BULLETIN ni3TORICAL50CIETY MONTGOMERY COUNTY PENNSYLVANIA J\rO/?RISTOWN

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PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY AT 1T5 BUILDING DEKALB SlKBSt NORRISTOWN.PA.

FALL, 1963 VOLUME XIV NUMBER 1

PRICE $1.50 The Historical Society of Montgomery County

OFFICERS

Hon. David E. Groshens, President George K. Brecht, Esq., Vice-President Hon. Alfred L. Taxis, Jr., Vice-President Dr. Edward F. Corson, Vice-President Eva G. Davis, Recording Secretary Mrs. Earl W. Johnson, Corresponding Secretary Mrs. LeRoy Burris, Financial Secretary and Librarian Lyman a. Kratz, Treasurer

TRUSTEES

Kirke Bryan, Esq. Robert C. Bucher Harry L. Christman Mrs. H. H. Francinb Donald A. Gallager, Esq. Herbert H. Ganser Hon. David E. Groshens Kenneth H. Hallman Nancy P. Highley Arthur H. Jenkins Hon. Harold G. Knight Lyman A. Kratz WiLLUM S. Pettit Robert R. Titus Mrs. F. B. Wildman, Jr. SketijU ol FAYBTTE'S ^osinox .

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LAFAYETTE'S POSITION AT BARREN HILL THE BULLETIN

of the HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY Published Semi-Annually — Spring and Fall

Volume XIV Fall, 1963 Number 1

CONTENTS

The Revolution in Relation to Montgomery County John F. Reed 3

Private Yankee Doodle in Montgomery County Joseph Plumb Martin Edited by George F. Scheer 23 Life on the Farm a Century Ago Elizabeth A. Slough Garber 42

A Slough Family Sale 59

Just Memories Elizabeth A. Slough Garber 60

The Gulph Grist Mill Charles S, Boyer 68

In Memoriam 71 Reports 72

PUBLICATION COMMITTEE Mrs. LeRoy Burris John F. Reed Mrs. Earl W. Johnson Dr. William T. Parsons Chairman Copyright, 1963, by the Historical Society of Montgomery County

1 The Revolution in relation to Montgomery County*

John F. Reed

Without the written word there would be no truth to the story of history. The past has no more intimate, and therefore truthful, way of presenting its real self to us than through the records it has left and tiiat time has been so kind as to preserve. Without these records we would possess only hearsay evidence which so alters with the retelling that it becomes fictitious. I hoi)e to describe the Revolutionary Campaign in the vicinity of Philadelphia, and particularly in Montgomery County, not as elicited from textbooks and tradition but from actual letters and documents in my private collection. Some of these manuscripts were on display at the Society for this occasion. The year 1777 began in hope and ended in another crisis for the American cause. It began with the victory at Princeton and ended at Valley Forge. In the spring of that year General Wil liam Howe, the British commander, attempted to bring the American army under Washington to a decisive battle in northern New Jersey. Washington, however, his army being too weak in numbers, refused the contest, and on July 1 the dis appointed Howe withdrew his army to Staten Island. Mean while General Burgoyne had begun his campaign southward from Canada with the expectation that Howe would proceed north from New York and meet Burgoyne at Albany. Wash ington, too, considered this to be Howe's obvious plan of cam paign, especially since Howe had assembled a fleet of transports at Staten Island with which the British army at New York could be transported up the Hudson River. To counteract such an enemy move the American Commander-in-Chief commenced

*Read before the Society, Apr. 10, 1963. Mr. Heed serves on the Fablication Committee of this Society and is a Director of the Manuscript Society. Mr. Reed's book. Campaign to Valley Forge, will soon appear. 4 BULLETIN OF HISTOEICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY a march north. Much to Washington's surprise, however, Gen eral Howe, having embarked his army, put to sea on a southward course. Washington immediately divined that Howe's objective was an attack on Philadelphia via Delaware Bay, and the American Commander-in-Chief marched across New Jersey to defend the then national capital. As the American army approached Philadelphia Washing ton proceeded ahead to confer with Congress, leaving the army under the immediate command of General Nathanael Greene. Washington reported to Greene the arrival of the British fleet in the mouth of Delaware Bay. "We have not received any certain intelligence," the Commander-in-Chief wrote, "that the Fleet have got within tiie Capes. By the last accounts they were beating in, the wind unfavorable." Another surprise, however, soon greeted the American commander. General Howe, abandon ing his designs on Philadelphia via the Delaware River, again disappeared to sea, still sailing southwards. Puzzled, Washington deduced that Howe planned an attack on the southern states and the American Commander-in-Chief prepared to return to the Hudson to defeat Burgojme. Just in time to prevent this American maneuver the British fleet was sighted in Chesapeake Bay and Washington could not be certain that the British planned an attack on Philadelphia from the rear. Washington thereupon marched into Delaware to face the Brit ish landing near Elkton, then known as Head of Elk. The British soon began what appeared to be a march to attack the Americans below Wilmington. John Willson, a soldier in Wash ington's army, predicted in a letter, "It seems likely a very hot Ingagraent will soon be fought. If the armies meet it will lae as heavy a battle as ever was fought in America. I believe the Gen[era]1 is determined to stand it to the last before he'll suffer the enemy to git Phila[delphi]a." General Howe, however, had other ideas and flanked the Americans out of their position by a march into Pennsylvania. Washington was forced to follow, and the two armies met at the Battle of Brandywine on September 11. The diary kept by Surgeon Ebenezer Elmer of the American army, describes the THE REVOLUTION IN RELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY 5

American defeat. Howe had divided his army and attacked the American right three miles above Chad's Ford. Surgeon Elmer reported, "we formed ab[ou]t 4 oClock on an Eminence .. . presently a large [enemy] Column Came on in front playing ye Grenadiers March & Now the Battle began w[hic]h proved Excessive severe ... a Column of the Enemy came upon our right flank w[hic]h Caused ym to give way w[hie]h soon extended all along ye line; we retreated & formed on ye first ground" to the rear, but again the Americans were driven. "Whilst we were engaged on the right," continued Elmer, "another body of the Enemy Came over Chad's ford & attacked Genl Waynes Division ... here our people likewise gave way .. . Genl Greens Divisions being a reserve were sent ... to their assistance on ye right but it was almost night before they came up, they gave the Enemy some smart fire & it Coming on night they retired also. We all made for Chester & were ordered to assemble there." In 1868 Mrs. Abbey Speakman dictated her remembrances to her granddaughter. In these exhibited recollections Mrs. Speak man, who was a child of seven in 1777, remembered, "In the evening a great company of American soldiers came" to the Speakman farm. "They came flocking into the yard, and sat down on the cider press, troughs and benches, and every place they could find, they seemed so tired. Father said, 'Bring bread and cheese and cut for them.' They were so hungry ... and we cut up all the bread and cheese we had. I know I got no supper .. ." Surgeon Elmer continued his report: "I being excessive tired stopped . . . ab[ou]t 12 o'Clock [midnight] just without ye town [of Chester] having sent on a waggon load of wounded." As a result of the battle, as Elias Boudinot's letter to his wife records, "all was confusion [in Philadelphia but] our army still in high spirits [and] we hope for the best amidst the Gloom." The following day, September 12, Surgeon Elmer added, "Our men tho' fatigued were ordered on over Schuylkill ... & they went up to ye falls," that is, the Falls of Schuylkill, near Germantown, where the army encamped. On September g BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

14, since the British made little effort to move from the scene of the recent battle, Washington crossed his army into Mont gomery County, which was then, of course, still part of old Philadelphia County. The American army forded the Schuylkill at Levering's Ford, at the present Roxboro, and proceeded to Merion Meeting where the route of march joined the old Lan caster Road, now Montgomery Avenue at that point. The troops then marched west to the Buck Tavern at the present Bryn Mawr, where they spent the night. The following day the route led the army into Chester Couniy where a prospective battle now called the Battle of the Clouds was wadied out by a great rainstorm, and the Americans retreated into northern Chester County, their ammunition having been ruined by the storm. A few days later the army recrossed the Schuylkill into present Montgomery County at Parkers* Ford in order to prevent the British, who were then encamped in the Chester Valley, from crossing the river. Meanwhile General Wayne, whom Washing ton had left behind to attack the British wagon-train, was un fortunately surprised and defeated at the Paoli Massacre. By a sudden westward maneuver through Valley Forge that caught Washington by surprise the British threatened the American depots at Pottstown and Reading. This forced the American Gommander-in-Chief likewise to move west to protect his supplies. This American maneuver uncovered the fords on the Schuylkill River and General Howe was enabled to reverse his line of march and cross the river at Fatlands Ford without a battle. This placed Howe on the same side of the river as Philadelphia and between Washington and the capital city. Howe took the city without opposition on September 26. The American army had been unable to maneuver to prevent this because of its miserable condition, since, as Captain Samuel Massey expressed it in his Journal, the "Troops [were] worn down with such repeated successions of hard Service and severe Duties — above a Thousand of the Army [were] bare footed .. ." "The Next material Design,*' Captain Massey continued, "was made by General Washington which was an attack on the THE BEVOLUTION IN EELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY 7

British post at Germantown which was executed October 4th, 1777 [and] proved rather in favour of the British." This un successful attempt to wrest Philadelphia from General Howe forced an American retreat to Pawling's Mill, on the west side of the Perkiomen near the present Schwenksville. The condition of the American army prevented another attack on the British, but the British were in no better con dition, though for different reasons. Although Howe possessed Philadelphia the British fleet, because of the American fortifi cations, was unable to proceed up the Delaware River. General Howe found himself cut off from all outside support and sup plies. Washington was determined, if possible, to prevent any alteration in the British situation, since sooner or later the British army, being unsupplied, would be forced to evacuate Philadelphia. The American fortifications on the river were fairly strong if ably defended. Although the redoubt at Billings- port on the New Jersey shore was captured by the British, Fort Mifflin on the Pennsylvania side covered the river approaches to the city, and was supported by a strong series of chevaux-de-frise whose sharp spikes across the channd would puncture any British vessel running against them. There was a numerous American fleet of small armed vessels under the command of Commodore John Hazelwood of the Pennsyl vania Navy which helped block the river. In order to further strengthen the defenses of the river the Americans determined to construct a fort at Red Bank, in New Jersey, opposite Fort Mifflin. From his camp at Pawling's Mill Washington wrote Commodore Hazelwood in a letter dated October 7, "I have determined to garrison [Red Bank] immediately strongly with continental troops, who are now upon the march. Till they arrive I beg you will do all in your power to keep possession of the Ground, should the Enemy attempt to take it ... I have not the least doubt but we shall by our operations by land and Water oblige the Enemy to abandon Philad[elphi]a." On October 22, the American fort at Red Bank being nearly completed and christened Fort Mercer after the hero killed at 8 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

Princeton, General Howe sent a column of Hessians under Count Donop against the American fort, whidi was defended by Colonel Christopher Greene. The Americans, Captain Massey reported, "Kept up a so well directed Fire upon the Enemy" that the Hessians "were soon oblig'd to retire with the Loss of Killed & Wounded to the Number of about 400 Men," including Count Donop, who was killed. Greneral Howe then turned his attention to Fort Mifflin, which he proposed to take by regular siege. On November 2 Washington moved his army to Whitemarsh, which would better enable him not only to observe the British in Philadelphia but also to send prompt support to the forts on the river. On November 10 the attack on Fort Mifflin commenced. The American defense lasted for six heroic days. Under the combined assault of British land and naval guns "the principal Works [were] beat down," as Captain Massey expressed it, "all the Cannon dismounted And One of the british vessels so near that they threw hand Grenades into ye fort and killed the Men uncovered." Despite the heroic defense the evacuation of Fort Mifflin was ordered by its commander, Colonel Simeon Thayer, on the night of November 15. This precipitated the subsequent loss of Fort Mercer. The British had opened the river to their fleet and were assured of retaining Philadelphia for the winter. The honors of war were American, however, for as General Henry Knox expressed it from Whitemarsh, "The defence of the forts [is the] best defence by far of any thing [in] this war." On December 5 General Howe, relieved from his worries on the river, made an abortive attempt on the American positions at Whitemarsh. "The British made several movements," wrote Samuel Massey, "whereby it might have been conjectured they wanted to bring on a general Attack. Some Skirmishes took place & a general Action expected But instead of any thing of consequence taking place after various Marches & Counter marches the british filed off and by two or three different Routes in full March for Philadelphia." THE REVOLUTION IN RELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY 0

Howe then settled down in defensive positions around the city and Washington divined that the year's campaigning was over. Said Captain Massey, "the American army [had] sus tained a Campaign with undaunted persevering and un- parall[el]ed Courage & bravery." On November 11 the American army abandoned the camp at Whitemarsh, expecting to cross to the southwest side of the Schuylkill at Matson's Ford, now Conshohocken, to seek a win ter encampment. The appearance of a strong British foraging column under Lord Cornwallis, however, prevented this ma neuver, and the Americans proceeded up the Schuylkill to Swedes Ford, there encamping for the night. The following day, the British having disappeared from the Gulph, the American army occupied that position until the permanent camp at Valley Forge was decided upon. This decision was reached on December 17 and implemented on December 19, on which day the unhappy march to Valley Forge took place. There are two sides to the story of Valley Forge: the felicitous and the sad. It may seem strange, in view of the unhappy history of the place, to mention a felicitous side; but the felicitous lay not in the story of the encampment itself but solely in the results achieved through human fortitude. The results were a disciplined American army and ultimately inde pendence and peace. Without the misery and hardship, the sickness and death, perhaps the results would have been some what otherwise, for had the test been easier -the determination to overcome it might have been less and some compromise with the enemy become acceptable. The enemy themselves at this point in the Revolution were willing to compromise, that is, to surrender to all American demands except independence. Despite the fact that the Ameri can army at Valley Forge came close to disintegrating, how ever, that army's experiences there hardened its spirit against any surrender of principles. Valley Forge was a proof that only through denial and pain can man evoke a sense of the true worth of honest hopes, and indeed a veritable understanding of liberty. Those who already possess freedom cannot have this under- 10 BtJLLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIErY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

standing, this longing, in full. Contrary to popular conception, the winter at Valley Forge was not as extreme, weatherwise, as tradition relates. The weather has been described variously as comparatively mild, as cold, and as very cold, depending upon the pmrt of the country from which the narrators came. The local inhabitants did not consider it an excessively bitter winter. There were few deep snowfalls, none of them like the four feet of snow that lay on the ground at Morristown in the winter of 1779-80, with drifts up to six feet in depth. Whythen did the American army suffer so at ValleyForge? There were three main reasons: lade of adequate clothing, malnutrition and disease. This last was to a great extent the result of the other two conditions. One misconception of Valley Forgeis that food and clothing were non-existent in anyvicinity near enough for suppliesto be brought to the encampment. This was not true. The truth was, however, that there was no guid ing hand of sufficient rank and experience to oversee the trans portation of supplies to Valley Forge. Pennsylvania's General Thomas Mifflin had resigned the office of Quartermaster- General on November 7 because of his lack of confidence in Washington. In fact, Mifflin was Implicated in the Conway Cabal which had as its object the displacement of Washington by General Gates. Upon Mifflin's resignation, and even until the following March, Congress failed to appoint a successor to Mifflin's recent office. As a result, the Quartermaster and Com missary Departments were in a disastrous state of inefficiency until General Nathanael Greene was prevailed upon to under take their reorganization in 1778. In the meantime the army starved at Valley Forge sheerly through the lack of transporta tion of supplies. As a further result of this situation the health of the men continually declined, their debilitated bodies becoming easy pr^ to the ravages of typhus, smallpox and other diseases. These sicknesses ran like a plague through the encampment. An un known number of men, but to the number of several thousand, fell ill. Most of the invalids were borne off to hospitals at THE REVOLUTION IN RELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY H

Yellow Springs (now Chester Springs), AUentown, Bethlehem, Easton, Lititz and elsewhere. Tradition likes to intimate that thousands of men were buried at Valley Forge. This again is a misconception. Most of those three thousand-odd sick who died did not die at Valley Forge, but at these hospitals as a residt of Valley Forge. It is true that probably several hundred were buried at Valley Forge, but the place is not the vast cemetery that popular fancy depicts. Thus again we see that it is not by hearsay evidence and artistic license that the true stories of history are told. Word- of-mouth alters all tales into unwitting falsehood, and truth becomes unbalanced and exaggerated. And again it must be asserted that historical truth lies best in the direct voices and pens of the men and women who experienced the facts — pro vided, of course, that these people have told the truth. At Valley Forge, and concerning it, there was little reason for men to lie and conceal the truth. In telling the truth at the time of the encampment it was perhaps hoped that tiie unhappy revelations might arouse the country to a recognition of the perilous state of the army and cause, and that the country would better come to their aid. Such revelations were not peril ous in the face of the enemy for the state of the American anny was no secret to the British, who, through Tory spies, well knew the travail that the Americans were experiencing. Indeed, the British fully expected that the Continental Army would dis solve through its own miseries and save its enemy the further nuisance of fighting it. When the British finally discovered that resolution still held the American army together, and that instead of dissolving it was increasing in strength and training, it was too late for the British to attack. Unfortunately for the Americans during the early months of the encampment neither Congress nor a professedly sympa thetic country extended the begged-for aid. Still, the appeals, direct and indirect, official and unofficial, went out. No one today can read these appeals without a catching at the heart, and a wonder that so many of the persons, especially in Con gress, whom the American army was defending, seemed so J2 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY callous to its wants. On December 19, 1Y77, as we have already noted, the American army reached Valley Forge. Already the suffering was great. The business of establishing the camp through the labors of these miserable men was heavy, and few men, includ ing Washington himself and his secretaries, had much time to write. This accounts for the paucity of letters dated in 1777 from Valley Forge. Nor was the establishment of the camp the only reason. British foragers were raiding from Philadelphia to the vicinity of Darby, a scant fifteen miles from Valley Forge. This was the so-called "Hay Raid." Even Christmas Day, a day of the first heavy snow, could not be devoted to religious and happy pursuits. It was on this day that Washington moved in doors from his tent to the sturdier shelter of the Isaac Potts house. In the course of moving the Commander-in-Chief had little time to sign the small correspondence that necessity forced him to dictate. He hurriedly dictated his orders to his secretaries and requested them to sign in his name. Even the actual wording of some of the orders was left to the secretaries, and lack Washington's own exquisite literary style. To Major-General Lord Stirling, the American officer who had been sent with a small corps to observe the British raid at Darby, Lieutenant-Colonel Tench Tilghman wrote at the Com- mander-in-Chief's direction, "His Excellency seems to be of opinion with you that while the Enemy remain in their present position nothing further can be done than is done, but he desires you will give him instant intelligence of the least motion." Be cause of the worn-out state of the Americans they were too weak to challenge the enemy raid. Tilghman closed the letter with the thought, "I wish we could put [the enemy] in mind tomorrow Morning of what happened this time twelvemonth." He was thinking, of course, of the American victory at Trenton one year less a day before. As noted, even prior to the encampment at Valley Forge the American army had been constantly pressed for want of sup plies. The supply situation grew increasingly taut at Valley Forge. General Anthony Wayne's own papers paint in vivid THE REVOLUTION IN RELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY words the half-clad and unclad condition of the troops both before and at Valley Forge. On eleven dramatic pieces of paper are to be seen the desperate needs of Wayne's men for clothing, the small quantities obtained, and three letters to Wayne from Paul Zantzinger, Wayne's commissary of clothing at Lancaster, describe the difficulty in obtaining clothing and transportation for it, and sending what little clothing he could. The need always exceeded the demand until late spring when heavy clothing was no longer needed. On February 23, 1778, one good fortune occurred to the otherwise unfortunate American army. Its drill-master-to-be, Baron Steuben, arrived at Valley Forge. It was he who was to make the American army a real army. On the day following Steuben's arrival Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens, one of Wash ington's aides, wrote the only known letter ascertaining any building at Valley Forge occupied as quarters by Steuben. The letter was addressed to Colonel Clement Biddle, the Forage- master-General. It reads, "Sir, You will be so good as to order the best provision to be made for Baron Steubens Horses that circumstances will permit — he quarters at the House late Genl. deKalbs." Since the location of DeKalb's quarters on Gulph Road is known (DeKalb was away at the time) that house (no longer standing) also sheltered Baron Steuben upon his arrival at Valley Forge. It was well that Steuben's horses were carefully looked after, for only nine days later Tench Tilghman was writing to Biddle concerning the pitiful state of the army's horses. "His Excel lency desires that you will lay before him in the most explicit manner what prospects you have of forage, for it is evident from the Returns that it cannot be brought in by the Cattle [i.e., horses] at present in Camp and except you have some dependence from abroad [that is, from outside the camp] the few Horses that remain must perish in a few days." Even what little forage, and food for human consumption, was in prospect was subject to enemy capture at frequent inter vals. On March 4 Lieutenant James Bradford wrote that although "the Armys both remain peacable, [the enemy's] 14 BULLETIN OP HISTOBICAL SOCIETY OP MONTGOMERY COUNTY

pariys of Horse now and then make excurtions into the Coun try: and was so kind," he added facetiously, "as to take the other day 133 Head of Fatt Cattle which were from [New Eng land] and destin'd for the use of our Army." On March 7 Washington was forced by these circumstances to dictate and sign a letter to Thomas Wharton, Junior, Presi- dfflit of the Pennsylvania Executive Council, concerning the unfortunate state of the army and its distress for want of sup plies. The Commander-in-Chief had been under the necessity against his own inclination to impress supplies from the local Pennsylvanians. "There is nothing I have more at heart," he dictated to Joseph Heed, a member of the visiting Congressional Committee, "than to discharge the great Duties incumbent on me with the strictest Attention to the ease & Convenience of the People, every Instance therefore, of hardship or oppression exercised by the officers of any Department under my imme diate Controul gives me the most sensible concern, & should be immediately punished if Complaints were properly made & supported. That there has been some Foundation for such Com plaints & that they have affected the Service [by the loss of civilian good-will], I cannot doubt from the great delay and Backwardness of the people in forwarding Supplies and affording the means of Transportation ... there being no means of procuring the Service of the Inhabitants but by Military compulsion, Quarter Masters and Commissaries from the Neces sity of the case seem to have been justified in impressing, tho in many instances perhaps it has been done-with Circumstances of Terror & hardship which they ought to have avoided." The Commander-in-Chief then went on to demand effectual assistance from the state authorities who had passed laws to that end but had failed to enforce them. The state authorities having, in December, demanded that the army should be kept in the vicinity of Philadelphia, Washington noted, "where with unparallel'd Patience [the men] have gone thro' a severe & inclement Winter, unprovided with any of those Conveniences & comforts which are usually the Soldiers lot after the Duty of the Field is over," it was up to the state government to lend THE REVOLUTION IN RELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY 15 all possible aid. Washington continued, "I trust your publick Spirit & Regard to the great Cause in which we are engaged will induce you to Strengthen what may be found weak, & quicken what may be found languid & Sluggish ... The Army & the Country have a Mutual Dependence upon each other, & it is of the last importance that their several duties should be so regulated & inforced as to produce not only the greatest Har mony & good understanding, but the truest happiness & Comfort to each .. Washington enclosed evidence in the form of ex tracts from his own correspondence "to show how much we are distressed even in small matters, but our sufferings in Camp for want of Forage & Waggons is beyond all description." Although the last heavy snow, four inches of it, disappeared in March General James Vamum found no comfort in the ac companying weather. "It is now March," he wrote home to Rhode Island. "Had I been in New England I should have thought it Spring. Here there is no Distinction of Season. The Weather frequently changes five time in Twenty-four Hours: The Coldest I have perceived has been in this Month. Snow falls; but falls only to produce mire & Dirt. It is cold; It braces one only to produce a greater Relaxation by the succeeding Heat; It is hot; but hot only to give the Headach. Some times the Weather is moderate; But the Season gives Times only to reflect upon gentle Breezes and cooling Zephyrs, that the immediate succeeding extremes may excite greater pain." Varnum then went on to state his moral conception of Valley Forge. "But for the virtuous few of the Army," he wrote, "I am persuaded That this Country must long before this have been destroyed. It is saved for our Sakes; & its Salvation ought to cause Repentence in us for all our Sins, if evil & Misery are the Consequences of Iniquity. For my own part, I believe they are; And expect by this pennance, to emerge into the World, after leaving this Place, with all Accounts fully balanced. I shall then take Care how I sin again, ever having a Retrospect to its Consequences. Nothing ever so fully taught me the Truth of the common Proverb that Experience is the best School mistress, as my observations in Course of the Winter: and 16 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY unless I should be callous to every Impression, I must, in the End, be the gainer by the Bargain." Three weeks later the worst of the experience was nearly over, but the mental scars remained deeply ingrained. Gleneral Lachlan Mclntosh depicted the state of his North Carolina troops to the Governor of that state. "I am sorry I have to inform you," he indited his distress, "the men of my Brigade here have Suffered Severely this Winter for want of Clothing & other necessities. Fifty of them died in & about Camp since the beginning of January last, & we have near two hundred sick here now, besides as many more reported sick absent in different Hospitals of this State & Jersey — a most distressing Situation! —& only Doctor McCIure of the Second Regiment to attend the whole of them, untill a few days ago." Mclntosh then went on to describe in bitter terms the defection of his only other doctor. The hospitals themselves were in a pitiful condition through lack of money and medical supplies of all kinds. Joseph W. Shippen, the Hospital Paymaster at Manheim, informed Doctor Jonathan Potts, "If you knew that I have been waiting with the great^t impatience for 50 or 60,000 Dollars" — in depreciated Continental currency of course — "to pay off the pressing de mands from Lancaster and every other part of our Department, you would not have ordered me to send you 3,000 [dollars]. If I had a single shilling the credit of our Hospitals should not suffer by any detention of payment nor would I omit any thing in my power to serve you if I could invent the ways and means to come at it." By May, however, hope was in the ascendant. Rumors of the French Alliance, long in the air, became a reality "with the official announcement of the alliance to the army on May 6. A great celebration of thanksgiving and joy was held. Recruits and supplies were in prospect. Washington wrote Colonel Theo- dorick Bland at Petersburg, Virginia, to send on "Horses and recruits with all dispatch." The summer campaign was nearing. On May 12 another ceremony took place. On February 3rd Congress had passed a law requiring all officers of the Conti nental Army, including the Commander-in-Chief, to sign writ- THE REVOLUTION IN RELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY ten or printed oaths of allegiance to the United States. On May 12 the chief officers, including Washington, assembled at head quarters and signed their oaths, witnessed by Washington. The Commander-in-Chief's own oath was witnessed by Lord Stirling. The general officers were then delegated to witness the oaths of those of lesser rank, three of which, witnessed by Lafayette, DeKalb and Muhlenberg, are in the author's collection. By the middle of May matters had so perked up that Colonel Richard Butler of the Pennsylvania Line could complain to President Wharton of the state about the price of newspapers in the camp! Butler's complaint gives a sound of slightly humor ous relief after the preceding miseries. The end of May witnessed a near disaster for a strong seg ment of the American army. Washington ordered Lafayette to proceed east from the camp, cross the Schuylkill River, and take position close to Philadelphia to observe British intentions. Lafayette encamped at Barren Hill, on the Ridge Pike, near Roxboro. Immediately Tory spies flashed the news of Lafayette's position to the new British commander. General Clinton, in Philadelphia. On the night of May 19 Clinton planned a march in three columns in ah endeavor to surround and capture Lafayette. Lafayette was apprised of his peril in time, however, and safely escaped the net .by a retreat to Matson's Ford, now Conshohocken, where he re-crossed the Schuylkill with only light loss. The British returned empty-handed to Philadelphia. As June came in the army, refreshed, drilled and deter mined, prepared for active campaigning. Rumor spread that the British were on the verge of abandoning Philadelphia. The hope that the rumor would prove true was expressed by Lieuten ant James Bradford. "Our information from Phila[delphi]a is," he wrote, "that the Enemy are destroying their works: knocking the Trunions of [f] their heavy Cannon, that they leave behind: and all their Shipping were sailed except Eight Merchant Ships and one M[an] of War; who were ordered to fall down [the river] on the 6th as they would be Burnt — they have a large Body of Troops over at Cooper's Ferry [in New Jersey] — where they have a large number of Boats on Carriages to Trans- 18 BULLETIN OF HISTOKIOAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY port their Men accrost the different Creeks in N[ew] Jer sey .. More and more the signs grew of a British retreat to New York. "Our Army hold themselves ready," Bradford con tinued, "at a moments warning — Genrl [Charles] Lees Divi sion have allready been pacht up and marched some little way, but countermanded" until British maneuvers were more certain. The whole American army was tensed with expectation. All the sadness at Valley Forge, however, was not quite over. Bradford explained this in his letter. "On the 5th was Hung on the Grand Parade a spy by the name of Shanks it appeared he had been an Ensign in the 10th Pennsylvania Regiment and cashiered this Winter for Stealing" •— Thomas Shanks had stolen a superior officer's shoes — "in consequence of which [Shanks] went in to the Enemy, and was directed to come out" to the American encampment "in [a spy's] capacity ... and a [British] Sergeant was Ordered to conduct him out of their Lines." Here Lieutenant Bradford's narrative must be interrupted to state that the British sergeant proved to be a deserter, reached the American camp before Shanks, and warned the Americans of the latter's presence and intent. In consequence, Bradford continued, "The spy was taken and Executed agre[e]able to Sentences of a Court Martial — his BodyHungfrom 10 OClock in the Morning, till retreat Beating" in the evening, "was then cut down and his Body sent to the Surgeons" for burial. So there is at least one dishonored grave at Valley Forge, though, like so many honored ones, its location is unknown. Foolish Thomas Shanks! He started out to be a hero in his own small way and ended up a traitor. But he was not the only company for Benedict Arnold. "Our army are daily increasing with Recruits from the Southward," Bradford went on, "so that by the time the two Armys join [battle] we shall be on a very respectable footing." His feelings were those of the whole army. The troops had been ordered to abandon the putrid huts that for so long had housed them. Tents were provided from the army stores and the men became rejuvenated. Valley Forge was on the verge of becom ing a monument to human freedom, though it would be another THE BEVOLUTION IN RELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY hundred years before it would be really recognized as such. On June 18 a messenger rode into camp. The British evacu ation of Philadelphia was in full progress as a result of orders from London. The British ministry feared that General Clinton, who had superceded Howe, would be cut off by a French fleet that threatened to blockade the Delaware. In the American camp crisp orders were issued from headquarters. Part of the army would march immediately, the balance the following day. The lines of troops commenced to snake out of the camp down towards the bridge that General Sullivan had built across the Schuylkill the previous winter. That bridge was not only tiie exit from Valley Forge to new campaigning, but was also the exit to future victory and established liberty. There are shades that pass across the hills at Valley Forge — shades more incorporeal than the shadows of the twilight. And yet in the twilight one may feel their presence as though some mystic sense pervaded the scene. It is a sense that is re membrance forcing itself upon the consciousness and made more forceful by the mystery of the hour. It is the echo of old shouts, now physically dead, calling to the wind the battle-cry of free dom. It is a cry to which we today too must listen. As tyranny once faced the struggling Revolutionary army long ago, so today in an even more terrible guise tyranny stretches out its long bloody hand to threaten the world. As the heroes of the past undauntedly faced the threat that weighed against their liber ties, so we today must face without flinching those threats that seek to engulf us. If we bear faith with the past as it bore faith with its future, we cannot fail. Illustrative of the link connecting yesterday and today is a letter written by General Nathanael Greene in 1782. Although General Greene applied his sentiments specifically to the state of Virginia, these same sentiments are just as forceful today and applicable to free men for all time. "Virginia," wrote General Greene, "surely has not forgot the duty she owes her own reputation. She entered with spirit into the contest, and to cease her exertions just now because she has lately borne the weight of a few difficulties, will be as 20 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY highly dishonorable, as it is unjust and impolitic. She is not yet in security, nor is thestate of our political affairs altogether as favorable as to induce the smallest hope of a speedy peace. We have still much to struggle with; much to hope, and much to fear. The efforts of the public spirit are the principle means by which we are to support our successes, and by which alone we are to attain the great object of this contest. The People must forego every convenience, and pains should be taken by men of intelligence to point out the national interest to the uninformed and ignorant part of the community. Let them see the advantages resulting from vigorous measures and the cer tain ruin which will hang consequent on feeble exertions. Prop erty ought to be held only in a secondary point of light and be made to yield to greater considerations when a People are con tending for their rights in which the interest of the World seems concerned. Reason and experience teach us that Men may be moulded to wise measures, and by fixing their attention on public objects made to relinguish, in a great measure, their attachment totheir private interests. The People only want wise government to fix them" in their determination "and vigorous to call them from supineness. They are only dull because they do not feel the necessity of being immediately active. Danger is ata distance, and the sweets of repose lull them into security." "It is no longer necessaiy," as was the custom in Europe, "to keep them in ignorance; they should know fully the two great facts that lie before them. On one hand they have the blessings of liberty and peace; on the other the threat of the jibbet and halter. The temper of the People I am persuaded will induce them to choose the former; and it is the duty of government surely to prevent their yielding to the misfortunes of the latter. The struggle has been too obstinate to hope for mercy from our conquerors, and those in office should make the people^ know their [own] interest and call them to their duty by wise and vigorous measures to prevent a misfortune." •Nathanael Greene well knew that the watchwords of free dom are alertness, determination and sacrifice, and that liberty is more precious than all men's other possessions combined. THE REVOLUTION IN RELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY 21

While we should continue to pay tribute to the national patriots of old, we must, however, realize that patriotism has in recent years taken on an expanded meaning. Patriotism has become not only a national but also an international idea — the idea of world-wide human freedom as opposed to the dia metric idea of world tyranny. World tyranny is not a new con cept; it dates back to dim antiquity. International liberty, on the other hand, is a comparatively new concept of human civi lization which has been brought about by increased international knowledge and communication. Our Revolutionary ancestors, in a sense cut off from the rest of the world by constricted knowl edge of it and by slow communications, although many of them were wise enough to think of human freedom in world-wide terms, actually acted in the interests of their own freedom alone. Abraham Lincoln spoke of that hoped-for day when "all men may be free," but even during the Civil War the concept was still a far-off dream. Today the concept may still be a dream, but at the same time we are faced with a stark reality — the reality of a world of freedom or tyranny. New concepts, especially those of such import as world liberty, must be kept forcefully alive at all moments in order to maintain themselves. If they are not thus forcefully alive they condemn themselves or are condemned to death. The continued vitality of liberty means that every person dedicated to sustaining it must con stantly labor with heart and soul in the interests of that sus- tentation. The newness of this world-liberation, however, does not mean that the basic ideals of human liberty are dianged, only that they are re-inforced on an expanded basis. Beware! The ideals of the past That modern men reject May be the very ballots cast That tjranny elect. The principles of human freedom are immutable and eternal. They do not change to suit an era, for they are founded on all those higher philosophies that God and man have evolved from the beginning: mutual understanding, mutual love, mutual honesty, mutual decency and mutual moral determina- Private Yankee Doodle in Montgomery County

Joseph Plumb Martin

Edited by George F. Scheer In 1830, Uie Revolutionary War experiences of Joseph Plumb Martin of Prospect, Maine (who had volunteered from Massachusetts) were pub lished for the first time, anonymously, under the title A Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier, Interspersed with Anecdotes of Incidents That Occurred Within His Own Observation. One of the few surviving copies of the book was discovered by Francis S. Ronalds at Morristown, N. J., and George P. Scheer under took to edit and prepare the material for re-publication. Mr. Scheer sup plied the title Private Yankee Doodle. He also traced information regard ing Joseph Plumb Martin's family background, his occupations and his war record. These details may be found in his book Private Yankee Doodle. We are very grateful for permission granted by Little, Brown and Company to publish these anecdotes and reminiscences concerning the Montgomery County area as recorded by this witty young soldier who knew the problems of the American Revolution first hand.

Private Yankee Doodle was originally published at $6.60 by Little, Brown and Company, Boston, Mass. Copyright 1962, George P. Scheer. Selections used here are found on pages 71-80; 98-105; 112-113; 117-122; 284-286.

Our troops, not long after this, marched to join the main army in Pennsylvania [September, 1777]. The heavy bag gage was left to come on after them, and I, being an invalid, was left as one of the guard to conduct it. The baggage soon followed the troops, and I underwent not a little trouble on the march in consequence of my lame foot. When I joined the regiment the baggage was immediately sent back to Bethlehem, nearly fifty miles in the country, and I was again sent with a guard. It was much against my inclination to go on this business, for I had for some time past been under the command of other officers than my own, and now I must con tinue longer under them. Soldiers always like to be under the

23 24 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY command of their own officers; they are generally bad enough, but strangers are worse. I was obliged to obey my officers' orders and go on this duty, but when I was away they could not hinder me from coming back again. I was resolved not to stay at Bethlehem, and as soon as we arrived there I contrived to get the permission of the officers of the guard to return to camp again immediately. I arrived at camp the second day after leaving the baggage. My officers inquired of me why I had returned? If I was able to do hard duty, they said they were glad that I had joined the company again; if not, they were sorry. I endeavored to appear to be as well as possible, for I had no notion of being sent away from my officers and old mess mates again, if I could avoid it. When I arrived at camp it was just dark, the troops were all preparing for a march. Their provisions (what they had) were all cooked, and their arms and ammunition strictly in spected and all deficiencies supplied. Early in the evening we marched in the direction of Philadelphia. We naturally con cluded there was something serious in the wind. We marched slowly all night. In the morning there was a low vapor lying on the land which made it very difficult to distinguish objects at any considerable distance. About daybreak our advanced guard and the British out posts came in contact. The curs began to bark first and then the bulldogs. Our brigade moved off to the right into the fields. We saw a body of the enemy drawn up behind a rail fence on our right flank; we immediately formed in line and advanced upon them. Our orders were not to fire till we could see the buttons upon their clothes, but they were so coy that they would not give us an opportunity to be so curious, for they hid their clothes in fire and smoke before we had either time or leisure to examine their buttons. They soon fell back and we advanced, when the action became general. The enemy were driven quite through their camp. They left their kettles, in which they were cooking their breakfasts, on the fires, and some of their garments were lying on the ground, which the owners had not time to put on. PRIVATE YANKEE DOODLE IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY 25

Affairs went on well for some time. The enemy were re treating before us, until the first division that was engaged had expended their ammunition. Some of the men unadvisedly calling out that their ammunition was spent, the enemy were so near that they overheard them, when they first made a stand and then returned upon our people, who, for want of ammuni tion and reinforcements, were obliged in their turn to retreat, which ultimately resulted in the rout of the whole army. [Battle of Germantown, Oct. 4, 1777.] There were several other circumstances which contributed to the defeat of our army on tiiat day, but as I am narrating my own adventures, and not a history of the war, I shall omit to mention them. Those who wish to know more may consult any or all the authors who have given the history of the Revolutionary War. I had now to travel the rest of the day, after marching all the day and night before and fighting all the morning. [Follow ing the battle, Washington marched his men back twenty-four miles to Pennypacker's Mill before encamping.] I had eaten nothing since the noon of the preceding day, nor did I eat a morsel till the forenoon of the next day, and I needed rest as much as victuals. I could have procured that if I had had time to seek it, but victuals was not to be found. I was tormented with thirst all the morning, fighting being warm work; but after the retreat commenced I found ample means to satisfy my thirst. *T could drink at the brook," but I could not "bite at the bank." There was one thing in such cases as I have just mentioned (I mean, in retreating from an enemy) that always galled my feelings, and that was, whenever I was forced to a quick retreat to be obliged to run till I was worried down. The Yankees are generally very nimble of foot and in those cases are very apt to practice what they have the ability of performing. Some of our men at this time seemed to think that they could never run fast or far enough. I never wanted to run, if I was forced to run, further than to be beyond the reach of the enemy's shot, after which I had no more fear of their overtaking me than I 26 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

should have of an army of lobsters doing it, unless it were their horsemen, and they dared not do it. After the army had collected again and recovered from their panic, we were kept marching and countermarching, starv ing and freezing, notiiing else happening, although that was enough, until we encamped at a place called the White Marsh, about twelve miles to the northward of Philadelphia. While we lay here, there was a spell of soft still weather, there not being wind enough for several days to dispel the smoke caused by the fires in camp. My eyes were so affected by it that I was not able to open them for hours together. The ground, which was soft and loamy, was converted into mortar, and so diriy was it, that any hogsty was preferable to our tents to sleep in; and to cap the climax of our misery, we had nothing to eat, nor scarcely anything to wear. Being pinched with hunger, I one day strolled to a place, where sometime before some cattle had been slaughtered. Here I had the good luck (or rather bad luck, as it turned out in the end) to find an ox's milt, which had escaped the hogs and dogs. •With this prize I steered off to my tent, threw it upon the fire and broiled it, and then sat down to eat it, without either bread or salt. I had not had it long in my stomach before it began to make strong remonstrances and to manifest a great inclination to be set at liberty again. I was very willing to listen to its requests, and with eyes overflowing with tears at parting with what I had thought to be a friend, I gave it a dis charge, But the very thoughts of it would for some time after almost make me think that I had another milt in my stomach. About this time information was received at headquarters that a considerable body of British troops were advanced and encamped on the western side of the river Schuylkill, near the lower bridge, two or three miles from Philadelphia. Forces were immediately put in requisition to rout them from thence. Our brigade was ordered off, with some detachments from other parts of the army. We marched from camp just before night as light troops, light in everything, especially in eatables. We marched to a place called Barren Hill, about twelve or fifteen PRIVATE YANKEE DOODLE IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY 27 miles from the city. From here, about ten o'clock in the evening, we forded the Schuylkill where the river, including a bare gravelly island, or flat, which we crossed, was about forty rods wide, as near as I could judge, and the water about to the waist. It was quite a cool night, in the month of October; the water which spattered on to our clothes froze as we passed the river. Many of the young and small soldiers fell while in the water and were completely drenched. We, however, got over and marched two or three miles on a dreary road, for that part of the country, surrounded by high hills and thick woods. All of a sudden we were ordered to halt. We were, to appearance, in an unfrequented road, cold and wet to our middles, and half starved. We were sorry to be stopped from traveling, as exercise kept us warm in some degree. We endeavored to kindle fires, but were ordered by the officers immediately to extinguish them, which was done by all except one, which having been kindled in a hollow tree could not be put out. I got so near to this that I could just see it between the men's legs, which was all the benefit that I derived from it. We lay there freezing, about two hours, and then were or dered to fall in and march back again. About an hour before day we dashed through the river again, at the same place at which we had crossed the preceding evening, and I can assure the reader that neither the water nor weather had become one degree warmer than it was then. We went on to Barren Hill again, where we lay all the day, waiting, as it appeared, for reinforcements, which arrived and joined us towards night. We drew a day's ration of beef and flour, what was called a pound of each. The flour, perhaps, was not far from its nominal weight, but the beef was, as it always was in such cases, and indeed in all others in the army, not more than three fourths of a pound, and that, at the best, half bone. And how was it cooked? Why, as it usually was when we had no cooking utensils with us, — that is, the flour was laid upon a flat rock and mixed up with cold water, then daubed upon a flat stone and scorched on one side, while the beef was broiling on a stick in the fire. This was the common 28 bulletin op historical society of MONTGOMERY COUNTY way of cookery when on marches, and we could get anything to cook, and this was the mode at the time mentioned. After I had satisfied my hunger, I lay down upon the ground and slept till within about half an hour of sunset. When I awoke I was turned quite about; I thought it was morning instead of evening. However, I was soon convinced of my error, and the sun had the good manners to wheel about and put himself in his proper position again. Just at dark, the reinforcements having arrived and all things being put in order, we marched again, and about nine or ten o'clock we tried the waters of the Schuylkill once more, at the same place where we crossed the preceding night. It was not so cold as it was then and the crossing was not so tedious, but it was bad enough at ihis time. We marched slowly the remainder of the night. At the dawn of day we found ourselves in the neighborhood of the enemy. I mean in the neighborhood of where they had been, for when we were about to spring the net, we discovered that the birds had flown and there was not one on the bed. There was a British guard at a little distance from the bridge, upon the opposite side of the river. They turned out to do us honor and sent off an express to the city to inform their friends that the Yankees had come to pay them a visit, but they were so unmannerly as to take no notice of us. After we had taken so much pains and beenat so much trouble to come to see them, they might have shown a little more politeness, considering that it would not have cost them half the trouble to meet us as we had been at to meet them. But perhaps they thought that, as we had undergone so much fatigue and vexation on our journey, we might feel cross and peevish, and perchance some unlucky accidents might have happened. The British were politic, and it is good to be cautious and discreet. We had nothing to do now but to return as we came. Ac cordingly, we marched off slowly, hoping that the enemy would think better of it and follow us, for we were loath to return without seeing them. However, they kept to themselves and we went on. I was hungry, tired and sleepy. About noon we halted PRIVATE YANKEE DOODLE IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY 29 an hour or two, and I went a little way into the fields, where I found a black walnut tree with a plenty of nuts under it. These nuts are very nutritious, and I cracked and ate of them till I was satisfied. We marched again. In the course of the afternoon, I some where procured about half a dozen turnips, which I carried all the way to camp in my hand, so much did we value anjiihing that we could get to eat. About sunsetting we again waded the Schuylkill, at a ford a little higher up the river. The river was not so wide here as at the former place, but the water was deeper, it was to the breast. When we had crossed, and it had become dark, we met the quartermasters, who had come out to meet us with wagons and hogsheads of whiskey, thinking per haps, that we might take cold by being so much exposed in the cold water. They had better have brought us something more substantial, but we thought that better than nothing. The casks were unheaded, and the quartermaster sergeants stood in the wagons and dealt out the liquor to the platoons, each platoon halting as it came up, till served. The intention of the quarter master sergeants was to give each man a gill of liquor, but as measuring it out by gills was tedious, it was dealt out to us in pint measures, with directions to divide a pint between four men. But as it was dark and the actions of the men could not be well seen by those who served out the liquor, each one drank as much as he pleased; some, perhaps, half a gill, some a gill, and as many as chose it drained the pint. We again moved on for the camp, distant about five miles. We had not proceeded far before we entered a lane fenced on either side with rails, in which was a water plash, or pud dle. The fence was taken down on one side of the road to enable us to pass round the water. It was what is called a five- rail fence, only the two upper rails of which were taken out; here was fun. We had been on the march since we had drank the whiskey just long enough for the liquor to assume its height of operation; our stomachs being empty the whiskey took rank hold and the poor brain faded accordingly. When the men came to the fence, not being able, many or most of 30 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY them, to keep a regular balance between head and heels, they would pile themselves up on each side of the fence, swearing and hallooing, some losing their arms, some their hats, some their shoes, and some themselves. Had the enemy come upon us at this time, there would have been an action worth record ing. But they did not, and we, that is, such as could, arrived at camp about midnight, where "those who had remained with the stuff" had made up some comfortable fires for our accom modation. Poor fellows I It was all they could do; as to victuals, they had none for themselves. I had then been nearly thirty hours without a mouthful of anything to eat, excepting the walnuts, having been the whole time on my feet (unless I happened to fall over the fence, which I do not remember to have done) and wading in, and being wet with the water of the river. I roasted some of my turnips, ate them, rolled my self up in my iimocency, lay down on the leaves and forgot my misery till morning. Soon after this affair our two Connecticut regiments [Durkee's Fourth and Chandler's Eighth] (they being the only troops of that state then with the main army) were or dered off to defend the forts on the Delaware River, below the city. We marched about dark, hungry and cold, and kept on till we could proceed no further, from sheer hunger and fatigue. We halted about one o'clock at night, in a village, and were put into houses of the inhabitants, much, I suppose, to their contentment, especially at that time of night. Sleep took such strong hold of me and most of the others, that we soon forgot our wants.

We joined the grand army near Philadelphia, and the heavy baggage being sent back to the rear of the army, we were obliged to put us up huts by laying up poles and covering them with leaves, a capital shelter from winter storms. Here we continued to fast; indeed we kept a continual Lent as faithfully as ever any of the most rigorous of the Roman Catholics did. PKIVATE YANKEE DOODLE IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY 31

But there was this exception, we had no fish or eggs or any other substitute for our commons. Ours was a real fast and, depend upon it, we were sufficiently mortified. About this time the whole British army left the city, came out, and encamped, or rather lay, on Chestnut Hill in our immediate neighborhood. We hourly expected an attack from them; we had a commanding position and were very sensible of it. We were kept constantly on the alert, and wished nothing more than to have them engage us, for we were sure of giving them a drubbing, being in excellent fighting trim, as we were starved and as cross and ill-natured as curs. The British, however, thought better of the matter, and, after several days maneuvering on the hill, very civilly walked off into Phila delphia again. Starvation seemed to be entailed upon the army and every animal connected with it. The oxen, brought from New England for draught, all died, and the southern horses fared no better; even the wild animals that had any concern with us suffered. A poor little squirrel, who had the ill luck to get cut off from the woods and fixing himself on a tree standing alone and surrounded by several of the soldier's huts, sat upon the tree till he starved to death and fell off the tree. He, however, got rid of his misery soon. He did not live to starve by piecemeal six or seven years. While we lay here, there happened very remarkable north- em lights. At one time the whole visible heavens appeared for some time as if covered with crimson velvet. Some of the soldiers prognosticated a bloody battle about to be fought, but time, which always speaks the truth, proved them to be false prophets. Soon after the British had quit their position on Chestnut Hill, we left this place and after marching and counter marching back and forward some days, we crossed the Schuylkill in a cold, rainy and snowy night [December 12] upon a bridge of wagons set end to end and joined together by boards and planks. And after a few days more maneuver ing we at last settled down at a place called "the Gulf" [Gulph 32 BULLETIN OF HISTOEICAL SOCIETy OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

Mills] (so named on account of a remarkable chasm in the hills); and here we encamped some time, and here we had liked to have encamped forever — for starvation here rioted in its glory. But lest the reader should be disgusted at hearing so much said about "starvation," I will give him something that, perhaps, may in some measure alleviate his ill humor. While we lay here there was a Continental Thanksgiving ordered by Congress; and as the army had all the cause in the world to be particularly thankful, if not for being wdl off, at least that it was no worse, we were ordered to participate in it. We had nothing to eat for two or three days previous, except what the trees of the fields and forests afforded us. But we must now have what Congress said, a sumptuous Thanksgiving to close the year of high living we had now nearly seen brought to a close. Well, to add something extra ordinary to our present stock of provisions, our country, ever mindful of its suffering army, opened her sympathizing heart so wide, upon this occasion, as to give us something to make the world stare. And what do you think it was, reader? Guess. You cannot guess, be you as much of a Yankee as you will. I will tell you; it gave each and every man half a gill of rice and a tablespoonful of vinegar! 1 After we had made sure of this extraordinary super abundant donation, we were ordered out to attend a meeting and hear a sermon delivered upon the happy occasion. We accordingly went, for we could not help it. I heard a sermon, a "thanksgiving sermon," what sort of one I do not know now, nor did I at the time I heard it. I had something else to think upon. My belly put me in remembrance of the fine Thanksgiving dinner I was to partake of when I could get it. I remember the text, like an attentive lad at church. I can still remember that it was this, "And the soldiers said unto him. And what shall we do? And he said unto them, Do vio lence to no man, nor accuse anyone falsely." The preacher ought to have added the remainder of the sentence to have made it complete, "And be content with your wages." But that would not do, it would be too apropos. However, he PRIVATE YANKEE DOODLE IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY gg heard it as soon as the service was over, it was shouted from a hundred tongues. Well, we had got through the services of the day and had nothing to do but to return in good order to our tents and fare as we could. As we returned to our camp, we passed by our commissary's quarters. All his stores, con sisting of a barrel about two-thirds full of hocks of fresh beef, stood directly in our way, but there was a sentinel guard ing even that. However, one of my messmates purloined a piece of it, four or five pounds perhaps. I was exceeding glad to see him take it; I thought it might help to eke out our Thanksgiving supper, but alas! how soon my expectations were blasted! The sentinel saw him have it as soon as I did and obliged him to return it to the barrel again. So I had nothing else to do but to go home and make out my supper as usual, upon a leg of nothing and no turnips. The army was now not only starved but naked. The great est part were not only shirtless and barefoot, but destitute of all other clothing, especially blankets. I procured a small piece of raw cowhide and made myself a pair of moccasins, which kept my feet (while they lasted) from the frozen ground, although, as I well remember, the hard edges so galled my ankles, while on a march, that it was with much difficulty and pain that I could wear them afterwards; but the only alternative I had was to endure this inconvenience or to go barefoot, as hundreds of my companions had to, till they might be tracked by their blood upon the rough frozen ground. But hunger, nakedness and sore shins were not the only difficulties we had at that time to encounter; we had hard duty to perform and little or no strength to perform it with. The army continued at and near the Gulf for some days, after which we marched for the Valley Forge in order to take up our winter quarters. We were now in a truly forlorn con dition, no clothing, no provisions and as disheartened as need be. We arrived, however, at our destination a few days before Christmas. Our prospect was indeed dreary. In our miserable condition, to go into the wild woods and build us habitations to stay (not to live) in, in such a weak, starved 34 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY and naked condition, was appalling in the highest degree, espe cially to New Englanders, unaccustomed to such kind of hard ships at home. However, there was no remedy, no alternative but this or dispersion. But dispersion, I believe, was not thought of, at least, I did not think of it. We had engaged in the defense of our injured country and were willing, nay, we were determined to persevere as long as such hardships were not altogether intolerable. I had experienced what I thought suf ficient of the hardships of a military life the year before, although nothing in comparison to what I had suffered the present campaign, and therefore expected to meet with rub bers. But we were now absolutely in danger of perishing, and that too, in the midst of a plentiful country. We then had but little and often nothing to eat for days together; but now we had nothing and saw no likelihood of any betterment of our condition. Had there fallen deep snows (and it was the time of year to expect them) or even heavy and long rain storms, the whole army must inevitably have perished. Or had the enemy, strong and well provided as he then was, thought fit to pursue us, our poor emaciated carcasses must have "strewed the plain." But a kind and holy Providence took more notice and better care of us than did the country in whose service we were wearing away our lives by piecemeal. We arrived at the Valley Forge in the evening [December 18]. It was dark; there was no water to be found and I was perishing with thirst. I seardied for water till I was weary and came to my tent without finding any. Fatigrue and thirst, joined with hunger, almost made me desperate. I felt at that instant as if I would have taken victuals or drink from the best friend I had on earth by force. I am not writing fiction, all are sober realities. Just after I arrived at my tent, two sol diers, whom I did not know, passed by. They had some water in their canteens which they told me they had found a good distance off, but could not direct me to the place as it was very dark. I tried to beg a draught of water from them but they were as rigid as Arabs. At length I persuaded them to sell me a drink for three pence, Pennsylvania currency, which PRIVATE YANKEE DOODLE IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY 35 was every cent of property I could then call my own, so great was the necessity I was then reduced to. I lay here two nights and one day and had not a morsel of anything to eat all the time, save half of a small pumpkin, which I cooked by placing it upon a rock, the skin side upper most, and making a fire upon it. By the time it was heat through I devoured it with as keen an appetite as I should a pie made of it at some other time. The second evening after our arrival here I was warned to be ready for a two days command. I never heard a sum mons to duty with so much disgust before or since as I did that. How I could endure two days more fatigue without nour ishment of some sort I could not tell, for I heard nothing said about "provisions." However, in the morning at roll call, I was obliged to comply. I went to tJie parade where I found a considerable number, ordered upon the same business, what ever it was. We were ordered to go to the quartermaster general and receive from him our final orders. We accordingly repaired to his quarters, which was about three miles from camp. Here we understood that our destiny was to go into the country on a foraging expedition, which was nothing more nor less than to procure provisions from the inhabitants for the men in the army and forage for the poor perishing cattle belonging to it, at the point of the bayonet. We stayed at the quartermaster general's quarters till sometime in the afternoon, during which time a beef creature was butchered for us. I well remember what fine stuff it was, it was quite transparent. I thought at that time what an excellent lantern it would make. I was, notwithstanding, very glad to get some of it, bad as it looked. We got, I think, two days allowance of it and some sort of bread kind, I suppose, for I do not remember particu larly about that, but it is probable we did. We were then divided into several parties and sent off upon our expedition. Our party consisted of a lieutenant, a sergeant, a corporal and eighteen privates. We marched till night when we halted and took up our quarters at a large farmhouse. The lieutenant, attended by his waiter, took up his quarters for the night in 36 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OP MONTGOMERY COUNTY the hall with tiie people of the house. We were put into the kitchen. We had a snug room and a comfortable fire, and we began to think about cooking some of our fat beef. One of the men proposed to the landlady to sell her a shirt for some sauce. She very readily took the shirt, which was worth a dollar at least. She might have given us a mess of sauce, for I think she would not have suffered poverty by so doing, as she seemed to have plenty of all things. After we had received the sauce, we went to work to cook our supper. By the time it was eatable the family had gone to rest. We saw-where the woman went into the cellar, and, she having left us a candle, we took it into our heads that a little good cider would not make our supper relish any the worse; so some of the men took the water pail and drew it full of excellent cider, which did not fail to raise our spirits considerably. Before we lay down the man who sold the shirt, having observed that the landlady had flung it into a closet, took a notion to repossess it again. Wemarched off early in the morning before the people of the house were stirring, consequently did not knowor seethe woman's chagrin at having been overreached by the soldiers.

The women of Pennsylvania, taken in general are certainly very worthy characters. It is but justice, as far as I am con cerned, for me to say that I was always well treated both by them and the men, especially the Friends or Quakers, in every part of the state through which I passed, and that was the greater part of what was then inhabited. But the southern ladies had a queer idea of the Yankees (as they always called the New Englanders); they seemed to think that they were a people quite different from themselves, as indeed they were in many respects. I could mention things and ways in which they differed, but it is of no consequence; they were clever and that is sufficient. I will, however, mention one little incident, just to show what their conceptions were of us. I happened once to be with some wagons, one of which was PRIVATB YANKEE DOODLE IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY 37 detached from the party. I went with this team as its guard. We stopped at a house, the mistress of which and the wagoner were acquainted. (These foraging teams all belonged in the neighborhood of our quarters.) She had a pretty female child about four years old. The teamster was praising the child, extolling its gentleness and quietness, when the mother observed that it had been quite cross and crying all day. "I have been threatening," said she, "to give her to the Yankees." "Take care," said the wagoner, ''how you speak of the Yankees, I have one of them here with me." "La!" said the woman. "Is he a Yankee? I though he was a Pennsylvanian. I don't see any difference between him and other people."

We accordingly marched off and arrived at camp the next day, muchto the seeming satisfaction of our old messmates, and as much to the real dissatisfaction of ourselves. At least, it was so with me. Thus far, since the year commenced, "Dame Fortune had been kind," but now "Miss-Fortune" was coming in for her set in the reel. I had now to enter again on my old system of starving; there was nothing to eat. I had brought two or three days' rations in my knapsack, and while that lasted I made shift to get along, but that was soon gone and I was then obligedto come to it again, which was sorely against my grain. During the past winter I had had enough to eat and been under no restraint; I had picked up a few articles of comfortable summer clothing among the inhabitants; our lieutenant had never concerned himself about us; we had scarcely seen him during the whole time. When we were off duty we went when and where we pleased "and had none to make us afraid," but now the scene was changed. We must go and come at bidding and suffer hunger besides. After I had joined my regiment I was kept constantly, when off other duty, engaged in learning the Baron de Steuben's new Prussian exercise. It was a continual drill. 38 BULLETIN OF HISTOKICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

About this time I was sent off from camp in a detachment consisting of about three tiiousand men, with four fieldpieces, under the command of the young General Lafayette. We marched to Barren Hill, about twelve miles from Philadelphia. There are crossroads upon this hill, a branch of whidi leads to the city. We halted here, placed our guards, sent off our scouting parties, and waited for —I know not what. A company of about a hundred Indians, from some northern tribe, joined us here. There were three or four young Frenchmen with them. The Indians were stout-looking fellows and remarkably neat for that race of mortals, but they were Indians. There was upon the hill, and just where we were lying, an old churdi built of stone, entirely divested of all its entrails. The Indians were amusing themselves and the soldiers by shooting with their bows, in and about the church. I observed something in a corner of the roof which did not appear to belong to the build ing, and desired an Indian who was standing near me to shoot an arrow at it. He did so and it proved to be a cluster of bats; I should think there were nearly a bushel of them, all hanging upon one another. The house was immediately alive with them, and it was likewise instantly full of Indians and soldiers. The poor bats fared hard; it was sport for all hands. They killed I know not how many, but there was a great slaughter among them. I never saw so many bats before nor since, nor indeed in my whole life put all together. The next day I was one of a guard to protect the horses belonging to the detachment. They were in a meadow of six or eight acres, entirely surrounded by tall trees. It was cloudy and a low fog hung all night upon the meadow, and for several hours during the night there was a jack-o'-lantern cruising in the eddying air. The poor thing seemed to wish to get out of the meadow, but could not, the air circulating within the enclosure of trees would not permit it. Several of the guard endeavored to catch it but did not succeed. Just at the dawn of the day the officers' waiters came, almost breathless, after the horses. Upon inquiring for the cause of the unusual hurry, we were told that the British were PRIVATE YANKEE DOODLE IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY 39 advancing upon us in our rear. How they could get there was to us a mystery, but they %oere there. We helped the waiters to catch their horses and immediately returned to the main body of the detachment. We found the troops all under arms and in motion, preparing for an onset. Those of the troops belonging to our brigade were put into Ihe churchyard, which was enclosed by a wall of stone and lime about breast high, a good defense against musketry but poor against artillery. I began to think I should soon have some better sport than killing bats. But our commander found that the enemy was too strong to be engaged in the position we then occupied. He therefore wisely ordered a retreat from this place to the Schuyl- kill, where we might choose any position that we pleased, having ragged woody hills in our rear and the river in front. It was about three miles to the river. The weather was exceeding warm, and I was in the rear platoon of the detach ment except two platoons of General Washington's Guards. The quick motion in front kept the rear on a constant trot. Two pieces of artillery were in front and two in the rear. The enemy had nearly surrounded us by the time our retreat commenced, but the road we were in was very favorable for us, it being for the most part and especially the first part of it through small woods and copses. When I was about halfway to the river, I saw the right wing of the enemy through a lawn about half a mile distant, but they were too late. Besides, they made a blunder here. They saw our rear guard with the two fieldpieces in its front, and thinking it the front of the detachment, they closed in to secure their prey, but when they had sprung their net they found that they had not a single bird under it. We crossed the Schuylkill in good order, very near the spot where I had crossed it four times in the month of October the preceding autumn. As fast as tiie troops crossed they formed and prepared for action, and waited for them to attack us; but we saw no more of them that time, for before we had reached the river the alarm guns were fired in our camp and the whole army was immediately in motion. The British, fear- 40 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY iiig that they should be outnumbered in their turn, directly set their faces for Philadelphia and set off in as much or more haste than we had left Barren Hill. They had, during the night, left the city with such silence and secrecy, and by taking what was called the New York road, that they escaped detection by all our parties, and the first knowledge they obtained of the enemy's movements was that he was upon their backs, between them and us on the hill. The Indians, with all their alertness, had like to have 'Ijought the rabbit." They kept coming in all the afternoon, in parties of four or five, whooping and halloo ing like wild beasts. After they had got collected they vanished; I never saw any more of them. Our scouting parties all came in safe, but I was afterwards informed by a British deserter that several of the enemy perished by the heat and their exertions to get away from a retreating enemy. The place that our detachment was now at was the Gulf, mentioned in the preceding chapter, where we kept the rice and vinegar Thanksgiving of starving memory. We stayed here till nearly night, when, no one coming to visit us, we marched off and took up our lodgings for the night in a wood. The next day we crossed the Schuylkill again and went on to Barren Hill once more. We stayed there a day or two and then returned to camp with keen appetites and empty purses. If anyone asks why we did not stay on Barren Hill till the British came up, and have taken and given a few bloody noses — all I have to say in answer is, that the General well knew what he was about; he was not deficient in either courage or conduct, and that was well known to all the Revolutionary army. Soon after this affair we felt our winter cantonments, crossed the Schuylkill and encamped on the left bank of that river, just opposite to our winter quarters. We had lain here but a few days when we heard that the British army had left Philadelphia and were proceeding to New York, through the Jerseys. We marched immediately in pursuit. We crossed the Delaware at Carroll's Ferry, [New Hope] above Trenton, and encamped a day or two between that town and Princeton. PRIVATE YANKEE DOODLE IN MONTGOMERY COUNTY 4]^

Almost everyone has heard of the soldiers of the Revolution being tracked by the blood of their feet on the frozen ground. This is literally true, and the thousandth part of their suffer ings has not, nor ever will be told. That the country was young and poor, at that time, I am willing to allow, but young people are generally modest, especially females. Now, I think the country (although of the feminine gender, for we say "she" and "her" of it) showed but little modesty at the time alluded to, for she appeared to think her soldiers had no private parts. For on our march from the Valley Forge, through the Jerseys, and at the boasted Battle of Monmouth, a fourth part of the troops had not a scrip of anything but their ragged shirt flaps to cover their nakedness, and were obliged to remain so long after. I had picked up a few articles of light clothing during the past winter while among the Pennsylvania farmers, or I should have been in the same predicament. "Rub and go" was always the Revolutionary soldier's motto. As to provision of victuals, I have said a great deal already, but ten times as much might be said and not get to the end of the chapter. When we engaged in the service we were promised the following articles for a ration: one pound of good and whole some fresh or salt beef, or three fourths of a pound of good salt pork, a pound of good flour, soft or hard bread, a quart of salt to every hundred pounds of fresh beef, a quart of vinegar to a hundred rations, a gill of rum, brandy, or whiskey per day, some little soap and candles, I have forgot how much, for I had so little of these two articles that I never knew the quantity. And as to the article of vinegar, I do not recollect of ever having any except a spoonful at the famous rice and vinegar Thanks giving in Pennsylvania, in the year 1777. But we never re ceived what was allowed us. Oftentimes have I gone one, two, three, and even four days without a morsel, unless the fields or forests might diance to afford enough to prevent absolute starvation. Often, when I have picked the last grain from the bones of my scanty morsel, have I eat the very bones, as much of them as possibly could be eaten, and then have had to perform some hard and fatiguing duty, when my stomach has been as craving as it was before I had eaten anything at all. Life on the Farm, A Century Ago Elizabeth A. Slough Garber This biography of Percival Slough was written by his daughter, Elizabeth A. Slough Garber in 1956. She deliberately chose to use an auto biography style as that s^le best calculated to esqjress the ideas and even the phrases as she heard them from him. It seems likely, though, that George and Adam Slough served in The War of 1812, rather in The American Bevoluticn as Percival Slough recalled ihe facts much later. I, Percival Grove Slough, was bom in a log cabin in the western end of Worcester Township, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, near what is now Providence Square, on October 17, 1837. My father's name was Jacob Slough and my mother's, before marriage, Susan Grove. I had three brothers and two sisters. My own Grandpa was bora near here in 1772 close to Evansburg, about five miles from Norristown. His name was John Slough. Our house was small and the family huge, so when I was eight years old, I went to live with my grandparents near Fairview Village, Pennsylvania. The farm, about one hundred acres, was covered to a great extent with woodland where game was very plentiful. The house was built of logs, a low rambling one story structure with a loft. The loft was interesting to me for that is where I slept. There were many interesting things in the loft; the wasps that built their mud houses on the open rafters of the ceiling; the squirrels scampering about hiding acorns and nuts that they were hoarding for the winter, but the most interesting to me were the two old muskets that I think I handled every day. I asked Grandpa about them, and he told me they belonged to his two brothers, George and Adam Slough, who, were killed during the Revolutionary War and buried at Boehm's Church near Blue Bell, Penna. He promised me as soon as I would be old enough to know how to use a gun, he would have one of them cleaned, polished and fixed up gen erally for me. Grandpa was a farmer but was also a blacksmith and taught me to work the bellows which had to be used all the time he was shoeing a horse to keep the fire burning. The farmers came

42 LIFE ON THE FARM. A CENTURY AGO 43 from miles around to have their horses shod, and in that way we learned the news of the country around us. The farm was a very busy place for every thing had to be done by hand and there was no easy way of doing it. All the water used in the house and barn had to be pumped by hand and carried from the well to where it was needed, in all kinds of weather. Many times in the winter the pump had to be thaw ed before it would work. We were fortunate to have a well near the house and one at the bam. The kitchen was the most cheerful room in the house, and we spent most of our time there when indoors. The main thing in the room was the fireplace, where Grandma did the cooking and the big oven built beside it, which was also heated by burn ing logs. The oven had a great iron door and was quite large inside, for Grandma baked bread and pies, enough to last a week, at one time. To make bread was a chore, for she had to make her own yeast from hops or potatoes, whichever she had on hand. Almost every farmhouse had a hop vine growing on a frame outside its kitchen window. It not only gave shade, but the fruit or hops were used to make yeast. The hops were cone shaped, like a clover blossom, with overlapping waxy green leaves or petals. They were allowed to dry on the vine, then were gathered and stored in a dry place until needed. Grandma made her yeast in an earthen crock and let it stand several days to ferment. She always left some in the crock when making a new lot to hasten its fermentation. All the wheat, rye, corn and buckwheat used were grown on the farm, and we had to drive miles to a mill to have it ground. The miller never made a charge in money, but took a portion of eadi grain ground as his pay. Grandma sometimes made hearth bread with a hard, crunchy crust that I liked very much. She baked it on the oven bottom without a pan. She had a shovel-like wooden paddle with a long handle which she used for taking things from the oven. Another interesting thing in the kitchen, was the table. It was large; would seat ten people. The top was fitted to the sides at two corners by a wooden pin arrangement that acted like a 44 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

hinge, and the top could be tilted up. Underneath was the dough trough, where Grandma made her sponge for bread . . . it had a lid, and when closed, the sponge was left over night to raise and was out of way of dust and disturbance, and the table could be used the same as always. Every weekmy Grandparents drove to Norristown in a great covered wagon to sell their produce in the market. In the winter Ihey put straw on the floor of the wagonto keep their feet warm. Grandpa taught me to trap small game such as muskrat, beaver and skunk, and to tan their hides. These he took to mar ket and sold. My great ambition was to get enough beaver pelts to make a robe for them to use in the wagon, so they could keep warm on their trips to and from market. By Christmas of that year, this was realized, and I felt good to know they would keep warm on their weekly trips. Spring was a very busy time on the farm, preparing the ground for planting and sowing the seed, taking care of the calves, lambs and young chickens, and all the regular work as well; but the busiest time was in the autumn, gathering in the crops and preparing for the winter. Grandpa taught me many things and made it pleasant so it did not seem like work. Spring is the time when the new water supplies should be located. Take a green willow branch that has been cut length wise, hold it by the leafy end and walk slowly. The cut end will drop to the ground when water is imder the surface. He taught me how and when to plant. Everything was plantedaccording to different phases of the moon. Potatoes, for instance, were always planted in the sign of the crab. If for any reason, one could not afford to cut the potatoes to plant for seed, one could eat the potatoes and plant the parings; which with the proper care would produce potatoes. To plant corn, one takes three steps and drops four grains of corn all along the row. Grandpa taught me a little song to sing as I worked, so we sang and worked and it seemed like play. LIFE ON THE FARM, A CENTURY AGO 45

"One for the blackbird, One for the crow, One for the cutworm, And one to grow." He told me to notice the difference between the blackbird and the crow. The blackbird would follow us and eat all the corn he could, as we dropped it, but the wise old crow would wait around for days until he saw the fine green blades of leaves ^ow above the ground. He would pull them up and he had the tender leaves, the corn which had become soft from being in the moist ground, and the soft sweet roots, as well. Grandma and Aunt Betzy were always busy too, caring for their wonderful flower garden. The flowers and seeds were always planted in the sign of the Flower Lady, which comes a few days after the new moon each month. They also raised many herbs . . . sage, thyme, marjoram and parsley. They preserved many fruits and vegetables, but others such as green beans, corn, lima beans, apples, peaches and pears, were dried on trays in the sun. My great favorite was dried sweet apples, which were dried without paring, cut in wedges after the core had been removed. In the winter Grandma would soak them over night and cook them with a piece of ham or bacon, season with brown sugar and drop dumplings in the broth. This was called, "Schnitz un' Knepp." Grandpa and I liked it a lot. Grandma saved all fat drippings, ham skins and bacon rinds, and in the spring made them into soap. She first made the lye from the wood ashes taken from the fireplace, then the fats were boiled in it and when it was left to cool, tiie soap came to the top leaving a sort of jelly-like substance in the bottom of the boiler. This had its use too, for the tinware, iron pots and other things were first dipped in the lye solution, then scoured with ground and the tinware would gleam like silver. There was never any waste, for everything had a use on the farm. Many vegetables, such as beets, carrots, turnips and cab bage, were stored in a pit Grandpa dug in the yard. It was tunnelled into the side of the bank in the yard, high enough 46 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY to walk into, and lined with straw to keep out the frost. It had a big door at the entrance, which was padced with straw. When the vegetables were taken out, they were as firm and fresh as when they were stored. Grandpa taught me the value of many wild herbs, which we gathered in the early spring. He explained the reason he knew so much was because we are descended from a long line of herb doctors in Germany. He gathered dock, milkweed, poke, and dandelion, which were cooked and we ate them for greens. The poke, he told me, when old enough to bear berries is poisonous, but when young, just showing above the ground, it is a wonder ful blood purifier. There were many other things we gathered: boneset, sassafras root, fever few, and many oiiiers, which I have forgotten. These were dried and brewed into tea to cure many ills. Grandma made a salve which cured bone felon. Many farm ers got this from milking cows. They usually came on the joint of the thumb or first finger, and were very painful. The doctors would cut them, but they never had to be cut when Grandma tended them. She was able to take warts, moles, and other blemishes from the hands and face, too. These services were given gladly and without charge. She was happy to help- people, but she rarely had to make a sunbonnet, apron or many other things she wore, for these were always given to her by fateful people she had helped. These things were made under difficult circumstances, as there were no sewing machines and many of them were made by candlelight. Grandpa taught me how to tell when it was going to rain by watching the chickens and birds oiling their feathers to prepare for it; and the way the chickens all huddled to the warm end of the roost, away from the wind when it was about to turn cold. He would come into the house and say: "Better fill the woodbox, Perce, there will be a new man at the bellows in the morning." In the fall, when the apples ripened, they were sorted. The best, of course, went to market, but the others were used for applebutter — (Lotweerick). Some were pressed for cider; the LIFE ON THE FARM, A CENTURY AGO 47 others were pared and cut into small pieces. The cider was boiled in a great iron pot hung on an iron frame over the fire in the yard. There was a sort of paddle arrangement that fitted into the pot, with a handle probably ten feet long, with a crank on the end, so whoever was stirring would be far enough away from the fire. After the cider boiled a long time, the apples were dropped in and it became very heavy and thick. The women relieved each other in stirring, as it had to be boiled all day and stirred constantly so it would not stick to the bottom of the pot. Early in the winter we killed the hogs and the neighbors would all come and help. The hams and bacon (called flitch) were cured for smoking, and the other parts were made into sausage, scrapple, salt pork and lard. The scrapple was made in the iron pot over a fire in the yard. The sausage was fried in long pieces and coiled around in an earthen crock and covered with its own grease, which kept out the air. This was repeated until the crock was filled and sealed on top with grease. The scrapple was poured into deep pans and covered with grease, too. In a cool room, it would keep good all winter. It was a wonderful social time ... laughing, talking and working all day ... dancing at night when the chores were done. We went and helped the neighbors when they had their butcher ing days, too. The winters were very cold in those days. Sometimes the water in the streams would freeze to a depth of fourteen inches. The ice was cut in great slaps and stored in a shed lined with sawdust. Each layer of ice was covered with sawdust; in that way it was kept until hot weather came. It was not all work on the farm. I had plenty of time to play and like any boy got into more than my share of mischief. Bill, the boy down the road, and I played a mean trick on a cobbler, who also lived down the road. He had the habit, when days were warm, of moving his bench outside and sitting there in the sun to work. In the summer, when it was hot, he would open his shirt, and show his hairy chest. Bill and I thought people should keep their bodies covered, so we made a plan to 48 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY cure him. We found an old syringe, and at butchering time we filled it with blood. Bill was older than I, and had a gun, but I could aim better, so at a given signal he was to shoot in the air and I was to squirt the blood at the cobbler's chest. It worked better than we had planned. He heard the shot; saw the blood on his chest; called to his wife (in German), "My God, Lib, I have been shot," and dropped off the bench in a dead faint. There were two frightened boys in the bushes, and we thought it would be best to leave at once. On the way home, we vowed never to play a trick like that on anyone again as long as we lived. After what seemed like ages, Grandpa decided I was old enough to have a gun. He took one of the old muskets to Nor- ristown and had the end of the barrel sawed off; a percussion lock to replace the old flint lock and had it cleaned, oiled and polished and gave it to me. I think I was the happiest boy in Pennsylvania. My dog, Flash, and I would go back of the barn to practice shooting. I was only thirteen, but was a big boy ... almost as tall as Grandpa. I dressed like all the country boys — calico shirt, trousers half way between knee and ankle, and bare feet. I had red hair and blue eyes. I became quite a good marksman. Grandpa taught me how to hunt for small game in the woods on our farm. The squir rels were the hardest to get because they were so quick, and always on the alert for danger. It was easy to find the tree where they lived, as the ground around it would be littered with nuts and acom shells, but to get a squirrel required pa tience and quickness of aim. Sometimes it was necessary to sit absolutely still for an hour or more before he would show himself. All the pelts I tanned were sold in the market at Nor- ristown. At last, I had two dollars for myself. I had heard of a shooting match to be held at the tavern at King of Prussia, and I decided to go. Feeling the old folks would object, I told no one of my plan, but very early in the morning, I whistled for Flash and with my gun, powder and shot horns over my shoulder, set out to walk to King of Prussia, LIFE ON THE FARM. A CENTURY AGO 49 a distance, if I remember rightly, of about fourteen miles. There was a large gathering at the tavern when I got there — contestants and on-lookers. All the best marksmen from Philadelphia and surrounding country were there, dressed like dandies, and carrying up-to-date guns. They laughed at me, the way I was dressed, and jeered at my old gun, and objected to a boy competing with them. The landlord said the match was open to anyone paying the entrance fee and age had nothing to do with it. Like any boy, their fine clothes and guns didn't bother me, as I felt confident I was going to win the steer that was offered as the prize. The shooting match was with live pigeons and the prize went to the one shooting the moat of ten birds. They were placed in a trap and released one at a time. When the match started the men were allowed to shoot first and when they brought down seven birds, and another one eight, I began to wonder if I were so good after all, and who was really going to win. At last, it came my turn to shoot. I never took my eyes away from the trap, because one could never tell in what direction they would fly when released. I shot seven, eight, nine, and a shout went up from the crowd when I landed all ten birds. They lifted me on their shoulders and carried me into the bar room, where I was told, it was customary for the winner to treat the crowd. The favorite drink was whiskey at three cents a drink, but I didn't have a cent to my name. The landlord very kindly realized my embarrassment by treating the crowd for me. The dandies were so put out to be beaten by a boy that they raised $50.00 between them, which they offered as a prize, and we had another match in two weeks. I won this match, too, and this time I was able to do the honors myself, for I felt rich. As evening came around, my grandparents were worried that I had been away all day, but my brothers, who had heard of the match, decided to come and look for me. They hitched the horse to the old buck-board and started to drive to King of Prussia. I had already started for home and we met on the road. Flash dashing ahead of me, and I proudly walking, holding the 50 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY rope that was leading my steer, I think this was the greatest triumph of my boyhood. In later years I won many contests, but none of them thrilled me like this one. ^t winter Grandpa had a very tragic death. He had the habit of smoking a pipe and fell asleep in the wagon. The embers from the pipe set fire to the straw in the bottom of the wagon, and he was burned so badly that he lived only three days. He was a wonderful old man, hale and hearty and young in spite of his eighty-one years. This was in 1851. I had turned fourteen that fall. I was only a boy, but he had taught me so well that he left me with the knowledge of a man, and I was not afraid to have the care of Grandma, Aunt Betzy and the farm. We buried Grandpa intheLutheran Cemetery at Trappe, Pennsylvania. Funerals were sort of social gatherings or occasions. The people came from miles around to pay their respects and many of them left home before sunrise, and they had to be fed. The neighbors came in and started preparaing food a couple days before the funeral. They always served about the same things; ham, potatoes, stewed prunes, schnitz pie and raisin pie and, of course, bread, butter and coffee. The men sat around and talked about their good or bad crops, the cows that were with calf, and regular men talk, but the women were with Grandma, •faying to make her eat and saying comforting words to her in her sad hours. Life without Grandpa was very strange and Grandma was heart-broken. She told me they were very young when they were married. She was only 16 and Grandpa 24. They went to Philadelphia on horseback, and were married by Hilary Baker, who was mayor at that time. This was in 1794, and her name before marriage was Marie Custer. They had four children: John, Elizabeth (Aunt Betzy), Mary and Jacob, who was my father. Grandpa taught me so well and I was used to doing things as they came along, that I was soon able to do the work he was accustomed to doing, and my own as well. My brothers and the neighbors were kind to give me a hand whenever I needed it. LIFE ON THE FARH A CENTURY AGO 51 and soon we were back in routine again. I was young and strong, and as I grew older my strength increased. It semed I was never tired. One of the pastimes for boys was to show feats of strength. We had an arrangement made that fitted across the shoulders, sort of a yoke, and the weight was put on that and we got under it and lifted with our shoulders. My brother, Jacob, was the strongest man around. He could lift 1800 lbs. I was never able to lift more than 1600 lbs. We had singing societies, too, which everyone attended. There was a wonderful singer at Center Point, named Judge Hoover, who held singing classes in the school building. It was nice because the young people could meet in this way. We used to have dances, also. I always took my violin with me, so if there were no one else to play, I could fill in. I still found time to go hunting and always enjoyed it. When I was about eighteen, several other boys and I went hunting for big game. We had visions of bringing several deer home. We drove a long way to the hills. I felt very brave, especially while we were in the wagon together, but when we reached our hunting ground, we separated, each taking a different direction. I walked along carrying my gun and looking on all sides, when I came to a great boulder embedded in the side of the hill. I walked around it and there coming toward me was a bear. He stood on his hind feet and looked at me and I gave one look at him, turned and ran. He turned and ran in the other direction. I don't know who was the most scared. I don't believe he had ever seen a man before, and I am sure I had never seen a bear. He looked as big as the hill. I forgot I had a gun with me until I nearly fell over it in my haste to get in the wagon. I made up my mind then and there to stick to small game. A long time after this I did go again. This time, ray ex perience was with a deer. We met face to face, but I had a little more confidence this time. He was a wonderful creature — a stag with wide spreading antlers. He lowered his head to charge, and I fired and he fell like a log. I took out my knife and straddled him butcher fashion, and was just about to cut 52 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY him when he kicked. I flew in the air and landed in the brush some distance away. The deer got up, shook himself, and trotted away. I gotoutof the brush, shame-faced, gathered up my gun and knife and went back to the wagon. I had only stunned the deer, but this time I was sure I was through with big game hunting for the rest of my life. I liked to tease Aunt Betzy, and the girls too. I remember one girl I took home to visit the folks. I told her I was sure she would like Aunt Betzy, but she would have to talk rather loud to her, as she was hard of hearing. I told Aunt Betzy I was sure she would like my girl, but she would have to talk loud to her, as she was hard of hearing. When they met, they liked each other at once and began yelling at one another. It was so funny, I stood it as long as possible and then excused myself and went back of the bam and laughed. When I took my girl home, both she and Aunt Betzy were a little hoarse. Grandma lived for several years after Grandpa had passed away, and life went on the same as usual. There is something very satisfying about life on the farm. No one knows like a farmer the heavy, heady smell of earth turned over with a plough and the sweet odor of new mown hay. There are^ so many things that give satisfaction that are hard to explain .. . the pleasure of seeing the seed we had sown grow, and the harvesting and storing of ripened crops. We were never rich in the sense of having money, but the life of a farmer is one of full and plenty. When Grandma passed away I felt the same loss as Xdid when Grandpa died. They had reared me and taught me all I knew. We laid her away beside Grandpa, Aunt, Betzy went to live with my Mother and Father, and I started out to make a life for myself.

II The Farmer Leaves the Farm In 1860 I went to Spring House, Pennsylvania, to start a new life for myself. Grandpa had taught me so much about cattle on the farm, that I felt I knew enough to buy and sell LIFE ON THE FARM, A CENTURY AGO 53 them. I had kept so dose to the farm, I wanted to find out what the rest of the country was like, so I decided to go to the stockyards at Chicago to buy cattle. The valley around Spring House was sparsely settled, and most of the farmers were Quakers, very fine people, quiet and peace loving, and willing to help anyone trying to make an honest living. Cattle were cheap, but to buy two or three hundred head re quired a lot of money. When my plans were made, where, and when I intended going, and what I planned buying; I would go to see my good friend, Joseph Evans, who lived in the valley, and tell him my plans. We had no banks nearer than Norris- town, and when ready to leave on a stock buying trip, I needed a lot more money than I had, so would go to Joseph to borrow it. He would say, "How much money will thee need, Percival?" "Seven or eight hundred dollars, but I will give you a note for it." "Does thee intend to pay this money back, Percival?" "Oh yes, as soon as I sell the cattle." "Thee will not need to give me a note, Percival." That's the way he lived, trusting everyone. He didn't know whether I would ever get back, but he loaned me the money. On a trip from Chicago, Kansas City or St. Louis with cattle, I would ride on the freight with them, and live with the crew in the caboose. At all the stops where they took on water for the engine, I would water and care for the stock. When I got near home, the nearest unloading place was Paoli, and the cattle had to be driven over land from there to Springhouse. There were times when I had sold every one of them before reaching home. On one trip to Kansas City, the train was de railed on the way home. No one was hurt, but we were delayed until the rails could be repaired. We were a long distance from a water stop, and I had to carry water to the stock and gave it to them in my hat. They all survived. Men's lodges were very popular, and several men and I started the Independent Order of Odd Fellows in Springhouse. In 1862 I moved to North Wales. It was only a little village 54 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY of twelve houses, which were scattered far apart along or near what was called, "The Great Road," which had been laid out from an old Indian trail, and was much traveled by teams and people on horseback going to Philadelphia. It was later called Bethlehem Pike Road, and later as Sumneytown Pike*, and later still Main Street. It was first opened to the Perkiomen Region in 1728. The railroad was built through the town in 1857. Before that it was called Gwynedd, but when the railroad was com pleted, Algernon Jenkins (Quaker) living below town donated the ground for the erection of a depot and the name was changed to North Wales, a translation from the Welsh word, Gwyneth, from whidi the name, "Gwynedd" also was taken. It is the name of a river in Wales. The railroad was a great boon to the town and people began moving there from the more isolated parts of the County and homes and stores were built and a town established. My first job in North Wales was cigar making. They were cheap; retailed at one cent each. I was paid twelve cents per hundred for making them and could average a thousand a day. There was always a box of cigars on the store counter or the bar at taverns for customers to help themselves. I met and married your mother in 1865. She was a beautiful girl of sixteen and lived with her uncle and aunt. Her mother passed away a few days after her birth. She was quite re ligious and attended the Reformed church, which held its meeting in the old yellow church below town. It was also shared by the Lutheran congregation. Your mother and her cousin, Susan, who was a little older, were brought up like sisters. We went to housekeeping in a little house on what now is Second Street, and in 1866 our son, Irving, was born. I started cigar making for myself in a shed, that was used also as a har ness making business, in the rear of the tavern, and was settled there for some time.

♦Although Bethlehem Pike and Sumneytown Pike intersect near North Wales, they were by no means the same road. ED. LIFE ON THE FARM. A CENTURY AGO 55

Afterward I worked as night man at tiie flour mill. Most grist and saw mills were built along streams, which were dam med to provide power to run them, but this one was built in town and run by steam, fired with wood. It was necessary for the night man to keep the fire burning to have steam when the day men came on duty. All my life I fell asleep easily when sitting down, so I fitted up a little patent to keep me awake. I took a tin pail, put screws and nuts in it, and held it in my hand each time I sat down. If I fell asleep, my hand would relax, the pail fell, and the noise always would wake me. (He used to say, "By jocks, daughter, I had to do something to get ahead of myself.") The mill brought farmers from all around the country into town and teams would be tied to the hitching posts all along Main Street. In 1867 several other men and I had the honor of starting the Independent Order of Odd Fellows in North Wales. There were a number of streets laid out in the town, board walks laid, and it began to look like a thriving town. In 1868 Enoc Cassel, Isaac Wierman, Susan's husband, and I, were among thirty-eight men, who signed the petition for the town to be incorporated into a borough. This went through and was approved by the Grand Jury in 1869. The town at this time had a population of 450. I was honored to serve on the first borough council. We had street lamps burning oil at the comers of the streets, and a lamp lighter, whose work was to keep them filled and the globes clean. Our family was growing and we moved to a larger house on Montgomery Ave. We lived there until we built the big house on Montgomery Ave., and I opened a store (meat store) in the front room. I also had a meat route through Gwynedd and the nearby country. This was about 1878. We had quite a large lot and were able to build our own slaughter house, stable, building for making sausage and scrap ple, ice house, corn crib, pig sty. We cut and stored ice the same as we did on the farm, but in much greater quantity, as it had to supply the store. When the railroad was completed to Bethldiem, it made it much easier for me. I could then have 56 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OP MONTGOMERY COUNTY

the cattle shifted to the branch line to North Wales, where a cattle pen had been built at the station. By the time we got to Bethlehem, I had been on the train many days and looked rather seedy. I remember one trip I made. I had to spend the night in a room of the hotel in Bethlehem. I looked like an old farmer, who didn't know enough to come in out of the rain. They had gas lights in the hotel and the landlord fussed over me; came into my room and lit the gas and was in and out constantly fussing over me. Finally, I asked him what ailed him. He said, "I was afraid you don't know how to put out the light." "Oh don't worry about me. I have blown out a bigger light than that many times in my life," I said. He threw up his hands scared to death. "You mustn't blow it out, you turn it out like this." He finally left me alone, but I bet he lay awake all night expecting to be suffocated with gas. I don't think he had ever been out of Bethlehem, while I had just come from St. Louis. There was a difference living in town. Instead of fireplaces, we had wood stoves. After several years, I began to get rest less again, and started in the cattle business again. When I went to the stockyards and bought cattle, I had no place to keep them; so after a few years, we moved to what we called the "lot," a small farm above town. There I had fields to pasture the cattle until they were sold or killed for the meat. About this time [1882] I opened a store on Walnut Street near the railroad, and also rented a stall in the old Black Horse Market in Phila delphia, on Second Street, and sold dressed meat wholesale and retail. The lot, or farm, was along the Wissahickon Creek and the meadow along side the house sloped down to the creek. When we had freshets in the spring, the water sometimes came almost to the house. I always put the chickens and their young chicks in the meadow because it was near the house. One night we had a terrible storm, and I told your mother I had better go see how the chicks were faring. I went down the slope and sure enough the water had already reached the lowest coop. I reached into the coop and could not find a chick. I lifted the mother hen out and she held herself stiff as though made of wood. When I got to LIFE ON THE FARM. A CENTURY AGO 57 where I had left the lantern and could see, I found she had every chick with her. They were hanging to her feathers and were up against her body under her wings and on her back. I was always a Democrat and cast my first vote for James Buchanan. The only time I ever voted the Republican ticket was for President Lincoln when he ran for the second time. I did not agree with his views on slavery. That was why I paid $300.00 and sent a substitute when men were conscripted for service in the army during the war. When the election was held for his second term, I realized he was a noble man and had high ideals, and I was proud to vote for him. North Wales was a strong Democratic town and we had wonderful celebrations, especially before presidential elections. The men paraded, carrying torches and led by bands from the surrounding towns. The Democrats always wore white leggings and carried canes. The Republicans were called "black legs" because they advocated freeing the slaves. In the parade they had wagons trimmed with bunting and flags, filled with school children, who sangpatrioticsongs. When the votes were counted and our side won, they had bonfires and all sorts of celebrations, and the losers went up Salt River. On the night of the parade, the Democrats in the town, put lighted candles in all their windows. Our house really stood out, as we had two sets of windows in front and four sets on the gable side. When President Cleveland was elected, the second time, [1892], we really did celebrate with an ox roast. We dug a trench, built a fire in the bottom and filled the trench with stones. The young steer was on a frame over the trench and turned with a crank. All day the men took turns at turning the steer so it would roast on all sides, and everybody had hot roast beef sandwiches that evening. For several we^ after election, men would be seen doing strange things along Main Street, which gave everyone a laugh, but they were only paying off election bets that they had lost. The first store was a one-story frame building which was burned down when the lumber and coal yard burned. Then the new building was two stories, built also of wood. There were two 58 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

rooms, one for meat and vegetables, the other for groceries. There was a window in the partition so one could see in the other room. The meat department had a large r^rigerator built from the floor to the ceiling. There was one part where I could freeze meat and then another for meat storage; another section was for butter and cheeses. The counter was a thick slab of marble with "Slough &Son" cut out on the front edge. Meat was reasonable at that time; rump steak twelve cents per pound; sirloin eighteen cents. Vegetables were sold by the half or quarter peck, and bananas by the dozen. In thegrocery side ofthe store, there was a stove, the type used in bar rooms. There was an oyster bar built around one corner. The oyster crackers were bought by the barrel. Coffee was bought by hundred pound bags and was kept inopen bins and ground ina hand mill when it was sold. Many people had small coffee mills at home. There were three kinds. Mocha and Java at twelve cents per pound, and Santos at eight- em cents per pound. Crackers and sweet cakes were bought in five-pound tins and sold by the pound. Tea was bought in bulk and sold by the quarter or half pound. In the evenings, I kept the store open until ten o'clock every night. The farmers from nearby would gather around the stove and talk politics, orthecurrent news about town, and eat crack ers. Sometimes one of them, especially (D.D.) would slip a bar of soap in his pocket. One night I came through from the meat side of the store just in time to see him put a pound of butter in his hat. He was all ready to leave, but I kept him talking, and finally got him to sit down again. I kept making the stove hotter and hotter. He couldn't take his hat off, for then I would see the butter. I kept talking and laughing and firing up until I finally saw a film of grease coming down from his hat, then I felt he had been punished enough, so I let him go home, but I never saw a more uncomfortable man in my life. A Slough Family Sale Norristoum Register, September 17, 1884

PUBLIC SALE, October 9,1834. VALUABLE FARM OF 100 ACRES, (late the property of Nicholas Slough, dec'd) situate in Norriton township, 20 miles from Philadelphia, 3 from Norris- town and mile from Reading and Germantown turnpike, a public road leading from Skippackville to the above turnpike passes the premises. Bounded by the lands of Andrew Hyde, George Andes and others. 25 acres woodland, 15 acres meadow, remainder arable land. IMPROVEMENTS — Two-story stone, with two rooms with entry and kitchen on first floor. Large stone bam 55'x35' built in modem slyle, a waggon house attached with other necessary outbuildings — never failing well with pump near door — stream of water passes through the premises. Apple orchard, other fruit. Persons wishing to view the premises will apply to George Bossart living thereon. AT THE SAME TIME will be sold a woodlot of 1^ acres in Lower Providence township adjoining lands of Jesse Johnson and others. PERSONS WISHING TO VIEW SAME apply to Nicholas Gouldy living near the same. Signed NICHOLAS SLOUGH, JR. JOHN SLOUGH ISRAEL HOXWORTH Executors

59 Just Memories* Elizabeth A. Slough Gaeber There are two things I remember about the farm. Every so often there was a peddler, who came carrying a great pack on his back and a rod in his hand. It was like magic when he took the cover from his pack and displayed the things inside — towels, tablecloths, shoes, stockings, underwear, mittens, and many other things, and to us children, sitting on the floor for fear of missing something, it was like magic. He always came to our house just as we were about to eat supper. He never sat at the table, as he was the first person who refused my Mother's delicious food. When I grew older, I found he was Jewish and did not eat the same food as we did. Then, I thought he was quite old. I suppose because of the rod he carried, but years later, when I was 60 years old myself, I found this man had a store in Lansdale. However, then he was old, witii a hump on his back from carrying his packs. He had used the rod as a rest for his pack. Before we moved from the farm, there was a public sale of cattle, and I also remember this. It was like our present day carnivals. There was a booth where a man made and sold oyster stew, and a peanut vendor, but what stands out most in my mind is the crowd of farmers and their teams hitched to the fence along side the road. I also remember the slate floor in the kitchen and the big button-ball tree at the kitchen door. We moved back to the big house about 1885, and I started grade school in the new school building, a four-room brick building on School Street. My diildhood memories of Dad are principally of his sternness. Mother was soft-mannered and happy and understanding, but with Dad, his word was law and woe betide us if we missed the mark. He was especially severe at the table, and for any mistake, such as not holding our knife and fork properly, filling our mouths too full, or giggling,

*'Written by Elizabeth Garber, daughter of Percival Slough, in January, 1966.

60 JUST MEMOBIES 61 our punislunent was to be sent into the other room until every one had finished his meal. Anne had the habit of raising one eyebrow and Emma and I, being at the giggling stage, would laugh. There was seldom a dinner that either one or the other would not be exiled. Dad sat at the head of the table, Mother sat at his right; then Sue and Anne, Bert at the foot, and Harry, Emma, and I at his left. Anne was so seated that he could not see what she did, so Emma and I were the culprits. Our platters were filled by Dad and passed to us and we were supposed to eat all he gave us, and bread with everything. We children didn't care much for crusts, so they were stuffed under the rim of our plates away from Dad's sight, and by the time the meal was over, they were rather tilted to side toward him. We never were allowed to help ourselves, and if we were venturesome enough to try, Dad struck our hand with the flat side of his knife. I think I can still feel the sting of it today. One rule of the house was that everyone must be there at mealtime, all except Frank, who tended store while Dad came home for meals. Sometimes we, who were exiled to the other room, were allowed to eat with him but mostly he ate alone. Sometimes for company, he would leave the dog. Brush, sit on a chair and with napkin tied around his neck, would eat with him. Dad never knew about this but Mother just smiled. We had a great deal of sickness. Seemed most every week someone needed the doctor. It was usually fever of some kind. In 1889 Harry passed away. Bert followed in 1890 and Frank in 1891. Mother never seemed the same after all this sorrow. It was finally decided that the water in the well was polluted. We were among the very first people in town to have the town water in our house when the artesian, well was completed. A large kitchen, bedroom, and bath were added to the house, and we were able to move from the basement kitchen and life was very much more convenient and pleasant. Levi, or as we called him, "Tod," was born in 1890 but mother never seemed well after that, and after suffering many things for several years, passed away in 1894. 02 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

She was always at home and was taken so for granted that Dad did not realize, until after she had gone, the big place in his life she held and he then realized that she had been his whole life. Nothing seemed to go right without her around. Dad kept store until about 1896, and then sold it and worked at a number of things until he got back to the meat business with Sam Kriebel. Sue and Anne had married, and Emma, Tod, and I were sort of left on our own. I went to live in Philadelphia with a neigh bor, and Emma and Tod were with Sue and Anne. The memories of our old house are still very vivid in my mind. We had many pieces of furniture that came from Great- grandmother's home, among which was the kitchen table. I never remember Mother using the bread tray, but the table was used all the years we lived in the cellar kitchen. The attic con tained many things that fascinated Emma and me, the most interesting were the hoop skirts and bustles. I don't remember seeing anyone wear hoops, but we had old pictures of my Mother wearing them. Sue used to have reeds in the back of her skirt and wore a biKtle. Like children of today, Emma and I had many pleasant times dressing in these old fashioned things. Sue was the stately one, tall and slender and walked like a queen with her head held high. She was my idol, and I spent many hours before the mirror trying to make my mouth small like hers and imitating her walk. She retained her wonderful carriage into her older years. Emma and Anna were the pretty ones of the family. They were both blond and on the stout side Bert was stout too. I was the red-head of the family without a redeeming feature, except I loved everyone and everything, especially my brothers and sister. Sue. I was away from the family for ten years and lost touch with many things that hap pened. In the meantime, I had married and become a widow. In 1909, Anna, who had also become a widow, and I, started a home for Dad in North Wales. He was now 72 years old, but seemed like a young man. He followed his same pattern of life, hunting and fishing in his off time. It was when he grew old, that I really learned to know Dad. He was a janitor of the JUST MEMORIES 63 school for many years until I decided he had worked long enough. He was very set in his ways and could not adjust him self to dianges very readily. In the winter, while he worked as janitor, it was necessary for him to get up long before day light. We still used oil lamps in the house on Third St. and Dad carried a lantern in the early morning. This had to be cleaned, trimmed and filled every day. Flashlights were coming into use at that time, so I bought him one with a large reflector, that threw quite a wide circle of light. He thanked me for it; ex amined it carefully, and put it in his bureau drawer, and each day tended and carried his old lantern just the same. This went on for a long time, then one day he said "Do you know, daugh ter, this morning I couldn't find the matches to light my lamp to get dressed, and all at once I remembered that funny lamp you gave me one time. I took it out of the bureau drawer and pressed my thumb on a button, and I had a light. By Jocks, I am going to carry it in my pocket every day." He was always fond of children and I think that it is one thing that made his work at the school interesting. They would come to see him, and rather changed procedure by bringing an apple to the janitor. I have often thought he probably told them stories of his boyhood, the same as he did to me. He was Daddy Slough to everyone. Because of his beard, some of the children called him Santa Glaus. Mrs. Gathers told me one day, he had not been out to their end of town for a long time. One day her two boys came running into the kitchen shouting, "Mother, come quickly, here comes Santa Clause with a gun and a cane." A gun and a dog were so much a part of his life. We had no dog, but across town there lived an old hound dog. He was quite old and had a big wart on his back, one leg that was inclined to be stiff, but his love of hunting was just as keen as it had been when he was young. Many mornings in the autumn, we would come downstairs and find Sport sleeping on the back porch. Dad would hastily eat his breakfast, don his hunting coat, and with his cane and gun he and Sport would start out, for he said, "Sport has scented a rabbit during the night and has come to tell me about it." When he got home and proudly showed me the 04 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY rabbit, I said, "Where is Sport?" "Do you know, daughter, he was so tired, he sat in front of me and howled, and I told him the old man is tired too, so he went on home." In 1918 I remarried and the following year, we went into our own home on West Walnut Street. The house was quite nice and modem. Dad never got over the electric lights. He had come a long way from the candle lights of his boyhood, and the heater in the cellar was quite different from the fireplace he knew. After Pen passed away, in 1919, I still kept house for Dad. There was quite a large piece of ground and he kept busy plant ing and caring for his garden. He was now 83 years old, but was hale and hearty and still looked about sixty. He became quite hard of hearing as he grew older and since the highway came through town, the traffic was quite heavy on Main Street. Several people told me he walked across the street with no regard to the homs blowing, and several times was almost struck by cars. I spoke to him about it, but he said, "They will never run over me." I asked, "What will you do?" "I'll give them a h— of a whang with my cane." He was, as I said, very hard of hearing, and to save myself I did things by suggestion rather than by telling him about them. He always wore nightshirts, and when he grew older and pa jamas were featured so much, I thought they would be warmer and more comfortable for him, so I bought several sets. I hung one on the clothes tree in his bedroom, and each night when he went upstairs, I went to see that he got settled alright for the night. He would take the jacket part of the pajamas, hold it up against him, look the pants part over, and put on his nightshirt. This went on for some time, every night the same until one night, he said, "Daughter, do you want me to wear those things?" I said, "Yes, they will be warm for you." "Well, I will wear them, but I tell you I have ninety years, and this will be the first time in my life I ever went to bed with my pants and wescott on." I will always remember the last shooting match he contested in. He was 85 years of age and all the other contestants were young men. His mark on the target was an eighth of an inch JUST MEMORIES 65 farther away than the winner. There never was a more dejected, disappointed man alive than he when he returned home. I said "Dad, I am so proud of you." "But, Daughter, I lost the hog." "But, Dad, you were competing with young eyes." He had not thought of that; all he could think of was that for the first time in his life he had lost in a competition of marksmanship. He was the greatest sneezer of anyone I ever knew. Some times he would sneeze for ten times. I would be in the kitchen, and he in the dining room reading, and it would sound something like this: Sneeze, sneeze, sneeze May whats to matter. Sneeze, sneeze, sneeze What can be to matter Sneeze, sneeze, sneeze Dam it, what can be to matter? He was always hurting himself, trying to do the things he was always used to doing, and forgetting he was getting old. One day he came to the house from the chicken house, and the blood was streaming down his face. I was all excited. While I took care of him, I asked: "What happened?" He replied, "Well, I was working in the chicken house and forgot about the roof sloping and straightened up, and got caught on a nail in the ceiling." "By Jocks, I couldn't move. There I was nailed fast to my own chicken house." He showed me how he squatted to pull himself loose. By that time I was laughing and that is what he was trying for, as he didn't like me to worry or fuss over him. There were fields back of our house on Walnut Street, and sometimes he would gun around near home. One day he came home with two ears of corn in the pocket of his hunting coat. Coming through the cornfield, he saw them, and having no rab bits to bring home, took the com. He said, "Do you know, Daughter, I saw Fred on the way home. He said, 'Hi Perc, any luck?' I said, 'I got two.' 'Are they nice ones?' 'I never saw any nicer.'" By this time I guess I was smiling, or looking disapprovingly, so he finished, "You see. Daughter, 66 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

I didn t reallytell a lie, aa I was talking about the ears of com. I couldn t help it 'if he meant rabbits.'* We had a man living on the Pike about town, who was very strict about anyone gunning on his property. One day, when Dad was out hunting for rab bits, he was back of his property, when he scared up a nice, fat one. Before he had a chance to shoot, it ran over on this for bidden ground. This was too much for Dad, so he shot it just the same, but I will lethim tell the story. 'T)o you know. Daugh ter, I was just ready to shoot when that darned rabbit ran into that man's yard. That was too much for me, so I shot him. The ^oke from the shot had not cleared away, when as I was pick ing up the rabbit, Mr. S came running out, 'Don't you see all the signs around here?', he yelled, 'Yes, what do they say?' They say, no gunning allowed.' Dad yelled back, "Oh, I thought they said the place is for sale." "Do you know. Daughter, I was never so surprised as when he allowed me to take the rabbit." Dad loved to read books as well as the papers. His favorite authors were Zane Gray and Oliver Gurwood. While I had my store, it was necessary to have it open evenings over weekends and during the holiday seasons; so in order to keep him occupied while he was alone, I bought him books to read. Even though he was more than ninety years old, he really lived the stories he read. Many times when I came home inthe evening, he would say, "Daughter, that was a wonderful book you got for me. Come, sit down and I will tell you about it." He would outline the whole story for me. One time I thought I would try to vary his reading a little. I had read Beau Geste, and even though It IS a rather ghastly sort of story, I had enjoyed it. Not having bought a book for him, I left it for him to read. When he fin ished, he said, "Daughter, thatwas a strange story in that book you gave me to read. I liked it, but that man don't know how to write a story. Why he wrote the last chapter first." He then went on praising his favorites and the way they told a tale. During the holidays the store was open every evening, and it took several boolra to keep him occupied. One night when I came home, he said, "Daughter, I nearly froze today. I was reading and I got so cold I put on my wammus (sweater) and JUST MEMORIES 67

I was still cold, so I put on my coat. I went on reading and I was so cold I shook all over. I felt the register and there was a good heat coming. I couldn't understand it but I put on my overcoat. I could hear the wind howling and the snow beating against the window. I looked out (he showed me how he cupped his face with his hands to see through the window) and I couldn't see any snow. Do you know, Daughter, I came to the conclusion that it was the dam book I was reading." I always regret I did not write to Oliver Curwood before he passed away and tell him this story, for I am sure no author had a greater compliment to his power of description than to have an old man nearly freeze reading about the blizzard in the north. Dad passed away on Christmas Day, 1933. His mind was clear and normal until about a year and a half before his death. The most pitiful thing in my life was seeing him go from a strong, active man to a child again. When we laid him away, I did not feel like a daughter burying her father, but, I think, as a mother must feel who has lost her child. There is one thing I regret in all this, and lhat is that I did not get the urge to write it twenty years ago, when I remem bered better — the rules of punctuation and othr things — instead of waiting until I am almost 76 years of age and have forgotten so much. Emma said, "Don't worry about it. Why don't you just put a lot of commas and periods at tiie end, and let everyone place them where they want?" The Gulph Grist Mill* Charles S. Boyer The land on which the Gulph Grist Mill stood was part of a tract of five thousand acres that was sold by William Penn, the proprietor of Pennsylvania, to John Thomas and Edward Jones in 1681. John Thomas and Edward Jones sold six hundred and twenty-five acres to Hugh Roberts in I68I.1 This tract included the land on which the Gulph Grist Mill was destined to be built. Hugh Roberts sold one hundred acres of his tract of land to Robert Williams in 1688 for the sum of five pounds.® Catherine Griffith, a sister of Robert Williams, inherited thetractof one hundred acres from Robert Williams, who died without lawful issue. The other legal heirs signed releases in favor of Catherine Griffith and her husband, Edward.® Catherine andEdward Griffithsold ttie tract of one hundred acres to Joseph Williams in 1746, There was a mill of some kind on the property in 1746 that was known as, "the Gulph Mil]."4 The Gulph Grist Mill was built in 1747, apparently by Joseph Williams, who owned the land in 1747. Joseph Williams, who was a miller, encountered financial difficulties, and James Coultas, High Sheriff of Philadelphia, seized his property after his death and the grist mill and land was sold to Robert Jones in 1756.® Robert Jones made an agreement in 1769 to sell the Grist MHI and fifty-one acres to Charles Jolly, of Whitpain Township. Robert Jones died before this agreement was executed and in 1770 Margaret Jones, his widow, and Nathan Jones, their son, honored the a^eement and Charles Jolly became the owner of the Gulph Grist Mill, the mansion, and fifty-one acres of land. The mention of the mansion in the deed is significant,® for the mansion is apparently the dwelling now known as the "Pickett

*^7111^:611 by Charles S. Boyer of King of Prussia in 1962.

68 THE GULPH GKIST MILL 09

Post Restaurant." As no previous mention of the mansion was made in any previous deeds, it is quite logical to say that Robert Jones built the mansion. The deed also mentions a dwell ing house. The remainder of the one hundred acres, owned by Robert Jones, became the property of Nathan Jones.'' Charles Jolly died and his personal estate was insufficient to support his several children, and, therefore, the Philadelphia County Court approved the sale of his "plantation" in Whitpain Township to Christopher Zimmerman. Catherine Jolly, the widow of Charles Jolly, and their elder son, Mayburry Jolly, sold the Gulph Grist Mill and buildings, and fifty-one acres of land to Thomas Mayburry, who was the father of Catherine Jolly,® the widow of Charles Jolly. Thomas Mayburry was then, or later became a business partner of Jehu Jones.® Thomas Mayburry, who was a merchant of Philadelphia, sold the Gulph Grist Mill and fifty-one acres of land to Jehu Jones in 1784 for 1600 pounds. Jehu Jones died and his son, John, and John's wife, Catherine, released their rights to the property to Jehu Jones' wife, Catherine, who sold the Gulph Grist Mill and buildings to Benjamin Brooke in 1791 for 1700 pounds.^® Benjamin Brooke by his will dated August 28, 1824 be queathed to his daughter, Rebecca, the wife of Rees Thomas, the Gulph Grist Mill for life, then to be divided among her children. Her son, Benjamin B. Thomas, bought the shares of the other children in 1873, while his mother, Rebecca Brooke Thomas, was still living. Benjamin B. Thomas and his wife then sold the "merchant mill and dwelling houses" to Henderson Supplee in the year 1873." Henderson Supplee was the last of the millers at the Gulph Grist Mill, as the mill was destroyed by fire in the year 1895.^® As a matter of record, it is worthy to note that in the year 1768, Jonathan Sturgis purchased a tract of one hundred and one acres adjacent to the land of Charles Jolly. The boundary between their lands was an historic line that dated back to the Penn Family. This common boundary line ran between the Gulf Christian Church and the old school house. In 1768 Jonathan 70 BULLETIN OP HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

Sturgis also purdiased another tract of one hundred acres of land adjacent to his other tract of land. The dwelling on this latter tract of land was "where John Davis, mason lately dwelt." Jonathan Sturgis sold the land to David Briggs in 1782 and David Briggs sold the land to Samuel DeHaven in 1796.^®

Footnotes ^Philadelphia County Deed Book C-1, p. 166. - Philadelphia County Deed Book E, vol. 5, p. 95. 3 Philadelphia County Deed Book 1-7, p. 360. ' Ibid., pp. 369-60. ®William Buck, HisUyry of Montgomery County, p. 39; Philadelphia County Deed Book 1-7, pp. 359-60. 6Philadelphia County Deed Book 1-7, pp. 364, 366. ' Montgomery Coimfy Deed Book 8, p. 338. ®Philadelphia County Deed Book 1-15, p. 31; Book H-17, p. 276. ®Montgomery County Deed Book 2, p. 78; Book 8, p. 338. Philadelphia County Deed Book H-17, p. 276; Montgomery County Deed Book 2, pp. 78, 401-02; Book 8, p. 338. Montgomery County Deed Book 207, p. 426. " Jones Detweiler's Scrap Book, vol. VI, no. 88, p. 700, The Historical Society of Montgomery County. Montgomery County Deed Book 2, pp. 617, 619; Book 8, p. 473. Legend has had it that Aaron Burr had his headquarters at the house that has become known as the Picket Post. H, as also reported. Burr's stay was at Jonathan Sturgis' house, "where John Davis, mason, latdy dwelt," and these two buildings are not the same, then some doubt, at least, is cast upon the legendary account. In Memoriam

HERBERT HARLAN GANSER The Historical Society of Montgomery County mourns the death, on August 19, 1963, of Herbert Harlan Ganser. A member since 1914, and a trustee for forty-three years, he was a faithful attendant at all meetings of the society as long as his health permitted. Mr. Ganser, son of James Mackey and Lydia Isabella Beerer Ganser, was bom in Wilmington, Delaware, August 10, 1873. His parents moved to this area when their son was one year old. Here his studies and his work were centered. After a few years in newspaper work, Mr. Ganser began an asso ciation with the utility company which was later to become the Phila delphia Electric Company. In tMs company he rose from the ranks as delinquent bill collector, to be retired in 1947, as regional vice-president — after forty-eight years of service. He was considered one of the ablest executives of the company. Aside from his direct business associations, Mr. Ganser took part in many important civic projects. He established the first Red Cross branch in Norristown and served as its president for several years. He was active in fund-raising drives and home-front organizations during two World Wars; was a charter member and former president of the Nor ristown Rotary Clubj a former president of tiie Norristown Chamber of Commerce and vice-president of the Montgomery Trust Company. The Norristown Public Library was also one of his favorite projects and he worked untiringly toward having it established in its present location. Every community owes much to those who have given their best during the active years of their lives, leaving a beneficial influence to those who are to follow. To this roll of honor, we may add the name of Herbert Harlan Ganser. Mr. Ganser is survived by his wife, the former Bertha Hampton, and a number of nieces and nephews.

71 Acquisitions Mr. and Mrs. W. H. S. Baily: Camp chair used by Anna Morris Holstein during the Civil War; also a watch-man's lantern, formerly the prop erty of Egbert Baily, and used at the early Montgomery County Bank. Kirke Bryan, Esq.: Autographed booklet, The Red Fox, Christmas, 1962. Charles A. Crawford: Indenture 6 June 1792 between Benjamin Sutch, Whitemarsh township, Montgomery Co., yoeman, and his wife To Thomas Willings of Philadelphia. Legal Notice 24 April 1833 of a suit between John Young and Crawford White, signed by Justice of Peace, Joseph Emery, Mercer County, Pa. Administration Bond 23 March 1798 between Llewelyn Young of Lower Marion and Alexander Crawford of Montgomery Co., Pa. Administration Bond 29 November 1764 between Andrew Crawford of Plymouth township, Montgomery County and Henry Harrison of Phil adelphia City. Edward J. Dybicz: "History of Swedesburg, Pennsylvania" written and compiled by the donor on the occasion of the 250th Anniversary of its settlement. The First Poles in America (1608'1958) by Arthur L. Waldo. Ronald E. Heaton: Masonic Membership of the Signers of the Constitution of the United States by Brother Ronald E. Heaton. Mr. Ida G. Heitzman: History of the Mennonites of the Franconia Confer- emce by John C. Wenger; History of the Family of Gorges by Ray mond Gorges, 1944. Ralph W. Hoch: Hoeh-High Family in the United States and Canada, a compilation arranged by J. Hampton Hoch. Arthur H. Jenkins: The Descendants of Charles Foulke Jankins, Phila delphia. Clinton W. Morgan: Tall, 30-hour clock, marked David Rittenhouse. Twenty-nine Deeds almost comprising a Brief of Title to the family property in the Manor of Mooreland, April 9, 1726-March 29, 1888. George C. Niblo: New Testament and Expository Notes with Practical Observation by William Burkett, M.A., fourteenth edition, carefully corrected, 1763. Crystal chandelier, circa 1830. This chandelier was brought to Amer ica in 1875, from a chateau in France, by the J. E. Caldwell Company of Philadelphia. It was purchased by Sutherland Mallet Prevost and placed in his home in Philadelphia. Later it became the property of the Rev. James Martin Niblo and was used in the dining room of his home, "Oak Knoll" in Plymouth Township. Wassell Randolph: Wassell Family and Its Several Branches in the United States, compiled by the donor.

72 ACQUISITIONS 73

E. G. Rincliffe: History of the Philadelphia Etectrie Company, 1881-1961 by Nicholas B. Wainwright. Mrs. Isaac H. Shelly: Large Canton china punch-bowl, displayed at the World's Fair in Chicago in 1893 and purchased at the dose of the Fair by the donor's grandparents. Charles E. Smart: The Makers of Surveying Instruments in America Since 1700. Autographed copy. Miss Mabel Snyder: Hand-woven coverlet, formerly the proi>erty of Lydia Snyder, grandmother of Chester and Mabel Snyder. This coverlet is marked "Middletown, Fred'k County, Maryland". Other donors to whom we are grateful: Rev. Thomas E. Adams, Wilma Sinclair Le van Baker, John Sherman Bates, Miss Dorothy E. Berger, Miss Emeline Berger, Mrs. Edgar S. Buyers, Mrs. Joseph P. Cottrell, Col. William H. Edwards, Ralph E. Green, Hon. David E. Groshens, T. Allen Glenn, Joseph R. Heebner, Wayne Homan, Ira Hoover, Norman L. John, Robert L. Kratz, Roy C. Kulp, Douglas Macfarlan, M.D., Fred R. Marckhoff, Mrs. Pearl McFarland, Edna Stephens Meling, Montgomery Post, Kenneth E. Neiman, D.D.S., William P. Nuttall, Miss Alice Painter, Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, John J. Pennypacker, Estate of Willis R. Roberts, M.D., Calvin H. Ruth, Adam J. Scheidt, Miss Irma A. Schultz, Mr. and Mrs. Bernard Shaiey, Miss Sara A. Staley, Miss Idora Supplee, Valley Forge Historical Society, Mrs. Howard R. Watt, Weniz's United Church of Christ. Books acquired by purchase; George Washington's Navy, Ben Franklin's Privateers, The First Saratoga, and Captain Dauntless, all by William Bell Clark. JANE KEPLINGER BURRIS Librarian Report on Membership NEW MEMBERS (Elected February 22, 1963) Mr. &Mrs. Charles Besemer Albert H. Mainwarini^ Mrs. Kenneth Kehler Mr.&Mrs. Thomas A. McCasIin, 3rd Wilbur IjOOS Mrs. Bernard Shanley Miss Barbara Luton Mr. &Mrs. Mervin G. Sneath Miss Anna Virginia Rex Transferred to Life Membership Mrs. Harry L. Christman

DEATHS J<^ Hof&ian Karl Kent Kite Van Antwerp Lea Miss Margaret Schall Daniel H. Wood NEW MEMBERS (Elected April 27, 1963) Mrs. Georges Carousso S. Pelle Rosenquist Mrs. Ethel C. Gorham Prank H. Stanert hfa. Louis Pais Waters Dewees Yeager DEATHS . Miss Nancy Corson Orison Spencer Loch Jones Dr. E. S. Myers PRESENT STATUS OF MEMBERRSHIP Honorary 1 Life 59 Annual 542

Total 602 HELEN W. M. JOHNSON Corresponding Secretary

74 February Meeting

February 22, 1963

The annual meeting^ of the Historical Society of Montgomery County was convened at 2:15 F.M. at the building of tiie Society with President Groshens presiding. The minutes of the November meeting were read and approved. Lyman A. Eratz, Treasurer, read the report for the year 1962. Ihis showed an annual income of $10,253.21, and annual expenditures of $10,148.18, and a balance of $105.03. The report had been audited by Helen W. M. Johnson and Roy W. Smith, and upon a motion duly seconded and passed it was received and ordered filed. Mrs. Daniel S. Johnson read the report of the Nominating Committee with the following nominations:

President Corresponding Seeretary Hon. David E. Groshens Mrs. Earl W. Johnson Vice-Presidenis Geo. K. Brecht, Esq. Financial Secretary Hon. Alfred L. Taxis, Jr. Mrs. LeRoy Burris Dr. Edward F. Corson „ Recording Secretary reasurer Eva G. Davis Lyman A. Kratz Trustees Kirke Bryan, Esq. Nancy P. Highley Robert C. Bucher Arthur H. Jenkins Harry L. Christraan Hon. Harold 6. Enight Mrs. H.H.Francine Lyman A. Eratz Donald A. Gallager, Esq. Wm. S. Pettit Herbert H. Ganser Robert R. Titus Hon. David E. Groshens Mrs. F. B. Wildman, Jr. Kennetii H. Hallman

At the request of President Groshens Eirke Bryan took the chair during the election of officers. There being no further nominations from the floor, it was moved and seconded that the report of the Nominating Committee be adopted, and the nominations were declared closed. Upon a motion duly seconded and passed the Secretary was directed to cast a collective hallot for the nominees. This being done the nominees were declared duly elected for the ensuing year. Kirke Bryan spoke of a very recent acquisition, a French crystal chandelier, circa 1830, which has been installed in the assembly room.

75 76 BULLETIN OF HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MONTGOMERY COUNTY

Formerly it was in the dining room at Oak Knoll, and is the gift George C. Niblo. Also in tiis assembly room is a fine David Bittenhouse clock, one of the earliest, and the gift of Clinton W. Morgan. President Groshens read a long paper, RELIGION IN THE OFFI CIAL LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, a series of excerpts from the Washington correspondence. At the close of tiie meeting the Hospitality Committee served tea.

EVA G. DAVIS Recording Secretary April Meeting April 10, 1963 The regular meeting of The Historical Society of Montgomery County was convened at 2:15 P.M. on April 10, 1963, at the building of the Society, with President Groshens presiding. The minutes of the annual meeting in February were read and approved. President Groshens called attention to the extensive exhibition of original letters and documents from the collections of John F. Reed, the speaker. President Groshens introduced Mr. Reed, who read his paper THE REVOLUTION IN RELATION TO MONTGOMERY COUNTY. At the close of tiie meeting the Hospitality Committee served punch.

EVA G. DAVIS Becordtng Secretary

77 Treasurer's Report January 1,1962 to December 31,1962

RECEIPTS EXPENDITURES County Commissioners . .$ 3,000,00 Salaries, wages, tax $ 4,046.93 Membership Dues 2,218.00 Building & Grounds Trust Funds & Interest Insurance .... 463.47 W. H. Reed.... 192.63 Bldg. care 343.61 . U. S. K Bond .. 13.80 Ground care .. 688.42 S. F. Jarrett ..1,997.54 Garage repair 1,003.51 2,499.01 Norris S&L. 449.36 General Administration 326.17 Norristown . Utilities Federal ....1,021.78 3,676.11 Telephone .... 128.36 Service Fees & Donations 556.00 Gas, electric .. 845.72 Sales.& Subscriptions to Water, Our Publication 270.25 sewer, fire .. 29.50 1,003.57 Miscellaneous Receipts ' Publications Outing 96.00 bought & bound 111.38 Other Sources 307.76 403.76 Bulletin Printing 1,400.00 $10,122.11 Env. & post. .. 215.00 Hon. & cpr. ... 18.00 1,633.00 Special Projects Hancock tomb 30.00 Hospitality ... 62.06 Outing, etc. .. 65.39 Schlater Estate (motor freight) 354.31 511.76 Bank Service Charge ... 16.86

$10,148.18 Balance January 1, 1962 Balance December 31,1962 (bank $109.34; (bank $69.52; cash $21.76) 131.10 cash $35.51) 105.03

$10,253.21 $10,253.21

Audited and found correct January 31, 1963: Helen W. M. Johnson Roy E. Smith

78 The Historical Society of Montgomery County has for its object the preservation of the civil, political and religious history of the county, as well as the promotion of the study of history. The building up of a library for historical research has been materially aided in the past by donations of family, church and graveyard records; letters, diaries and other manu script material. Valuable files of newspapers have also been contributed. This public-spirited support has been highly appreciated and is earnestly desired for the future.

Membership in the Society is open to all interested persons, whether residents of the county or not, and all such persons are invited to have their names proposed at any meeting. The annual dues are $5.00; life membership, $100.00. Every mem ber is entitled to a copy of each issue of The Bulletin, free. Additional copies, $1.50 each.

Historical Building, 1654 DeKalb Street, Norristown, with its library and museum, is open for visitors each week day from 10 A.M. to 12 M. and 1 to 4 P.M., except Saturday after noon. The material in the library may be freely consulted dur ing these hours, but no book may be taken from the building.

To Our Friends Our Society needs funds for the furthering of its work, its expansion, its growth and development. This can very nicely be done through be quests from members and friends in the disposition of their estate. The Society needs more funds in investments placed at interest; the income arising therefrom would give the Society an annual return to meet its needs. Following is a form that could be used in the making of wills:

I HEREBY GIVE AND BEQUEATH TO THE

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OP MONTGOMERY COUNTY,

PENNSYLVANIA, THE SUM OF

DOLLARS ($ )