ Bannock, who test flew the first Beaver, and George Neal, who test flew the first Otter, have both been inducted into the Canadian Aviation Hall of Fame, as has Philip Clarke Garratt. Garratt also received a number of other honours in recognition of his contribution to Canadian aviation over the course of his career at de Havilland Canada: He was chosen to receive the Trans-Canada (McKee) Trophy for 1951 for his distinguished aviation accomplishments. In 1960 he received the Canadian Aeronautics and Space Institute's McCurdy Award, and in 1966 he was named recipient of the Trans-Canada (McKee) Trophy for a second time, in recognition of his fifty years' contribution to aviation in Canada ... In 1971 he was made a member of the Order of Canada.530 Professor T.H.B. Symons, personal correspondence, June 2008. 530 Mary E. Oswald, They led the way: Canada's Aviation Hall of Fame Members (Wetaskiwin AB: Canada's Aviation Hall of Fame, 1999) 62. 200 Many of these individuals' contributions to aviation in Canada occurred right at the place that is now Downsview Park. As Ken Swartz describes, "The recognition that Downsview has received is really in the products of the imaginative minds and creative sort of entrepreneurs that have been part of this landscape for eighty years, as a place that creates airplanes."531 It is clear from the lasting impact of de Havilland aircraft designed and built on the Downsview Park site, that some amazing people had a relationship with this place, both on the ground, and from the air, for much of the twentieth century. De Havilland Canada's indigenous aircraft also continue to be put to use in contemporary settings across Canada and the world. As Ken Swartz shared, The aircraft that were created here, and even the space hardware, have all been recognized and in many parts of Canada, except perhaps Toronto, are part of the day to day vernacular. If you go anywhere in the north, anywhere on the west coast, or anywhere on the frontiers of Canada, the aircraft built here are the flying pick-up trucks and flying buses and vans . . . I'm talking of the entire North West Territories and Yukon and completely up and down the west coast... There's probably hundreds of thousands of passengers who get off cruise ships in Alaska every year and fly over the glaciers in aircraft built at Downsview.532 Paul Cabot, Manager and Curator of the Toronto Aerospace Museum further elaborated, One of the things that we're very proud of in Toronto aviation circles is the fact that aircraft designed here have touched people all over the world and you can go anywhere in the world, you can probably find an airplane that says 'made in Toronto' and it's probably working to benefit a group of people and not just necessarily providing tourism . . . whether it's doing medical evacuations or any number of different jobs.533 ' Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 2 Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 3 Paul Cabot, Personal Interview, 4 June 2008. 201 Aircraft whose stories begin at the place that is now Downsview Park, then, continue to make significant contributions to aviation-related activities across Canada and world-wide. Given the historical relevance of the Downsview Park site to aviation in Canada, you would think that perhaps the "recognized" status of former de Havilland Plant 1 and Plant 2 complexes would play a significant role in the commemoration of the site's industrial and aviation heritage, as they provide an important tangible reminder of the site's former aviation identity. However, correspondence with the Federal Heritage Buildings Review Office revealed that the Treasury Board Policy on Management of Real Property, that came into effect in November 2006, and is the governing document with regard to federal heritage buildings, does not extend to Crown Corporations beyond those listed in Section 2 of the Financial Administration Act. From the perspective of the Federal Heritage Buildings Review Office, the transfer of land from the Department of National Defence to PDP, deemed the "recognized" designation of Plant 1 and Plant 2 as "inactive," to be used only for interpretive purposes from that point forward.5 Further correspondence with PDP confirmed that as a Crown Corporation they are not bound to the Treasury Board Policy on Management of Real Property with respect to heritage buildings. Further, the Department of National Defence did not stipulate that the heritage designation of Plant 1 and Plant 2 continue to be applied after the land transfer. There is a sense, however, that PDP has a moral obligation to honour "the spirit of the regulations" and take the "recognized" status of these "Re: FHBRO and Downsview Park," e-mail to the author. 28 April 2008. cot buildings into account as plans for park development progress. While there might be other means of ensuring that the historical legacy of the aircraft industry at Downsview Park is protected, such as the erection of plaques and other interpretive devices, the buildings themselves provide a tangible way to communicate this legacy to park visitors. Their absence on the physical landscape would make sharing the site's aviation and industrial heritage with the broader public much more challenging, as concrete evidence of its existence would no longer be there to aid in telling the story. The unfortunate truth is that even if PDP were subject to federal policy pertaining to heritage buildings, this would in no way guarantee their protection. In a February 2007 report to the House of Commons, the Auditor General, while acknowledging the progress made by Parks Canada in the previous four years, stated, "However, conservation of heritage buildings and national historic sites that are in the custody of other federal organizations is at risk because of gaps in the Treasury Board Heritage Buildings Policy." Further, in establishing the point that the government's "conservation regime for built heritage should be strengthened,"537 the Auditor General pointed out that even if federal heritage buildings have been designated as "classified" or "recognized" it is still possible for them to be disposed of538 and that "In the absence of precise objectives and reporting requirements, departments and agencies have little motivation to conserve their heritage sites."539 535 Howard Lee, "Re: Quick question," e-mail to the author, 29 April 2008. 536 Auditor General of Canada, "Chapter Two: The Conservation of Federal Built Heritage," A Status Report of the Auditor General of Canada to the House of Commons, (Ottawa: Office of the Auditor General of Canada, February, 2007) 2. 537 Auditor General 15. 538 Auditor General 11. 539 Auditor General 13. 203 It would also appear that funding that was once available to encourage the conservation of heritage buildings and national historic sites, is drying up. The Commercial Heritage Properties Incentive Fund is "sun setting" and funds are no longer available; and the National Cost Sharing Program has been put on hold indefinitely while it awaits assessment.540 In this current climate, it is highly unlikely that the Federal government will be establishing any new funding programs for the conservation of heritage buildings that might be applicable and useful to PDP. Even governance of the Park itself is subject to the policy directions of the current Federal government which do not seem to place an emphasis on the importance of the country's heritage. In this present context then, it is important to consider how the former de Havilland buildings are being used by PDP and what challenges the Corporation faces in trying to retain them. At present, Plant 1 houses the Toronto Aerospace Museum, as well as warehouse space where Public Works and Government Services Canada store seized goods. The remainder of the complex consists of walk-up office space that is still in its original condition.541 Plant 2 has primarily been repurposed for indoor sporting activities, and according to Howard Lee, Executive Director of Asset Management for PDP, should be almost fully occupied by the end of 2008, save 85,000 square feet of walk-up office space.542 In considering the present use and condition of the buildings north of Carl Hall Road, Lee Stated, 540 Personal Correspondence with Parks Canada Representative, Re: federal funding programs for built heritage. 1 May 2008. 541 Howard Lee, Personal Interview, 25 April 2008. 542 Howard Lee, Personal Interview, 25 April 2008. 204 They're again in really marginal shape .. .1 guess three out of five buildings in that complex were really designed as just glorified storage sheds ... they're really not in that great of shape. However, that said, we've been fortunate in securing several tenants who have put a lot of money into retrofitting the buildings.543 For instance, Four Seasons Aviation, a helicopter rental and filming company, located in Unit 1 of Building 43, have invested a significant amount of money to bring the building back to "better than new condition."544 Through the efforts of volunteers, the Toronto Wildlife Centre located in Building 42, has created "a first-class wildlife veterinary centre." Figure 19 The Toronto Wildlife Centre at Downsview Park. K. McLeod 29 August 2007. Howard Lee, Personal Interview, 25 April 2008. Howard Lee, Personal Interview, 25 April 2008. Howard Lee, Personal Interview, 25 April 2008. 205 Building 40 is used by PDP as a maintenance shop, and for vehicle storage; and the Nissen Hut is used for vehicle storage and as a salt dome in winter.546 The Building 38/39 complex, which includes the original 1928 de Havilland hangar from the Trethewey field, is described by Lee as being in "pretty decrepit condition." 'The amount of revenue generated from that building is way less than the amount of expenses that are attributed to it."547 However, if PDP ultimately decides to take the complex down, it is their intention to retain the hangar and perhaps move it to another location on the site. As Paul Cabot astutely observed, the hangar was indeed designed to be moved.548 Perhaps moving it in closer proximity to the Aerospace Museum would further help to tell the story of de Havilland on the site, and give the building an important heritage function. Suggestions like Cabot's work to create an inventory of ideas about how PDP might make use of these buildings in the future as important concrete expressions of the site's aviation and industrial identity. It would seem, according to PDP at least, that the biggest challenge in retaining and usefully repurposing this area of the Park as a whole is financial: The go forward position over say, the next 10-15 years would be that this would ultimately become what we would call the Cultural Commons where it would be basically an arts area similar to the idea of the utilization one finds at Granville Island in Vancouver . .. Right now, the buildings are not ready for that type of use and substantial multi-million dollar investment would be required to bring those buildings up to a standard that they could be used for their ultimate purpose.549 Howard Lee, Personal Interview, 25 April 2008. Howard Lee, Personal Interview, 25 April 2008. Paul Cabot, Personal Interview, 4 June 2008. Howard Lee, Personal Interview, 25 April 2008. This is a substantial amount of money for PDP to generate given the mandate from the Federal government that it be self-sustaining. As Howard Lee succinctly described, We do not receive any federal government appropriations or allowances each year, we're completely self-sustaining. So the gift is the land and then from that we're empowered to do whatever it takes to build a national urban park ... it's a different headspace than any other government authority such as Parks Canada that does receive annual funding and has a different approach and ability than what we're able to do.550 However, if PDP is serious about making heritage a priority element in the site's future development, as the Corporation's planning documents would suggest, funding for heritage-related initiatives must be made a priority as well. If there is money available to build new soccer fields and other outdoor athletic facilities, conceivably money could be made available for initiatives related to heritage interpretation on the site. Erecting interpretive signs in front of relevant buildings for example, would be a start and the cost would certainly not be enormous. Further, despite its abhorrence to the idea of accumulating debt, perhaps PDP should utilize its ability to borrow money from Parliament and begin to commemorate the site's heritage in key accumulative ways. The Brick Works provides an excellent example of what can be done to reinvigorate a site over time when its heritage is made a priority. Apart from the larger financial hurdles, there are of course the daily challenges related to maintaining older buildings. With things wearing out, plumbing and electrical issues, and work to be done to maintain the building envelope of a complex like Plant 2, smaller costs can add up quickly. However, when one considers these buildings from the perspective of their importance to the site's industrial and aviation 550 Howard Lee, Personal Interview, 25 April 2008. 207 heritage, and their potential to communicate this heritage to the Canadian public, their loss would be the greatest cost of all to PDP. The Corporation should be encouraged to continue to retain the tangible built elements of the landscape's heritage as plans for park development progress and evolve. As we have learned from earlier chapters, the story of this place becomes much more difficult to tell when physical examples of its heritage are erased from the contemporary landscape. Further, the adaptive reuse of existing facilities aligns nicely with PDP's proclaimed emphasis on the principles of sustainability. But what of the potential of heritage-related initiatives in the adaptive re-use possibilities for these built elements of the Park's heritage? At present, the most significant re-use of a building on the site, as it pertains to heritage, is the Toronto Aerospace Museum. l**""i" ' " ' J ** ' 'A . ) ' * ( rs .' —r » / 1 M * '.••... / : r -•:1i!."'- C ET '*:3 "'TT"1 i *• i '•' -ij p«m* *• ! "J •r !"*' Figure 20 The Toronto Aerospace Museum. K. McLeod 29 August 2007. 208 Founded in 1997, in the east end of the former Plant 1 complex, the Museum, "is dedicated to developing an exciting educational, heritage and tourist attraction at Pare Downsview Park in Toronto, Ontario, Canada." 551 Indeed, from an educational perspective, local school children are a familiar site at the Museum, as they learn about the aviation heritage of the city. As Paul Cabot, Manager and Curator of the Museum explained, Every city has its own story, every province has its own history in aviation, so we're really concentrating to tell the Toronto story and to make sure that these stories don't end up in a drawer, in a large room, with a million other stories not being told.552 The building itself certainly holds a multitude of stories about the de Havilland Canada experience and its relevance to aviation in Toronto, across Canada, and around the world. The fact that the Museum is situated in a former aircraft manufacturing plant provides much scope for the authentic communication of these stories to visitors. As Cabot elaborated, After doing some research, it came to light that the building itself was historically significant based on the fact that the two aircraft that formed the basis of de Havilland Canada's success story were both designed and built inside the building. Nor has the building been substantially modified since this section of Plant 1 was first built in the 1940s. Walking through the Museum, one is given an immediate sense of the role the building played in aviation activities on the site. 551 Toronto Aerospace Museum Home Page, 1 July 2004, Toronto Aerospace Museum, 15 June 2008 209 Further, as Cabot discussed, the stories the Museum holds are of significance both to new Canadians and to visitors from all over the world: Being that Toronto is such a multicultural city we can have people coming from very many historical backgrounds into here and we can draw a direct connection from something that occurred in the city back to their home town ... all of the sudden they can come here and they can see maybe the aircraft that their uncle back in India learned how to fly on ... They're only stories to them and now we've provided a direct link to that story and we've affected somebody who may not be an aviation enthusiast... given them a piece of information that they didn't necessarily have before.5 4 When considered from this perspective, the Park's aviation and industrial heritage plays a key role in communicating stories about Canada, which hold relevance for people who live in, or visit Toronto, from all over the world. Since its inception, the Museum has received much attention from both local and national media, thus raising the profile of Downsview Park and its heritage. As Ken Swartz explained, a contribution such as this holds value that cannot be measured in monetary terms. "For the non-cash contribution to Downsview Park, the Toronto Aerospace Museum has consistently, probably more than any other institution, received national attention for the Park."555 While having a non-profit institution occupy space on the Park site does pose a unique set of challenges for both parties with regard to PDP's financially self-sustaining mandate, the Corporation should be encouraged to consider the value such an institution brings to the Park, outside of monetary terms. Ideally, as plans for park development move forward, the Toronto Aerospace Museum will remain a fixture at the Park, and continue to tell the story of its aviation heritage to visitors from across Canada and all over the world. Paul Cabot, Personal Interview, 4 June 2008. Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 210 In June 2008, PDP held its third Annual Public Meeting. In attending the meeting, it became clear that the future vision for, and identity of, the Park has not been wholly determined. As the process of developing and articulating this vision and identity continues, PDP should be encouraged to contemplate how aspects of the site's industrial and aviation heritage might make a relevant and exciting contribution. Guided by conceptual ideas about industrial heritage, relevant external examples, and most importantly, imagination, the last section of this chapter will discuss the potential of industrial and aviation heritage to significantly impact both conceptual and tangible progressions in park development. Many heritage sites throughout the United Kingdom and Europe work to tell an important story of the relationship between a specific region and its industry. Often this industry is no longer viable within a community, and so expressions of its heritage come to play an important role in redevelopment and economic recovery. For instance, in her discussion of the Ruhr area of Germany and its use of the Emscherpark model for redevelopment, Jansen-Verbeke states, The integration and combination of many smaller projects for revitalizing the landscape, improving environmental quality and developing cultural resources into attractions (exhibitions, cultural performances, sports, leisure, amusements and shopping) seems to be an effective model of redevelopment... Opportunities for people to rediscover the industrial heritage and learn about the local history, for example, is an important component in several reconversion projects.556 Jansen-Verbeke's observations make clear that industrial heritage, along with other forms of revitalization, is playing a significant role in the redevelopment of particular landscapes. 556 Myriam Jansen-Verbeke, "Industrial Heritage: A nexus for sustainable tourism development," Tourism Geographies 1.1 (1999): 74. 211 While this and other examples may be relevant to Downsview Park on one level, it is important to note that much of the industrial heritage of the United Kingdom and Europe is rooted in the preservation of eighteenth and nineteenth century landscapes that made a significant contribution to the Industrial Revolution. For instance, in the United Kingdom, the Ironbridge Gorge site comprised of ten Museums in the valley beside the River Severn, was awarded World Heritage status by UNESCO in 1986 due to the area's "unique contribution to the birth of the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century, the impact of which was felt across the world."557 Although both the Ironbridge Gorge and Downsview Park would be categorized as places with industrial heritage, Downsview Park's aviation heritage is clearly a product of the twentieth century, thus impacting the nature of how it is considered and interpreted. Turning to the United States, in the article "A Vehicle for Conserving and Interpreting Our Recent Industrial Heritage," Constance C. Bodurow argued that, 20th century industry has left an indelible mark on the American consciousness, identity, heritage, and landscape; and that our nation, NPS [National Park Service], and its partners have not yet done an effective job in conserving and interpreting the nation's nationally and internationally significant industrial resources.558 In her discussion of the auto industry in particular, Bodurow imagines a future proactive approach on the part of the National Parks Service to "three other significant 20th century industries: aerospace, oil, and computer/web."559 While Budorow acknowledges Park Canada's accomplishments with regard to industrial heritage in this country,560 arguably Canada still has very few industrial 557 Ironbridge Gorge Home Page, n.d., Ironbridge Gorge Museum Trust, 16 June 2008 212 heritage sites concerned with more recent aspects of twentieth century industry. Perhaps this is because it is more difficult to conceptualize the heritage of an industry that is still productive in the present. Although Canada's representative on The International Committee for Conservation of Industrial Heritage (TICCIH), stated in recent correspondence that "there is certainly precedent in Canada for preserving 20th century industrial sites,"5 ' many of her examples, as well as subsequent ones I found, do not address the heritage of more recent industries in Canada. Therefore, it would appear that in many ways, it is all the more important that Downsview Park continue to take its aviation heritage into account in plans for park development, as it has an opportunity to be at the forefront of a process that acknowledges more recent twentieth century industrial heritage and its relevance to the lives of everyday Canadians. As Leary and Sholes state in their discussion of the importance of creating a sense of place in museums and on landscapes of industrial heritage, 'Telling a captivating industrial history tale thus involves insuring the survival of sites and environments, the actual theater in which people's lives played out over generations." The buildings and industrial features of Downsview Park constitute a theatre for the production of stories and memories pertaining to the site's relationship with aviation. Industrial heritage initiatives also hold contemporary environmental and educational possibilities, and are thus as much oriented to the future as the past. The 560Bodurow71 561 Canada's Representative, The International Committee for the Conservation of Industrial Heritage, "Re: The International Committee for the Conservation of Industrial Heritage," email to the author, 21 May 2008. 562 Thomas E. Leary, and Elizabeth C. Sholes, "Authenticity of Place and Voice: Examples of Industrial Heritage Preservation and Interpretation in the U.S. and Europe," The Public Historian 22.3 (Summer 2000): 52. 213 Nizhny Tagil Charter for the Industrial Heritage passed by "the assembled delegates at the triennial National Assembly of TICCIH held in Moscow on 17 July, 2003,"563 recognizes that "Continuing to adapt and use industrial buildings avoids wasting energy and contributes to sustainable development."564 Further, the topic of the 2005 Heritage Canada Foundation's Annual Conference was "Heritage and Sustainability: Canadian Communities and Kyoto." In its proceedings Colin Jackson, member of the Prime Minister's External Advisory Committee on Cities and Communities, made the key point that, "The heritage sector has made a powerful case that the loss of heritage buildings runs counter to developing healthy, integrated, sustainable communities."565 Dr. Mark Gorgolewski further elaborated on this point in his session on "Ecological Building" when he stated that 11 million tonnes of waste per year are created by Canadian construction and demolition,566 and that "Maximizing reuse, refurbishment, and recycling may soon become a necessity." Given the early emphasis of PDP's plans for development on concepts of sustainability, it would appear that a significant opportunity exists on the site to promote the values of sustainability through the continued retention and reuse of existing buildings on the site. Their necessary upgrades over time may also provide a chance for the Park to incorporate "green" design concepts into plans for their alteration. The Internationa] Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage, The Nizhny Tagil Charter for the Industrial Heritage (Moscow: National Assembly of The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage, 17 July 2003) 1. 564 The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage 5. 565 Heritage Canada Foundation, Proceedings, Heritage and Sustainability: Canadian Communities and Kyoto September 15, 16, 17, 2005 Regina Saskatchewan (Ottawa: Heritage Canada Foundation, 2006) 9. 566 Heritage Canada Foundation 9. 567 Heritage Canada Foundation 10. 214 The Nizhny Tagil Charter also emphasizes the importance of establishing educational initiatives pertaining to industrial heritage at the primary, secondary, and post-secondary levels. One example of how this can be realized on a former industrial landscape exists in Lowell Massachusetts where Lowell National Historic Park is home to the Tsongas Industrial History Centre, a partnership between the University of Massachusetts, Lowell Graduate School of Education, and the Park. Here, younger students visit to learn about the American Industrial Revolution and teachers can participate in workshops geared toward professional development.569 The Toronto Aerospace Museum and PDP, already offer many educational programs on the site. However, further emphasis on its aviation heritage may provide scope for an institution like Centennial College to develop on-site aviation programs, or for other post-secondary institutions, through partnerships with PDP, or the Museum, to establish programs or professional development initiatives relating to industrial heritage more broadly. Programs that bring active and imaginative minds to the Park can only further its possibilities as a site for learning and creating. As PDP looks to the future, two external examples may help to guide its plans for park development and for the Cultural Commons in particular. Planning literature for the Park makes reference to the Granville Island site in Vancouver as a model for what might be possible at Downsview. Like Downsview Park, Granville Island also has a rich industrial heritage. In fact, even its narrow lots and built forms speak to its The International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage 6. 569 Tsongas Industrial History Center Home Page, 9 August, 1999, University of Massachusetts Lowell Graduate School of Education, 8 May 2008 215 history as a landscape of industry. As the official website for the Island states, "In the late 1970s, Granville Island began its transformation from a declining 37-acre industrial park in Vancouver's False Creek, to possibly the most successful urban redevelopment ever seen in North America."571 Today, the former industrial landscape and its buildings are home to a variety of shops and restaurants, a hotel, theatres, galleries, an art school and a Public Market.572 The site is therefore utilized in a variety of ways that draw creative and imaginative individuals who leave their own imprint on the landscape. Since 1972, the Island has been administered by the Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation, and since 1983, it has been financially self-sustaining. "Funding for capital improvements and operations is covered by revenues from its tenants which are from the public, private and non-profit sectors."573 However, it would appear that prior to 1983 the federal government invested a significant amount of money into the initiative,574 thus making it much easier for the Corporation to achieve its financially self-sustaining status. In this sense, PDP has more of an uphill battle in implementing plans for park development. While the Downsview Park Foundation has the potential to raise funds for certain initiatives, an injection of funds from the federal government, would certainly aid PDP in continuing to revitalize the buildings on this former industrial landscape. Granville Island Home Page, n.d., Granville Island, 16 June 2008 216 A second example for PDP to draw upon exists much closer to home, and like the Park, is still in the process of becoming. Discussed in Chapter Three, the Don Valley Brick Works site, administered by the Evergreen Foundation, is making great strides in the recognition, and adaptive reuse, of it industrial heritage assets. The Foundation has developed a Heritage Strategy and "is working with E.R.A. Heritage Architects, the City of Toronto and the Ontario Heritage Foundation to preserve the industrial and architectural character of the site while giving the heritage buildings a new lease on life by adding community programming the complements that nature of the site."575 The Evergreen Foundation is also making the connection between heritage and principles of sustainability at the Brick Works. In its 2006 Master Plan for the site, Evergreen states, "it provides an important lesson for policymakers and others on how a vacant industrial site can be transformed into a space that helps us think about how we can create more sustainable cities."576 Indeed, as PDP moves forward with plans for the Cultural Commons, the Brick Works provides an inspiring local and successful example to draw upon. Looking to the future also involves the consideration of an appropriate perspective from which to approach the past and its relevance to park development. As previously discussed, in 2003 the Ontario Heritage Trust communicated that the site i7i Evergreen Home Page, 2000, Evergreen, 25 September 2007 217 is "important for its cultural landscape value and archaeological potential." Paine and Taylor described in 1995, The literature as well as common usage suggests that cultural landscapes are seen to be comprised of geographical areas that have been modified as a result of human activity, resulting in a landscape area that is distinctive or definable in the form it presents or the values it reflects.578 Further, the Ontario Ministry of Culture states on its website, in reference to cultural landscapes, that, "Now in the conservation field we are expanding our interest from individual buildings as landmarks to an appreciation of cultural landscapes."579 The Ministry also distinguishes cultural landscapes from scenic landscapes by stating that an abandoned industrial site "may be an important cultural landscape for the information it reveals about industrial processes and the development of a particular community or region." If one is to think about Downsview Park from this perspective, there is certainly a case to be made for its cultural landscape value. Indeed, it would seem that the Park is representative of a cultural landscape of industry and aviation. Certainly, the past of the Downsview area more broadly, can also be viewed from this perspective, but so can its present, and its future. This is what makes the Park's industrial and aviation heritage unique from that of many other sites. It exists at the centre of a contemporary landscape of aviation, thus conceptually bridging the gap between the past, present, and future of this industry in the Downsview area. Novita Interpares 19. 578 Cecilia Paine and James R. Taylor, Cultural Landscape Assessment: A Comparison of Current Methods and their Potential for Application within the Niagara Escarpment (Guelph: Landscape Research Group, University of Guelph, October, 1995) 4. 579 Ministry of Culture, "Cultural Landscapes," (Toronto: Government of Ontario, 27 November 2007), 16 June 2008. 218 In considering the future of the Park, Ken Swartz shared some interesting information about the contemporary landscape of aviation that surrounds it: The City of Toronto is more than just the downtown core ... this is a cultural opportunity north of the 401. There's an opportunity to leverage the existing cluster of technology and aviation-related activities in this area including Bombardier, Flight Safety, which is a flight training facility; Defence Research and Development Canada ... Environment Canada. .. their centre for weather is up on Dufferin Street just north of here. . . and next door to Environment Canada is the University of Toronto Centre for Aerospace.581 To Swartz, "aviation could be a huge wow" for the Park. He has visited many aerospace museums throughout Canada and the United States and envisions the possibility of something similar to the Future of Flight Aviation Center and Boeing Tour in Washington State, being created at Downsview Park through a partnership with Bombardier. In this context the Toronto Aerospace Museum would also function as a theatre and welcome centre. He described how visitors would "go through the old [de Havilland] factory and then get on a bus and see a modern aircraft factory. That could be such a powerful tourist attraction."582 Paul Cabot also has a personal vision for the site which involves acquiring the remainder of Plant 1 and expanding the Museum, adding new buildings behind it. His vision also involves building relationships with Bombardier and Centennial College. He imagines the College opening an aviation campus "in the vicinity of the Museum with the idea being, you know, that you've got your classrooms over here and the Museum physically becomes ... the College campus."583 To Cabot, "Aviation is very much an industry that people enter with a fascination and feeding ' Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 2 Ken Swartz, Personal Interview and Tour, 13 May 2008. 3 Paul Cabot, Personal Interview, 4 June 2008. that fascination, that love of aviation, I think would go a long way to enhance the education of the people who are here." In terms of the Cultural Commons, Cabot feels that imagination is necessary to the development of new applications for this group of buildings, not all of which have to be aviation related. He shared, "I'd like to see a walking tour developed by the Park, you know, talking about the heritage of the individual buildings."585 As a part of these visions for aspects of the Park's future, there is still much scope for the recognition of its past. Although the Beaver has been designated a National Historic Event and certain of the buildings have been designated as "recognized" by the FHBRO, a designation that is now "inactive," it would not appear that an application has been put forward to the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada to consider the significance of the site itself as a cultural landscape of industry and aviation. Thomas Ricci, community member and founder of the Downsview Lands Community Voice Association learned about the site's aviation heritage when he was serving at then Canadian Forces Base Toronto. "I also learned about the background of the Base and it was amazing ... all this early aviation stuff happened here . . .wow, this thing is really worth a lot more, not just to the CO/ community as a park, but it's worth a lot more to Canada as a heritage site." Preparing an application to the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada for an historic site designation, would also be a way to further involve the community in determining the future of the Park. As Paul Cabot stated, Paul Cabot, Personal Interview, 4 June 2008. Paul Cabot, Personal Interview, 4 June 2008. Thomas Ricci, Personal Interview, 5 June 2008. 220 I think it needs to be done now because I think that the next generation coming up is not going to be so concerned about it because it was never a part of their life. I think there's a number of people out there now who can relate back to ... what happened here and know about the place.587 A National Historic Site designation for the Park would solidify the importance of its industrial and aviation heritage to the future of the landscape, while still allowing it the flexibility to develop and evolve in a way that would continue to attract creative and innovative individuals to shape its future; much like those who were so much a part of the story of its past. The purpose of this chapter has been to consider how themes of industrial and aviation heritage are relevant to the past, present and future of the place that is now Downsview Park, through the production of a symbolic landscape of aviation and industrial heritage that encompasses both material and conceptual elements. The first section concentrated on how those organizations responsible for the site from the early nineteen-nineties to the present, conceptualized the role and importance of its industrial and aviation heritage to future plans for development. Through an in-depth examination of various internal and external reports, a pattern of heritage recognition emerged as a key element in ideas and visions for the Park's future. The chapter then turned its attention to telling the story of aviation in North York more broadly and at Downsview Park in particular. A discussion of the relationship of de Havilland Aircraft of Canada Ltd. to the site established the important role of industry and aviation in shaping the history of the park site. Moving into the present, the chapter then explored how the Park's industrial past continues to impact aspects Paul Cabot, Personal Interview, 4 June 2008. 221 of aviation in Canada and across the world and how the tangible remains of this past are influencing the current trajectory of the Park. The last section contemplated how the Park's industrial and aviation heritage could inform exciting and imaginative ideas for the future of the site, and the Cultural Commons in particular, thus revealing that this aspect of the landscape's heritage is as much about the future as it is about the past. As the Park continues to evolve in the twenty-first century a unique opportunity exists for the inclusion of aspects of its industrial and aviation heritage in plans for development. As the above chapter has attempted to demonstrate, threads of this heritage can be woven through broader concepts of education and sustainability, and are important elements of Canada's past and present aviation identity. PDP should be encouraged to continue to take this into consideration as they mould a creative and relevant vision and identity for Downsview Park. 222 Chapter Seven: The Future of Downsview Park's Heritage Almost a year to the day after I had begun my research and writing on Downsview Park, an event occurred that left me wondering whether the tangible remains of the site's heritage would be forever altered, or even lost altogether. Footage captured of the explosion at the Sunrise Propane facility, immediately south-west of the Park, shows a large ball of flame in the sky that lit up the whole Downsview area in the early hours of the morning on 10 August 2008. Residents from all parts of the city later revealed that they had felt and heard the explosion. I awoke drowsily to a phone call from my mother, worried that we would be travelling in the area of the explosion later that day. I immediately snapped awake and turned on the news. A significant portion of the Downsview area, which included the majority of the Park, was being evacuated. I wondered aloud if the Park had suffered any damage to its buildings and facilities. No mention was being made of it on the simultaneous broadcasts blaring over the television and radio. I spoke to someone at PDP early the following week and learned that thankfully the Park had only suffered minor damage. The whole situation left me wondering about how the site's latest identity as a park of national significance fit with the largely industrial identity of its most immediate surroundings. Its previous identity as a military base suddenly seemed much more fitting. However, there are residential neighbourhoods within close proximity of the Park which certainly stand to benefit in the long term from its 572 acre presence in what is, for the most part, a sea of concrete, strip malls, and light industrial buildings. 223 The theme of the multiple identities of a place over time was front and centre in my investigation into what constitutes the heritage of Downsview Park and the role this heritage could play in shaping its present and future identities. In fact, the more I learned about the site, the more I realized the impact of its past identities on its present configuration as a park of national significance, and the influence these identities could have on the site's future if PDP is willing to continue to incorporate them into its process of park planning and development. My research and writing therefore not only explored and discussed the site's key heritage elements, but also advocated for their inclusion in the Park's future, thus acknowledging the temporal nature of a heritage investigation of this kind. My research into the site's heritage really amounted to a journey into the past, present, and future of the place that is now Downsview Park. Drawing on key heritage concepts; theories of landscape and place; relevant primary and secondary sources; and the unique perspectives and valuable information gained from my many interviews and pieces of correspondence, I was able to produce four thematic landscapes of heritage which encompassed both physical and symbolic elements. These landscapes tell the story of the site's often overlapping identities; reflect on how they have been conceptualized over time within park planning documents and reports; and contemplate their relevance to future initiatives in planning and development at Downsview Park. I did not produce the first of my four heritage landscapes until the third chapter of the thesis. In the first chapter, I introduced my research and Downsview Park, and briefly outlined my methodological approaches. In Chapter Two, I arrived at a 224 definition of heritage that was relevant to my particular investigation of Downsview Park. This chapter also provided me with the opportunity to discuss the temporal and spatial aspects of heritage and consider their relationship to theories of place and landscape both of which were influential in my ultimate production of the four heritage landscapes. Finally, I discussed how the various approaches and concepts utilized within particular place biographies have influenced my research and writing of a heritage biography of the place that is now Downsview Park. In Chapter Three, I investigated Downsview Park's natural heritage identity and considered its relevance to the future of the site to produce my first heritage landscape. Through an exploration of the Park's contemporary physical features, and PDP's on-going regenerative efforts, I concluded that there is an important role for natural heritage in Downsview Park's future. I further concluded that this role would be enhanced by further engagement of the public through education and stewardship, and by the continued development of relationships with heritage minded organizations such as the Evergreen Foundation and the Lost Rivers Program. Both of these organizations have the potential to contribute meaningfully to the recognition and regeneration of natural heritage elements at the Park. My research and writing for Chapter Four was devoted to the production of a landscape of Aboriginal heritage which encompasses both material and conceptual elements. From a material perspective, I explored the potential of archaeology to further reveal the relationship of Aboriginal people to the place that is now Downsview Park. From a conceptual perspective, I addressed the often notable absences and Eurocentric positioning of Aboriginal people in North York's heritage 225 narratives, by attempting to retell a version of the story that included Aboriginal people and considered the impact of colonization on the Downsview Park site and its surrounding area. I concluded the chapter by advocating for PDP to further initiate the process of determining the site's archaeological potential and to draw upon respectful and reciprocal research approaches to arrive at a better understanding of the relationship between Aboriginal people and Downsview Park. This relationship is not, and should not, remain frozen in the eighteenth century, but in fact has contemporary implications for how PDP includes Aboriginal people in the process of building a park that is meant to be for all Canadians. In Chapter Five, my exploration of the site's nineteenth century identity culminated in the production of a symbolic landscape of settler heritage. Through a detailed investigation of the nature of the lots within the Park's boundaries in the Third Concession west of Yonge Street, I identified how this land served the broader purpose of contributing to the foundation of Upper Canada's religious and social institutions. I also discussed what the stories of these lots revealed about the lives and priorities of the people who occupied the site for more than a century. Through this interpretive exercise, I provided a more detailed perspective on this heritage identity and concluded that there is in fact a wealth of information, now readily available, to be included in future plans for park development that recognize and interpret the site's cultural heritage. In Chapter Six I embarked on the adventure of investigating the site's aviation and industrial identity to produce the final heritage landscape of the thesis. Early in the 226 chapter I situated Downsview Park in the larger story of aviation in Canada and discussed the impact of its industrial past on aviation, both inside the country, and internationally. At the end of the chapter I concluded that Downsview Park has a rich aviation and industrial heritage and that there exists ample opportunity to share this heritage with the broader public in the future, by maintaining the site's built elements; supporting on-site heritage initiatives such as the Toronto Aerospace Museum; and communicating with the public through complimentary interpretive materials and activities. I further concluded that PDP has the chance to play a lead role in the commemoration of twentieth century industrial heritage in Canada, and to enhance the relationship between built heritage and principles of sustainability at Downsview Park, thus setting an example both domestically and internationally. Overall, my research and writing led me to the important conclusion that the place that is now Downsview Park possesses a rich heritage comprised of its multiple identities over time, and that these past identities have a role to play in the site's future as a park of national significance. The shape this role will take is still open to interpretation and that is what makes Downsview Park such an exciting place. With this site, PDP has a valuable opportunity to link principles of sustainability to concepts of heritage recognition and interpretation in a manner similar to the work being undertaken by the Evergreen Foundation at the nearby Brick Works site. A failure to do so on the part of PDP would certainly be lamentable, for to be future- oriented does not necessitate negating the rich natural, built and cultural heritage that makes this place unique. In fact, throughout my thesis I have made the key point that as a concept, heritage is as much about the future as it is about the past. 227 The temporal nature of heritage is certainly a theoretical concept that influenced my own thinking about Downsview Park. My work also drew upon conceptual ideas about the spatial characteristics of heritage, and in particular, examined the relationship to the closely related concepts of landscape and place. Writing just about twenty years ago, Entrikin identified a renewed interest in the study of place and its related concepts within the field of geography.588 Approximately ten years later in 2001, Adams et al. referred to the "increasingly fluid and interdisciplinary nature of scholarship on place," noting that questions of place were "firmly back on the scholarly agenda."589 At about the same time, Graham, Ashworth and Tunbridge published A Geography of Heritage which attempted to "bring together the many domains of heritage into a single coherent analysis centered ultimately on place."590 The book situated heritage in the field of geography and provided an excellent point of departure for my own place-based analysis of the heritage of Downsview Park. The past ten years has also seen the emergence of a number of place biographies based on specific Canadian topics. Such works are perhaps in part a result of the renewed prominence of place as a subject of interest within the field of geography. Texts by Jenkins, Cameron, Terpstra, and most recently, Turkel, all take a place- based approach to their biography of a particular site or region within Canada. Each of these works influenced my own place-based approach to the investigation of Downsview Park's heritage. 588 J. Nicholas Entrikin, "Place, region, and modernity," The Power of Place: Bringing together geographical and sociological imaginations, Ed. John A. Agnew and James S. Duncan (Boston: UnwinHyman, 1989)40. 589 Adams et al. xviii. 590 Graham, Ashworth and Tunbridge 256. In considering the contribution of my thesis to interdisciplinary scholarship on heritage and place more broadly, I would venture to suggest that my work further develops the relationship between heritage and geography by pursuing a place-based analysis of the heritage of a particular site, which utilizes the concept of landscape from both a material and symbolic perspective to investigate each heritage theme. More specifically, my investigation into Downsview Park's past identities has made available much more detailed and contextual information about the place's heritage and its implications for current and future initiatives in park development. Finally, my work also emphasizes the importance of including Canada's more recent industrial past as a legitimate area of study within the field of heritage. There is much work to be done to acknowledge and interpret the rich 20th Century industrial heritage, which is very much the result of a broad sector that has influenced Canada's economy and national identity in profound ways. While my work was both broad and detailed, there is certainly scope for further research which addresses the heritage of Downsview Park. As I discussed in the introduction to my thesis, I was unable to meaningfully explore the site's military identity due to constraints of the financial and temporal nature. The work of Wayne Kelly in his Historical Summary of the Downsview Lands provides an excellent point of departure for any scholar who wishes to research and write about this important aspect of the Park's heritage. Further, based on my own research, I can express with some certainty that there are a number of long-time residents of the Downsview area who have entertaining and remarkable stories to share about the extensive relationship between CFB Downsview and its surrounding community. 229 As I discussed in the second chapter of the thesis, my work also helps to emphasize the scope for more theoretically specific investigations into Downsview Park's heritage. Although my work was definitely informed by theories and concepts pertaining to themes of gender, colonialism, and class relations, given its interdisciplinary approach, no one perspective informed the trajectory of my thesis as a whole. This means that researchers with an interest in exploring Downsview Park's heritage from one specific theoretical perspective are left with ample opportunity to do so. Towards the end of my research and writing, a particular thread of inquiry and analysis arose which I would like to further pursue through subsequent research. In 1992, Professor Thomas Symons called for an "integration of heritage values into the environmental ethic," suggesting that while the environment had been made relevant to the average Canadian, heritage had not." ' I would argue that over fifteen years later this is still very much the case. As such, using Downsview Park as my prime site of investigation, I would like to further explore how current environmental theories and initiatives can be linked to concepts of heritage in such a way that heritage values become integral to the "environmental ethic" at Downsview Park, and at other similar public spaces across the country. It is my sense that such a scholarly endeavour would provide interesting and rewarding challenges. Over the past year, my exploration of the heritage of Downsview Park, and its relevance to future initiatives in park development, has presented many interesting and rewarding challenges. I have read widely and expanded my research horizons through visits to the provincial and national archives. I have also been lucky to meet 591 Symons, 1995 4-5. 230 and interact with some extraordinary people who believe in the importance of heritage to the Park's future as much as I do. This thesis has been both a personal and intellectual journey and I look forward to proceeding in a direction that builds upon what I have learned through new and challenging avenues of heritage exploration. 231 BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES ARCHIVAL SOURCES 1851 Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-l 1760. Accessed at the Archives of Ontario, 21 February, 2008. 1861 Agricultural Census Data for York Township. Microfilm Reel C-1091. 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