book reviews 377 Recent Works on the History of A New Landscape

Felder, Björn M., and Paul J. Weindling, eds. Baltic Eugenics: Bio-Politics, Race and Nation in Interwar Estonia, Latvia and Lithu- ania 1918–1940. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2013.

Kühl, Stefan For the Betterment of the Race. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.

Turda, Marius Eugenics and Nation in Early 20th Century Hungary. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmil- lan, 2014.

Turda, Marius, and Aaron Gillette Latin Eugenics in Comparative Perspective. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014.

Turda, Marius, ed. The History of East-Central European Eugenics: Sources and Commentaries. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015.

Eugenics was a wide-ranging doctrine that sought the improvement of hu- man beings in a way that could be discerned scientifically. It was prevalent in the early twentieth century and continued in a weakened form into the 1960s and sometimes beyond. The study of its history gathered pace in the 1970s and a large historiography has by now been produced. There are still gaps to be filled, however, and what unites the above contributions is that they focus on lesser-known aspects of how the doctrine functioned in practice. That primar- ily means that they investigate eastern Europe or how transnational move- ments of southern or global eugenists were created, developed, and came to an end. Most of the literature in English has hitherto concentrated on Britain, the Unit­ ed States, and . The bibliographies in the present volumes make clear that other regions are also being studied, though often in languages which are not easily accessible to outsiders. These books provide a useful distil- lation and will also be of interest to regional specialists. There is much to be said for researching eugenics within a wider framework of health, birth control, medicine, and . That is the approach pur- sued in Baltic Eugenics: Bio-Politics, Race and Nation in Interwar Estonia, Latvia

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378 book reviews and Lithuania 1918–1940, edited by Björn M. Felder and Paul Weindling. It is an anthology about biopolitics in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, which addition- ally considers eugenics in countries other than the Baltic states. Since eugenics was an international creed with national varieties, the inclusion of these other countries can be justified. The book derives from conference presentations and individual contributions are not always convincing in their scholarship. For instance, there are minor errors in Volker Roelcke’s chapter on psychiat- ric genetics in Germany, Britain, the , and Scandinavia between 1910 and 1960.1 Maija Runcis’s chapter on sterilization in Sweden is not de- tailed enough to support her argument that depriving thousands of citizens, mostly women, of the power to procreate was integral to the functioning of the welfare state. However, Ineta Lipša’s chapter on contraception and abor- tion in Latvia throughout the interwar period is well integrated in the national and international literature, elegantly written, and authoritative. Confirming that healthcare is at least as well served as eugenics in the anthology, there is Vsevolod Bashkuev’s chapter on Soviet efforts to eradicate syphilis in the autonomous socialist republic of Buriat-Mongolia in the 1920s, even though it uses the word “eugenics” in the title. As becomes apparent after reading Baltic Eugenics, the Baltic states them- selves had working eugenics programs which were inspired by those operat- ing in both Germany and Scandinavia. Estonia implemented a compulsory sterilization law in 1936, which also mandated abortion for eugenic reasons. Similarly, Latvia established voluntary sterilization in 1937, while Lithuania was the Baltic state least affected by eugenics. There was also a genuine and widespread interest in physical anthropology. For the Estonians it was impor- tant to show that they, as speakers of a Finno-Ugric language, were white and not . In Latvia the focus was on proving that its citizens were mostly Nordic rather than from any of the other European subgroups. Estonia and Latvia as small countries are often left out of the historical debate on interwar sterilization in Europe. This anthology provides a useful corrective, which also comes with an implicit comparative question about Lithuania, since it alone did not implement such laws. Björn M. Felder and another contributor, Arūnas Germanavičius, ascribe this to Lithuania’s status as a country with a Catholic majority, a feature not shared by the other Baltic states. They also note how the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona (1926–1940) relied on the Catholic Church for support. Overall, Baltic Eugenics gives readers a useful snapshot of

1 The British psychiatrist Eliot Slater was only the co-author of a paper attributed to him by Roelcke. Roelcke also gives the date of the Danish sterilization law wrongly.

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book reviews 379 the role eugenics and similar concerns played in a geographic region that was soon to lose its independence and become part of the Soviet Union. Stefan Kühl’s For the Betterment of the Race is a translation of a German work, which might have been rendered in English as “The Racist Internation- al.” His previous work on eugenics, The Nazi Connection, concerned exchanges between German and American scientists and showed the same emphasis on across borders. He again takes a transnational approach by following the International Federation of Eugenics Organizations (ifeo), founded in 1925 as the successor to the Permanent International Eugenics Commission. It transpires that , the pioneer of German eugenics, wished the doctrine to have an international orientation. Consequently, the Society for , which he established in 1905, became part of the International Society for Racial Hygiene (irsh) two years later. While the isrh was German- dominated and became an association for eugenists in the Central Powers dur- ing the First World War, the Permanent Commission excluded delegates from those states at its next international congress held in New York in 1921. As is widely recognized, the war was a watershed for the international move- ment: eugenists in every country quickly agreed that the war was a horrendous waste of superior individuals. However, the march to war could not be stopped and the bitterness in the aftermath of the conflict meant that German eugenics began developing in isolation. Only in 1927 were German eugenists permitted to attend international conferences again and play a part in fostering ­eugenics alongside the nationals of the former Entente powers. 1927 was also the year in which the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute of Anthropology, Heredity, and Eugenics opened in with funding from the Rockefeller Foundation. Ger- many’s version of eugenics influenced a number of other nations from the early twentieth century and differed in important respects from the British archetype. It valued the over the individuals who composed it and was even less sympathetic to people with genetic defects. These features help to explain the speedy adherence of German eugenists to the Nazi racial state at a later stage. In comparison with Paul Weindling’s classic Health, Race and German Politics between National Unification and 1870–1945, Kühl focuses less on eugenists’ resistance to some of the new measures (Weindling 1993: 499). That is entirely fair because virtually all leading eugenists became members within a few years of Hitler’s rise to power. A welcome feature of Kühl’s book is its periodization. It covers interna- tional eugenics from the beginning of the twentieth century to the emergence of ­biotechnological innovations in recent years (the latter in a chapter aptly ­subtitled “Will there be eugenics without eugenicists?”). The narrative retains its international perspective even when devoting two chapters to the Nazi

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­racial state and the resulting genocide of the disabled, ill, and ethnic minori- ties during the Second World War. That is due to the discussion of how eu- genists in other countries reacted to the Nazi policies. Before 1933, it was in the United States that eugenics reached its apogee with sterilization laws in thirty states, the existence of a plethora of eugenics societies and academic institutes, and the country’s role as host to the second and third international eugenics congresses. Kühl’s book follows the strictures of modern studies on eugenics, emphasizing that the doctrine was party-neutral in its heyday, not necessarily racist and variegated according to the country in question. At the same time, in the German cultural area and Scandinavia, where the doctrine was known as racial hygiene, there was a strong undercurrent of Nordic rac- ism too. Eastern Europe is represented here by the Géza Hoffmann and Pál Teleki, and also within the discussion about how national associations reacted to the policies and procedures of the ifeo. The Second World War led to another boycott of German eugenics by the Allied nations. Kühl makes it evident that the breach was even more profound than what had occurred after 1914. The Kaiser Wilhelm Institute and its sec- ond director Otmar Verschuer were revealed to have cooperated with Josef Mengele on some of the most horrific medical experiments carried out in Auschwitz. Mengele had been camp doctor there and had performed surgery on live human subjects for a project funded by the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute. Because eugenics had been so integrated into the Nazi state, it lost much of its remaining cachet elsewhere in Europe. Just as there had been a divide between mainline and reform eugenics in the 1930s, each accusing the other of not being scientific enough, there were two paths in the wake of the Second World War. The continuation of reform eugenics wished to purge the doctrine of every vestige of racism and re-enter the scientific and popular discourse as a vehicle for human improvement and the antithesis of overpopulation and squalor. With the exception of Germany, where mainline eugenists were rehabilitated quickly, those who had support- ed the right-wing version found themselves out of favor. A mainliner like the American Paul Popenoe, co-author of the 1918 textbook Applied Eugenics, in- stead concentrated on marriage counseling (Klautke 2016: 36). As the process of racial desegregation began to take place in the United States in the 1960s, however, new scholars embraced eugenics as a justification for unequal pro- visions along racial lines. Kühl gives a novel and perceptive account of this ­development in his post-1945 chapters. At its center was the Pioneer Fund ­established by Wickliffe Draper, the benefactor of the American E­ugenics ­Society in the 1930s, and the International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics. In general terms, For the Betterment of the Race

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book reviews 381 may be regarded as an ideal introduction because it spans so widely, is meticu- lous in its command of detail, and discusses the many facets of eugenics. The doctrine encompassed a number of right-wing extremists on the one hand, ­balanced on the other by thinkers who believed eugenics could mesh with other causes to improve life for most citizens. Marius Turda’s Eugenics and Nation in Early 20th Century Hungary is a valu- able contribution to the literature. Turda’s extensive knowledge of European eugenics allows him to craft an account that is both transnational and simul- taneously focused on the Hungarian case. The book covers the period 1900 to 1919, during which Hungary went from being a regional power to a small cen- tral European state. Early Hungarian eugenics was derived from British and German paradigms, manifesting itself in Budapest medical conferences held in 1900, 1905, and 1909. There was also a sociological side to the doctrine, as seen in the leftist journal Huszadik Század. The first dedicated eugenics jour- nal Fajegészségügy pre-dated the British Eugenics Review by three years. There were a number of different Hungarian conceptions of eugenics, one of which was promoted by István Apáthy, who was dean of the Faculty of Natural Sci- ences at the University of Kolozsvár (Cluj in present-day Romania) and a social Darwinist. It is not obvious whether Apáthy had followers, but at any rate, eu- genics gained ground as the First World War drew nearer. In 1914 the Eugenics Committee of Hungarian Societies was set up. It was an umbrella organization for various medical, social, scientific, and charitable associations, each of which delegated members to its executive council. Then in late 1917, the Hungarian Society for Racial Hygiene and Population Policy was formed from the Eugenics Committee, placing Hungary in the first wave of European nations to found such a society. The book focuses on eugenists and how they emerged from various institutions and associations, rather than on how influential eugenics was on society. We get a glimpse of how the substance of the doctrine dovetailed with the health concerns of Hungary as a regional power and also during the revolutions of 1918–1919. But there is no indication that laws were passed, health or anthropological surveys undertaken, or the extent to which biological attitudes helped shape the governance of Hungary in the period. That leaves space for further research by the author or other scholars. Turda argues that although Hungarians settled on the term “racial hygiene” rather than the more neutral “eugenics,” racism was not central to the Hungar- ian version of eugenics. To be sure, there were some eugenists who wished to follow in German footsteps, but they were held in check by others who ­promoted the individual over the collective and privileged social class over race. Ultimately, however, since Hungary was allied to Germany during the First

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World War, it was increasingly influenced by that country, as demonstrated by the Central Powers’ 1917 health conference. Furthermore, Géza Hoffmann, mentioned above, was a prominent diplomat whose eugenic understanding was tilted towards Germany. He had earlier written in German about eugenics in the United States. Eugenics and Nation in Early 20th Century Hungary paints a vivid picture of the Hungarian eugenics scene at the beginning of the previous century. It is written dynamically to accommodate the changing role of Hungary as a state. The book’s narrative is chronological and each chapter heading encapsulates the main development in the period covered. In the fourth chapter we reach 1914 and the crystallization of the doctrine in the institution of the Eugenics Committee. Eugenics influenced Hungary during the war, though the concerns of eradicating venereal diseases and promoting a healthy population were common to most belligerent governments. Prior to the First World War the narrative concentrates on eugenists’ in- teraction with foreign eugenics and how they interpreted the doctrine. This includes whether they supported sterilization or segregation (the institution- alization of mental defectives) and to what extent they favored positive eugen- ics (promoting the reproduction of “valuable” people) over negative eugenics (limiting the reproduction of the “unfit”). This allows the reader to consider how a single doctrine could be multifaceted. The division lines matched those that existed in other nations. Socialist eugenists such as the physician József Madzsar desired a radically different society and saw eugenics as a tool to make that vision realizable. Conversely, other eugenists such as Hoffmann were con- servatives who simply wanted the state to spend less on social care. For them eugenics would help to reduce the number of ill or disabled people. Hungarian eugenics nevertheless contained features that might be shared in other eastern European countries, but which would be entirely alien to British or American supporters of the doctrine, such as the concept of the nation as a blood com- munity, which was simply not present in the Atlantic world. If there is little focus on politics in Turda’s Eugenics and Nation, health- related issues compensate for it. Health conferences, most notably the Interna- tional Hygiene Exhibition in Dresden in 1911, act as yardsticks for the ­unfolding of the book’s story. This includes the International Eugenics Conference in Lon- don in 1912, even if Hungarian delegates were in short supply there. Common sense would indicate that Hungary’s closer proximity to Germany than to Brit- ain would affect the received version of eugenics in the country. Hung­ arians published in German, but hardly ever in English and the ­conception of the nation as a family or fellowship of shared blood surely is more German than British.

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Turda’s and Aaron Gillette’s Latin Eugenics in Comparative Perspective is in- cluded here because it replicates the focus of the other books in providing a survey of relatively under-researched countries in English, as well as consider- able material about Romania. Latin Eugenics is potentially a seminal contribu- tion in that it contains a new theory. It suggests that Catholicism combined with non-divisive eugenics leads to social progress. The authors postulate that eugenics as it manifested itself in the countries of Romance Europe and Latin America shared a number of important characteristics. The main idea was to improve the health of the population through what was known as puéricul- ture (the care of infants), homiculture (the care of human beings), and social hygiene (promoting health through eliminating harmful substances and con- ditions). Additionally, several of the states, including France and Italy, wanted their populations to grow. Due to the influence of neo-Lamarckism in the scientific thought of the Latin world, eugenics tended to be an optimistic doctrine, believing that it was possible to improve future generations through the current one. And be- cause of the opposition of the Catholic Church, sterilization generally did not constitute an element of Latin eugenics. Instead, it was inclusive and much less focused on race or class; it viewed alcohol, venereal diseases, and other racial poisons, rather than a particular section of the population, as the enemy. Much of this was already pointed out in an early article by William Schneider, followed by a book-length examination of French biopolitics, which showed that eugenics in France was pro-natalist and influenced by neo-Lamarckism (Schneider 1982; Schneider 1990). Turda’s and Gillette’s achievement is that they extend this point across the globe to wherever speakers of Romance lan- guages and their descendants settled. In the introduction the authors rightly describe their task as “daunting.” A book that covers more than a dozen countries across two continents for a period of seventy years is obviously very ambitious in its scope. The authors’ solution is to define their task theoretically in seven thematic chapters, besides the introduction, conclusion, and epilogue. These chapters generally contain coverage of the most important countries first, information which is then veri- fied or modified by examples from other places. One imagines that the length of entries devoted to particular states corresponds to how much literature ex- ists on them. As in Eugenics and Nation, much of the narrative follows logically from the authors’ discussion of eugenic, medical, and demographic confer- ences that took place involving the nations in question. Any book on eugenics will primarily appeal to the historian of science or medicine, but there are interesting details in this one for the general reader as well. It is hardly surprising that the French loss in the war against Prussia in

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1870 led to recriminations and a loss of confidence. What is remarkable is that some observers interpreted it as a symbolic victory of the Germanic people over the Latins. Thus the authors point to the existence of a common identity for Romance-speaking people from the start. The role of in Italian eu- genics also turns out to have been more complex than previously imagined. How Mussolini adopted Aryan racism in 1938 will be familiar to many readers, but some will be startled to learn that Il Duce was a neo-Lamarckian and that the regime agreed with Italian eugenists in privileging the environment as much as heredity. They therefore rejected the social selection of most British and American supporters of the doctrine. After Mussolini’s volte-face it became necessary to promote younger, less experienced individuals who were willing to go along with . Nicola Pende, one of the most prominent Italian eugenists, was ordered to sign a Racial Manifesto, which claimed that Italians were Nordic, that Jews were not Italians, and that the mixing of Italians with colonial peoples caused deterioration. Almost none of the signatories had been affiliated with the Italian Society for Genetics and Eugenics. Conversely, Corrado Gini, best known for his econometric work on inequality, fell out of favor with the fascist regime in the 1930s. There are a few cases where additional details would have been welcome. The authors do not criticize Nancy Rose Hunt’s argument in a book about the Congo that posited that Belgian imperialism there was based on maintaining a healthy race and was “positive in its eugenics,” as opposed to other colonial powers, which aimed at eradication or the prevention of . While Belgian metropolitan eugenics was generally constructive, that was not neces- sarily the case in the Congo. Yet later in the chapter on Latin eugenics and sci- entific racism, it becomes clear that those eugenists did not regard non-white races as benignly as they did their own. Therefore it would have been benefi- cial if there had been some comment to this effect in relation to the earlier discussion of Belgium . Further, more as a defect of style than sub- stance, throughout the book primary sources are indicated in a truncated form in brackets instead of a careful referral to repository, collection, and classmark. The reader is forced to work out for himself or herself where to find the original reference. Nevertheless, Latin Eugenics is a significant achievement and breaks new ground. Turda and Gillette have gone through hundreds of sources in half a dozen languages located in Italy, Romania, the United States, and Britain. The bibliography is comprehensive and contains a high proportion of primary sources. Especially in the last chapters, the authors modify their argument in such a way that it remains convincing in the face of some drastic changes. Thus, as also pointed out in For the Betterment of the Race, the rise to power

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book reviews 385 of the Nazis in 1933 and subsequent reordering of Europe during the Second World War affected eugenics profoundly. The Latin world was no exception. The Vichy government led to both continuities and discontinuities with what had been established as Latin eugenics in earlier chapters. Under Marshal Pé- tain there was renewed emphasis on the family, increasing the birth rate, and promoting “healthy” marriages. At the same time, the regime was also racist, anti-Semitic, and extreme, as seen in its decree that made abortion punishable by death. It had only been put in power by German guns, but French eugenists flocked to the authoritarian regime just as had happened in Germany earlier. Irrespective of time period, the Catholic Church surprisingly emerges as a benign influence on eugenics in the countries under its sway. It had objected vehemently to sterilization from the beginning, which was cemented by the papal encyclical Casti Connubii of 1930. However, the encyclical did not dismiss eugenics in toto, as some writers believe, only the type that sought to prevent the “unfit” from breeding (negative eugenics). Casti Connubii was entirely com- patible with care for mothers and babies, pro-natalism and environmental im- provement. These, in fact, were the hallmarks of Latin eugenics. That changing and modifying social conditions so that the population as a whole would be healthier could also be eugenics is a very significant finding of this book. It will be startling to many that eugenics could act as an ameliorating force in a civi- lization. It is well known that eugenics was of interest to a number of left-wing intellectuals in the Anglophone and Germanic worlds. They were, however, a minority in the movement and to find that the standard opinion among south- ern eugenists, influenced by Catholicism, should promote exactly their version of eugenics constitutes an important result. It proves that if sterilization could be removed from eugenics and the doctrine applied to the whole of society, one would be left with a much more progressive ideology of social ameliora- tion than might be thought possible, given the existing literature. Finally, The History of East-Central European Eugenics, 1900–1945 is a source- book edited by Turda, which will help historians understand the effects that eugenics had on Austria, , Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Hungary, and Romania. There are also sections on the eugenics of the German minorities in Yugoslavia and Romania. For each nation or geographic area, the book of- fers an overview followed by biographical details relating to some of the most important eugenists and translations of key texts. This dialectic between pri- mary and secondary sources works equally well for the general reader and the specialist. Each overarching text is well written with foreign terms carefully rendered into English and place names listed in different languages. The chapters each contain a glossary, notes, and a thorough bibliography. The amount of work

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386 book reviews that has gone into this volume of more than 650 pages is obvious merely from perusing the text. The book opens up a whole new area to historians of eugenics and allows specialists on eastern Europe to develop biopoliti- cal threads in their own work. The many cases give ample scope for compari- sons, ­especially since the countries are formatted according to a common blueprint. Written by different authors, they nevertheless deal with the same themes. It is also possible to form one’s own judgement on the basis of the primary sources. As much as The History of East-Central European Eugenics exists to help scholars and students find their way through the maze of eugenics in a whole region, it promotes a view of its own. Turda’s introduction stands in stark contrast to the hitherto most accessible article on the doctrine in eastern Eu- rope, Maria Bucur’s chapter in The Oxford Handbook of the . Where Bucur had seen the variants of eugenics existing in the successor states of the Habsburg Empire as profoundly antidemocratic and in reality append- ages to , Turda stresses the multifaceted nature of biopoliti- cal views (Bucur 2010: 406). Pál Teleki, Michael Hainisch, and Edvard Beneš were supporters of eugenics who held high political office under democratic governments in Hungary, Austria, and Czechoslovakia respectively. In 1934 the Nazi version was challenged by other eugenists at a conference held in Prague, resulting in a volume entitled On the Equality of European Races and Ways for their Betterment. But there is also common ground between Bucur and Turda. They both agree that eugenics was used to justify an enhanced role for doc- tors in society, and that eastern European eugenics regarded the countryside as less “degenerate” than the cities. Such views harmonized well with west- ern European eugenics. However, an understanding of nationhood in terms of health and hygiene and the deployment of eugenics in territorial revisionist arguments were specifically eastern European. The history of eastern European eugenics did not constitute completely un- charted waters before the appearance of these books. Turda and Weindling had jointly edited an earlier collection on eugenics in central and southeastern Eu- rope (Turda and Weindling 2006). As a specialist of Romanian eugenics, Bucur had written a book and a number of articles on that country (Bucur 2002, see the articles listed there). She also showed awareness of Turda’s earlier­ articles on Hungary and Romania, whose findings were incorporated into ­Eugenics and Nation and Latin Eugenics respectively. Nevertheless, the historiography of eastern European eugenics was not extensive. Despite the more nuanced understanding of the link between eugenics, racism, and fascism presented in the books under review, no one denies that eugenics was attractive to the far right across Europe. Moreover, many eug- enists were happy to serve undemocratic authoritarian regimes in the 1930s

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book reviews 387 and during the Second World War. This is shown for Italy, France, and Romania in Latin Eugenics and more disjointedly for eastern Europe in The History of East-Central European Eugenics. Therefore it is understandable why renascent eastern European nations after 1989 should not wish to encourage the study of how eugenics played a part in their governments, medical establishments, and academic institutions. Such influences had already been written out of these nations’ histories. For this reason, the books under review are reconstructions of the eastern European past and provide threads in its rich tapestry. Although sterilization was just one of the many applications of eugenics, it is now requisite to have further information on the extent to which this medi- cal procedure was carried out in eastern Europe. Paul Weindling’s survey arti- cle on sterilization was unable to give figures for Estonia and Latvia (Weindling 1999: 187). Baltic Eugenics suggests the numbers might have been forty-one and sixty-three individuals respectively, but as Ken Kalling notes for Estonia, there may have been sterilizations carried out on “medical” grounds without recourse to the law. Official statistics are not always available, particularly for the years during the Second World War. The other desideratum to understand eastern European eugenics more fully would be greater knowledge of state policies that may have been inspired by it. This is also true for Western eugen- ics, where painstaking work is required to gauge its influence in fields such as healthcare, science, education, and welfare provision. Eugenics was an important theme in the early twentieth century. We have five books here which are moving the study of its history forward, away from the heartland in northern Europe and the United States. It is clear from these contributions that eastern European eugenics was more diverse and nuanced than had been realized. Eugenics was also a contested field, where opposing views were held. The books do not contradict each other, but it should be not- ed that Kühl takes a more critical approach to the doctrine than do Turda and Gillette. Their point is that eugenics could be utilized to serve enlightened pur- poses, whereas for Kühl it was primarily a scientific justification for inequality between races or classes.

David Redvaldsen Honorary Research Associate, University College London [email protected]

Bibliography

Bucur, Maria. 2002. Eugenics and Modernization in Interwar Romania. Pittsburgh: ­University of Pennsylvania Press.

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Bucur, Maria. 2010. “Eugenics in Eastern Europe, 1870s–1945.” In The Oxford Handbook of the History of Eugenics, edited by Alison Bashford and Philippa Levine, 398–412. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Klautke, Egbert. 2016. “‘The Germans are Beating Us at Our Own Game.’ American ­Eugenics and the German Sterilization Law of 1933.” History of the Human Sciences 24, no. 3: 25–43. Kühl, Stefan. 1994. The Nazi Connection. Eugenics, American Racism and German National­ Socialism. New York: Oxford University Press. Schneider, W. 1982. “Towards the Improvement of the Human Race: The History of ­Eugenics in France.” Journal of Modern History 54, no. 2: 268–291. Schneider, William H. 1990. Quality and Quantity: The Quest for Biological Regeneration in Twentieth Century France. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Turda, Marius, and Paul Weindling, eds. 2006. “Blood and Homeland:” Eugenics and in Central and Southeast Europe, 1900–1940. Budapest: Central European University Press. Weindling, Paul. 1993. Health, Race and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism 1870–1945. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Weindling, Paul. 1999. “International Eugenics: Swedish Sterilization in Context.” Scan- dinavian Journal of History 24, no. 2: 179–197.

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