Taxing Option Luck

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Taxing Option Luck First to Printer_Nam.docx (Do Not Delete) 4/14/21 7:17 AM Taxing Option Luck Jeesoo Nam* As economic inequality reaches new heights every decade, academics stress the importance of the tax system in matters of equity. In contemporary winner-take-all markets, much of the massive income and wealth accumulated by the rich are the result of deliberate and calculated economic gambles that turned out in their favor. Yet theories of distributive justice such as Ronald Dworkin’s brute luck egalitarianism have committed themselves to the position that even if these market outcomes are the results of luck, the unequal outcomes are justified insofar as investors chose to take such risks. This Article argues, in contrast to the aforementioned theories, that inequalities resulting from option luck, the luck involved in deliberate and calculated gambles, remain unjust. This theory entails novel arguments in favor of imposing additional tax burdens on the most well-off members of our society and taxing capital income by demonstrating the extent to which unequal market outcomes are undeserved. Technological developments have led to winner-take-all markets in which even small amounts of option luck can lead to a wide divergence in results. A further tax imposed on the winners of such markets helps neutralize the economic inequalities resulting from luck. Differences in capital income are partly unjust because differential returns to investments are attributable, in large part, to chance. A tax on capital income compresses the distribution of these returns by lowering the returns to winning bets (by taxing such returns) and the losses of losing bets (by allowing deductions for such losses). * Visiting Assistant Professor of Tax Law, New York University School of Law. I would like to thank Anne Alstott, Joseph Bankman, Lily Batchelder, Greg Cui, Noël Cunningham, Steven Dean, William Eskridge, Mitchell Kane, Sarah Lawsky, Yair Listokin, Laurie Malman, Liam Murphy, Takayuki Nagato, Daniel Shaviro, John Steines, David Weisbach, Minkeun Woo, and participants in the NYU – Lawyering Scholarship Colloquium. Any errors are mine and mine alone. 1067 First to Printer_Nam.docx (Do Not Delete) 4/14/21 7:17 AM 1068 UC IRVINE LAW REVIEW [Vol. 11:1067 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1068 I. Base and Rate as the Foundations of Tax Law .......................................... 1074 A. Progressive Tax Rates ........................................................................... 1074 B. Tax Bases: The Role of Capital ............................................................ 1076 II. Luck Egalitarianism ........................................................................................ 1082 A. Luck Corrodes Desert ........................................................................... 1084 B. Option Luck and Brute Luck ............................................................... 1085 C. Defining the Boundaries of Luck Egalitarianism ............................. 1092 III. Policy ................................................................................................................ 1094 A. Taxing the Rich ...................................................................................... 1094 B. A Tax on Capital Income and the Neutralization Thesis ................ 1098 IV. Taxpayer Responses to a Tax on Capital Income ..................................... 1103 A. A Critique of the Neutralization Thesis ............................................. 1103 1. An Illustration of the Critique with an Income Tax .................. 1103 2. An Illustration of the Critique with Consumption Taxes ......... 1106 B. The Critique’s Oversights ..................................................................... 1110 1. Rational Behavior ............................................................................ 1112 2. Broad Rationality and the Neutralization Thesis ....................... 1113 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 1117 INTRODUCTION In September of 2016, just weeks after the Rio Olympics, Congress passed a bill exempting prizes awarded to athletes at the Olympic games from the federal income tax.1 The law, now I.R.C. § 74(d), is an exception to I.R.C. § 74(a), the general provision which explicitly includes “prizes and awards” as the recipient’s income. The bill passed the Senate unanimously and the House with near unanimous support (415 to 1).2 The massive support the bill received in Congress contrasted starkly with how tax policy analysts perceived the new legislation. The political rhetoric surrounding the bill—Chuck Schumer painting the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) as formerly “punishing” national heroes via taxation, for example—made little sense to tax scholars.3 The IRS, after all, is not 1. H.R. 5946, 114th Cong. (2016). 2. Id.; H.R.5946 – United States Appreciation for Olympians and Paralympians Act of 2016, CONGRESS.GOV, https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/house-bill/5946/all-actions?overview =closed#tabs [https://perma.cc/Y6ZA-ARWR] (last visited Nov. 29, 2020). 3. See, e.g., Adam Chodorow, Olympians Don’t Need a Tax Break, SLATE (Aug. 26, 2016, 5:34 PM), http://www.slate.com/articles/business/moneybox/2016/08/giving_olympians_a_tax_break_ is_bad_for_america.html [https://perma.cc/HQN2-SVZ5]; Ira Stoll, Pols Deserve Olympic Medal in Sport of Fiscal Hypocrisy for the Latest Tax Scheme, N.Y. SUN (Aug. 15, 2016), http://www.nysun.com/ national/pols-deserve-olympic-medal-in-fiscal-hypocrisy/89686/ [https://web.archive.org/web/202011 06084105/https://www.nysun.com/national/pols-deserve-olympic-medal-in-fiscalhypocrisy/89686/]. First to Printer_Nam.docx (Do Not Delete) 4/14/21 7:17 AM 2021] TAXING OPTION LUCK 1069 a penal institution, and the imposition of tax is not an imposition of punishment.4 If anything, it seems that carving out this exception to the income tax is the injustice, given that Olympic victories involve a substantial amount of luck. 5 Winning a gold medal at the Olympics requires almost everything to go right. Part of what needs to go right is unending effort on the part of the athlete—the claim that luck is involved is analytically distinct from the claim that effort is not involved—but the athlete must likewise be the winner of several lotteries. The athlete is greatly helped if he or she wins the genetic lottery, guaranteeing the physical attributes necessary to perform at the highest levels, and the parenting lottery, which gives athletes access to high levels of professional training at young ages. These are brute luck lotteries: lotteries for which the participants never chose to “play the odds,” so to speak.6 Children do not choose which genes to be born with or, for the most part, the qualities of their parents.7 And there are other lotteries that influence the outcome as well. Who could forget the darling of the Rio Olympics, Chinese swimmer Fu Yuanhui, revealing in an interview that her performance sunk after her period began?8 One’s day-to-day physical condition matters and is to a large extent outside of one’s control. There is similarly luck in the quality of one’s coach or training program. Given the fact that there is always less than full information about the different coaching options available, it makes it a gamble as to who can really provide the most value-added. However, such option luck differs from brute luck in that the participant chose to play the lottery.9 A coach might turn out to be good or bad, but insofar as the athlete was aware of the risk, he cast the die. Given the massive amount of brute and option luck involved, we may question to what extent it is effort that divides a gold medalist from a fourth-place finisher going home empty-handed.10 There is no doubt that a gold medal winner worked hard to stand on the podium, but surely so has the fourth-place finisher. And if the difference is largely a matter of luck, then common-sense fairness dictates that government should work to close the gap between the economic 4. See LIAM MURPHY & THOMAS NAGEL, THE MYTH OF OWNERSHIP: TAXES AND JUSTICE 31–37 (2002). 5. Stoll, supra note 3. 6. RONALD DWORKIN, SOVEREIGN VIRTUE: THE THEORY OF PRACTICE AND EQUALITY 73 (2000). 7. I take it as prima facie plausible that the quality of one’s parents is partly influenced by decisions children make. For instance, the decision of a child to fight with his parent may make the parent more tired and, thus, worse at parenting. In such a case, the resulting parent qualities would not be a matter of brute luck, but rather option luck. 8. Tom Phillips, ‘It’s Because I Had My Period’: Swimmer Fu Yuanhui Praised for Breaking Taboo, GUARDIAN (Aug. 15, 2016, 11:27 PM), https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2016/aug/16/ chinese-swimmer-fu-yuanhui-praised-for-breaking-periods-taboo [https://perma.cc/KAN6-BXK6]. 9. DWORKIN, supra note 6. 10. For an extensive discussion of causation from both a legal and metaphysical perspective, see generally MICHAEL S. MOORE, CAUSATION AND RESPONSIBILITY: AN ESSAY IN LAW, MORALS, AND METAPHYSICS (2009). First to Printer_Nam.docx (Do Not Delete) 4/14/21 7:17 AM 1070 UC IRVINE LAW REVIEW [Vol. 11:1067 outcomes of the lucky and unlucky. Yet I.R.C. § 74(d) does quite the opposite. By exempting Olympic award income from taxation, lucky winners get an even greater reward from their luck than they otherwise would have. The proposition
Recommended publications
  • The Metaphysical Case Against Luck Egalitarianism the Metaphysical Case Against Luck Egalitarianism ESJP #4 | 2013 Willem Van Der Deijl
    Erasmus Student Journal of Philosophy Willem van der Deijl | The Metaphysical Case against Luck Egalitarianism The Metaphysical Case against Luck Egalitarianism ESJP #4 | 2013 Willem van der Deijl Luck egalitarianism is the name of a group of theories of justice that company in the world, he is entitled to fully enjoy the fruits of his fortune. subscribes to the idea that a just society compensates for brute luck, but Similarly, if a person decides to use all his money to buy lottery tickets 22 does not compensate for bad outcomes that fall under the responsibil- and loses, luck egalitarianism holds that a society does not have any duty ity of the agent himself. Notable defenders of versions of the theory are to compensate this unfortunate person for his bad luck. Dworkin (2000) Dworkin (2000) and Cohen (1989). It has been argued that this concep- makes a useful distinction in this respect. ‘Brute luck’ is the kind of luck tion depends on a libertarian account of free will. However, Carl Knight over which we do not have control. For instance, a person born with a (2006) has argued that luck egalitarianism is also a plausible view under handicap does not have control over his condition and its consequences, compatibilist accounts of free will. In this essay I argue that defenders of while a person who gambles all his money and loses has bad ‘option luck’: this view fail to distinguish between what Scanlon (1998) calls attribu- the kind of luck over which one does have control. Dworkin argues that in tive and substantive responsibility.
    [Show full text]
  • LUCK EGALITARIANISM—A PRIMER Richard J. Arnesoni {Final Version of This Essay Is Published in Carl Knight & Sofia Stemplowska, Eds
    1 LUCK EGALITARIANISM—A PRIMER Richard J. Arnesoni {Final version of this essay is published in Carl Knight & Sofia Stemplowska, eds. Responsibility and Distributive Justice, Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 24-50.} Karl Marx was a fierce critic of early capitalist market relations.ii His characterization of these relations, as they were forming in the nineteenth century when he observed them or as they have matured in subsequent centuries, strikes many people as inaccurate. But few doubt that an economy that resembled his description of early capitalism would be unjust.iii In that economy, some people are born into extreme poverty and never have a chance to experience a life of decent quality. These proletarians through no fault or choice of their own have no lucrative marketable skills and in order to stay alive must work long hours at brutally hard and unrewarding jobs for bare subsistence pay throughout their lives. Moreover, feasible alterations of these conditions that would give everybody reasonably good life prospects are feasible. Imagine that Marx’s critique had been different. Imaginary Marx holds that capitalism is unjust because under this regime a group of persons, the proletarians*, though they begin life with inherited wealth and fortunate inheritance of genes for traits and immensely nurturing childhood experiences, somehow in their early adulthood years manage to squander all of these initial advantages through dissolute living and from then on are forced to work at rote boring jobs for subsistence pay in order to stay alive. The imaginary Marxian critique I just sketched might make some sense. Maybe there is some unfairness in the plight of the proletarians*.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Justice in a World of Nations
    Sovereign Justice Sovereign Justice Global Justice in a World of Nations Edited by Diogo P. Aurélio, Gabriele De Angelis and Regina Queiroz De Gruyter An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org ISBN 978-3-11-021808-4 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-021809-1 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-021806-2 ISSN 0179-0986 e-ISSN 0179-3256 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License, as of February 23, 2017. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnetISBN 978-3-11-024573-8 diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliogra- fie; detaillierte bibliografische Datene-ISBN sind im978-3-11-024574-5 Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data: ©ISBN 2016 978-3-11-021808-4 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-021809-1 Druck und Bindung:Sovereign Duck & Co.,justice : global Ortsname justice in a world of nations / edited by Diogo P.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Dworkin and Luck Egalitarianism: a Comparison [This Is the Not-Quite-Final Version of an Essay Published in Oxford Handbook Of
    1 Dworkin and Luck Egalitarianism: A Comparison [This is the not-quite-final version of an essay published in Oxford Handbook of Distributive Justice, Serena Olsaretti, ed., (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018).] Richard Arneson In 1981 Ronald Dworkin published two magisterial essays on “What Is Equality?” that initiated a trend in political philosophy that eventually came to be called “luck egalitarianism.”1 The name of the trend refers to a distinction that Dworkin drew between option luck and brute luck. The latter is good or bad fortune that simply falls on a person in ways that are entirely beyond her power to control or—in another formulation of the idea—in ways that are not alterable by any reasonable action the person might have chosen and pursued. Option luck is good or bad fortune that lies within the individual’s power to control or is alterable by some reasonable course of action the person might have chosen and pursued. The distinction between the two kinds of luck is one that varies by degree. Roughly speaking, luck egalitarianism holds that justice requires that people be made equal in the benefits and burdens that accrue to them via brute luck but not in the benefits and burdens that accrue to them via option luck. Several political theorists including G. A. Cohen (1989), Thomas Nagel (1991), John Roemer (1993 and 1998), and Larry Temkin (1993) have at one or another stage of their careers embraced some version of luck egalitarianism. Dworkin was credited with articulating a powerful defense of broadly egalitarian views of social justice in the face of a challenge that had been issued by Robert Nozick, 2 an adherent of right-wing Lockean libertarianism (Nozick,1974).
    [Show full text]
  • Political Egalitarianism Joseph Heath Department of Philosophy University of Toronto
    Political egalitarianism Joseph Heath Department of Philosophy University of Toronto The term “political” egalitarianism is used here, not to refer to equality within the political sphere, but rather in John Rawls’s sense, to refer to a conception of egalitarian distributive justice that is capable of serving as the object of an overlapping consensus in a pluralistic society.1 Thus “political” egalitarianism is political in the same way that Rawls’s “political” liberalism is political. The central task when it comes to developing such a conception of equality is to determine what constraints a principle of equality must satisfy in order to qualify as “freestanding,” or to be justifiable in a way that does not presuppose the correctness of any one member of the set of reasonable yet incompatible “religious, philosophical and moral” doctrines that attract large numbers of adherents in our world.2 (Rawls uses the analogy of a “module” in order to describe the way that a properly political conception of justice “fits into and can be supported by various reasonable comprehensive doctrines that endure in the society regulated by it.”3 Political egalitarianism would be “modular” in this sense.) Rather than getting embroiled in the controversies that have arisen over Rawls’s formulation of this idea, I would like simply to accept the intuition, widespread among political philosophers, that equality is the sort of principle that – if given a proper formulation – could satisfy the requirements of a political conception of justice. After all, regardless of what peoples’ projects, values, or conceptions of the good life may be, it should be possible to design a set of arrangements that would provide equal opportunity to pursue these goals, or that would treat each conception of the good with equal respect, etc.
    [Show full text]