Moral Grandstanding 1 Moral Grandstanding and Political Polarization: A Multi-Study Consideration Joshua B. Grubbs1, Brandon Warmke2, Justin Tosi3, A. Shanti James1 The present work posits that social motives, particularly status seeking in the form of moral grandstanding, are likely at least partially to blame for elevated levels of affective polarization and ideological extremism in the U.S. In Study 1, results from both undergraduates (N=981; Mean age =19.4; SD=2.1; 69.7% women) and a cross-section of U.S. adults matched to 2010 census norms (N=1,063; Mean age =48.20, SD=16.38; 49.8% women) indicated that prestige-motived grandstanding was consistently and robustly related to more extreme ideological views on a variety of issues. In Study 2, results from a weighted, nationally-representative cross- section of U.S. adults (N=2,519; Mean age =47.5, SD=17.8; 51.4% women) found that prestige motivated grandstanding was reliably related to both ideological extremism and affective polarization. The American populace is sharply divided issues. Study of these divides has led to several over political and moral issues (Dimock et al., recent empirical articles (for reviews, see: Iyengar 2014). Online outrage about political phenomena is et al., 2019; Lelkes, 2016), books (e.g., McCarty, common (Brady & Crockett, 2019; Crockett, 2017), 2019), and even documentaries (e.g., “Divided and there is considerable evidence that public States of America,” 2017) on the rifts between discourse has become more ideologically polarized political partisans in the U.S. Although there is and less civil over the past several years (Doherty broad consensus that some of these divides in the et al., 2019). Several possible explanations of both American populace are worsening (for a review, increasingly polarized beliefs and a decline in see: Iyengar et al., 2019), the nature of political and civility have been posited, including economic partisan polarization is a controversial topic in trends, the behavior of political or party elites, political science (Abramowitz & Saunders, 2008; media consumption, technological influences, and Druckman & Levendusky, 2019; Fiorina & Abrams, partisan sorting (Brady et al., 2019; McCarty, 2019). 2008) and political psychology (Blatz & Mercier, However, there is also growing evidence that 2018; Westfall et al., 2015). Some research has individual differences may contribute to these focused on divisions in the populace in terms of trends. The present work examines one such partisan identity (Abramowitz & Saunders, 2008) individual difference—moral grandstanding and extreme endorsement of ideological views motivation—that may be partially responsible for (Brandt et al., 2014), whereas other work has some of the divisions in contemporary American focused on issue-based ideological divides (Fiorina public discourse. & Abrams, 2008) or emotional reactions to Ideological Extremism and Affective Polarization outgroup members (Iyengar et al., 2012). For the According to recent studies, politicians present work, we were interested in studying these (Banda & Cluverius, 2018), news media (Martin & divides in terms of ideological extremism and Yurukoglu, 2017), and average citizens (Johnston, affective polarization. Given that these terms are 2018) are divided on a range of sociopolitical 1 Department of Psychology, Bowling Green State University 2 Department of Philosophy, Bowling Green State University 3 Department of Philosophy, Texas Tech University Correspondence regarding this pre-print should be directed to the first author at [email protected]. The work was supported via research grants provided to the authors from the Charles Koch Foundation, the National Institute for Civil Discourse, and Bowling Green State University. Grubbs, J. B., Warmke, B., Tosi, J., & Shanti James, A. (2020). Moral Grandstanding and Political Polarization: A Multi-Study Consideration. Journal of Research in Personality, 104009. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2020.104009 Moral Grandstanding 2 often used differently across different disciplines, people often show strong antipathy toward we define our use of each below. outgroup members and strong preference for Ideological Extremism. We use the term ingroup members (for reviews, see: Hewstone et ideological extremism as it has been understood in al., 2002; Mackie et al., 2016; Riek et al., 2006; prior psychological literature, namely, the extent to Robbins & Krueger, 2005). Similarly, groups often which people report extreme political or ideological share emotions at the group level, particularly views at either end of the political spectrum negative emotions in relation to outgroup members (Lammers et al., 2017; van Prooijen & Krouwel, (Smith et al., 2007). Researchers have found such 2019). That is, we conceptualized ideological antipathy across political lines as well. Consistent extremism as the self-reported adoption of extreme with previous research, we use the term affective political views in either direction. Relatedly, we polarization to refer to the phenomenon of will use the term ideological polarization to refer to demonstrating extreme positive affect toward the process by which an individual becomes more members of one’s preferred political party and ideologically extreme. We will therefore think of extreme negative affect toward members of polarization as the process that tends to result in opposing political parties (Iyengar et al., 2019). ideological extremism. In this project, we were That is, affective polarization is best understood as specifically interested in examining factors that the gap between the extremity of one’s affect predict ideological extremism (i.e., self-report of toward the political outgroup and the extremity of extreme political or ideological views), as such one’s affect toward the one’s political ingroup. factors may also be related to the process of Importantly, affective polarization seems to ideological polarization (i.e., the process by which function at least somewhat independently of one’s reported views move to extremes). ideological extremity. Even when people might be For the present work, we considered ideologically similar to members of another ideological extremism as a key outcome variable in political party, affective reactions to those partisan our analyses. However, we note ideological others are often quite negative (Iyengar et al., 2012). extremism itself often functions as an important People might experience extreme negative predictor of symmetric effects in political and emotions toward political outgroup members moral psychology (Brandt et al., 2014). Ideological independent of how ideologically different they are extremists demonstrate overly simplistic from said others (Iyengar et al., 2019). evaluations of political phenomena (Fernbach et al., There is clear evidence that affective 2013; Lammers et al., 2017; van Prooijen et al., polarization has increased over the past several 2018). Similarly, extremists are also likely to decades (Iyengar et al., 2012; Mason, 2015). This has describe their beliefs as being objectively correct, happened in multiple ways. First, more people have regardless of the actual evidence for their beliefs come to hold negative attitudes about those in the (Toner et al., 2013). These same extremists are also other party. For example, over a 50-year time span, more likely to reject outside influences on their the proportion of American adults who would decision making process (Brandt et al., 2015). object to their children marrying a member of the Finally, political extremism is likely associated with opposing political party rose from 4-5% in 1960 to troubling outcomes, such as greater intolerance for 33%-50% in 2010 (Iyengar et al., 2012). Second, non-likeminded others, greater interpersonal individual antipathy toward ideological others has conflict, greater incivility toward ideological others, also apparently risen in recent years (Iyengar & and greater affective polarization (for reviews, see: Westwood, 2015), with partisans themselves Brandt et al., 2014; van Prooijen & Krouwel, 2019). demonstrating stronger negative evaluations of Affective Polarization. Voluminous bodies opposing party members. The present work seeks of work in social psychology demonstrate that to describe one factor that may be contributing to Grubbs, J. B., Warmke, B., Tosi, J., & Shanti James, A. (2020). Moral Grandstanding and Political Polarization: A Multi-Study Consideration. Journal of Research in Personality, 104009. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2020.104009 Moral Grandstanding 3 this rise in affective polarization: Moral status is known as Moral Grandstanding (hereafter: Grandstanding. MG). Status Seeking and Moral Grandstanding First defined in the philosophical literature Psychologists have long known that, when (Tosi & Warmke, 2016), MG refers to the use of likeminded individuals discuss issues together as a speech (broadly construed) about morality, politics, group, they often leave such discussions with more or other important topics to improve relative extreme ideological positions than they entered station or rank. People share their values, morals, with individually (Moscovici & Zavalloni, 1969). or political beliefs in a variety of contexts for a This process of adopting more extreme views is variety of reasons. Sometimes these motivations are known as group polarization (Mackie & Cooper, altruistic—they aim to help others (e.g., seeking to 1984; Mackie, 1986). Similarly, groups may improve the quality of a