Pre-Colombian Mythology
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Universal Mythology: Stories
Universal Mythology: Stories That Circle The World Lydia L. This installation is about mythology and the commonalities that occur between cultures across the world. According to folklorist Alan Dundes, myths are sacred narratives that explain the evolution of the world and humanity. He defines the sacred narratives as “a story that serves to define the fundamental worldview of a culture by explaining aspects of the natural world, and delineating the psychological and social practices and ideals of a society.” Stories explain how and why the world works and I want to understand the connections in these distant mythologies by exploring their existence and theories that surround them. This painting illustrates the connection between separate cultures through their polytheistic mythologies. It features twelve deities, each from a different mythology/religion. By including these gods, I have allowed for a diversified group of cultures while highlighting characters whose traits consistently appear in many mythologies. It has the Celtic supreme god, Dagda; the Norse trickster god, Loki; the Japanese moon god, Tsukuyomi; the Aztec sun god, Huitzilopochtli; the Incan nature goddess, Pachamama; the Egyptian water goddess, Tefnut; the Polynesian fire goddess, Mahuika; the Inuit hunting goddess, Arnakuagsak; the Greek fate goddesses, the Moirai: Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos; the Yoruba love goddess, Oshun; the Chinese war god, Chiyou; and the Hindu death god, Yama. The painting was made with acrylic paint on mirror. Connection is an important element in my art, and I incorporate this by using the mirror to bring the audience into the piece, allowing them to see their reflection within the parting of the clouds, whilst viewing the piece. -
FFP/Celebrate Text.Qdoc
FFP-CelebrateCYMK.doc:FFP/CelebrateCYMK_TXT 12/3/08 10:40 AM Page i CELEBRATE NATIVE AMERICA! An Aztec Book of Days FFP-CelebrateCYMK.doc:FFP/CelebrateCYMK_TXT 12/3/08 10:40 AM Page ii FFP-CelebrateCYMK.doc:FFP/CelebrateCYMK_TXT 12/3/08 10:40 AM Page iii CELEBRATE NATIVE AMERICA! An Aztec Book of Days Five Flower Press Santa Fe, New Mexico BY RICHARD BALTHAZAR FFP-CelebrateCYMK.doc:FFP/CelebrateCYMK_TXT 12/3/08 10:40 AM Page iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Front cover illustration: Sincere gratitude to Ernesto Torres for his incisive and insightful editing, to John HUITZILOPOCHTLI Cole for his artistry in processing and assembling the illustrations, and to the Uni- Hummingbird of the South versity of New Mexico Library for access to editions of several Aztec codices. The Aztec god of war. Publisher’s Cataloging in Publication (Prepared by Quality Books Inc.) Balthazar, Richard. Celebrate native America! : an Aztec book of days / Richard Balthazar. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-9632661-1-X 1. Aztec—Calendar. 2. Indians of Mexico—Calendar. 3. Aztecs—Religion and mythology. 4. Indians of Mexico—Religion and mythology. I. Title. II. Title: Aztec book of days. F1219.76.C35B38 1993 972.018 QB193–20421 ©1993, Richard Balthazar. All rights reserved. Printed in Korea. Design/Typography: John Cole Graphic Designer, Cerrillos, New Mexico U.S.A. Software used to produce this publication: Quark XPress 3.1, Adobe Streamline 2.0 and Adobe Illustrator 3.0. Typeface: Adobe Cochin. Printed on acid free paper. FFP-CelebrateCYMK.doc:FFP/CelebrateCYMK_TXT -
Aztec Mythology
Aztec Mythology One of the main things that must be appreciated about Aztec mythology is that it has both similarities and differences to European polytheistic religions. The idea of what a god was, and how they acted, was not the same between the two cultures. Along with all other native American religions, the Aztec faith developed from the Shamanism brought by the first migrants over the Bering Strait, and developed independently of influences from across the Atlantic (and Pacific). The concept of dualism is one that students of Chinese religions should be aware of; the idea of balance was primary in this belief system. Gods were not entirely good or entirely bad, being complex characters with many different aspects and their own desires and motivations. This is highlighted by the relation between Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca. When the Spanish arrived with their European sensibilities, they were quick to name one good and one evil, identifying Quetzalcoatl with Christ and Tezcatlipoca with Satan during their attempts to integrate the Nahua peoples into Christianity. But to the Aztecs neither god would have been “better” than the other; they are just different and opposing sides of the same duality. Indeed, their identities are rather nebulous, with Quetzalcoatl often being referred to as “White Tezcatlipoca” and Tezcatlipoca as “Black Quetzalcoatl”. The Mexica, as is explained in the history section, came from North of Mexico in a location they named “Aztlan” (from which Europeans developed the term Aztec). During their migration south they were exposed to and assimilated elements of several native religions, including those of the Toltecs, Mayans, and Zapotecs. -
Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices
1 Multilingual Discourses Vol. 1.2 Spring 2014 Tanya Ball The Power of Death: Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices hrough an examination of Aztec death iconography in pre- and post-Conquest codices of the central valley of Mexico T (Borgia, Mendoza, Florentine, and Telleriano-Remensis), this paper will explore how attitudes towards the Aztec afterlife were linked to questions of hierarchical structure, ritual performance and the preservation of Aztec cosmovision. Particular attention will be paid to the representation of mummy bundles, sacrificial debt- payment and god-impersonator (ixiptla) sacrificial rituals. The scholarship of Alfredo López-Austin on Aztec world preservation through sacrifice will serve as a framework in this analysis of Aztec iconography on death. The transformation of pre-Hispanic traditions of representing death will be traced from these pre- to post-Conquest Mexican codices, in light of processes of guided syncretism as defined by Hugo G. Nutini and Diana Taylor’s work on the performative role that codices play in re-activating the past. These practices will help to reflect on the creation of the modern-day Mexican holiday of Día de los Muertos. Introduction An exploration of the representation of death in Mexica (popularly known as Aztec) pre- and post-Conquest Central Mexican codices is fascinating because it may reveal to us the persistence and transformation of Aztec attitudes towards death and the after-life, which in some cases still persist today in the Mexican holiday Día de Tanya Ball 2 los Muertos, or Day of the Dead. This tradition, which hails back to pre-Columbian times, occurs every November 1st and 2nd to coincide with All Saints’ Day and All Souls’ day in the Christian calendar, and honours the spirits of the deceased. -
COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL NOT for DISTRIBUTION Figure 0.3
Contents Acknowledgments ix A Brief Note on Usage xiii Introduction: History and Tlaxilacalli 3 Chapter 1: The Rise of Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1272–1454 40 Chapter 2: Acolhua Imperialisms, ca. 1420s–1583 75 Chapter 3: Community and Change in Cuauhtepoztlan Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1544–1575 97 Chapter 4: Tlaxilacalli Religions, 1537–1587 123 COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL Chapter 5: TlaxilacalliNOT FOR Ascendant, DISTRIBUTION 1562–1613 151 Chapter 6: Communities Reborn, 1581–1692 174 Conclusion: Tlaxilacalli and Barrio 203 List of Acronyms Used Frequently in This Book 208 Bibliography 209 Index 247 vii introduction History and Tlaxilacalli This is the story of how poor, everyday central Mexicans built and rebuilt autono- mous communities over the course of four centuries and two empires. It is also the story of how these self-same commoners constructed the unequal bonds of compul- sion and difference that anchored these vigorous and often beloved communities. It is a story about certain face-to-face human networks, called tlaxilacalli in both singular and plural,1 and about how such networks molded the shape of both the Aztec and Spanish rule.2 Despite this influence, however, tlaxilacalli remain ignored, subordinated as they often were to wider political configurations and most often appearing unmarked—that is, noted by proper name only—in the sources. With care, however, COPYRIGHTEDthe deeper stories of tlaxilacalli canMATERIAL be uncovered. This, in turn, lays bare a root-level history of autonomy and colonialism in central Mexico, told through the powerfulNOT and transformative FOR DISTRIBUTION tlaxilacalli. The robustness of tlaxilacalli over thelongue durée casts new and surprising light on the structures of empire in central Mexico, revealing a counterpoint of weakness and fragmentation in the canonical histories of centralizing power in the region. -
God of the Month: Tlaloc
God of the Month: Tlaloc Tlaloc, lord of celestial waters, lightning flashes and hail, patron of land workers, was one of the oldest and most important deities in the Aztec pantheon. Archaeological evidence indicates that he was worshipped in Mesoamerica before the Aztecs even settled in Mexico's central highlands in the 13th century AD. Ceramics depicting a water deity accompanied by serpentine lightning bolts date back to the 1st Tlaloc shown with a jaguar helm. Codex Vaticanus B. century BC in Veracruz, Eastern Mexico. Tlaloc's antiquity as a god is only rivalled by Xiuhtecuhtli the fire lord (also Huehueteotl, old god) whose appearance in history is marked around the last few centuries BC. Tlaloc's main purpose was to send rain to nourish the growing corn and crops. He was able to delay rains or send forth harmful hail, therefore it was very important for the Aztecs to pray to him, and secure his favour for the following agricultural cycle. Read on and discover how crying children, lepers, drowned people, moun- taintops and caves were all important parts of the symbolism surrounding this powerful ancient god... Starting at the very beginning: Tlaloc in Watery Deaths Tamoanchan. Right at the beginning of the world, before the gods were sent down to live on Earth as mortal beings, they Aztecs who died from one of a list of the fol- lived in Tamoanchan, a paradise created by the divine lowing illnesses or incidents were thought to Tlaloc vase. being Ometeotl for his deity children. be sent to the 'earthly paradise' of Tlalocan. -
1. Frida Kahlo, Self-Portrait on the Borderbetween Mexico Andthe
1. Frida Kahlo, Self-Portrait on the Border Between Mexico and the United States, 1932 . New York, Manuel Reyero(Christie's). 22 CULTURE, POLITICS, AND IDENTITY IN THE PAINTINGS OF FRIDA KAHLO JANICE HELLAND Frida Kahlo used the often traumatic and harrow- public protest opposed to American intervention ing iconography of her Mexican heritage to paint in Guatemala. On 14 July 1954, her body lay in herself and the pain which had become an integral state in the magnificent foyer of the Palace of part of her life after, at age eighteen, a streetcar Fine Arts in Mexico City. Much to the chagrin of accident left her crippled. From then on she un- Mexican officials, her coffin was draped with a derwent a series of operations and, because of her large flag bearing the Soviet hammer and sickle severely injured pelvis, a number of miscarriages superimposed upon a star. With her love of the and abortions. Her physical disability never inhib- unconventional and her talent for black humor, ited Kahlo's flair for theatrics, and this, combined Kahlo, in all likelihood, would have enjoyed the with a tempestuous relationship with her philan- uproar caused by this spectacle.' dering husband, the mural painter Diego Rivera, Kahlo, like many other educated young people established her as a tragically romantic and exotic during the tumultuous era between the world figure. As a result, Kahlo's works have been ex- wars, joined the Communist Party in the 1920s. haustively psychoanalyzed and thereby white- In the early part of the century, the intellectual washed of their bloody, brutal, and overtly politi- atmosphere in Mexico was charged with cosmo- cal content. -
The Bilimek Pulque Vessel (From in His Argument for the Tentative Date of 1 Ozomatli, Seler (1902-1923:2:923) Called Atten- Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1983:No
CHAPTER 9 The BilimekPulqueVessel:Starlore, Calendrics,andCosmologyof LatePostclassicCentralMexico The Bilimek Vessel of the Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna is a tour de force of Aztec lapidary art (Figure 1). Carved in dark-green phyllite, the vessel is covered with complex iconographic scenes. Eduard Seler (1902, 1902-1923:2:913-952) was the first to interpret its a function and iconographic significance, noting that the imagery concerns the beverage pulque, or octli, the fermented juice of the maguey. In his pioneering analysis, Seler discussed many of the more esoteric aspects of the cult of pulque in ancient highland Mexico. In this study, I address the significance of pulque in Aztec mythology, cosmology, and calendrics and note that the Bilimek Vessel is a powerful period-ending statement pertaining to star gods of the night sky, cosmic battle, and the completion of the Aztec 52-year cycle. The Iconography of the Bilimek Vessel The most prominent element on the Bilimek Vessel is the large head projecting from the side of the vase (Figure 2a). Noting the bone jaw and fringe of malinalli grass hair, Seler (1902-1923:2:916) suggested that the head represents the day sign Malinalli, which for the b Aztec frequently appears as a skeletal head with malinalli hair (Figure 2b). However, because the head is not accompanied by the numeral coefficient required for a completetonalpohualli Figure 2. Comparison of face date, Seler rejected the Malinalli identification. Based on the appearance of the date 8 Flint on front of Bilimek Vessel with Aztec Malinalli sign: (a) face on on the vessel rim, Seler suggested that the face is the day sign Ozomatli, with an inferred Bilimek Vessel, note malinalli tonalpohualli reference to the trecena 1 Ozomatli (1902-1923:2:922-923). -
Ometeotl, El Supremo Dios Dual, Y Tezcatlipoca “Dios Principal”
OMETEOTL, EL SUPREMO DIOS DUAL, Y TEZCATLIPOCA “DIOS PRINCIPAL” MIGUEL LEÓN-PORTILLA A paradoja suena afirmar que Tonantzin, Totahtzin, Nuestra Madre, Nuestro Padre, el Dios dual Ometeotl, fue para los antiguos mexicanos el principio supremo, origen de cuanto existe, y sostener a la vez que Tezcatlipoca, el “espejo humeante”, era “el dios principal”. ¿Quiere de- cir esto que eran el mismo dios la suprema pareja divina —sobre cuyo ser y atributos presentaré numerosos testimonios— y Tezcatlipoca en quien muchos textos y códices reconocen atributos como los de ser Ipalnemoani, Dador de la vida, Tloque Nahuaque, “Dueño del cerca y del junto”, Teyocoyani, “Inventor de los hombres” y sobre todo ser “el dios principal?” (Códice florentino, 1979, VI, 1 r. y 5 r.). La cuestión, de interés en sí misma por su relación estrecha con los muchos enigmas que encierra para nosotros el panteón mesoamericano, se torna además presente por obra de algunas afirmaciones debidas a Ferdinand Anders y Maarten Jansen en sus comentarios a varios códices, en especial al Vaticano A y al Vindobonense. Tratando del primero de estos, al describir los planos o niveles celestes del espacio vertical del mundo, tal como aparecen en la páqina 1 v. del mismo, expresan ellos lo siguiente: Se supone que el nivel supremo no es [está] pintado explícitamente y es el que recibe el nombre de Omeyocan u Ometeotl, término que se presta a dos etimologías bien diferentes: “Lugar de la dualidad, Dios de Dos” [sic] y “Lugar de lo huesudo, Dios de los huesos”, respectiva- mente. (Anders y Jansen, 1996, 42). -
157. Templo Mayor (Main Temple). Tenochtitlan (Modern Mexico City, Mexico)
157. Templo Mayor (main Temple). Tenochtitlan (modern Mexico City, Mexico). Mexica (Aztec). 1375-1520 C.E. Stone (temple); volcanic stone (The Coyolxauhqui Stone); jadeite (Olmec-style mask); basalt (Calendar Stone). (4 images) dedicated simultaneously to two gods, Huitzilopochtli, god of war, and Tlaloc, god of rain and agriculture, each of which had a shrine at the top of the pyramid with separate staircases 328 by 262 ft) at its base, dominated the Sacred Precinct rebuilt six times After the destruction of Tenochtitlan, the Templo Mayor, like most of the rest of the city, was taken apart and then covered over by the new Spanish colonial city After earlier small attempts to excavate - the push to fully excavate the site did not come until late in the 20th century. On 25 February 1978, workers for the electric company were digging at a place in the city then popularly known as the "island of the dogs." It was named such because it was slightly elevated over the rest of the neighborhood and when there was flooding, street dogs would congregate there. At just over two meters down they struck a pre-Hispanic monolith. This stone turned out to be a huge disk of over 3.25 meters (10.7 feet) in diameter, 30 centimeters (11.8 inches) thick and weighing 8.5 metric tons (8.4 long tons; 9.4 short tons). The relief on the stone was later determined to be Coyolxauhqui, the moon goddess, dating to the end of the 15th century o From 1978 to 1982, specialists directed by archeologist Eduardo Matos Moctezuma worked on the project to excavate the Temple.[5] Initial excavations found that many of the artifacts were in good enough condition to study.[7] Efforts coalesced into the Templo Mayor Project, which was authorized by presidential decree.[8] o To excavate, thirteen buildings in this area had to be demolished. -
EVERYTHING ABOUT PULQUE AGAVOLOGY 'Water from the Green Plants…'
EVERYTHING ABOUT PULQUE AGAVOLOGY 'Water from the green plants…' Tequila's predecessor, pulque, or octli, was made from as many as six types of agave grown in the Mexican highlands. Pulque is one of about thirty different alcoholic beverages made from agave in Mexico - many of which are still made regionally, although seldom available commercially. The drink has remained essential to diet in the central highlands of Mexico since pre-Aztec times. Pulque is like beer - it has a low alcoTeqhol content, about 4-8%, but also contains vegetable proteins, carbohydrates and vitamins, so it also acts as a nutritional supplement in many communities. Unlike tequila or mezcal, the agave sap is not cooked prior to fermentation for pulque. Pulque, is an alcoholic spirit obtained by the fermentation of the sweetened sap of several species of 'pulqueros magueyes' (pulque agaves), also known as Maguey Agaves. It is a traditional native beverage of Mesoamerica. Though it is commonly believed to be a beer, the main carbohydrate is a complex form of fructose rather than starch. The word 'pulque' comes from the Náhuatl Indian root word poliuhqui, meaning 'disturbed'. There are about twenty species of agave and several varieties of pulque. Of these there was one that was called "metlaloctli" ie "blue pulque," for its colouration. Plant Sources of Pulque The maguey plant is not a cactus (as has sometimes been mistakenly suggested) but an Agave, believed to be the Giant Agave (Agave salmiana subspecies salmiana). The plant was one of the most sacred plants in Mexico and had a prominent place in mythology, religious rituals, and Mesoamerican industry. -
Pulque, a Traditional Mexican Alcoholic Fermented Beverage: Historical, Microbiological, and Technical Aspects
REVIEW published: 30 June 2016 doi: 10.3389/fmicb.2016.01026 Pulque, a Traditional Mexican Alcoholic Fermented Beverage: Historical, Microbiological, and Technical Aspects Adelfo Escalante 1*, David R. López Soto 1, Judith E. Velázquez Gutiérrez 2, Martha Giles-Gómez 3, Francisco Bolívar 1 and Agustín López-Munguía 1 1 Departamento de Ingeniería Celular y Biocatálisis, Instituto de Biotecnología, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Cuernavaca, Mexico, 2 Departamento de Biología, Facultad de Química, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Ciudad Universitaria, Ciudad de México, Mexico, 3 Vagabundo Cultural, Atitalaquia, Mexico Pulque is a traditional Mexican alcoholic beverage produced from the fermentation of the fresh sap known as aguamiel (mead) extracted from several species of Agave (maguey) plants that grow in the Central Mexico plateau. Currently, pulque is produced, sold and consumed in popular districts of Mexico City and rural areas. The fermented product is a milky white, viscous, and slightly acidic liquid beverage with an alcohol content between 4 and 7◦ GL and history of consumption that dates back to pre-Hispanic times. In this contribution, we review the traditional pulque production Edited by: process, including the microbiota involved in the biochemical changes that take place Jyoti Prakash Tamang, Sikkim University, India during aguamiel fermentation. We discuss the historical relevance and the benefits of Reviewed by: pulque consumption, its chemical and nutritional properties, including the health benefits Matthias Sipiczki, associated with diverse lactic acid bacteria with probiotic potential isolated from the University of Debrecen, Hungary Giulia Tabanelli, beverage. Finally, we describe the actual status of pulque production as well as the social, Università di Bologna, Italy scientific and technological challenges faced to preserve and improve the production of *Correspondence: this ancestral beverage and Mexican cultural heritage.