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Poussin, Plague, and Early Modern Medicine Author(S): Sheila Barker Source: the Art Bulletin, Vol Poussin, Plague, and Early Modern Medicine Author(s): Sheila Barker Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 86, No. 4 (Dec., 2004), pp. 659-689 Published by: CAA Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4134458 Accessed: 26-08-2019 02:10 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms CAA is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Art Bulletin This content downloaded from 71.126.159.43 on Mon, 26 Aug 2019 02:10:00 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Poussin, Plague, and Early Modern Medicine Sheila Barker ... every year we have cured a number of the sick, who because in 1630, the year Poussin undertook work on this regained their health by no other means than the move- painting, Italy was afflicted with the century's worst outbreak ment of their souls.-Galen, De sanitate tuenda, 1576 of bubonic plague." That same year was also beset by war, famine, witchcraft, assassination plots, and volcanic erup- When we endure the smartest sores our crying turns the tions-truly it was an annus horribilis. The Roman orator cure.-William Austin, The Anatomy of the Pestilence, 16661 Agostino Mascardi, in a letter to Claudio Achillini, spoke of Seeking to launder the spoils of a diamond heist, Fabrizio the contemporary horrors at length: Valguarnera visited the studio of Nicolas Poussin in early Perhaps the lamenting of private misfortunes amid the 1631 and purchased two paintings.2 One of these, begun in deluge of public calamities is a sign of a faulty soul; how- late 1630, depicts an unusual Old Testament history based on ever I, amid these miseries affecting Italy universally, these passages from the first Book of Samuel (4-6): mourn the loss of many friends and for this reason hope to be pitied as well as forgiven. The spectacle of this desolate And when they [the people of Ashdod] rose early on the next morning, behold, Dagon had fallen face downward Province strikes every chord of pain in anyone with a human heart, for in addition to the turmoils of war on the ground before the ark of the Lord, and the head of ... there are those that bring tears to the eye that wit- Dagon and both hands were lying cut off upon the thresh- old; only the trunk of Dagon was left to him.... But the nesses so many noble cities tormented by hunger, violated by foreigners, exterminated by plague, emptied of inhab- hand of the Lord was heavy upon the people of Ashdod, and he terrified and afflicted them with tumors in secret itants, filled with cadavers and fright.... solitude is terri- fying, commerce is poisoned, those who see it firsthand places.... He brought mice upon them, they swarmed in are stunned, fear suffers not from this destruction, sick- their ships. The mice went into their land, and there was ness awaits no cure, and sleep is interrupted by death. mortal panic in the city.3 Mascardi's threnetic description proceeds, referring to the Later known as The Plague ofAshdod, this painting portrays the hardest-hit regions in the north. He portrays the funeral scourge that God sent to punish the Philistines for stealing processions for the vast number of dead as if they spanned the Israelites' ark and the supernatural heralding of that the length of the peninsula: event by the destruction of a temple statue (Fig. 1). It would become the most imitated and celebrated plague painting of Nothing is seen except images of horror, nothing is heard the seventeenth century.4 except the screams of the tormented; we wait only for the Though The Plague ofAshdod remains one of Poussin's most assaults of death, longing only for a quick death, and frequently studied works, it has never been analyzed through meanwhile the long, unbroken file of cadavers being car- the prism of scientific medicine current in Poussin's time. ried to their resting place is seen stretching all the way to There has been some interest in defining the contours of the grave; with tears and pain we gather round that un- Poussin's knowledge of plague, but these previous assess- happy place, where the sound of our quarreling voices ments of his painting's scientific value have suffered from a reverberates across the open urns, and a woeful echo myopic, piecemeal, and ultimately anachronistic approach. stings our ears and hearts, declaring us fragile, transient, Often they have focused only on those selected aspects of the miserable, and more moribund than mortal.7 composition that pertain to modern-day medical discourse, such as the detail of the rats; in other cases they have taken as It might come as a surprise that Mascardi did not witness any their premise the post-Enlightenment prejudice that matters of the horrors he recounts. His vivid letter was written from of science and faith are naturally opposed.5 Alternatively, this one of the few places in Italy unscathed by these disasters: investigation seeks to situate itself within the discourse of Rome, the same city that harbored Poussin. But the bleak seventeenth-century scientific medicine. It will attempt to fantasies of his fraught imagination are nevertheless integral build a holistic, even phenomenological, understanding of to the medical history of the plague of 1630. They demon- Poussin's work-one that goes beyond specific iconographic strate that a plague's ramifications could extend far beyond readings in order to evaluate the act of painting such an the range of its etiological agents and subject otherwise image and its consequences. Only once we suspend our healthy individuals to anguish, fear, and despair. The impact contemporary conceptions of plague and human biology can of fear on Rome's social fabric in these years was most dra- we begin to reconstruct the range of medical issues that matic, sparking a terror-driven exodus for the sparsely pop- framed Poussin's enterprise during his own age. ulated villages and isolated villas in the nearby mountains. This perspective is critical to the comprehension of The This flight caused a decline in the urban population almost Plague of Ashdod-not only because of its subject but also equal to the ten thousand deaths that resulted when plague This content downloaded from 71.126.159.43 on Mon, 26 Aug 2019 02:10:00 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 660 ART BULLETIN DECEMBER 2004 VOLUME LXXXVI NUMBER 4 1 Nicolas Poussin, The Plague of Ashdod, 1630-31. Paris, Musee du Louvre (photo: Reunion des Musees Nationaux/Art Resource, NY) broke out in Rome in 1656 and 1657. Among those whoancient roots; we need only recall Thucydides' observation remained, fears of satanic agents and murderous plague that during the plague of Athens, "what was most terrible in spreaders called anointers (untori) fostered a deep mistrust the of whole affliction was the despair when someone realized indigents, non-Christians, and strangers; those suspected he of was sick, for immediately forming the judgment that there sickness were whisked away to pesthouses outside the was city no hope, they tended much more to give themselves up walls, and enforced quarantines kept large segments of instead the of holding out."9 Beginning in the Renaissance, phy- population locked up.8 sicians, surgeons, philosophers, literati, and priests through- out Europe formulated theories that linked imagination and Dangerous Times, Dangerous Thoughts disease, and by the seventeenth century this field of inquiry Mascardi's letter to Achillini frames our discussion of Pous- had taken on a modern, empirical cast.'0 One important sin's Plague ofAshdod because both were made in the midstimpulse of came from Daniel Sennert (1572-1637), who docu- a century whose medical community regarded psychological mented numerous cases in which plague was contracted not turmoil, including that which resulted from merely thinkingthrough contact, but either as the result of experiencing of plague, to be a cause of physiological disease. Schooled fright inat the sights and sounds of the disease's effects (such as psychosomatic models of medicine, physicians of Poussin'swhen a wagon carrying cadavers to the graveyard passed by) time would have associated Mascardi's morbid ruminations or after a terrifying dream. These cases proved to Sennert with a range of health problems, even plague and that sudden "the passion of the soul affectively accelerates the plague death. In an age when human physiology and the and mecha- alters the body."'1 Robert Burton argued similarly in his nisms of propagation were still largely mysterious, the1621 horri- Anatomy of Melancholy that the agitated imagination can ble image of plague, once it took hold of the imagination kill, citingand the case of a man who died instantly of fear on the emotions, was regarded as a major factor in the comingpathology to the mistaken conclusion that he had been in the of the disease itself. presence of a person stricken with plague. The lesson drawn This credence in the imagination's role in disease byhad Burton was that "the mind most effectively works upon the This content downloaded from 71.126.159.43 on Mon, 26 Aug 2019 02:10:00 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms POUSSIN, PLAGUE, AND EARLY MODERN MEDICINE 661 body, producing by its passions and perturbations miraculous Souls Distraught by the Fear of Death, first published during the effects, cruel diseases, and sometimes death itself."'2 French epidemic of 1628) that exhorted his readers to The power of a distraught imagination to generate plague in the absence of other, extrinsic causes received confirma- destroy and eradicate fear, because there is nothing that tion from successive generations of physicians, including renders you more vulnerable to plague than the fear of it.
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