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Chinese Responses to Malay Hegemony in Peninsular
KyotoKyotoUniversity University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3, December 1996 Chinese Responses to Malay Hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia 1957-96 HENG Pek Koon' Owing to their status as an irnmigrant minority community, the political, social ancl economic life of Chinese in Peninsular Malaysia (known as Malaya in the period before 1963) has inevitably been shaped by initiatives emanating from the dominant Malay community. According to the latest census figures released in 1995, Chinese form 29.4% of the population in Peninsular Malaysia compared to 57.4% for Malays and 9,5% fer Indians [Government of Malaysia, Department of Statistics Malaysia 1995: Vol.1, 40]. This paper examine$ the impact oi Malay hegemony, which emerged with independenee in 1957, on Chinese political and economic life. The interplay of Malay ascendance and Chinese responses over the last four decades has undergone three distinct phases: (1) 1957-69 Alliance coalition rule; (2) 1970-90 National Front (Barisan Nasional) coalition rule and implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP); (3) 1991-present implementation of the National Development Policy (NDP). During the first phase, Chinese experienced meaningful political participation and made significant economic gain$. The second phase saw concentration of power in the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), a eoncerted implementation of Malay affirmative action policies, and a concomitant m'arginalization of Chinese political activity. In the current phase, NDP "Vision policies, shaped by the objectives of Prime Minister Mohamad Mahathir's 2020," have produced a political and economic climate more conducive to Chinese interests. Befere turning to a discussion of Chinese and economic activities in the country, I political "Malayness" would like to first consider the manner in whieh the three core ethnic identifiers of bahasa, agama, 7zlj'a (language, religion and royalty) have been utilized by the Malay political leadership in public policies to reflect Malay hegemonic status in the Malaysian polity. -
Budget 2010 Debate Round-Up Speech by Minister for Finance, Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam on 4 March 2010
BUDGET 2010 DEBATE ROUND-UP SPEECH BY MINISTER FOR FINANCE, MR THARMAN SHANMUGARATNAM ON 4 MARCH 2010 A. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 2 CHARTING A NEW COURSE ............................................................................................ 2 B. INVESTING IN PRODUCTIVITY .......................................................................... 4 PRODUCTIVITY: A RECURRING PRIORITY ............................................................................ 4 INVESTING IN ENTERPRISE UPGRADING ............................................................................. 8 FOCUS BENEFITS ON GROWTH-SEEKING BUSINESSES ........................................................... 9 PROVIDE BANG FOR THE BUCK FOR SMES ....................................................................... 11 BALANCE BETWEEN BROAD-BASED AND TARGETED MEASURES ............................................. 13 OTHER ISSUES ........................................................................................................... 13 C. INVESTING FOR INCLUSIVE GROWTH ............................................................ 16 RAISING THE INCOMES OF THE LOWER-INCOME GROUPS .................................................... 16 INEQUALITY .............................................................................................................. 21 HOW WE ARE HELPING THE LOWER INCOME GROUP ......................................................... 23 INVESTING IN SKILLS AND EDUCATION -
Idss Commentaries
IDSS COMMENTARIES (06/2003) IDSS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of IDSS. ___________________________________________________________________________ CRISIS OF CHINESE POLITICS IN MALAYSIA’S RULING COALITION Joseph Liow* 12 March 2003 Introduction Recent intramural crises in the two Chinese partners of Malaysia’s ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) or National Front have raised questions about the future of Chinese parties in the multiracial coalition. Indeed the current twists in the long-standing factional conflicts in the Malaysian Chinese Association and the related tensions between MCA and Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia, may even threaten BN’s continued relevance in Malaysian politics. With dissent brewing in the dominant Malay partner, UMNO (United Malays National Organisation), over the leadership succession after Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad’s departure, and the still-smarting political wounds after its 1999 election reverses, the internal crises in MCA and the quarrels between MCA and Gerakan, are bound to have a detrimental impact on BN’s political fortunes. Some unnerving signs have already surfaced. At the November 2000 Lunas by- election in Kedah, a constituency with a substantial number of Chinese voters, it was Chinese votes, ironically, that delivered the seat to the Malay opposition candidate from Parti Keadilan. In assessing the future of Chinese politics in the coalition, three ongoing issues dominate: (1) internal crisis within the MCA, (2) MCA-Gerakan tensions, and (3) the interest and encroachment of UMNO into Chinese politics within the BN. A critical question is whether the MCA under a new leadership will continue to be willing to play a subservient role or press for more concessions from UMNO in the interests of the Chinese community. -
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title How Does Law Matter to Social Movements? A Case Study of Gay Activism in Singapore Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/010339d4 Author Chua, Lynette Janice Publication Date 2011 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California How Does Law Matter to Social Movements? A Case Study of Gay Activism in Singapore By Lynette Janice Chua A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Jurisprudence & Social Policy in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Kristin Luker, Chair Professor Calvin Morrill Professor Catherine Albiston Professor Kim Voss Spring 2011 Abstract How Does Law Matter to Social Movements? A Case Study of Gay Activism in Singapore by Lynette Janice Chua Doctor of Philosophy in Jurisprudence & Social Policy University of California, Berkeley Professor Kristin Luker, Chair This study is aimed at gaining a better understanding of how people fight for change collectively in societies that, unlike the United States, have less of democratic processes, and fundamental civil-political rights, and, of how law matters to their processes of doing so. It focuses on a particular minority group, gay people, in one particular society – Singapore, an Asian country with shades of authoritarianism – and explored how gay activists make sense of their grievances, strategize and take action to achieve their goals, and evaluate their own efforts. Based on systematic collection and analysis of data, including in-depth interviews with 100 activists, the study found: Unlike what sociology of law has learned in the United States, law - in the form of legal rights - is neither a strategic nor symbolic resource for these activists. -
Presidents of NUSS
HAPPY SWEET th Our sixty years at NUSS are probably best measured not in time but in the relationships cultivated, the challenges overcome and the communities enriched by us together. Imagine time as a vessel, capturing a passionate blend of experience and new promise. Such is the NUSS journey, brimming with potential, towards an even better tomorrow. Old Wine, New Spirits The NUSS 60th Anniversary Commemorative Publication Design and Production Green House Design + Communications Pte Ltd Published by The National University of Singapore Society Kent Ridge Guild House, 9 Kent Ridge Drive, Singapore 119241 Tel: 6779 1811 Fax: 6778 8095 Email: [email protected] Website: www.nuss.org.sg Writer Edgar Liao Old Wine, New Spirits Commemorative Publication Team Lai Kim Seng, Lim Soo Hwee, Edgar Liao, Nadine Wu, Lai Choon How, Mephine Ong Old Wine, New Spirits Editorial Panel Yip Kum Fei, Lai Kim Seng, Chandra Mohan K Nair, Dr James Boss, Basskaran Nair, Jeffrey Khoo, Dr Paul Wang, Edgar Liao Photo Credits National Archives of Singapore Offices of the NUS President and the Vice-Provost (Student Life) Harry Chan, Mervyn Sek, Ho Junyi, Stefan Choo, Wayn Chiua, Zou Kunyi, Liu Guoyi, Hu Yang, Brandon Albert Lim, Tan Zi Tong, Ow Yau Loong, Marcus Royce Lee, Pamela Tan, Dr James Boss, Agnes Ng, Lim Shoo Hoe ISBN: 978-981-09-1962-7 ©2014 The National University of Singapore Society No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the Publisher. -
Singapore's Foreign Policy: Beyond Realism
SINGAPORE’S FOREIGN POLICY: BEYOND REALISM Submitted by Ming Hwa Ting This thesis is submitted to the University of Adelaide as a requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Centre for Asian Studies North Terrace Campus, the University of Adelaide March 2010 consummatum est ii Abstract .......................................................................................................................... vi Thesis Declaration ........................................................................................................ vii Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................... viii List of Abbreviations ...................................................................................................... x 1. INTRODUCTION: WHY STUDY SINGAPORE‟S FOREIGN POLICY? ........ 11 1.1 Singapore in Southeast Asia: The Vulnerability Myth ................................. 12 1.2 Why Realism is in Vogue: Size as a Deteminant in Singapore‟s Threat Perception ..................................................................................................... 15 1.3 Limitations of Realism .................................................................................. 17 1.4 Literature Review .......................................................................................... 21 1.4.1 Singapore‟s Foreign Policy: Paucity of Empirical Research .................... 21 1.3.2 Paucity of Alternative Theoretical Research ........................................... -
Going Forward Tun Dato' Seri Utama Dr Lim
PENANG LECTURE 2005 BUILDING ON PENANG’S STRENGTHS: GOING FORWARD BY TUN DATO’ SERI UTAMA DR LIM CHONG EU 1 PENANG LECTURE 2005 BUILDING ON PENANG’S STRENGTHS: GOING FORWARD BY TUN DATO’ SERI UTAMA DR LIM CHONG EU Tuan Yang Terutama Yang Di-Pertua Negeri Pulau Pinang, Tun Dato’ Seri Haji Abdul Rahman bin Haji Abbas, dan Yang Amat Berbahagia Toh Puan Datin Seri Hajjah Majimor Bt. Shariff, The Chairman of the Organising Committee for Penang Lecture Series and Director of S.E.R.I., Dato’ Dr. Sharom Ahmat, Ladies and Gentlemen: 1. I thank the Chairman and Directors of SERI for inviting me to deliver the Penang Lecture 2005 on “Building on Penang’s Strengths: Going Forward”. 2. It has been a long time since I last spoke at a public forum. Now that I am well into the eighth decade of my life I hope that you will accept any lapses on my part in good faith. Certainly, it is not my intention to become involved in any political discussion. Indeed, I have frequently enough expressed that “politics is the newest in ethics”1, and my own personal involvement in the politics of social change took place many years ago. 3. Fundamentally, the social, political and economic strength of Penang emanates from the 1,442,800 people who live in this relatively small State in the Federation of Malaysia. Most of them (94.96%) are Rakyat Malaysia (Malaysians), and the majority of them were born after 31st August 1957. 4. Today, we have reached a new critical divide in the history of our 48 year-old Nation, when our people must all think, plan and act as Malaysians, and not in terms of ethnicity or even in terms of State-origins. -
'Razak Was Like a Father to Me'
PERDANA LIBRARY PERDANA LEADERSHIP FOUNDATION NEWSPAPER CLIPPING Newspaper News Straits Times Date 14/1/2012 PAGE 10 NEW STRAITS TIMES SATURDAY. JANUARY 14. 2012 'Razak was like a father to me' MAN OF VISION: The country's second prime minister, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, is still remembered as a visionary leader 36 years after his death on Jan 14, 1976, writes Eunice Au ORMER special assistant to Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, FTunku Tan Sri Shahriman Tunku Sulaiman, first met Razak in Temerloh, Pahang, where he was serving as an assistant district of- ficer in 1958. Razak instructed Shahriman and the district officer to come up with a scheme to distribute land to the people quickly. "That time, bureaucracy was still slow and land approvals would take three to four years sometimes. "Tun (Razak) wanted to give land to the people in the district fast so we set up land offices in the vil- lages, called for applications and approved them at the same time." "The new scheme was completed within a week in each village, a level of efficiency achieved only with Razak's persistence." That first encounter left Shah- riman enchanted by Razak's style and leadership. The following year when the elections were held, Razak won in the Pekan constituency, which in- cluded a sub-district called Rompin. Coincidentally, Shahriman was transferred to be in charge of A 'lion' welcoming prime minister Tun Abdul Razak Hussein upon his arrival at Bayan Lepas airport on June 10,1974. Then Penang chief minister Rompyi, jvhich brought about the Tun Dr Lim Chong Eu (on Razak's left) used to join Razak on his annual holidays on Pulau Pangkor. -
KEEPING the FLAME ALIVE House Early Yesterday Afternoon Amid a Torrential Downpour
SIN CE 1845 28 G MONDAY, MARCH 30, 2015 MONDAY MARCH 30, 2015 1923 - 2015 Goodbye, Mr Lee Thank you, Mr Lee 1923 - 2015 COVER PHOTO: ALPHONSUS CHERN. The state funeral procession leaving Parliament KEEPING THE FLAME ALIVE House early yesterday afternoon amid a torrential downpour. More than 100,000 “The light that has guided us all these years has been extinguished. people lined the 15.4km route of Singapore’s founding father and first Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew’s journey to the University Cultural Centre for the state funeral service. We have lost our founding father Mr Lee Kuan Yew, who lived and breathed Singapore all his life. He and his team led our pioneer generation to create this island nation, Singapore... We have all lost a father. We grieve as one people, one nation. But in our grief, we’ve displayed the best of REPORTS & PICTURES: PAGES 2-28 Singapore. Ordinary people going to great lengths to distribute refreshments and umbrellas to the crowd and help one another in the queue late into the night. Citizen soldiers, Home Team officers, cleaners, all working tirelessly round the clock. Our shared sorrow has brought us together and made us stronger and more resolute. 86 PAGES IN FIVE PARTS TO SUBSCRIBE: 6388-3838 We come together not only to mourn, we come together also to rejoice in Mr Lee Kuan Yew’s long and full life www.sphsubscription.com.sg and what he has achieved with us, his people in Singapore. We come together to pledge ourselves to continue 90 cents building this exceptional country. -
Chinese Responses to Malay Hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia 1957-96
Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 34, No.3, December 1996 Chinese Responses to Malay Hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia 1957-96 RENG Pek Koon * Owing to their status as an immigrant minority community, the political, social and economic life of Chinese in Peninsular Malaysia (known as Malaya in the period before 1963) has inevitably been shaped by initiatives emanating from the dominant Malay community. According to the latest census figures released in 1995, Chinese form 29.4% of the population in Peninsular Malaysia compared to 57.4% for Malays and 9.5% for Indians [Government of Malaysia, Department of Statistics Malaysia 1995: VoLl, 40J. This paper examines the impact of Malay hegemony, which emerged with independence in 1957, on Chinese political and economic life. The interplay of Malay ascendance and Chinese responses over the last four decades has undergone three distinct phases: (1) 1957-69 - Alliance coalition rule; (2) 1970-90 National Front (Barisan Nasional) coalition rule and implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP); (3) 1991-present - implementation of the National Development Policy (NDP). During the first phase, Chinese experienced meaningful political participation and made significant economic gains. The second phase saw concentration of power in the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), a concerted implementation of Malay affirmative action policies, and a concomitant marginalization of Chinese political activity. In the current phase, NDP policies, shaped by the objectives of Prime Minister Mohamad Mahathir's "Vision 2020," have produced a political and economic climate more conducive to Chinese interests. Before turning to a discussion of Chinese political and economic activities in the country, I would like to first consider the manner in which the three core ethnic identifiers of "Malayness" - bahasa, agama, raja (language, religion and royalty) - have been utilized by the Malay political leadership in public policies to reflect Malay hegemonic status in the Malaysian polity. -
Electoral Politics and the Malaysian Chinese Association in Johor
ISSN 0219-3213 2018 no. 20 Trends in Southeast Asia ELECTORAL POLITICS AND THE MALAYSIAN CHINESE ASSOCIATION IN JOHOR LEE HOCK GUAN AND NICHOLAS CHAN TRS20/18s ISBN 978-981-4843-18-8 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 789814 843188 Trends in Southeast Asia 18-J04855 01 Trends_2018-20.indd 1 19/11/18 3:55 PM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and the Singapore APEC Study Centre. ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 18-J04855 01 Trends_2018-20.indd 2 19/11/18 3:55 PM 2018 no. 20 Trends in Southeast Asia ELECTORAL POLITICS AND THE MALAYSIAN CHINESE ASSOCIATION IN JOHOR LEE HOCK GUAN AND NICHOLAS CHAN 18-J04855 01 Trends_2018-20.indd 3 19/11/18 3:55 PM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2018 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Democracy and Transition in Malaysia: an Analysis of the Problems of Political Succession Khoo Boo Teik Universiti Sains Malaysia
Macalester International Volume 12 Malaysia: Crossroads of Diversity in Article 11 Southeast Asia Fall 2002 Democracy and Transition in Malaysia: An Analysis of the Problems of Political Succession Khoo Boo Teik Universiti Sains Malaysia Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl Recommended Citation Teik, Khoo Boo (2002) "Democracy and Transition in Malaysia: An Analysis of the Problems of Political Succession," Macalester International: Vol. 12, Article 11. Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/macintl/vol12/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Institute for Global Citizenship at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Macalester International by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Democracy and Transition in Malaysia: An Analysis of the Problems of Political Succession Khoo Boo Teik I. Introduction Late in the afternoon of September 2, 1998, Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad’s office tersely announced, without giving rea- sons, that Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim had been sacked from all of his posts in the government. In the early hours of Septem- ber 4, the Supreme Council of the ruling party, United Malays National Organization (UMNO), decided to expel Anwar, who was the party’s deputy president. Anwar’s dismissal occasioned an enor- mous shock that was aggravated by immediate media revelations of tawdry allegations against Anwar, his subsequent prosecutions, his controversial convictions, and the shabby treatment of Anwar’s sup- porters and opposition groups, whether by police, media, or electoral methods, which continues to this day.