The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR

Additional services for The Classical Review:

Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here

The Athenian Cavalry in the and at

J. MacInnes

The Classical Review / Volume 25 / Issue 07 / November 1911, pp 193 - 195 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X00047144, Published online: 27 October 2009

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X00047144

How to cite this article: J. MacInnes (1911). The Athenian Cavalry in the Peloponnesian War and at Amphipolis. The Classical Review, 25, pp 193-195 doi:10.1017/S0009840X00047144

Request Permissions : Click here

Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 130.216.30.116 on 03 May 2015 The Classical Review

NOVEMBER 1911

ORIGINAL CONTRIBUTIONS

THE ATHENIAN CAVALRY IN THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR AND AT AMPHIPOLIS. AN interesting feature of the Pelo- even if it could be shown that the need ponnesian War as recorded by Thucy- of them to act against Decelea was dides, to which, as far as I know, greater than the need of them against attention has not been directed, is the Syracuse, why were cavalry not sent to treatment by the Athenians of their Sicily at the outset, before danger from cavalry, especially in the Sicilian ex- Decelea was apprehended ? It was not pedition. because the Athenians were without Before the Sicilian expedition was means of training men or horses, for resolved upon, Nicias informed the presumably they could not then have Athenians of their inferiority in cavalry supported cavalry from 431 to 421, as (Thuc. VI. 20, 22). So well known was they did. this weakness that in VI. 37 Athena- These are the cavalry contingents goras is represented as saying in Syra- as given by up to the time cuse : ' I know that they will not bring of the Sicilian expedition: In 431 cavalry with them, and they will find B.C. the Athenian forces numbered none here.' When the expedition did 13,000 hoplites for foreign service and start, it comprised 5,100 hoplites and a 1,200 cavalry (II. 13). In 430 B.C. single horse transport with 30 horsemen Pericles invaded the Peloponnesus with (VI. 43). During the siege of Syracuse, 4,000 hoplites and 300 cavalry (II. 56). the Athenians were grievously harassed In 429 sent an expedition against by the Syracusan cavalry, which the Chalcidians of Thrace, consisting of amounted to 1,200 (VI. 66, 68, 70). At 2,000 hoplites and 200 cavalry (II. 79). the end of 415 B.C. the generals sent In 425 against the Corinthians they home for money and cavalry (VI. 74, employed 2,000 hoplites and 200 cavalry 93), and in 414 B.C. 250 horsemen (IV. 42); in 424 against the Megarians, arrived, expecting to procure horses on 4,000 hoplites and 600 cavalry (IV. 68); the spot (VI. 94). With local additions at in the same year against the the Athenian cavalry now amounted to Boeotians, who had 7,000 hoplites, 650, but still these were too few against 10,000 light-armed, 1,000 cavalry, Athens the Syracusans (VII. 4, 6, 13). Yet had 7,000 hoplites and a large number of when further reinforcements of 5,000 irregulars ; 300 cavalry were protecting hoplites and numerous light - armed Delium, but perhaps the Athenians troops were sent from Athens, no cavalry could spare none for the battle, in which were added (VII. 20, 42). It is true their defeat was due to the Boeotian that cavalry were needed to make cavalry (IV. 93, 94). Excluding the descents upon Decelea (VII. 27). But forces of at Amphipolis, of which NO. CCXXI. VOL. XXV. I THE CLASSICAL REVIEW I shall speak presently, we find that in for the reinforcements from native 418 the Athenians sent a reinforcement princes, which he had required of them to Argos of 1,000 hoplites and 300 in accordance with the terms of their cavalry (V. 61); in 416 they sent to alliance. To prove his ignorance and Methone ' cavalry of their own' (VI. 7); cowardice we have only the biassed in their last efforts in Sicily they lost statements of Thucydides and Aristo- 70 horse before Syracuse (VII. 51), and phanes, which attribute to him such all the remainder at the Assinarus contradictory qualities as ignorance and (VII. 75). In Book VIII. there seems astuteness, cowardice and recklessness.2 to be no mention of any cavalry force The result of this insubordination is (see ch. 25). well known. According to Thucydides, Consider now the exceptional case of Cleon noticed this murmuring, and in Cleon's force at Amphipolis in 422. His order to check the depression, went out forces showed unusual proportions : ' to have a look at the place' (Kara 1,200 Athenian hoplites, 300 Athenian deav); when he was so imprudent as to cavalry, and numerous allies1 (V. 2). march past the gates of Amphipolis, had 2,000 hoplites, more than Brasidas made a sortie and routed the 1,000 light-armed, and 300 Hellenic Athenians, Cleon and he being killed. cavalry (V. 6). It will be noticed that Among other strange features of no other force sent from Athens for Thucydides' account, critics have distant operations had so many cavalry pointed to the statement that the feet in proportion to foot. The fact that of many horses and men about to sally Brasidas also had 300 cavalry is in itself forth were visible under the gate. But not sufficient to explain the pheno- no mention is made of either Lacede- menon, for (1) in the previous year monian or Athenian cavalry in the N icias had acted without cavalry against engagement. When Cleon determined Brasidas (IV. 129); (2) if the object of to retreat, says Thucydides, he ordered the expedition was the recovery of his forces to retire slowly on the left Amphipolis, cavalry were unsuitable for wing. They appeared to linger,3 where- the country around and for a siege upon he caused his own right wing to such as might be anticipated. But it face round. When the unexpected may be that Athens expected trouble attack came, the right wing on which from Macedonian cavalry (cp. I. 60). Cleon and the hoplites had been sta- Whatever the reason for the presence of tioned stood its ground; the left broke so many aristocratically-inclined l-rnrels, off and instantly fled. it was disastrous. For while both Now it is almost certain that on the generals hesitated to engage, ' Cleon was left wing was stationed the cavalry. It soon compelled to do what Brasidas ex- would have to be on one wing or the pected ' (V. 7). ' The soldiers, disgusted other. At Solygea in 425 the Athenian at their inaction, drew comparisons cavalry was on the left (IV. 43-4); at between the generals, reflecting how Mantinea the Athenians were on the left ignorant and cowardly Cleon was, how wing, and were supported by their experienced and courageous his op- cavalry; the Lacedemonian cavalry was ponent. They remembered how unwillingly placed on both wings (V. 67); the they had followed Cleon from home.' Here Boeotian cavalry also was placed on Thucydides quotes with obvious ap- both wings at Delium (IV. 93). proval a most unfair and disloyal* opinion. Cleon was justified in waiting 2 If Thucydides had applied the same pre- judice to the actions of Nicias, 6 fifWoviniav 1 This force was packed into 30 ships, though (Aristoph. Birds, 640), how would Nicias' weak- Pericles' force of 4,000 hoplites and 300 cavalry ness have come out! Cleon is too often credited, went forth in 100 ships (II. 56). In IV. 42 we by analogy with modern days, with ignorance read of 2,000 hoplites and 200 horse in 80 ships; and ill-breeding arising from want of a ' liberal in VI. 43 of 5,000 hoplites and 1,300 light-armed education.' But we have no proof that Nicias in 134; in VII. 42 of 5,000hoplites and numerous or were better trained than Cleon. light-armed in 73 ; in VIII. 25 of 2,500 hoplites See on this point Holm's History of , II. and 1,000 allies in 48 ships. Obviously the ch. ii. n. I, ch. xxviii. n. 8. tightness of packing varied. 3 I read o^oX?/ ; cp. III. 46. THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 195 Two inferences may be drawn. First, great military advantage. This latter that Thucydides got his account of the inference finds support in Aristophanes. battle from one of the 'nnrels, who In Wasps 288 (produced 422 B.C.), we saved themselves disgracefully; his bias read: ' There will come along a rich against Cleon kept him from mode- man, one of those who are betraying rating in a critical spirit the partisan Chalcidice '; in 1. 475 Bdelycleon, repre- account of his informant. Second, that sentative of young aristocratic Athens, the Athenian democracy, indignant at is described as ffvvwv HpacriBa; in the the insubordination and cowardice of the Peace (421 B.C.) 1. 640 the charge is said iTnreis, avoided using them afterwards to have been brought against any aris- unless in operations very near Athens, tocrats among the allies &>? povoi ra as against Decelea, or in conjunction Hpao-iBov. with a democracy such as Argos. T9 J. MACINNES. their political fears they sacrificed even The University of Manchester.

THE SIN OF OEDIPUS. (A defence of Professor Murray's translation of Sophocles' Oedipus Tyrannus, II. 1183-1)85.)

Si a>av<> r' a' a>v ov 'Xprjv,Poetics, c. xiii., where the philosopher crvp oh T' discusses the character of the ideal ov XPV" OfuK&v, ou? re /i' OVK eBei tcravcov. tragic hero. We must not be pre- sented with the spectacle of virtuous THE Spectator for May 13, 19 r 1, con- men {rovs eVtet/cet? avSpas) brought tains a review of Professor Murray's from prosperity to adversity, ' oi yap new translation of the Oedipus Tyran- 1 epcov ' The attribution of sin to Oedipus,' Kal BiKaooa-vvt) pr/re Bid tcaKuav Kal fio- says the reviewer, ' destroys at once yQripiav fjArafidWcov et? rrjv 8vcrTV%tai' the entire interest of the drama. The aX\a Si' a/xapriav riva rStv ev fieydXrj idea of " sin " essentially involves that Bo^rj Kal evrv)(ia, otov OlSiirow. . . . of moral guilt, and from moral guilt he In an essay appended to his edition is throughout absolutely free. The 2 fact of his freedom is the very thing of the Poetics, the late Professor that makes his fate so tragic, and to Butcher has exhaustively discussed the put into his lips words which are an possible range of meaning which the open confession of crime is to mar the term dfiaprla, especially as used by whole effect of a great and almost Aristotle, can cover. He finds Aris- stupendous work.' totelian authority for the use of the term dfiaprta in four distinct senses. This criticism makes somewhat (1) An error due to unavoidable ignor- lightly two large assumptions : (1) That ance of circumstances. (2) An error Oedipus is ' absolutely free from moral due to ignorance of circumstances guilt'; (2) that the idea of ' sin' is which might have been known, and equivalent to that of ' crime.' In his therefore to some degree morally first assumption the critic seems to culpable. Both of these would be have ignored the important allusion classed as cases of 57 Ka9' e/cao-ra 1 Oedifius, King of Thebes. Translated by Gilbert Murray, D.Litt., LL.D. London: Geo. 2 Aristotle's Theory of Poetry and Fine Art. Allen and Sons. By S. H. Butcher. Second edition, pp. 310-15.