Download Date 29/09/2021 17:57:07

The Mangroves of Lamu: History, Socio- economic and Conservation Issues

Item Type Conference Material

Authors Idha, Mohammed

Publisher East Africa Wildlife Society

Download date 29/09/2021 17:57:07

Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/1834/8473 THE MANGROVES OF LAMU

History, Socio-econornic and Conservation Issues

Mr. Mohammed Idha Marine Sciences National Museums ofKenya P. O. Box 40658, NAIROBI

Abstract

Lamu District has a mangrove cover of 33,500 hectares, or about 60% of Kenya's total. For many centuries mangroves have been an important trade item, and have helped build a prosperous coastal Swahili civilisation. Various factors over the ages, culminating in a Government ban in 1982 on the export of mangrove poles, set in motion a gradual decline in status of these proud people. Today these coastal communities are among the poorest and most marginalised in the country. It is thus imperative to address the issue of their economic development using the resources available, one of which is the mangroves.

Controversy surrounds the mangrove export ban. The National Museums of Kenya, in declaring Lamu Town and several other sites in the district National Monuments, encourages the exploitation and utilisation of traditional mangrove products such as building poles and lime in the preservation of historical buildings and monuments. Developmental organisations favour increased mangrove exploitation as a way of improving the local economy. These needs appear to conflict with those of some government departments, whose role is that of strict regulation and even total preservation of mangroves. Is the pole export ban justified?

While no categorical answer can be given to this question until further definitive surveys are undertaken, this brief study gives indications that the present rate of mangrove cutting is actually well below the maximum sustainable level. The study also calls for the development of several other mangrove resources. 1. INTRODUCTION: HISTORY.

Few topics generate as much passion and controversy among Lamu people today as that of mangroves. The Kenya Government ban on the export of mangrove poles, imposed in 1982, was greeted with deep resentment and anger in Lamu. It was seen as yet another scheme to deprive the locals of one of their last major sources of income. It is not hard to understand why.

Lamu District has well over 40 important historic sites and monuments, some dating back over a thousand years. Many of these still stand as isolated town ruins, testimony that they must have once been large and prosperous urban centres. The affluence that the local Swahili community historically enjoyed can be gauged by the richness of their arts, culture and architecture, still very much evident today in towns such as Lamu or Patte. Lamu's unique cultural heritage and former prosperity were in no small measure due to mangrove exploitation and other maritime trades.

For many centuries mangroves have been exploited and traded along the East African coast. Evidence to date points to an expansion of the Indian Ocean maritime trading network to our region as early as the 2nd century BC (Sheriff, 1981). The earliest mention of the Lamu archipelago is found in the Periplus of the Erythrian Sea, a second to third century AD Greek guide to trading in the Indian Ocean. The Greeks called the East African coast Azania. The Lamu islands were called the Pyralaoi Islands, or Islands of the People of Fire. This was possibly a reference to bush clearance by the use of fire prior to cultivation, a practice continuing to this day. The Periplus records the export of mangrove poles and other items, including palm oil, ivory, and rhino horns from the Azanian Coast. Dhows from Arabia, the Persian Gulf, India, and even at times China and South East Asia, called with their wares at East African ports. This maritime trade had greater consequences than just an improvement of the local economy. It created a whole new civilisation. Over the last two thousand years maritime trade has been the conduit through which two cultural streams - African and Arab/Asian - have fused to produce the coastal Swahili community.

The Swahili have been from time immemorial a maritime people. Swahili ports and settlements, numbering over 400, stretched 3 000 km along the East African coast from southern Somalia to northern Mozambique (Horton, 1987). The Swahili fold also embraced the offshore islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, Mafia and Comoros. These coastal people engaged in fishing, dhow building, mangrove cutting, and trading by sea. They sailed down the coast collecting items of trade: ivory and rhino horns from the interior; gold and iron tools from southern Africa and rock crystal from southern Ethiopia. They also cut mangrove poles, and collected cowries and cone shells; turtle shells; beche-de-mer (sea cucumbers); ambergris and gum copal from their shores. They then traded these items with the Arabs and Persians, who in turn often traded with Europe and the Far East. From the Arabs and Asians the Swahili obtained cloth, spices, porcelain ware, weapons, and tools. Through cultural fusion the Swahili learnt new skills, such as boat building, or tool making, and acquired new crops.

To put things in proper perspective, Swahili culture has never been exclusively maritime. The Swahili also pursued other occupations - primarily agriculture, and cottage industries: sandal making; brass working; wood carving; jewellery making; making of embroidered caps and clothing; mat/bag weaving; manufacture of iron tools and weapons; and other trades. From all these occupations they became a wealthy people. However, it is their maritime activities that gave the Swahili their prosperity and their raison-d'etre, so to speak. The maritime business was particularly lucrative since the Swahili often played the role of middlemen.

This picture of prosperity started changing in the 16th century when the Portuguese invaders tried to take over the Swahili city states one by one. The Portuguese were eager to control such a profitable trading network, and have a clear mQnopoly all the way to India. However, the closely knit nature of the coastal communities, which was forged over many centuries, made it impossible

2 for the Portuguese to usurp the role of trading middlemen that the Swahili acted. Nevertheless, they succeeded in disrupting much of the trade.

Later subjugation by other European colonialists set in motion a gradual decline in status of the Swahili, which continues to this day. Economic decay started in the 19th century. The largest sector of the coastal economy then was agriculture (Salim, 1973), the maritime trades having greatly dwindled. In Lamu tobacco, coconuts, simsim (sesame), millet, and Indian corn (maize) were grown in large plantations in the 1850s. Though Lamu was by no means the seat of coastal agriculture then, it could still manage to export grain to Arabia. After 1895, the economy deteriorated rapidly. This was a period of many rebellions against, firstly, Zanzibari, and later, British authority. The upheavals disrupted agriculture, then the mainstay of the local economy.

Worse was to follow. The colonial government decrees against slavery in the late 19th century culminating in its total abolition in 1907, while a very moral decision, dealt a f8tal blow to the coastal economy, already then weakened by the impact of political insurrections. The Swahili since then have never recovered their proud status, and have been forced to make a precarious living pursuing ancient crafts and trades: fishing, peasant farming; cottage industries; and mangrove cutting.

It is worth looking at some early government records to appreciate fully the economic situation of the coast, particularly Lamu District, which appears the hardest hit. The Lamu District Annual Report 1910 notes the virtual collapse of agriculture soon after the abolition of slavery. The Arabs and Swahilis lived a hand-to-mouth existence, while the freed slaves fared no better. The decay that set in was understandable. The relationship between Arab/Swahili masters and their slaves was one of great economic interdependence. It was slave labour that made the dramatic growth of coastal agriculture in the 19th century possible. Slaves were considered valuable assets and were generally well looked after. Indeed, some became almost part of the families of their masters, and adopted their masters' religion and culture. After the abolition of slavery, the Arab/Swahili plantation owners, despite receiving compensation from the colonial government, could not afford to pay labourers to work their farms. Most of them abandoned farming and turned to other trades. A mass exodus of Omani Arab planters to Zanzibar and Oman followed.

A look at the Customs Department list of exports for 1910-11 (Table 1) shows that wild rubber, tapped in the Witu and Tana River forests of the district, was then the most valuable export, followed by mangroves (poles and bark). The most significant agricultural product was copra (from coconuts), followed by sesame, both used mainly for making oil. Lamu, however, had a serious trade deficit, importing much more (mostly basic provisions) than it exported, as Table 2 shows.

Later government reports (1921; 1933; & 1934) painted a grim picture. The Lamu District Commissioner commented in a letter in 1934 that Lamu had averted total economic collapse thus far by means of coconuts and coconut products. However, prices for these products had by then fallen so low that he was requesting government intervention. It is no wonder that all D.Cs posted at Lamu during the colonial era considered the district a liability to government. Even today things have hardly changed.

After the abolition of slavery the colonial government encouraged European settlement, seeing this as the solution to the problem of providing new avenues of economic activities as well as tax revenues for the authorities. A policy of granting monopolies and concessions was followed. By 1907 European companies and individuals had acquired concessions and land all along the Kenya coast, from Lamu to Vanga. Messrs. Denhardt & Co., a German firm, had a concession to exploit mangrove poles and bark in Lamu, Ngomeni and Vanga in the early years of this century. In 1904, Anderson & Co. joined Denhardt's comp.any in Vanga to cut mangroves. The German company's activities ceased when World War I started, and its role later taken over in Lamu by Smith, Mackenzie & Co. The exploitation of mangrove products in the district was entirely in their

3 TABLE 1 RETURN OF EXPORTS - TANALAND PROVINCE (LAMU & TANARIVER), 1910-11

NO. ITEM VALUE IN RUPEES DUTY PAID

1 Rubber 238,061 23,806.10

2 Mangrove bark 56,619 4.07

3 Mangrove poles (boriti) 34,216 11,319.95

4 Ivory 67,550 3,421.41

5 Copra 51,295 10,132.31

6 Simsirn 31,179

7 Cowries - 27,627 1,381.21

8 Cattle 21,205

9 Beans 13,089

10 Hides (ox) 12,829 1,282.83

11 Maize 10,123

12 Cotton 6,694

13 Rubber Plantations (? - Author) 4,381

14 Coconuts 3,968

Grain - Millet 3,968 I 15 16 Tortoise Shells 2,612 261.13

17 Other livestock (i) Donkeys; Camels; Horses 2,072 115.00 - 18 Other livestock (ii) Goats; Sheep; Mules 1,203

19 Groundnuts 993

20 Ghee 927

21 Other wildlife trophies-Leopard skins; Hippo teeth; Rhino horns; etc. 644 63.12

22 Other skins - Goat; Sheep; Camel 450 44.92

23 Other crops 364

24 Wax 287

25 Sundries 78,108

TOTALSRS 669,796 40,515.00 Source: Lamu District Annual Report 1910 -11

4 TABLE 2 RETURN OF EXPORT AND IMPORT DUTIES OF CUSTOMS STATIONS IN TANALAND PROVINCE, 1910-11

STATION IMPORTS EXPORTS (Duties Paid, Rs) (Duties Paid, Rs)

1 LAMU 63,108.01 30,726.51

2 SIYU 224.82'

3 FAZA 234.42 7,486.08

- 4 K.IUNGA 10.80 1,366.88

5 KIPINI 710.82

63,353.23 40,515.11

Source: Lamu District Annual Report, 1910-11 hands. An early Forestry report (1933) noted that the company exploited mangrove resources so diligently that a great deal of the mangrove was rendered useless. By 1934, it was noted that the poles cut for export were crooked and smaller, with no useful bark.

The colonial authorities also granted more concessions to European enterprises to exploit other marine resources, such as beche-de-mer, which had previously been in the hands of the locals. By the end of the 19th century the old freedom to cut mangrove poles and sell it duty free was curtailed by the imposition of a duty of 10%. Lamu's people had always depended on mangroves. Following the mariners' ancient freedom to sail the sea and exploit its resources, they had

traditionally moved down the coast, even to places in Tanzania to cut poles, a trade for which they were renowned. The dutiE~s and royalties they now had to pay were deeply resented.

But the granting of trading concessions was not the only blow to the local communities. Early this century the Land Titles Ordinance was passed, which has ever since provoked much controversy. Most of the best agricultural lands were turned into Crown Land and granted to European settlers to farm.

All these concessions had two major negative effects on Lamu people. They were denied their ancient economic rights, and they were deprived of land. Coupled with lack of government support, such as veterinary or agricultural assistance, medical services, and infrastructure development, Lamu sank into economic stagnation and poverty. More than ever before, Lamu came to depend on mangroves and fishing.

By the 1920s further decline set in. Arab dhows started keeping away when the East African currency changed from rupees to shillings. The Uganda Railway also contributed to the economic downward spiral of Lamu. There was an exodus of people to Mombasa. driven by economic necessity. Many went to work as unskilled labourers in Mombasa port. The population figures for the period tell a sad story. In 1914 the population of Lamu District stood at 22 000; in 1922 it fell to 16 545; and by 1923 it was only about 13 000 (Salim, 1973).

5 There were brief periods of economic prosperity from time to time, fuelled by heavy mangrove exports. The largest number of poles ever exported from Lamu was in 1916-17 when 75000 score (1.5 million poles) were sold to Iraq. Soon after this, during the 1920s, the trade reduced significantly, partly because the colonial government introduced new currency, and the widely used Indian rupee was rejected. In the 1930s grading of poles for quality was introduced as a way ofcompeting with poles from Tanzania. This helped to boost exports from 1936 to 1940, which averaged 19 000 score annually (Martin & Martin, 1978).

During and immediately after World War II there was a great local demand, particularly in Mombasa, for building poles and fuel wood. With the discovery of oil in the Arabia, Forestry officials believed that demand for poles there would soon drop drastically as more people began building modern houses, using iron and concrete. Therefore, in an effort to maximise exports before the expected slump, between 1947 and 1956 they allowed massive cutting of poles. The rate averaged 30 918 score annually in Lamu, with a record 83 650 score being cut in the district in 1955. From 1957 onwards, strict quotas had to be imposed to allow the mangroves to regenerate, and from 1957 to 1970 annual pole exports averaged 17 072 score. During this period prices for poles were quite high, and Somalia overtook Arab countries to become the biggest importer of Lamu's mangrove poles (Martin & Martin, 1978).

TABLE 3 LAMU'S EXPORTS BY SEA, 1968

Cotton & cotton seed oil £52,000

Charcoal 30,000

Coconut Oil 22,000

Fish 17,000

Mangrove Poles 16,000

Mats & Mat Bags 13,000

Cashewnuts 12,000

Simsim (sesame) - 6,000

Copra 3,200

Tobacco 2,500 - Mangoes 2,400

Betel Leaves 1,800

.Antiques (carved chests, wooden doors, etc.) 1,800

Cowries & other shells 1,700

Coir 1,700 Beche-de-mer 1,400 II Tamarind 1,100

Ivory 300 Total £185,900 Source: Martin & Martin, 1978

6 Table 3 shows how important mangroves were to the Lamu economy in the late 1960s. Mangrove poles were in fifth position in terms of income earned, after cotton, charcoal, coconut oil, and fish. However, it must be borne in mind that in the 1960's charcoal for export in Lamu was made from mangrove wood. One local dealer operated kilns for charcoal exports for a few years during this period, before the government banned the practice. In 1967 the dealer exported 1 000 tons of mangrove charcoal, and in 1968, 2 000 tons. The assortment of goods shown in Table 3 is typical of Lamu's exports, which did not change much for centuries, though items assumed different positions of importance with the passing of time.

Mangrove cutting in Lamu averaged 17 000 score annually in the late 1970s. Shortly before the ban on export of poles, cutting rates averaged 39 000 score (Lamu DDP,1984-88). In 1982, after several abortive attempts, the Kenya Government finally banned the export of mangrove poles, citing environmental considerations. As expeCted, this move was extremely unpopular in Lamu. It was seen as another in a long line of attempts to deny the locals their livelihood. With the decline in other sectors of the economy, Lamu had come to rely heavily on mangroves. Lamu people, a conservative lot, have been slow to adapt to new trades or identify and exploit alternative resources. Such a ban then could only fuel widespread resentment.

Today Lamu District is among the poorest and most marginalised in the country. The major economic activities are: agriculture; fishing; forestry (largely mangrove cutting); livestock production; and tourism. These sectors together employ over 80% of Lamu's total labour force (Lamu DDP, 1994-96). Yet the district is beset with severe problems: a semi-arid climate; poor soils; poor infrastructure; lack of electricity in most of the district; insecurity and banditry; a small population; and widespread poverty. There are still other major impediments to development: high rates of illiteracy and unemployment; poor marketing and storage facilities for fish and agricultural produce; and high incidences of agricultural pests, including a big wildlife menace. There are no major industries, and Lamu town today is a small trading centre and an unimportant port. In recent years, tourism looked set to become one of the largest income earners, but political uncertainty, and failure to tackle the problems of banditry and poor infrastructure has seen this sector rapidly collapse. It is thus imperative to address the issue of Lamu's economic development using the resources available, one of which is the mangroves.

Controversy surrounds the mangrove export ban. The National Museums of Kenya (NMK), declared Lamu Town and several other sites in the district National Monuments, and started the Lamu Town Conservation Project in 1987. NMK encourages the utilisation of traditional mangrove products such as building poles and lime in the preservation of historic buildings and monoments. Developmental organisations too favour increased mangrove exploitation. This, obviously, is fervently supported by the local people. These needs appear to conflict with those of some government departments, whose role is that of strict regulation and even total preservation of mangroves. Is the pole export ban justified?

This brief study, while it does not presume to give a categorical answer to this question until further definitive surveys are undertaken, indicates that the present rate of mangrove cutting is actually well below the maximum sustainable level. Perhaps recognising this, the Government announced in November 1996 that the export ban would be reviewed, raising hope among the Lamu people. Sadly, this has not happened yet. However even if it did, the expected improvement of the economy may not materialise, given that demand for the poles in the Middle East is probably much lower than in the past. Hence this study also calls for the development of several other mangrove resources to boost the local economy. Nevertheless, cutting for the local market could also be increased.

7 2 PAST AND PRESENT USES OF MANGROVES IN LAMU

A. Building poles

Mangrove poles have been used in Lamu for centuries as ceiling beams, roof rafters, door lintels, and even as wall structural supports in huge buildings. Lamu's architectural style and building materials date back to at least the 9th century AD, and possibly much earlier. Evidence of this was obtained by excavations at Shanga in the district, the earliest known settlement along the East African coast (Horton, 1981). So important are the poles that they even define the architectural style of the coast. Since they are used as ceiling beams, their span governs the width of rooms. Due to the limits of pole lengths, all stone buildings in Lamu town and elsewhere have traditionally been constructed on a long, narrow galleries plan. Many Arabian countries, sharing a similar culture with the East African coast, followed the same architectural pattern.

In Mombasa town and other large urban centres at the coast today, mangroves are diminishing in importance as structural supports. They are now generally used for scaffolding in the construction industry. However, in the rural areas and coastal villages, the poles are still very much in demand for the structural framework and roof rafters for traditional houses. One of the biggest users of the poles today is the tourist hotel industry at the coast. Lamu is presently the largest supplier of the poles for this market.

B. Tannins

Historically, this has also been a major use of mangroves. Production of tannins for export in East Africa started in 1890, and by 1900 1 350 tons of mangrove bark were being exported (Chapman, 1975), mainly to Germany. The bulk of this came from Tanzania. By 1914 production had intensified so much that there was clear danger of over exploitation, and greater government control had to be exercised in order to conserve supplies. During the mid 1950s East Africa was producing 3 500 tons annually of mangrove bark (Rawlins, 1957). The species most commonly exploited for tannin production was Rhizophora mucronata, though most mangrove species have some tannin content. East African mangroves contain the highest content of tannins in the world (Chapman, 1975), which explains their historical popularity over those of other countries, e.g. Indonesia.

At present the extraction of tannins from mangrove bark in Lamu is a specialised cottage industry located largely at Siyu in Patte Island. Siyu still produces the famous Swahili traditional leather sandals, which are dyed deep red or black using mangrove tannins. At present, there are about 70 artisans in Siyu still practising the craft (Idha, 1997).

C. Lime

Lamu has since ancient times used mangrove wood in the production of lime for building houses. Lamu town has used coral rag, lime mortar and mangrove poles in house construction from at least the 14th century. Shanga and other abandoned ancient towns used basically the same building materials centuries before.

Lamu presently has 750 traditional stone houses that are being conserved by the National Museums (Sagaff, 1993). Most of the lime used in Lamu and other towns in the district comes from Manda and Patte islands, and is still made in the traditional way, using mangrove wood and coral stones.

D. Charcoal and Firewood

Mangrove wood has long been used by coastal people for fuel, mainly for reasons of availability, but also because charcoal made from it is considered superior to that from acacia trees. Charcoal

8 has long been an important trade item, and was for some time exported to the Middle East, until the late 1970s, when the government stopped it to prevent the complete destruction of forests.

Traditional charcoal kilns are inefficient. Using special kilns, it is possible to extract chemicals such as methanol, wood tar and acetic acid as by-products, and thus generate greater income. However, this is not being done in Kenya.

E. Dhow building

Lamu for centuries has been a great centre of dhow building. Several types of sailing craft are made: the kihori - a dugout canoe; the mashua - a small sailing boat favoured by fishermen and tourists; and the jahazi - a large vessel used for transport of cargo and passengers. Several mangrove species are used in one way or another in the dhow making industry. Heritiera and Xylocarpus are considered excellent for dhow masts, while Sonneratia and Avicennia are used for boat ribs. Avicennia is also popular for making the dugout canoes. Rhizophora cracks easily, and so is used for non-essential purposes In boat building, such as the boat-house.

Lamu still receives orders for dhows, especially the jahazi, from tour operators and cargo transporters from Malindi, Mombasa, and even Tanga, Tanzania.

F. Minor Uses

Mangroves are used to make traditional fishing stakes/traps, fishing net floats, and cheap furniture. The leaves of some species are used for camel fodder. Bee keeping in Patte town is done in mangrove areas. Finally, some species of mangroves are reputed to have medicinal value.

In other countries mangroves provide many more products: chipboard; hardboard; paper and pulp; and adhesives, resins or gums. By using special kilns for charcoal production, other chemical by-products are obtained: acetic acid, methanol, and wood tar. However, in Kenya no research has yet been done to assess the possibility of obtaining these products.

2..,1 Exploitation of other mangrove resources

Lamu's offshore fishing resources are presently under exploited, for lack of sea-going vessels and refrigeration facilities. Lamu District's offshore fishery resources are probably the largest at the coast (Hyder, 1997). However, inshore fisheries are currently at or near maximum yields. There are over 3 000 artisanal fishermen in Lamu District (Tiensongrusmee, 1991). However, this figure is misleading, for a great many of Lamu's people practise fishing, even if only for recreation or, more usually, for getting their daily meal. This means that inshore fish resources are intensely harvested, and face imminent serious depletion. The major part of the inshore resources derive directly from or are sustained by mangrove swamps and estuaries. Mangroves are also at present heavily fished for prawns, mud crabs (Scylla serrata), and oysters. Lamu sells off much of its catch of fish and shellfish to Mombasa, Malindi, and even Nairobi.

There is presently no fish farming or mariculture of any sort in Lamu. Mariculture of oysters and prawns has been attempted in other districts, such as Kwale, and oyster farming is slowly becoming popular there as a non-destructive mariculture practice. Prawn farming is considered destructive of the environment. In any case, Lamu's mangrove soils, being too sandy, do not permit prawn farming using the ponds method (Yap & Landoy, 1986). Finfish, mud crab, or seaweed culture has not been attempted on any significant scale in Kenya, though there have been a few trials. The potential for such culture, using non-destructive methods, needs to be assessed.

9 Apiculture, while well developed in other parts of the country, is a minor activity in Lamu District. Honey from mangroves, particularly from the Avicennia species, is of specially high quality. Currently bee keeping in mangrove zones is being practised on a small scale in Patte and other coastal villages in the district. Silviculture of mangrove species is rarely practised in Lamu. Except for small and sporadic planting attempts, there is no organised silvicultue programme for mangrove trees. The Lamu Forestry Department has put more effort in planting of Casuarina trees along the landward side of mangrove areas. Recently, however, interest in mangrove replanting has picked up.

Ecotourism in Lamu is undeveloped. Mangroves are a major natural feature in the district. Because of their historical, cultural, economic, and ecological importance, mangroves can be a significant tourist attraction, and help provide alternative employment. Two areas have high potential: the Kiunga Marine Reserve and the Tana River delta, both of which have large and well developed mangals.

L MANGROVE MANAGEMENT AND CONSERVATION -- The case for increasing exploitation.

II History of mangrove management in Kenya

Mangrove management, unlike in South East Asia, is a relatively young practice in Kenya. In the past cutting was haphazard, based on the whims of cutters, who felt free to go where they liked, and cut as much as they wanted. The general attitude was that mangroves were "free for the taking". It was widely believed that the trees grew so fast as to be unaffected by cutting. Such erroneous attitudes persist.

Over cutting of mangrove swamps in Kenya was first noticed in the southern coastal districts immediately after the second World War. By 1946 demand for poles in Mombasa had grown very high and local creeks were exhausted. Quotas had to be imposed starting from the following year. In Lamu, the mangrove trade reached a peak between 1947 to 1956, when huge quantities of poles were cut for export in the belief that, with the discovery of oil in the Persian Gulf, demand for poles there would soon drop. In fact this fear did not materialise for many years after that. From 1957 onwards, very strict cutting quotas had to be imposed.

In 1949 the Forestry Department initiated studies for a mangrove working plan. This was completed after two years. The objective-was to manage mangrove forests in such a way that the trade with Arabian and Persian Gulf countries would be unaffected, while local needs were met, and at the same time forest destruction was checked. The Lamu swamps, under this plan, were to be cut on a 20 year cycle, with the first cycle starting at Mkunumbi in 1951 (Forestry Dept. Pamphlet, undated).

At present management of mangroves in Kenya is limited to the setting of cutting quotas and specifically determine actual wood stock and potential extractable quantities. Thus at the present time there is no specified system for assessing cutting rates, and the whole exercise is very subjective. Forestry officials make an estimate each year of the availability of different size classes of poles.

An FAO study in 1991 estimated the potential annual yield of mangrove timber in Lamu at 11 000 cubic metres. However the actual harvests in the preceding four years, when cutting quotas averaged 15 000 score, were never more than 8 000 cubic metres. Furthermore, the FAO figure is probably less than actual sustainable production (Hussain, 1991). Since cutting rates over the last few years have averaged 10000 score (Mwambao, pers. comm.), it is apparent that in Lamu mangrove exploitation after the export ban has been taking place at well below maximum sustainable levels.

Considering the foregoing then, it is reasonable to assume that there is indeed a good case for increasing mangrove cutting in Lamu District. Since the ban in 1982, the trees have been growing steadily and actual timber stock is much larger now. The Government imposed the charcoal production and pole export bans out of its concern for the conservation of the mangrove forests. These fears were quite justified with respect to the southern coastal districts, which have much larger populations, and many industries requiring fuel wood. This extremely heavy pressure led to great depletion of the mangrove vegetation in Mombasa, Kwale and Kilifi Districts. Strict measures were thus reqUired. Lamu's situation, though, has always been different. Indeed, Lamu now has a quite different problem altogether - in many places cutting has been limited to more accessible areas, with the result that other places have extremely high densities of trees (Hussain, 1991). In such areas this even interferes with natural regeneration.

The charcoal ban probably needs to be reviewed, too. Mangrove cutters leave behind a great deal of debris, that could be profitably used in making charcoal. Unfortunately, the Forestry Department has a severe shortage of field personnel, so at the present time such activities cannot be monitored to ensure that charcoal burners do not actually cut down trees.

3.3 Empowering local communities in mangrove conservation and management

Too often resource policy makers and managers do not involve local communities when drawing up resource management plans. Experience elsewhere has shown that local people possess a lot of valuable environmental information. Furthermore, they often practise their own forms of traditional marine resource management which have been much misunderstood and disparaged by authorities (Johannes, 1991).

This study argues that mangroves, apart from being a valuable economic resource, are very much a part of the rich history and culture of Lamu people, and other coastal communities. To exclude them then from decision-making forums on a resource they have utilised since the dawn of time is ultimately a self-defeating exercise. The grudging acceptance of cutting quotas, silent but bitter anger at and resentment of the export ban, and the continuation of a great deal of illicit cutting, show just how much the local people value Government conservation efforts.

Kenya has had at best a rocky history of environmental conservation. Conservation is a concept that is still very much associated with colonial authority in the minds of many Kenyans. Without a programme that acknowledges this attitude, and actively involves the locals so as to overcome their general distrust, any conservation project is doomed to failure. The concept of conservation urgently needs a re-definition, especially for soliciting the aid of target groups in conservation efforts. Conservation should be seen as sustainable utilisation, or simply wise use, of resources, rather than mere preservation or total protection from all or any use. This, as NMK has experienced, is true of both town or cultural conservation, and environmental. NMK believes that the understanding and participation of local communities are critical to the successful implementation of any conservation programme. The wealth of traditional environmental knowledge among the locals should be

--- documented and incorporated into management plans, and the people should be involved at all stages in the management process. In its efforts to conserve culture or the environment, NMK has often set up units with a strong community agenda. Examples include: Gedi Forest Kipepeo (butterfly farming) Project; Coastal Forests Conservation Unit; Elangata WuasEcosystem Management Program; Lamu Town Conservation Project; and the Swahili Cultural Centre. Some of these later evolved into independent community-based or non-governmental organisations. This is because NMK believes that research has to be translated into a community-based initiative if conservation is to succeed.

For ages people lived in harmony with their environment, taking from it just enough for their needs, and naturally leaving the environment with sufficient resources to regenerate. Lamu people can justly argue that they have utilised the mangroves over the last 2 000 years without wiping them out - a powerful argument indeed! Today, though, the situation is different. Population increase, technological improvements, and the profit motive combine to put tremendous pressure on the environment. When circumstances change too fast this harmony breaks down. Hence conservationists rightly worry that this situation is fraught with-danger.

Yet we must acknowledge reality - the reality of everyday life in a third world country! Extremist views such as total protection of mangroves, and unreasonable demands to people, such as asking them to give up a certain profession on which they depend because it is environmentally destructive are sure to prove counter productive, unless alternatives are provided. As timber resources, providers of several products, rich fishing grounds, areas of high potential for fish farming or bee-keeping, and tourist attractions, mangroves are a vital economic asset ... the catch is, however, so long as they continue to exist. So if a way could be found to both preserve the ecosystem and balance our budget books, who would quarrel with that? We can have our cake and eat it!

Conservation then can only be implemented and sustained if it is appreciative of the local cultural heritage, and if carried out within the framework of local development. Human aspects being the primary variable in conservation, the local socio-cultural and economic context should dictate the conservation approach. Lamu people in this case are the primary stakeholders. Thus while scientific information and baseline data are still critically lacking for mangrove habitats, a focus on the human aspects of conservation from the outset will produce the greatest benefits, both in terms of conserving biodiversity as well as providing for the basic needs and economic well being of local communities.

4. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Mangrove forests are a dynamic and vital ecosystem. As an interface between land and sea and as a sustainer of coastal fisheries and biodiversity mangroves play several crucial environmental roles. Their health is linked to that of adjacent marine ecosystems such as estuaries, seagrass beds. and coral reefs. It is thus extremely important to preserve the integrity of these ecosystems, so that they can continue to function in a highly productive manner, and be able to provide ecological amenities and valuable resources.

That said, however, it must be recognised that mangrove timber resources have great historical, cultural and economic value. This needs to be taken into account when developing a national mangrove management plan, which is the major recommendation of this article. This plan should be based on a thorough scientific survey to assess the actual sustainable harvesting levels, since there are indications that in Lamu, at least, mangroves are currently being under exploited.

Although the overseas market for mangrove poles may no longer be as significant as in the past, the survey would help to justify increased cutting for the loca~ market.

The basic aim of resource management should be sustainable utilisation rather than mere preservation. Looking at mangroves at an ecosystem level, and not just a timber resource, the management plan will not focus on production aspects only. It will also do the following:

12 1. Ensure the maintenance and even enhancement of the mangrove environment. 2. Implement silvicultural practises to increase wood stock. 3. Protect neighbouring ecosystems. 4. Carry out research and feasibility studies, with the aim of creating new job opportunities and income-generating projects by diversifying uses of mangroves, identifying new mangrove products, and developing new resources such as mariculture, apiculture, and ecotourism. 5. Encourage and help market traditional crafts that utilise mangrove products, such as the sandal making industry. and 6. Sensitise local resource users on conservation, while involving them and utilising their vast traditional knowledge of mangroves in conservation programs.

All these should be done even while respecting the time-honoured rights of local communities to use and trade in mangrove products.

5. REFERENCES

1. Brooks, L. 1971. Great civilisations of ancient Africa. Four Winds Press, New York

2. Chapman, V.J. 1975. Mangrove vegetation. J. Cramer, Germany.

3. Doute, R.N; N. Ochanda & H. Epp. 1981. A forest inventory of Kenya using remote sensing techniques. KREMU Technical Report, Series No. 30, Nairobi.

4. Forestry Dept., Mombasa. Undated. The mangroves of Kenya. Pamphlet.

5. Forrest-Johnson. 1957. The dhow trade of coastal Kenya. Kenya National Archives, Nairobi.

6. Horton, M.C. 1981. Shanga. 1980. An interim report. National Museums of Kenya.

7. Horton, M.C. 1987. The Swahili corridor. Scientific American, 255: 86-93.

8. Hussain, M.Z. 1991. Mangrove conservation and management-Kenya. FAO, Rome.

9. Hyder, M. 1997. The Lamu artisanal fishery industry and its potential development. Consultancy report, Kenya Gatsby Charitable Trust, Nairobi.

10. Idha, M. 1997. The mangroves of Lamu District. Report of a brief study on the management and sustainable utilisation of mangroves in Lamu. Report, NMK, Nairobi.

11. Johannes, R.E. Integrating traditional knowledge and management of marine resources with government management policy in the Pacific Islands. In: SAREC Conference Reports. 1991. Workshop on tropical coastal lagoon ecosystems. Inhaca Island, Mozambique. 1991.

12. Kokwaro, J,O, 1985 The distribution and economic importance of the mangrove forests of Kenya. J.E.Afr. Nat. Hist. Soc. & Natl. Mus.. 75(188):1-10.

13. Lamu District Development Plans: 1974-78; 1984-88; 1989-93; 1994-96.

14. Lamu Political Records, Vol. 1-3. Kenya National Archives, DC/LAM/3/1-3.

13 Including: A. Talbot-Smith, L.1921. Historical record of Tanaland. B. Clive, J.H. Short history of Lamu. C. Annual Report Lamu District, 1910. D. Economic position in Lamu District, 1934. E. Trade, Lamu District, 1934 F. Forestry, Lamu District, 1934.

15. Martin, E.B. & CP. Martin. 1978. Cargoes of the East. The ports. trade and culture of the Arabian Seas and Western Indian Ocean. Elm Tree Books, London.

16. Mwambao, C. Forester, Lamu. Pers. Comm., 1997.

17. Prins, A.H.J. 1965. Sailing from Lamu. A study of maritime culture in Islamic East Africa. Van Gorcum & Co.-Assen, Holland.

18. Rawlins, S.P. 1957. The East African mangrove trade. Unpublished typescript in the East African Herbarium, Nairobi.

19. Sagaff, A.a. 1993. Preliminary research on lime burning in Lamu. Lamu Town Conservation Office Report, NMK, Lamu.

20. Sagaff, A.O.1995. Mangrove products as an important building material in construction and restoration of buildings. LTCO Report, NMK, Lamu.

21. Salim, A. I. 1973. The Swahili speaking peoples of Kenya's coast. 1895-1965. E.A. Publishing House, Nairobi.

22. Sheriff, A.M.H. The East African Coast and its role in maritime trade. In: G. Mokhtar (ed). 1981. General history of Africa II. Ancient civilisations of Africa. Heinemann, California UNESCO.

23. Tiensongrusmee, B. 1991. Report on brackish waterl coastal aquaculture development. FAa, Rome.

24. Wilding, R. 1987. The shorefolk. Aspects of the early development of Swahili communities. Fort Jesus Occasional Papers No.2, NMK, Mombasa.

25. Yap, W.G. & R.J. Landoy. 1986. Report on a survey of the coastal area of Kenya for shrimp farm development. FAa, Rome.