UTAH ROCK ART Volume XXIII
Papers Presented at the Twenty-Third Annual Symposium of the Utah Rock Art Research Association Green River, Utah October 11-13, 2003
Edited by Steven J. Manning UTAH ROCK ART VOLUME III
Papers Presented at the Twenty-Third Annual Symposium of the Utah Rock Art Research Association (URARA)
Green River, Utah October 11-13, 2003
Edited by Steven J. Manning Editorial Assistants: Marion Robinson Stephen Robinson Nina Bowen Elna Manning
Cover design and graphics by Steven J. Manning
Published 2004 by the Utah Rock Art Research Association Copyright 2004 by the Utah Rock Art Research Association, Salt Lake City, Utah. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the author and the publisher. Printed in the United States of America. 11 CONTENTS
Dedication Reed and Norma Lance
Galal Gough Trail Shrines in Native American Rock Art. 1-14
Carol Patterson Non-Verbal Communication Systems: 15-43 How Gestures, Postures and Proxemic Arrangements of Anthropomorphic Figures Communicate Information.
Lynda McNeil Seasonal Revival Rites and Rock Art from the 45-59 Yenisey River (S. Siberia) and Eastern Utah.
Steven Manning Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Utah: 61-177 A Shared Cultural Trait Indicating a Temporal Relationship.
Jesse Warner Rock Art as a Form of Prayer. 179-208
Abstracts of papers not submitted 209-210
The following individuals did not submit their paper for publication.
Mary Allen New Discoveries in Grand Canyon Polychrome. Chuck Bailey Jeffers Petroglyph Site Evaluation Jim Blazik Culture and Context: Archaic Painting Traditions in the American West James Farmer Goggled Eyes and Horned Serpents: Barrier Canyon and Mesoamerica Dr. Terence Grieder Looking for Green River in 2003 B.C. Ekkehart Malotki The Western Archaic Rock Art Tradition: An Iconographic Overview David Sucec Drawing the Lines: Weavers Caves and the Problem of Style in Prehistoric Rock Art
iii
iv The Twenty-Third Annual Symposium was
DEDICATED TO REED AND NORMA LANCE
from Monticello, Utah for their contributions and years of dedicated service to the Utah Rock Art Research Association
Green River, Utah October 11, 2003 vi Galal R. Gough TRAIL SHRINES IN NATIVE AMERICAN ROCK ART
In 1999, I was given an envelope with six boulder, and from there the trail led toward pictures which had been in the Coachella Valley Rabbit Peak and a box canyon with numerous Historical Society Museum, and which were agave plants, a different trail destination than I unlabeled but had a print date of 1968. Each had expected. picture featured a boulder or boulders with Previously my only experience with trails petroglyphs, and one had two teenage boys having ceremonial features had been what I have inspecting the rock art (Figure 1). The boulders come to call "Safe Passage Trail Shrines." The were along a trail, with a huge body of water in most famous such Trail Shrine is described by the background. If it was the Salton Sea, I Meriweather Lewis in his June 27, 1806 entry in theorized, then the boulders were above the the Lewis and Clark Journals, describing shoreline of Ancient Lake Cahuilla, for they had passage over a high ridge in the Bitter Root no tell-tale tufa or marine deposits on the rock Mountains: surfaces. Ancient Lake Cahuilla had been formed in prehistoric times when in flood stage We halted by the request of the Guides a the Colorado River overflowed and was diverted few minits on an elevated point and smoked to fill the present day Imperial-Coachella a pipe on this eminance the nativs have Valleys. The water line of the huge lake is still raised a conic mound of stons of 6 or 8 feet visible on the mountains because of the tufa or high and erected a pine pole of 15 feet long. from this place we had an extencive view marine deposits on the rock surfaces. of these Stupendeous Mountains principally Showing the pictures to members of the Indio covered with snow like that on which we Church I was serving as a retired Interim Pastor, stood; we were entirely serounded by those I was able to get an identity for one of the mountains from which no one unaquainted teenage boys. He was now in his late forties, with them it would have Seemed impossible and upon questioning him, I found that he could ever to have escaped, in short without the not remember the location. Then by chance I assistance of our guides....after having smoked the pipe and contemplating this met his father, who said the petroglyph site was Scene Sufficient to have dampened the "somewhere out west of Highway 86 and 80 th," Sperits of any except such hardy travellers northwest of the Salton Sea. Because large as we have become, we continued our march vineyards were now throughout the area, I found and at the dist(ance) of 3 M. decended a 84th to be the only easy access out to the steep Mountain and passed two small alluvial fans with their many boulders. Because branches of the Chopunnish river just above I expected to find a "Safe Passage Trail Shrine" their fo(r)k....(Lewis and Clark 1806:411). into the Anza Borrego area through what appeared to be a pass between Rabbit Peak and Returning to the Rabbit Peak Trail and the Travertine Palms, it was not until my third cluster of petroglyphs, we had come up from a outing to the area with a friend that we came up northwesterly direction to find, I was forced to through a tangle of gullies to a cluster of recognize that this was not a "Safe Passage Trail boulders with around 100 petroglyphs on higher Shrine" and that there must be more than one ground (Figures 2, 3 and 4). There was also a type of Trail Shrine. First, the Rabbit Peak Trail large rubbing or grinding surface on a flat led up to the box canyon and agave plants, but
1 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 went no farther. Second, prominent among the describe the site and the "agave fiber rubs," as petroglyphs was the flat boulder with huge follows: metate or grinding surface (Figure 5), which I The petroglyphs, which have been interpreted will later comment on as "agave fiber rubs." as being of an early Cahuilla type, are pecked This led me, regarding the question of Trail into the reddish-brown patina of the boulders, Shrine Typology, to believe we had stumbled which spread out for a hundred feet along the upon a "Harvest Trail Shrine." This conviction Clark Lake Petroglyph Trail.... There are was further reinforced by an ethnographic agave fiber rubs associated with the reference to hunting trails, food gathering trails petroglyphs (Bean, Vane and Jackson and safe passage trails, for Chief Francisco 1991:44). Patencio had written in his Stories and Legends This petroglyph site (Figure 8) along with the of the Palm Springs Indians: agave fiber rubs contributed to the recognition The trails of the Indians were everywhere. of more than one type of trail shrine, and the They led up all the canyons. There were need to consider Harvest Trail Shrines and hunting trails for the men, and used by multiple use trails in investigating Trail Shrine women to gather the seed, nuts, plums, and Typology. acorns, so many things. They led from the land of one tribe to another. All the Indians The most common Trail Shrine type, as did their part to keep the trails clear. The illustrated by the Meriweather Lewis quote, is trails were sacred to the Indians (Patencio the Safe Passage Trail Shrine. In Pipes Canyon, 1943: 70). located northwest of present day Yucca Valley, California, a Trail Shrine marks a prehistoric Then following the trail back on level sloping route from the desert up into the San Bernardino terrain, we passed three more clusters of Mountains. On an outcrop of rock (Figure 9) petroglyphs before reaching the initial there are three petroglyph panels (Figure 10). petroglyphs on the trail, featured in the six pictures taken in 1968. Nearby was a large Just beyond the outcrop, the trail, with a cairn boulder with a crook petroglyph (Figure 6). on either side, moves up onto a higher shelf to Because of the widespread incidence of the avoid a marsh area farther upstream. The Trail shaman's crook in Native American Rock Art Shrine and cairns initiate the climb up into the across the Southwest, and the writings of mountains. Carabeth Laird dealing with the great powers A classic desert Safe Passage Trail Shrine is east attributed to the Shaman's crook, and as "the of Corn Springs and southeast of Desert Center, shaman's badge of office" (Laird 1976:31), I California. As the trail moves out into the believed the crook petroglyph, though appearing desert for the long trek to McCoy Springs, there to be more recent, indicated a perception that the is a petroglyph-covered boulder (Figure 11) Rabbit Peak Trail Shrine was a site of a followed by a large cairn (Figure 12), where powerful harvest ceremony. offerings were made for safe passage through the long hot dry desert expanse. Unfortunately, The Clark Lake petroglyph site at the southern the cairn has been disturbed, perhaps by mis- base of the Santa Rosa Mountains, located east guided pothunters who have no respect or of Rockhouse Canyon, has a number of rubbing knowledge. Chief Patencio, commenting on the surfaces (Figure 7) along the Petroglyph Trail. practice of putting a pile of rocks by the side of Lowell John Bean, Sylvia Brakke Vane and a trail, said: "This pleased the spirits, and caused Jackson Young, in The Cahuilla Landscape: goodwill" (Patencio 1943: 73). The Santa Rosa and San Jacinto Mountains,
2 Galal R. Gough, Trail Shrines in Native American Rock Art
Figure 4. Trail Shrine etroglyphs.
Fi pure 3. More Glv rhs in. Cluster. Figure Trail Head Boulder ook.
3 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 7. Clark Lake Trail Rub.
Figure 9. Pipes Canyon Outcrop. Figure 2 Corn Springs Trail Calm.
4 Galal R. Gough, Trail Shrines in Native American Rock Art
In the Turtle Mountains, northwest of Vidal Two trails in Arizona start east from the Junction, California, according to a listing of prehistoric Colorado River crossing near present sites, I had read of petroglyphs near Mopah day Bullhead City, with one heading out toward Spring. However, after hiking to the spring, Secret Pass. This more northerly route along nestled by a palm tree, I found only potsherds Fox Creek has a cluster of petroglyphs, and flakes near a ridge and small shelters, but no including a unique boulder glyph (Figure 17), petroglyphs. A year or so later, when a couple and the site is known by some researchers as the with a plane asked me to show them the giant Fox Creek Trail Shrine. A huge cairn with many intaglios or desert figures along the Colorado hundreds of offering rocks (Figure 18) appears River, I asked them to fly over the Turtle also to have had a pathway or dance circle Mountains on the way home. From the air I around it. The trail continues to the east along could see a trail on the other side of a ridge from Fox Creek (Figure 19), and in another view of the spring. Going back, I followed the trail the cairn the trail is visible on the far slope (Figure 13) up to a saddle where there was an (Figure 20) leading toward Secret Pass. intersection of trails, along with a trail guardian The other trail is farther south and also has petroglyph (Figure 14), a large cairn and other petroglyph markers (Figure 21) and a huge trail petroglyphs at this major Trail Shrine. shrine cairn (Figure 22). This trail is known as Farther north, in the Mojave National Preserve, the Mohave Road, with the Arizona spelling, a trail from Soda Dry Lake over a volcanic ridge and has important historical references. Father to Cow Cove goes right straight up to the crown Francisco Garces in 1776 recorded his journey of the ridge (Figure 15). At the crest of the east into present day Arizona in his diary, which climb is a group of petroglyphs (Figure 16). provides the source for the account in Clifford Below the steep incline wagon ruts follow the Walker's book, Back Door to California: The trail, but veer to the right to switch back up the Story of the Mojave River Trail: ridge. But the trail to the petroglyphs goes straight up the incline, as some Indian trails do. In order to complete his goal of a route from But while I have no ethnographic data on this California to New Mexico, Garces headed site, I found the description in Rock Art of the east from the Mohave villages, crossing the Southwest: A Visitor's Companion, by Liz and Colorado River on June 5. The Yavapai Peter Welsh, to be very provocative: treated him favorably as he crossed their territory in Arizona, and they guided him to TRAILS are associated with some rock-art the Hopi pueblo of Oraibi... sites. In some cases, the trails are routes To reach California from New Mexico, through canyons and passes. In other cases, Garces not only mentioned the direct route they are straight cleared paths that lead from Zuni to the Mojave River Trail, but also directly up a slope-paths with no switchbacks, a route around the northern part of the Grand which makes them hard to climb. Canyon. With the Anza or Yuma route to Researchers think it is unlikely that these California a fact, and the direct route from were for ordinary travel; they may have been New Mexico, following the Indian trails used in strenuous activities that were part of across Arizona and the Mojave Desert a certain rituals (Liz and Peter Welsh 2000: visible possibility (Walker 1986: 80-81). 36). Garces had shown the dream of so many for a A nearby rock shelter and rock aligned desert New Mexico to California route could soon be a pavement add to the mystery about the meaning reality. of the site.
5 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Igure 15. Trail Up Ridge.
6 Galal R. Gough, Trail Shrines in Native American Rock Art
Figuto 21 donave Petroglyphs. Figure v10 r MohaNc Read GI .'p s.
7 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
It is uncertain from the Garces diary whether his Trail Shrine. There are bedrock mortars on the route was the Fox Creek Trail through Secret back side, and though the old road and newer Pass, or the Mohave Road. But the role of the highway disrupt the area, farther to the east an Mohave Road in later American history is well Indian trail (Figure 26) leads toward the site. documented. In 1863 Captain Henry M. Enos (The trail measures 15 inches across, and I call it was ordered to find a practical wagon road from an Indian trail because years ago Ike Eastvold, Fort Whipple near present day Prescott to the who in more recent years has devoted himself to Colorado River, and, according to Dennis the establishment and protection of Petroglyph Casebier, chose the route National Monument, New Mexico, told me ...originally known as the 'Irataba trail' being during an outing in the Mojave, and I think I named for the Mohave chief who was the first have it right, that a game trail is about 9 or 10 to lead immigrants from California with their inches wide, an Indian trail 14 or 15 inches wagons over the route. In December of 1863 wide, and a mule trail 22 inches wide.) and January of 1864, Enos, a captain in the In Southern Nevada, between the Whitney- quartermaster's department from New Hartman and Kohta's Circus sites southwest of Mexico, conducted an exploration over the Mesquite, there is a Forty Bighorn panel route and reported it to be practical for wagons (Casebier 1975:138). (Figures 27 and 28). The trail continuing in a southerly direction from the panel toward a While wagons followed the Indian trail, there spring has hunting blinds overlooking the route are stretches where the original trail is still big horn would take to drink. The petroglyph visible near the Mohave Road (Figure 23). site fits the requirements of a Hunting Trail Clusters of petroglyphs and broken pottery are Shrine. In the Fall 1996 La Pintura, Pat found along the road, as well as isolated McCreery takes "Another Look at Hunting petroglyph boulders (Figure 24) over many Magic" and observes that in preparation for the miles as the Mohave Road approaches the book, Tampamveni, Ekkehart Malotki mountain pass. discovered and photographed eight petroglyph The huge trail shrine cairns, where stone hunting panels. McCreery concludes on the offerings were made over extensive periods of basis of his research with Palavayu data, and the time, suggest an important ritual related to research of others, that hunting success was a passage through desert and mountain expanses. motivating factor in both ritual and petroglyph Grace Burkholder in an article entitled depictions of hunt and game images (McCreery "Something to Think About," in the Nevada 1996: 6-8). My less ambitious goal is simply to Archaeologist, asks questions regarding the Safe chronicle a third type of Trail Shrine, namely, Passage Trail Shrines. For example: the Hunting Trail Shrine. Did Native Americans use trail markers or The fourth type of Trail Shrine, because of were petroglyphs placed along a trail to insure sleeping circles and other indications of ritual a safe journey?...the glyphs could have taking place over a period of days, I am calling represented small shrines where travelers the Sacred Gathering Trail Shrine. The first paused for a few minutes rest or to ask the example is the "Trail of the 57 Shrines" on Bee guardian spirits for a safe journey Rock Mesa, discovered by Paul Wilhelm and (Burkholder 2000: 9). described in the June 1951 issue of Desert Another Trail Shrine in Western Arizona is Magazine. Located across from the Thousand located in Granite Pass, between Vicksburg and Palm Oasis, the trail has 57 cairns (Figure 29), Salome. A tall boulder complex with along with rock alignments, (Figure 30) sleeping petroglyphs (Figure 25) marks the Granite Pass circles (Figure 31) and possible dancing areas.
8 Galal R. Gough, Trail Shrines in Native American Rock Art
Wilhelm notes the "record number of rock paired figures along the Xam Kwarcan Trail. mounds-Trail Shrines of the ancient Indians Below Needles, where the Xam Kwatcan Trail who once camped" at the Thousand Palms comes from around the mountains to the Spring (Wilhelm 1951). The sleeping circles, I Colorado River, the Camp Moabi Intaglio believe, indicate a shrine with ceremonial creates another Shrine (Figure 39). activity lasting two or more days. The final Safe Passage Trail Shrine in the paper Another ceremonial site where individual is along the Old Chambers Well Road east Of sleeping areas would indicate activity over Vidal Junction in the Whipple Mountains. The several days is Bourke's Intaglio, also called Xam Kwatcan Trail followed this route, as did Merryman's Circular Pathway, located along the the Yuma to Needles Stage Coach in later days. Needles to Laughlin Highway south of the old At an outcrop of rock approaching Chamber's Von Schmidt Nevada Border Marker. Bourke Well (Figure 40), petroglyphs mark the trail describes the large pile of stones and the dance shrine. An accumulation of styles (Figures 41 circle farther to the west (Figure 32) used in the and 42) suggests that petroglyphs were added Boy's Puberty or Coming of Age Initiation. The through a long period of time. James Cunkle and numerous individual sleeping pads north and Markus Jacquemain, in their book on Stone west of the intaglio (Figures 33 and 34) would Magic of the Ancients: Petroglyphs, Shamanic suggest that the enactments around the dance Shrine sites, Ancient Rituals, point out that circle (Bourke 1889:171-174) and the training petroglyph locations "may have evolved into for the responsibilities of manhood, lasted for shrines through a process of cumulative use of several days, again qualifying this site as being a the same location. After a period of time, the Sacred Gathering Trail Shrine. shere number and density of images would have Bourke's Intaglio is along the Xam Kwatcan qualified the site as a shrine" (Cunkle and Trail, which leads up the Colorado River about Jacquemain 1995: 95). In this regard, a site in two hundred miles from the cairns, ceremonial the Arizona Strip called Nampaweap, which circle and Trail Shrine petroglyph panel at Pilot means "Foot Canyon" in Piute, was an important Knob or Avikwalal, across from present day trail corridor and accumulated over time so Yuma, north to Spirit Mountain or Avikwaame, many petroglyphs as to become one of the the "Mountain of Creation." Other well-known largest sites in the area (Slifer 2000: 153). ceremonial sites, like Black Point and the Blythe Many rock art researchers seem to focus on the Intaglios, are also along the Xam Kwatcan Trail. more esoteric, non-survival related aspects of But some less known Trail Shrines featuring shamanism, with less emphasis on the shaman's intaglios deserve also to be noted. West of main responsibilities having to do with the Winterhaven and the canal, along a trail from functions of daily life and well being. Therefore, prehistoric Indian villages along the Colorado I recommend more research needs to be done on River which intersects with the main Xam Trail Shrines and their role in survival and Kwatcan Trail, are creation related Kumastamho seasonal migration. A safe passage over great intaglios (Figures 35 and 36). Another trail expanses of desert or mountainous terrain, the farther north, which also links up with the Xam role of trails in survival endeavors related to Kwatcan Trail, features the Wilke Intaglios with food gathering and hunting, and the place of Kumastamho by the trail (Figure 37) and the trails in ceremonies and religious pilgrimages, armless evil twin brother Katar nearby (Figure required shamanic ritual and meaningful 38). Boma Johnson, retired former BLM interpretation. Cultural Affairs Specialist in the Yuma office, told me in a conversation, that there are 16 such
9 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure < C b
10 Galal R. Gough, Trail Shrines in Native American Rock Art
Figure 33. Puberty Cer..mony Pad. F'gur_. 36. V. z,wrhaven. Intaglio.
11 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
e 27. 1,or Big Horn Panel. Figur_ Slirne Alignment.
12 Galal R. Gough, Trail Shrines in Native American Rock Art
I believe this paper makes a contribution to Trail canyon. Twenty years earlier Sam also led me Shrine Typology by documenting at least four to the Old Chamber's Well Trail Shrine. Sue types of shrines: Myers, a docent for the Coachella Valley Preserve, was my guide to the Trail of the 57 • The Safe Passage Trail Shrine Shrines. Carroll and Laura Eakle, and Jack and • The Harvest Trail Shrine Arlene Perkins, of my Desert Hot Springs • The Hunting Trail Shrine congregation, accompanied me, respectively, to • The Sacred Gathering Trail Shrine the Pipes Canyon and Corn Springs Trail The Xam Kwatcan Trail has a continuing Shrines. Boma Johnson took me to the sequence of Shrines from Pilot Knob, or Winterhaven and Wilke Intaglio sites northwest Avikwalal, across the Colorado River from of Yuma. John Loken was my guide to Secret Yuma, to Spirit Mountain, or Avikwaame, Pass and the Fox Creek Trail Shrine east of almost 200 miles farther north. The many Bullhead City, Arizona. Mike Davis led me to intaglio representations of Kumastamho, the the Forty Big Horn Trail Shrine southwest of Creation deity, along the Xam Kwatcan Trail to Mesquite, Nevada. Such adventures invariably Spirit Mountain, the "Mountain of Creation," led to lasting or deepened friendships. I am also would indicate a sacred journey for the tribes indebted to the Southern Nevada Rock Art along the lower Colorado River which was Association for inviting me to give my first fundamental to their understanding of the need presentation on Trail Shrines at the April for harmony with the source of creation, meeting in 2001. Finally, I am grateful to my spiritual health, unity and meaning. So the wife for her encouragement, and traveling so investigation of the role of Trail Shrines also many desert roads and hiking to site after site affiiins their place in the sacred journeys, or with me. religious pilgrimages, of Native American peoples. REFERENCES CITED [Tragic vandalism--Two months after the paper was submitted for publication the author was Bean, Lowell John, Sylvia Brakke Vane, and notified that the Fox Creek Trail site had been Jackson Young vandalized. The distinctive boulder glyph 1991 The Cahuilla Landscape: The Santa Rosa (Figure 17), "had been broken off at the base and San Jacinto Mountains. The Ballena and stolen, leaving only part of the petroglyph." Press, Menlo Park, California. Gough notes, "vandalism and theft accentuates Bourke, John the importance of site stewardship programs and 1889 Notes on the Cosmogony and Theogony of constant monitoring of sites, especially those the Mojave Indians of the Rio Colorado, near encroaching housing developments". Arizona, Journal of American Folk-Lore, Editor] Vol. II, No. VI: July-September. Burkholder, Grace ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 2000 Something to Think About, Nevada Archaeologist, Vol. 18. Several persons hiked with me or guided me to Casebier, Dennis G. Trail Shrines identified in this paper. Sam Sallie 1975 The Mojave Road. Norco: Tales of the was my companion on two hikes in search of the Road Mojave Road Publishing Company. Rabbit Peak Harvest Trail Shrine, and also on Kings Press. the hike to find the Petroglyph Trail glyphs between Clark Dry Lake and Rock House
13 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Cunkle, James R. and Markus H. Jacquemain Patencio, Chief Francisco 1995 Stone Magic of the Ancients: Petroglyphs, 1943 As told to Margaret Boynton. Stories. Shamanic Shrine Sites, Ancient Rituals. Palm Springs Desert Museum. Phoenix, Golden West Publishers. Slifer, Dennis de Voto, Bernard (editor) 2000 Guide to Rock art in the Utah Region. 1991 The Journals of Lewis and Clark. Boston, Santa Fe. Ancient City Press. Houghton-Miffin, Walker, Clifford J. Laird, Carobeth 1986 Back Door to California: Story of the 1976 The Chemehuevi. Banning, California. Mojave River Trail. Mojave River Valley Malki Museum Press. Museum Association, Barstow. McCreery, Pat Welsh, Liz and Peter 1996 Another Look at Hunting Magic, La 2000 Rock Art of the Southwest: A Visitor's Pintura, Vol. 23, Number 2. Lemon Companion. Berkeley, Wilderness Press. Grove, California. American Rock Art Research Association, Fall.
14 Carol Patterson
GESTURE AND SIGN LANGUAGE; READING THE ROCK ART
In this paper, I argue that anthropomorphic communication using facial/ear/eye/mouth figures in the selected rock art panels are used expressions with those that humans also use to communicate through a reference to body to communicate information and emotions. language, or non-verbal communication. The Body posture is especially important in the nonverbal communication systems, gesture, animal kingdom although it is not considered posture, and proxemic behavior are of special a language per se, but rather, a set of signals interest here. Signed languages are consid- that trigger responses in other animals (Ar- ered to be a more structured gestural gyle1975). Animal communication is very communication system. It has been argued by often unconscious. The signals that a dog Armstrong, Stoke and Wilcox (1995), Arm- picks up at scent-marked posts or curbs may strong (1999), and Corballis (1991:1999) that cause the back hairs to rise or bristle, or the the development of human language origi- tail to wag in response. The dog is not con- nated with gestured signs. They point out that sciously trying to send a message, but rather even in cultures with highly developed responding to signals unconsciously. Whether spoken languages, people still use gestural conscious or not, the dog is still decoding signs to augment speech. Nonverbal commu- information in the form of signs and respond- nication is common to all humans. It begs the ing with encoded body communication that a question as to whether depictions of anthro- witness, be it a dog or human, could interpret. pomorphic figures in rock art portray aspects Animal signals are interpreted by human of this kind of communication in a structured societies which are in constant interaction and understandable way. with animal life. People of hunting societies depend upon their ability to "read' or interpret HISTORY OF THE RESEARCH OF animal behavior in order to understand what GESTURE is being communicated in their environment. From the time of the Renaissance, studies of The signals given by animals are, for the most gesture have been made by many observers. part, innate. They have evolved through time Francis Bacon, for example, believed gestures into social signals that are specific to each were like 'transitory hieroglyphics', and 'a species. The human uses of signals are both kind of emblem'. Giovanni Bonifacio and innate and culturally constructed forms of John Bulwer believed there was a universal, nonverbal communication. natural language of gesture which was Boas (1921) described the body language of understood by all nations and could be used to the Kwakiutl, Northwest Coast Indians who facilitate the conduct of international trade walked and danced in ways foreign to Euro- between European and native peoples (Tho- peans. Boas was able to use motion picture mas 1991). Charles Darwin was probably the film to record Kwakiutl oral histories, songs first scholar to write about nonverbal commu- and animated gestures that referred to charac- nication. In Expressions of the Emotions in ters in their mythology. With his early films Man and Animals (1872), he describes animal he analyzed film footage frame by frame to and human body motions that he thought compare body postures and gestures. One of communicated information. Researchers of his students, Edward Sapir (1931), proposed animal nonverbal communication have that successful communication depended described the signals given by dogs, monkeys, upon coded information that had to be chimps, horses, etc. that show a similarity in learned. David Efron (1941), another of Boas' 15 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 students, studied the cultural relativity of rather than biological 'hard-wiring' of the gestures and body language among the south- brain. eastern European, Jewish and Italian commu- nities. A psychological approach was applied Theory of Gesture by Weston LaBarre (1947), who described Anthropologically speaking, all cultures nonverbal communication as a 'pseudo `communicate' through gestures, whether language' that was inseparable from vocal consciously or subconsciously. Linguists language. believe that gestures accompany spoken languages for nearly all cultures of the world. Research has shown that gesture is not a In some instances, a formal sign language has universal language but is a socio-cultural been retained, especially with hunter/gatherer construct that is not mutually intelligible by people of different cultural affiliations. tribes in Australia, Africa, Asia and North America (Umiker-Sebeok and T. Sebeok Studies by social scientists, linguists and anthropologists have shown how gestures (eds). 1978). These sign languages are culture vary from culture to culture (Kendon 1981). specific and require a knowledge of the culture to interpret, but there are a few Students working in the field invariably learn universal signs common to the biological the meanings of gestures so as not to offend properties of all humans. They can be inter- the host, nor miss out on important informa- tion. LaBarre gives examples such as hissing preted cross culturally and the meaning is self-evident. in Japan as a polite deference to social superiors; the Basuto applaud by hissing Gesture is treated as a functional unit by whereas in England it is rude and is meant as Armstrong (1999, 46) "an equivalence class an insult. Spitting in many parts of the world of coordinated movements that achieve some is a sign of contempt, yet among the Masai of end." Morris (1994) argues that there are Africa it is a sign of affection and benedic- both conscious and unconscious gestures that tion. The spitting of an American Indian are recognised as cultural communications medicine man upon a patient is a curing even though we are unaware of making some device (LaBarre 1947). of them. According to Armstrong symbolic Are there 'innate' gestures that are common gestures have three kinds of structures; conceptual, neuromuscular and symbolic. to all human beings? It cannot be assumed that simple gestures like head nodding mean Gestures are bipolar; that is they are meaning- "yes" and turning from side to side means ful as an action and as a concept. It is this status that gives them their communication "no." Holt (1931) believed that the motions of "yes" stemmed from an infant seeking its capacity (Armstrong 1999). mother's breast, and the avoidance motion of Efron (1941) investigated whether gestures `no' was refusal of the breast. But there are were culturally determined, and through his many exceptions when looking at this simple studies demonstrated how immigrant Italians gesture, as demonstrated by LaBarre (1947) and eastern European Jews changed their who calls this a "sub-linguistic" gesture gestural habits as they became assimilated language that is marked by cultural variances. into American society. He categorized Cross-cultural studies of human societies have gestural movements as meaningful units that shown that some aspects of nonverbal com- either accompany speech or add pictorial and munication have similarities in all cultures. symbolic information. A gesture is meaning- But others, for example symbolic gestures, ful, first, by the emphasis it lends to the vary greatly from culture to culture. The content of the verbal and vocal behaviour it differences stem from cultural conditioning accompanies. Second, by the connotation it
16 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
possesses independently from speech of (McNeill 1992, 19). Gestures are closely which it may, or may not, be an adjunct linked with speech but have characteristics of (Efron 1941). The first kind may be "baton- their own that are different from spoken like" representing a sort of "timing out" with language. the hand the successive stages of the referen- Armstrong (1999) argues that the differences tial activity, or ideographic, in the sense that it between signed language and spoken lan- traces or sketches out in the air the 'paths' and guage can be traced back to the differences in directions' of the thought-pattern (Efron the capacities of the brain's methods of 1941). These categories may be further perceptions. "The human brain has a much broken down into (a) deictic, referring by greater sensory acuity in the visual medium means of a sign to a visually present object making, and this makes possible the use in (actual pointing), (b) physiographic, depicting signed languages of icons to a degree not either the form of a visual object or a spatial possible for spoken languages" (Armstrong relationship (iconographic gesture), or that of 1999, 19). He agrees with McNeill that a bodily action (kinetographic gesture), and signed languages are lineal constructs, but (c) symbolic or emblematic, representing believes they communicate many bits of either a visual or a logical object by means of information simultaneously, like gestures a pictorial or a non-pictorial form which has (Armstrong 1999). no morphological relationship to the thing represented (Efron 1941, 96). Efron was followed by McNeill (1992), and more Structure of American Sign Language and recently Armstrong (1999), in describing the Aboriginal Sign Languages components of gestural systems of communi- Stokoe (1960; 1972) approached American cation. The debate continues as to whether Sign Language (ASL) as a semiotic system gestures conform to the definition of 'lan- and worked out the three major characteristics guage' or should be considered as a structured he called First Articulation, Second Articula- communication system unique in itself. tion and Syntax of ASL. The main units of meaning were termed signs and gSigns The Difference Between Gestures and (gestural signs). He characterised them as Signed Language emic units of ASL in contrast to the etic units of sign language which he defined as ges- McNeill (1992) argues that there is a clear tures. Using the linguistic model he defined difference between gestures and signed the non-signifying differential units of ges- languages. Gestures do not convey meaning tural signs as cheremes (Stokoe 1972). In in the same way as a signed language or a contrast to phonemes (units of meaning in spoken language that segments and delineates spoken language), cheremes are not elements meaning. Gestures are instantaneous with the in a sequence, but signed simultaneously as thought process while sentences composed of components of a gestural sign. These elemen- words, necessarily, have a temporal compo- tary components are termed 1) dez (designa- nent. The process of segmentation and tor), the acting (handshape) configuration, 2) linearization to form a hierarchy are essential sig (signation), the performed movement, and characteristics of all linguistic systems, 3) tab (tabula), the location of the action. including signed languages. According to Stokoe was able to identify fifty-five McNeill, "gestures are different in every way. cheremes (12 tab, 19 dez, and 24 sig) and They are multidimensional and present describe the ASL lexicon of about twenty-five meaning complexes without undergoing hundred signs (Stokoe et al. 1965). segmentation or linearization. Gestures are global and synthetic and never hierarchical" 17 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Klima and Bellugi (1979), have developed and gestures participate in the articulation this system further using cheremic analysis to of the discourse (metanarrative and show distinctions in the features of hand paranarrative events): that is, the role of shape such as ' dual,"radical,"touch,' and gestures in narrative phenomena such as `cross.' They demonstrate the relationship of voice, perspective, order, etc., that take a given set of abstract story components and time and space by the proxemial positioning realise them in a particular way in a particu- of the signing, 'in front'(future), 'be- lar story (McNeill 1992:189). side'(present), and `behind'(past) the head (see Figure 1). For the purposes of this paper, I regard gestures as one channel of the multi- Australian Aboriginal and Plains Indian Sign channelled phenomena of human language. Languages have been studied in detail and Like Armstrong et al. (1995), Armstrong both differ from ASL in their communicative (1999) and Wilkins (2001). McNeill believes functions. Plains Indian sign language (PSL) gestures and spoken language are parts of a has a higher degree of iconic and indexical single system. Language is more than just motivation (Umiker-Sebeok and Sebeok words because "images and speech are equal 1978) and is a universal language because of and simultaneously present in the process of its use to communicate between speakers of the mind" (McNeill 1992, 2). He gives different languages (Mal lery 1881). In evidence from childhood development studies contrast, Aboriginal sign languages are used that speech and gesture develop in parallel, for communication within a group, in circum- which demonstrates that they are both com- stances when speech is not possible, as during ponents of a single system (McNeill 1992). hunting and in ceremonies when language Gestural communication requires a different taboo has to be observed (Kendon 1988). model for studying its structure and its relationship to other modes of language. The The Function of Gesture as Narrative misconceptions around gesture have led linguists to study it in terms of spoken lan- McNeil (1992) describes gestures as part of a guage "as a system for translating the hierar- narratological structure allowing them to chically organised contents of the mind into embody specific information about the linear strings of arbitrary symbols" (Arm- discourse structure. Figure 2 shows the strong 1999, 5). To correct this, McNeill has different channels or modules of communica- provided an understanding of gestural con- tion during a narrative, or performance structs in terms of 'global and synthetic' (Armstrong 1975). terms, rather than within the framework of The narratological structure of gesture can be linguistic analysis (McNeill 1992). diagrammed to show each branch leading to a Figure 3 illustrates gestures and postures that specific type of gesture according to McNeill are easily identified by people of Western (1992). European cultures, and figure t is a clue to the McNeill gives a schematic illustration of how era in which terms like "affected" were used. gesture and narration work in combination to The generation of the 21 St Century probably produce what is considered human language. would not identify some of these gestures and He writes: postures in the same manner But the dyna- Gestures have relationships in storytelling, mism of gestures in conveying meaning, they mark various elements of story; that is, whatever it is, remains unchanged through they participate in the depiction of action, time. person, space, and time (narrative events);
18
Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
Figure 1 Proxemial positioning of signing for future, present and past. (From Klima and Bellugi 1979).
Narrative Level
Narrative Metanarrative Paranarrative
Iconic Metaphoric No Gesture or or Voice Deictic Deictic (beats signal shifts between levels)
Character Observer
Agent Other In Scene Outside
.77
All Iconic All Iconic (gesture acts (gesture either surrounds out specific Narrator or is in front) character)
Figure 2. Narratological structure of gesture. As shown each branch leads to a specific type of gesture that is the gesture for that combina- tion of narratological features according to McNeill (1992).
19 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 3, Gestures and postures interpreted as : a curious, b puzzled, c indifferent, d rejecting, e watching, f self-satisfied, g welcoming, h determined, i stealthy, j searching, k watching, 1 attentive, m violent anger, n excited, o stretching, p sur- prised, dominating, suspicious, q sneaking, r shy, s thinking, t affected, (gay). (il- lustrations from Sarbin and Hardyk, 1953 reproduced in Argyle 1975, 273).
mechanism of thought. The psychical enti- Gesture and Mental Imagery ties which seem to serve as elements in Recent work by McNeill (1992) examines thought are certain signs and more or less gesture in its revelation of the idiosyncratic clear images which can be 'voluntarily' imagery of thought and argues that gestures reproduced and combined. The above men- are an integral part of language as much as are tioned elements are, in my case, of visual words, phrases and sentences. He states that and some of muscular type. Conventional words or other signs have to be sought for "Gestures are not just reflected thought but labouriously in a secondary stage, when the have impacts on thought and are what help to mentioned associative play is sufficiently constitute thought. Gestures occur because established and can be reproduced at will they are part of the speaker's ongoing thought (Einstein, quoted in Hadamard 1945:142- process" (McNeill 1992, 245). 143). It has been suggested that gestures - not In trying to find the "inner voice" that trans- words - are the medium of thought. Not all mits thought. Klima and Bellugi (1979) have people think in words. Mathematicians have interviewed deaf people who have never stated that they think in other symbol systems. heard spoken words. They report that deaf Einstein professed that: people dream in signs and plan conversations The words or the language, as they are writ- in signs. Armstrong argues that if gesture, ten or spoken, do not play any role in my instead of speech, was the basis of graphic
20 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
communication we would have something proposed. It compares McNeill (1992) with like ideograms as writing. earlier versions from Efron (1941), Freedman This writing system would not evolve into and Hoffman (1967) and Ekman and Friesen an alphabetic system — in its latest stages, it (1969). might be something like the writing system Like Armstrong (1999) and Corballis (1999), of modern Chinese . . . (A)n ideographic McNeill believes that: (actually logographic) writing system has proved adequate to the needs of the Chi- speech and gesture are elements of a single nese, one of the worlds' most complex integrated process of utterance formation in societies, through many centuries (Arm- which there is a synthesis of opposite strong 1999, 76). modes of thought - global-synthetic and instantaneous imagery with linear- The value of ideographic writing is that it segmented temporally extended verbaliza- transcends different languages. China has tion. Utterances and thoughts realised in many different language groups that make it them are both imagery and language difficult to use a phonetic writing system. A (McNeill 1992: 33). pictographic system communicates the same Is it possible, therefore, to do any more than information in different languages. It can be identify possible gestures in prehistoric art, read cross-linguistically. knowing it is without cultural context and accompanying verbal dialogue? In the West- Categories of Gesture ern media, talented photographers are aware of the absence of spoken language and McNeill's (1992) classification of gestural compensate by capturing gestures that supply categories is useful and is summarised below: to the viewer the information missing from a Iconic - a gesture that bears a close formal vocal dialogue. Paintings of the Western relationship to the semantic content of European tradition are characteristic of speech. Iconic gesture display in its form employing gesture in their human (and and manner of execution, aspects of the animal) figures that communicate meaning same scene that speech also presents. beyond the necessity for a title or supplied Metaphoric - gestures are similar to icon- story. Silent movies of the 1920s and 1930s ics in that they present imagery, but present were brilliant at conveying a story with an image of an abstract concept, such as minimal textual dialogue. The humour of knowledge, language, itself, the genre of Charlie Chaplin and the famous mime artist, the narrative. More complex than iconics. A Marcel Marceau are prime examples of metaphoric gesture must depict two things, the Base which is the concrete entity or gestural communication without speech. action that is actually presented in the ges- Mental images can be created and "meanings" ture, and the Referent, which is the concept. communicated without the accompaniment of text or verbal dialogue. Deictic - gestures are pointing movements, which are prototypically performed with the pointing finger, although any object or Cultural Studies of Postures body part can be used. Early studies of postural habits of different Beats - are defined as movements that do cultural groups include those carried out by not present a discernible meaning, but can Mauss (1935), Bailey (1942) and Mead and be recognised by their prototypical move- Macgregor (1951). Kroeber claimed that ment characteristics (McNeill 1992: 80). posture "is one of the most interesting matters Table 1, (McNeill 1992:76 ) shows four in the whole range of customs "(Kroeber gesture classification schemes that have been 1925, 728). Hewes (1955) compiled a cross- 21 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
McNeill Efron 1941 Freedman and Hoffman 1967 Ekman and Friesen 1969 1992
iconics physiographics literal-reproductive kinetographs kinetographics pictographs
metaphorics ideographics concretization ideographs minor and major qualifying underliners spatials
deictics deictics deictics
beats batons punctuating batons rhythmics Table 1. Gesture Classifications cultural analysis of body posture in his World be represented by males. Aside from the Distribution of Certain Postural Habits. Nilotic Sudan, where this posture is known Saitz and Cervenka (1962) followed with to be assumed by cattle herders, we have Colombian and North American Gestures: A little information on its cultural functions. Contrastive Inventory. But it was Hewes Gifford notes that men of the Walpi pueblo at Hopi rest this way in the fields while who found the ethnographic record so deplete hoeing (Hewes1955: 236-37). on postural information that he carried out his own research from published photographs. Although some of Hewes' data sources are He surveyed 480 different cultures and found problematic, if nothing else, he has drawn that thirty-four of these cultures were extinct attention to the variations of posture cross or known only from archaeological data culturally and pointed out that some postures consisting of figurines, carvings, or paintings are culturally specific. Argyle's illustrations (Hewes 1955). Hewes found that culturally of posture identify states of emotion and specific postures could be identified. One, for communicate moods and attitudes. Along example, is the nilotic one-legged resting with the postures and gestures discussed so stance. As shown in Figure 4. Hewes writes: far, another aspect of nonverbal communica- tion must be considered: the way humans use The 'classic' Nilotenstellung occurs not only among the Shilluk and their neighbors space (proxemics) as a communication in the southern Sudan, but in Nigeria (Elkin system. and Fagg 1953), Iran (Singer and Baldridge 1936), India (Koppers 1944), Ceylon Proxemics (Buschan 1923), Australia (Elkin and Fagg 1953), in South America among the Nam- The term, "proxemics" as defined by Hall bicuara and Yecuana (Steward 1948), and, (1979), is the study of people's perception if we can accept the California element and use of space. It pertains to the complex survey data, rather widely in the American behavioral activities associated with what is Southwest (Gifford 1940; Steward known to ethologists as territoriality. It deals 1948)...All instances of this stance seem to primarily with unconscious (out-of- 22 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
Figure 4. Cross Cultural Postures showing the nilotic one-legged resting stance. (From Hewes 1957) awareness) distance-setting or spatial bounda- in order to effectively study proxemics in ries. Hall bases much of his work on that of other cultures. He writes: Sapir (1927) and Whorf (1956). Proxemics is It is possible to learn a good deal about how the study of how humans use space and members of a given culture structure their distance in day-to-day interactions. People of space at various levels of abstraction by different cultures not only structure their setting up simple situations in which they spaces differently, but experience them manipulate objects. I used coins and pencils differently. This influences the spatial and asked my subjects to arrange them so experiences of the individual. For example, that they were 'close' and 'far apart' and some people perceive "crowding" while `side by side,' and 'next to each other' and others do not. There are no universal con- then tell me whether two objects were 'to- stants in human proxemic behaviour (Hall gether' or not. Arab subjects were unable or unwilling to make a judgement as to 1979). whether two objects were close together or The development of proxemic studies really not if the surrounding area was not speci- began with ethologists like Hediger (1950; fied. In other words, Arabs saw the objects 1955; 1961) who studied how people interact in a context. Americans saw the objects with other organisms. He believed that only in relation to each other (Hall humans found it necessary to understand 1979:299). every aspect of game animal communication For American culture, Hall identified four in order to survive. Hall credits Hediger as proxemic dimensions, each with a close and a one of the first to systematically describe the far phase (Hall 1966). The measurement of various distances employed by birds and Hall's spatial categories is based on the length animals and to introduce the concept of of the human arm and its ability to hold or individual space (Hall 1979). Hall designed a strike and the stride of the human legs to flee research technique free of cultural subjectivity or defend. These physical limitations create the spatial definitions. (I have retained the 23 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 imperial measurements of Hall). Hall's involvement than in the far phase. distances for humans can be summarised as: "People who work together tend to use close social distance. It is a common 1) Intimate Distance ranges from zero to six distance for people who are attending inches at the close phase and six to a casual social gathering. To stand and eighteen inches in the far phase. This look down at a person at this distance area is reserved for physical involve- has a domineering effect, as when a ment, and sensory inputs. The close man talks to his secretary or reception- phase can include wrestling and love- ist," (Hall 1966:121). making, comfort and protection. The far phase includes interfamilial inter- The far phase is a distance of seven to actions. The arms can easily reach twelve feet. This is the distance to around and hold another person. which people move when someone says, "Stand away so I can look at 2) Personal Distance ranges from one and a you." Business and social discourse half to two and a half feet at the close conducted at the far end of social dis- phase. This space is defined kines- tance has a more formal character than thetically by what each participant can if it occurs inside the close phase.... At do to the other with his/her extremi- the far phase of social distance, the ties. "At this distance, one can hold or finest details of the face, such as the grasp the other person . . . Where peo- capillaries in the eyes are lost"(Hall ple stand in relation to each other sig- 1966, 122). nals their relationship, or how they feel toward each other, or both. A wife 4) Public Distance is generally used to can stay inside the circle of her hus- address an informal group at the close band's close personal zone with impu- phase (12 to 25 feet), and the far nity. For another woman to do so is phase, ranging from more than 25 feet, an entirely different story," (Hall is used when addressing a formal 1966: 120). gathering. This distance is also used between the public and an important The far phase is a distance of two and official. a half to four feet. This is "keeping someone at arms length." It extends Hall strongly emphasised the variables that from a point that is just outside easy exist with proxemic behavioural studies. touching distance by one person to a People's behaviour is influenced by the way point where two people can touch fin- they feel, as well as other emotional, cultural gers if they both extend arms. This is and socio-economic factors. There is no the limit of physical domination in the known universal distance-setting mechanism. very real sense. Beyond it, a person Each cultural group sets distance in its own cannot easily "get their hands on" way. Figure 5, Hall's Proxemic Chart, illus- someone else. Subjects of personal in- trates proxemic space in American culture. terest and involvement can be dis- These three aspects of non-verbal communi- cussed at this distance. All the details cation, posture, gesture and proxemic ar- of the other person's features are rangement, are applied to the interpretation of clearly visible (Hall 1966:120). anthropomorphic figures in Native American 3) Social Distance The close phase is a rock art panels. How have gestures been distance of four to seven feet. Imper- identified in Western art? Can studies of sonal business occurs at this distance, gesture language be applied to North Ameri- and in the close phase there is more can rock art? How has it been studied previ- 24 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
in MiS thine kisailbelie iintoo bes Oluenthed with eketdra to leakage vienify For these W.
Figure 5. Proxemic Chart showing Hall's spatial distances for American culture, (Hall 1966).
their arms akimbo are associated with manly ously in this country? These questions are the virtues. basis for what follows to give a context to sample panels discussed in this paper. In such pictures it was customary for the subject to have one hand on the hip and the other hand balanced on a sword, rapier or Gestures in Historic Western Art baton. This gesture was not seen as being Studies of gesture in historical paintings appropriate for women of middle class and include those of the symbolic, iconic and good standing. In family portraits, the hus- indexical nature by Siger (1968) in respect of band was placed on the right of the wife, with medieval iconography. Gestural emblems are the right elbow thrust toward the viewer and discussed by Bates (1975). The Cultural the left hand on the shoulder of the woman History of Gesture; from Antiquity to the (Spicer 1991), see Figure 6. Present Day (Bremmer and Roodenburg1991) Though there are many references to cite on further examines gestures in visual art of the European gestures portrayed in art, the Western world. Spicer (1991), for example, discusses the 'Renaissance Elbow' a purpose- gesture of 'arms akimbo' is one that has been ful gesture that projects male boldness and the used by both Australian Aborigines and Native Americans to depict 'white men' or self-defined masculine role in Western Europe from 1500 to the 1650s. He claims European cultures ( Flood 1997, Martineau that the portraits of male military figures with 1973).
25 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
ventions and suggests meanings based upon the gestures of anthropomorphic figures. Novellino, (1999) explores the Palaqwan rock drawings of the Philippines, using indigenous explanations and descriptions. Novellino interprets much of the rock art as a narrative of mythology that is communicated though cultural conventions of gesture and posture in the paintings. Tilley (1999) claims that the carvings at Hogsbyn are "a narrative about becoming human" and uses gesture and body posture to support his theory.
Gestures in North American Rock Art In North America, the independent works by Martineau (1973, 1981) and Rajnovich (1993) refer to gestures as the key to interpreting Figure 6. Family Group, 1559 from a northern rock paintings and engravings. Their prede- Netherlands painter (From Spicer 1991). cessors were scholars including Schoolcraft (1853), Mallery (1881; 1893), Seton (1918) Gesture in Rock Art World Wide and Tomkins (1948), who compiled extensive data on North American Indian pictography A review of the literature shows very little specifically to identify gestures portrayed in research carried out around the world that rock art. For example, Mallery claims: addresses body language or the significance of gestures and postures in rock paintings and The reproduction of apparent gesture lines engravings. Wright (1985) observed variant in the pictographs made by our Indians has, hand motifs from central western Queensland, for obvious reasons, been most frequent in Australia and questions whether they repre- the attempt to convey those subjective ideas which were beyond the range of an artistic sent mutilation practices or depict sign skill limited to direct representations of language gestures that illustrate totemic objects, so that the part of the pictographs faunal species. His study is limited to hand which still is the most difficult of interpre- motifs and does not consider other forms of tation is precisely the one which the study body language. A few researchers have of sign language is likely to elucidate. interpreted rock images using gesture and (1881:370) posture as a reference to their interpretation. The work of John Maclean on the Canadian Malaiya (1988,1992) is more inclusive in her Indian tribes includes the observation that: comparison of what are interpreted as dance scenes in the rock paintings of central India It (sign language) has been systematized with examples of ethnographic analogies from among some tribes into pictographs, which tribal groups in India. The body gestures, comprise a native system of hieroglyphs. These pictographs are the visible represen- postures and spatial positioning support tation of the gestures. They are found Malaiya's argument that the paintings do painted on the face of cliffs in some of the depict dance. Fushun (1991), describes a strangest places, seldom visited by the major site of rock paintings in the southern- white man... Human figures are drawn in most region of Huashan, Guangxi Province, the attitude of making gestures (Maclean China. He analyses their iconographic con- 1896:45). 26 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
A small handbook on Indian Sign Language work of La Mont West (1960), concluded that for Boy Scouts (Tomkins 1926), contains American Indian Sign Language was com- several pages of symbols from painted hides posed of iconic and lexical signs, of which and engraved rocks. A section of the book 90% (mostly indexical) were understood or provides charts illustrating the sign language shared across cultural boundaries, while 10% gesture and the equivalent graphic depiction (mostly iconic) were culturally specific. or 'pictograph' of that gesture. Tomkins Following Martineau's direction of research writes: with the Ute, Paiute, and Shoshone, I investi- The attentions and investigations of the gated the Pueblo myths and petroglyphs author have been for a long time devoted to found in the Rio Grande Valley, New Mexico. pictography and to sign language, two stud- My research compared the existing sign ies so closely connected that neither can be language of the Pueblo people with the successfully pursued to the exclusion of the symbols and gestures of anthropomorphic other (1948:74). figures depicted in the rock engravings near Based on the work of Mallery Cochiti Pueblo, New Mexico. (Patterson- (1881,1886,1893) and Tomkins (1948), Rudolph 1987, 1992) The Pueblo elders I Martineau published The Rocks Begin to worked with were versed in sign language and Speak (1973), which addresses mostly histori- the iconography associated with their creation cal rock art panels in North America and myths. My research then turned to older, shows links between sign language gestures prehistoric rock images located in the 4 depicted by the anthropomorphs and ethno- Corners area of the Southwest that was historic documentation. In 1981, with the abandoned by Pueblo people around help of B.K. Swartz, he co-authored The Use A.D.1300. Many of the previously identified of Indian Gesture Language for the Interpre- iconography associated with Hopi, Navaho, tation of North American Petroglyphs: a trial and Keresan mythology was present in this analysis. research area. In this study, I published several charts illustrating rock art symbols Martineau's work focuses on petroglyph that have sign language gesture equivalents panels that have been interpreted from (Patterson-Rudolph 1997). information derived from interviews with tribal members and historical documentation This paper not only provides support for of the events believed to be depicted in the previous research in Indian sign language as it panels. Martineau spent most of his life is applied to petroglyph interpretation, but learning different Indian languages, speaking applies the structure of non-verbal communi- with elders of many tribes in their own cation systems outlined by Hall(1979), language and studying Indian Sign Language. Hews,(1955) and McNeill (1992). The He communicated in signs with elders in following analysis of the McKonkie Ranch Canada, Alaska, throughout North America petroglyph panel illustrates how this informa- and into Mexico. He found little variation tion can be applied. among tribes with only specific signs like land forms or names of rivers difficult to McKonkie Ranch Rock Art interpret. His experience led him to believe that Indian Sign Language was a universal Figure 7 comes from the McKonkie Ranch sign system that all Native people in North site of the Ashley-Dry Fork valley situated in America could understand, with only a few north eastern Utah. This panel is categorized signs that were specific to each tribe. The as "Classic Vernal" style (Schaafsma 1971),
27 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 7, Photograph of the panel at McKonkie Ranch (C. Patterson1998).
Figure 8, Drawing of Classic Vernal style figures at Ashley-Dry Fork Valley. (From Castleton 1984:21). 28 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
petroglyphs. These petroglyphs are probably shoulder and his arm that contrasts what AD 400 to 1500, (Cole 1990). They are would otherwise represent 'married' if his characteristic of flat heads with headdresses, arm were touching her shoulder. ear bobs, elaborate beaded neck pieces and The other arm of figure B, is attached to the chest ornaments. Females are depicted with figure C's arm. The gesture for 'hold' is belts of dots and skirts of grass or skin strips indicated here, by the perpendicular position while males have only belts. Males are of her arm intersecting figure C's arm. Figure usually broad shouldered. A has been discarded but what is more I have studied each figure within this panel interesting, figure B is turned with her back to and prepared a separate photo with a paired the viewer in order to portray this gesture drawing to clarify the subtle gestures that can with the left arm correctly. She is shown here be identified. See Figures 8-15. with a skirt and long hair down her back. There is no face indicated, only hair orna- The first figure on the left, A, is shown here, ments and a few bullet holes. Facing back- with many rows of dots incorporating his wards allows her to 'throw away' with her left headdress. He has round ear bobs and five arm, and 'hold on to' with her right arm. See rows of beads on his necklace. He does not Figure 10, Gestures for 'abandon' or 'di- have hands or fmgers, but displays his right vorce'. arm diagonally down towards the shoulder of the next figure. Notice that he is not touching Seton writes that this sign means abandon, the shoulder. There is a clear gap between his divorce, bad, hate and charge. It is illustrated arm and the next figures shoulder. with the left hand cast downward. So con- vinced was he that pictographs represented Figure B is assumed to be female, character- gestures, he adds the pictograph equivalent to ized by the skirt depicted here. Figure B has many of his gesture illustrations, as shown both arms depicted, one is nearly vertically here (Seton 1918:3). down, while the other is diagonally out- stretched and attached to the arm of a third Figure C is shown with ear bobs, a headdress figure. The juxtaposition of a supposed and face decorations or eye stripes. He is `male' and 'female' can sometimes indicate a shown with a belt and chest ornaments. He is relationship of husband and wife. In the even shown standing over a reclining flute Indian Sign Language, this relationship is player. This image shows up more clearly in indicated by the 'husband' grasping the Castleton's illustration than in the actual rock shoulder of the 'wife' and holding it at a panel.As shown in Figure 12, the fourth figure perpendicular angle. (B2) is again a female. This time a face is indicated, with eyes, and chin or mouth. The When a woman requests a divorce, she beaded belt is shown and accompanying skirt. gestures by casting her left arm downward, as Within the torso is an anthropomorphic figure if to 'throw away' or 'abandon' something. consisting of a head and torso. This may This gesture for 'throw away' can also refer indicate a pregnancy Her left shoulder is to 'bad' and 'discard'. In this scene, figure B attached to the right arm of the next figure. has 'thrown away' figure A, by the gesture of Here it is established that she is being 'held' a down cast arm. The idea of 'divorce' is or owned. This grip on her shoulder is a sign reinforced by the large gap between her language gesture for 'wife'.
29 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 10, Gesture for 'abandon' or 'divorce'. Figure B has left arm cast down and broken the attachment with figure A. Figure B is turned with her back facing out and grabbing the arm of figure C. The gesture for 'aban- don' or 'divorce' is given with the left arm Figure 9, photo and drawing of figure 1 and 2. cast downward (illustration from Seton, 1918). I have determined that a new sequence has B2 is now facing the reader with facial occurred and these figures are repeats of A features and she appears to have a smaller and B. Figure A2 has beaded chest orna- anthropomorphic figure inside her torso. ments, ear bobs, a dotted crown and a waste As shown in Figure 13, A2 has his left arm band, in much the same manner as A in the touching the arm of Figure B. Notice that beginning inside her torso. 30 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
together they are holding an object that is round like a 'head'. It has eye stripes, and a mouth that is actually a replica of Figure C in the previous episode.
Figure 12. Photo and drawing of figure B2 and A2 who has returned to reclaim her in the second sequence.
Figure 11. Drawing and photo showing figure Figure D2 has a very different head crown, and chest ornament. Much of his torso is B2 holding the arm of figure C and a reclined dotted with pits. Figure D2 together with flute player below the legs of figure C. 31 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure A2 are holding the 'head' of C2. In Figure 14, drawing E is different still, with There is a dotted line from Figure D2 extend- a very plane skullcap and clothing. It most ing diagonally upward. This symbol is often likely represents a child of uninitiated mem- interpreted as a 'trail' or pathway because it ber of this group. A trail from the previous represents 'foot prints' going in one direction. sequences intersects his shoulder, indicating In this case, D2 is 'holding' the trail to the family history that 'owns' him. indicated his arrival from somewhere in the distance.
Figure 14. Figure E with a simple costume and a trail leading to him from the past events Figure 15 includes guide lines and labels to Figure 13. Photo and drawing of A2 and B help facilitate a proxemic analysis that leads who together are holding the head of figure of to my interpretation. Figure A or Adam is C. smaller and diminished in size in comparison 32 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
to his reappearance farther along. Starting positioned below his legs. The next event is with him, we see he is 'detached' from the illustrated with Figure B2, A2, C2, and D who other figures. His is on level 1 signaling the are lower still, with feel on level 3. Both Beth first event in this narrative. The next event and Adam are repeated and a new figure, occurs at level 2 and introduces figure C or Dave, has joined hands with Adam. Beth has Beth and C, Carl. Although Carl has his foot a smaller anthropomorphic figure inside her slightly elevated, as if 'stepping' down to the torso. I interpret this as a 'pregnancy' follow- same level as B, I have marked the average ing the given context of a reclined flue player special position for them both. Carl has a and what I see as Carl's romantic agenda. flute player below him (F) that is show
2
3 B2 2 D
4 Adam Beth Carl Beth Adam Dave Eddie
Figure 15. Schematic drawing showing 1,2,3,and 4 levels of time with the names figures, A,B,C,D, and E as participants in a narrative in time and space. Circled areas are iconics repre- senting known gestures of 'divorce', 'hold"own/wife', 'join' and 'having come from (trail)'. Figure F, B2, C2 are metaphorics.
Together they are holding Carl's head. These approximate level of this figure's feet. figures have lower feel positions indicating a Eddie's costume is very simple and un- closer time to the present. Level 4 introduces adorned in contrast to the beads of head- Eddie. Though partially spalled off in the dresses of the adult figures. Eddie's shoulder panel, Castleton's illustration shows the is touching a dotted line leading back to Dave 33 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 indicating an ownership relationship. It is of his wife. D is a male who has joined forces plausible that Eddie, an illegitimate child of with A2. Together they have decapitated C2 Carl, has become the slave of Dave in a deal who has lost his body and is obviously dead. worked out with Adam to solicit Dave's help Deictic devices point out direction and are in slaying Carl. also used in this panel. The male figure D is touching a dotted line indicating the direction The subtle positioning and juxtaposition of from which he has arrived. Figure E has a every element in this panel has important dotted line touching his shoulder and travel- significance. Circled in grew are gestures that ing back in the direction of Dave. In this case can be interpreted from a working knowledge it represents a tie or relationship between the of Indian sign language They are abbrevi- two. ated into simple graphics that I call graph- In summary, the postures first appear to be emes, and they fit with McNeill's (1992) static, but under closer investigation the subtle terms for gesture categories. Within the grey gestures and dynamic proxemic arrangements circle is the grapheme abbreviation for a create a narration that has depth in terms of gesture/world or phrase. time and space, intrigue in terms of gender and sexual liaisons, and social repercussions Parallel Structure to Gesture in terms of family relationships. Returning to McNeill's structural analysis of Iconic and Metaphoric Gestures gesture as a guide, it can be demonstrated that The following discussion regarding Figures the graphic depiction of a gestural narration 16-23 pertains to iconic graphic depictions of contains the same components. sign language gestures. However, full The iconic gestures are words that have sign investigation of metaphoric elements has not language equivalents. Circled in gray in been attempted. Figure 15 are 5 iconic gestures: between A Figure 16, with the parent illustration from and B is Divorce; between B and C is Hold- Martineau (1973), shows the use of a meta- ing; between B2 and A2 is Own/wife; between phoric gestures that incorporate anthropomor- A2 and D are two gestures, Joined and phic figures (base) with iconic elements Holding (two arms joined and one arm ending (reference), such as "sky", "rain", "snake", in a holding symbol). and "mud" to illustrate a narration. Martineau There are eight metaphoric gestures. These interprets this portion of the Buckhorn Wash are refined by a base icon combined with a panel as a description of the Hopi Snake referent concept. Again in Figure 15 A, C, Dance that is done to bring rain in the late and D are identified as males, while B is summer. Inside the Figure 16 drawing is a identified as female. Figure E is a child. box illustrating 'coming rain' from Mallery These are the base or concrete entities. The (1972: 662) based on a recording of the Moki concept or referent is metaphoric. A is a (Hopi) symbol of Aloseka, associated with male that has been thrown away. B. is a rain. Martineau (1973) writes that it is a female leaving one man for another. C is a symbol of the foot stepping in soft mud, the male with a flute player between his legs, that result of rain. In context with the other iconic implies seductive power. B2 is a female that elements associated with rain, I think this is a is pregnant. A2 is the same male as previ- logical interpretation. ously shown, who has reclaimed or taken hold
34 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
Photo by Steven Manning Figure 16. Buckhorn Wash showing the anthropomorphic left of the far right figure with legs terminating in concave lines. Graphics of Buckhorn Wash showing abbre- viate symbol for 'mud' or soft ground All three anthropomorphic figures illustrated overhead spewing blood/water/rain from its in the graphic, are metaphoric in that they head. This panel displays a narration the have additional iconic elements. Anthropo- meaning of which would not be readily morph (a) has an arch (sky) and arm extended understood to outsiders without its reference with vertical lines (rain) descending. Next is to gestures. It is not within the scope of this (b) holding a 'snake' that is often found paper to give a full analysis of this panel, but associated with water in Pueblo ethnography. it does display similar attributes to those of And (c) has extended legs that terminate in Buckhorn Wash. concave lines that combine the concept of Examples of iconic and metaphoric gestures "stepping down" with "soft ground" giving can also be found in pictograph panels from the reference of stepping into mud. north-eastern Utah at 3 Canyons ranch, on In Figure 17, we see another example of this Westwater creek. Located at the convergence symbol found at Virgin Springs. Here again, of East and Middle Canyon, this rock art are dancers with legs terminating in the panel serves as a warning to passers-by of "mud" gesture. These figures are found within possible flash floods occurring at this junc- the same context of rain making, resulting in tion. soft mud that splashes up and outward as one steps into it. Three Canyons Ranch, Westwater, Utah. Both panels have depictions of 'rain' falling In Figure 18, the red paint has been over- from outstretched limbs of the dominate painted with white paint to obscure the red figure. figures. They are not shields, but are 'flash There is meaning portrayed in the actions and flood' warnings to travelers wishing to camp gestures of the animals on the left and icon at this site. associations with the bird-like figure held
35 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Photo by Steven Manning Figure 17. San Rafael Reef panel showing four figures holding objects with their legs terminating in concave lines. The 'winged' figure has legs terminating in forked lines.
Figure 18. Red painted figures above Westwater Creek.
A B C
Figure 19. Graphic of the panel with iconic elements A and C and the metaphoric element B. 36 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
In Figure 19, the iconic element A is a Panel B shows a human figure about waist combination of a pair of arched lines repre- deep in 'water'. The figure is not of any sent a 'sky', and zigzag line representing a specific 'style', as Schaaftsma (1971,7 or Ute `lightening bolt'. The double line represents (Kelen and Sucec 1996, 102)and Cole (1990) an 'empty' sky. This symbol comes from the contends, but simply a representation of a combination of an 'arc' representing the sky, human waist deep in water. See 'water' and two lines parallel to each other with open symbol d, Figure 21, from Mallery (1972). space between that represents 'empty' . The The sign language gesture for "flood" is : zigzag line descending down represents If a river, make sign for it; then hold the lightening. extended hands, backs up, near each other Compare Mallery's example of the Ojibwa and little to the right of body, hands in same example of a 'clear sky, and a stormy sky horizontal plane, and height of waist... If from cloud, frost, or other cause, make contrasted with an Ojibwa 'night sky' with signs and proper position of hands to indi- stars in Figure 20. All utilize the arc to cate the rushing waters (Clark 1885). represent the sky.(Mallery 1972).
1710. 1134.—Clear, stormy. Oji bwa,
FIG. 1140.-0j ib wa. ci Figure 20. Symbols for 'clear sky, stormy sky and night sky', Ojibwa. All use the arch to represent the sky. The lightening bolt is an iconic element that has its sign language equivalent. Mallery writes that lightening is portrayed as follows: "Right hand elevated before and above the head, forefinger pointing upward, brought down with great rapidity with a sinuous, undulating motion, finger still extended diagonally downward toward the right. (Mallery 1972, 702). The center graphic B, in Figure 19, depicts an Figure 21. The top panel shows an anthropo- anthropomorph standing waist deep in water. morphic figure waist high, and the symbol for Water is represented by wavy lines. The `water' similar to Mallery's illustration for symbolism derives its meaning from the water (d), (Mallery 1972, 642). The bottom gesture sign 'to go back and forth'. It is panel is the gesture for 'flood' with hands signed by extending the hand and moving it held at waist level (Seton 1918). back and forth, like waves on water. 37 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Seton (1918), writes: Flood: "indicate source Hay and East Canyon from high up in the of Water, then hold up both flat hands, backs Book Cliffs. Rain storms that occur up high up, side by side, waist high." might not be visible from down below at the The third panel C, shown in Figures 19 and end of the canyons. Camping near this panel 22 has to do with rain coming down out of a would put one in the direct path of a flash night sky. The sky is checkerboard a motif flood. Ranchers living here have given that in some contexts represent a cloudy sky testimony to the "30 ft. of water" that has or the Milky Way. suddenly comes roaring down the river bed without warning on a seemingly calm clear Rain is represented by descending parallel night. lines in Mallery (1893) "rain" and "light- ning", Martineau, Tompkins and Patterson- Rudolph, Figure 22 and the sign language CONCLUSIONS equivalent, Figure 23. This paper has briefly discussed a limited number of sites that illustrate the parallel structure of gesture language, as described by McNeill and others, and its graphic equiva- lency in Numic rock art panels. By Numic, I Figure 22. Rain symbols from Mallery 1893. mean a linguistic stock of people, predeces- Compare with graphic of end panel from sors of the Shoshone, Ute, Paiute and Hopi Ranch site showing "night time sky" with who are most likely the authors of these "rain" coming down (Figure 19C) panels. All were versed in gestural communi- cation and at the time of contact had devel- oped a formal sign language. The McKonkie ranch site depicts Shoshonean costume characteristics, while the Buckhorn and Virgin Springs site depict Hopi rain ceremo- nies. The 3 Canyons Ranch site lies directly on a well known Ute migration trail with Ute camps present at the time of contact. Mallery, Martineau, Seton, and Tompkins of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have pointed out the correlations between picto- Figure 23. Illustration from Mallery (1881) graphs and gestures/sign language. They showing sign gesture for 'rain'. have illustrated the graphic equivalents for The literal translation of these elements, from each gesture in their publications. I believe right to left would be 'lightening' from 'open' that recent information in the twentieth and sky'; 'waist deep' water' ; 'rain' from 'night twenty-first century regarding the structure of sky'. It is a warning that flash floods can gesture language and acknowledgement of occur when it has been raining up in the sign language as a "language" by Stoke, highlands even though below in the mouth of Corballis, Armstrong and Wilcox, among the canyons the skies appear clear. Watch the others, will facilitate a closer analysis of evening sky for lightening on the horizon and certain petroglyph panels demonstrating that a beware of flooding waters. narrative 'writing' is present. This picture writing can be interpreted using a working The pictograph panel is located at the conver- knowledge of sign language as the key to gence of two canyons. Water is carried down unlock its emit meaning.
38 Carol Patterson, Gesture and Sign Language - Reading the Rock Art
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Flood, J. Early Man. Viking Fund Publications in 1997 Rock Art of the Dreamtime. Harper and Anthropology 31. Collins. New York 1955 Studies of the Psychology and Behavior 1987 Rock Art of the Koolburra Plateau, of Captive Animals in Zoos and Cir- North Queensland, Rock Art Research cuses. Butterworth, London 4(2): 91-126. 1950 Wild Animals in Captivity. Butterworth, London Freedman and Hoffman, 1967 Kinetic Behaviour in Altered Clinical Hewes, G. W. States: Approaches to objective analysis 1955 World Distribution of Certain Postural of motor behaviour during clinical in- Habits. American Anthropologists, 57 (2), 231-44. terviews. Perceptual and Motor Skills 24: 527-539 1957 The Anthropology of Posture. Scientific Fushun, Li American, 196: 123-130 1991 Rock Art at Huashan, Guangxi Prov- Holt, E.B. ince, China. In Rock Art Research, Vol. 1931 Animal Drive and the Learning Proc- 8(1):29-32, Australian Rock Art Re- ess. Doubleday, New York. search Association , Melbourne, Austra- Kelen, L. and D. Sucec. lia 1996 Sacred Images: a vision of Native Hadamard, J. American Rock Art. Gibbs-Smith, Salt 1945 The psychology of invention in the Lake City mathematical field. Princeton Univer- Kendon, A. sity Press, Princeton 1988 Sign Languages of Aboriginal Australia. Hall, E.T. Cambridge: Cambridge University 1998 Personal Communication. Press. 1979 Proxemics. In S. Weitz (ed.) Nonverbal 1981 Nonverbal Communication, Interaction, Communication, Readings with com- and Gesture. The Hague: Mouton Oxford University Press, Ox- mentary. Klima, E. & U. Bellugi. ford 1979 The Signs of Language. Harvard Uni- Beyond Culture. New York: Anchor. 1977 versity Press, Cambridge 1974 Handbook for Proxemic Research. American Anthropological Association, Kreober, A. L. (ed) Society for the Anthropology of Visual 1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Communication. Washington: Govt. Printing Office. 1966 The Hidden Dimension. Doubleday, 1958 Sign Language Inquiry. International New York Jrnl of American Linguistics 24: 1-19. 1963 Proxemics - The Study of Mans-Spatial Relations, Mans Image in Medicine and LaBarre, W. Anthropology. New York: International 1964 Paralinguistics, kinesics and cultural Universities Press. anthropology, in (eds.) T. A. Sebeok, A. 1959 The Silent Language. New York: S. Hayes & M.C. Bateson. Approaches Doubleday. to Semiotics. The Hague: Mouton. 1954 The Human Animal. Chicago: Univer- Hediger, G sity of Chicago Press. 1961 The Evolution of Territorial Behavior. 1947 The Cultural Basis of Emotions and In S. L. Washburn (ed.) Social Life of Gestures. Journal of Personality] 6.
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Malaiya, Sudha. Mead, M. & Macgregor, F. C. 1989 Dance in the Rock Art on Central India 195 Growth and Culture: A Photographic in Animals into Art, H. Morphy, (ed.) Study of Balinese Childhood.: G. P. One World Archaeology, Vol. 7:357- Putnam's Sons, New York 368. Unwin Hyman, Lt.: London. Morris, D. 1992Hand in Hand Dancing in Indian Rock 1994 Body Talk: The meaning of Human Art and its Continuities. In Rock Art Gestures. Crown Trade Paperbacks, And Ethnology, AURA Occasional Pa- New York pers (5):60-66. 1972 Intimate Behavior. New York: Random House. Mallery, G. 1972/1893 Picture Writing of the American Novellino, Dario Indians, vol 1, 2. Dover reprint. Dover 1999 Towards an Understanding of Palaqwan Publications, New York Rock Drawings: Between Visual and 1881 Sign Language Among the North Verbal Expressions. Rock Art Research American Indians. First Annual Report Vol 16 (1): 3-24. ARARA, Melbourn, of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Australia 1879-80. Smithsonian, Washington, Patterson-Rudolph, C. D.C. 1997 On the Trail of Spider Woman: Ancient Martineau, LaVan. City Press, Santa Fe 1973 The Rocks Begin to Speak, KC Publica- 1996 American Indian Pictography, a Semi- tions, Las Vegas. otic Analysis, Bollettino del Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici 29, Italy Martineau, LaVan, B. K. Swartz, Jr. & C. L. 1995 The Yellow Women, Kachina Masks of Houck. the Keres, Utah Rock Art vol.XIV. C. 1981 The Use of Indian Gesture Language for Patterson-Rudolph (ed.). Salt Lake City. the Interpretation of North American 1994 Metaphors in Pueblo Petroglyphs; an Petroglyphs: A Trial Analysis. Occa- analysis of a Rio Grande Style Petro- sional Papers of the American Commit- glyph, in Bollettino del Centro Camuno tee to Advance the Study of Petroglyphs di Studi Preistorici 28, Italy and Pictographs, vol. (1). 1993 Water Jar Boy, Myth and Petroglyph. In Maguire, H. Journal of American Indian Culture and 1989 Art and eloquence in Byzantine. Prince- Research, Vol. 14. University of Cali- ton University Press, Princeton, N. J. fornia, Los Angles, California Mauss, M. 1992 Petroglyphs and Pueblo Myths of the 1935. Techniques of the Body. Economy and Rio Grande: Avanyu Publishers, Albu- Society 2 (1): 70-88. querque 1987 Uretsete and Naotsete Genesis Myth, in McClean, J. Artifact, El Paso Archaeology Society, 1896 The Sign Language. In Canadian Texas Savage Folk. The Native Tribes of Canada. pp. 486-495. William Briggs, Patterson, C. (formerly Patterson-Rudolph) Toronto. 2001 Response to Ghost Dancing the Grand Canyon, Current Anthropology 42 2. McNeill, D. 2000 Critical Analysis of the Rock Art 1992 Hand and Mind: What gestures reveal Interpretation found in "Ghost Dancing about thought.: University of Chicago in the Grand Canyon" National Picto- Press, Chicago 41 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
graphic Society News Letter, August Spicer, J. 2000:2-11 199 The Renaissance Elbow, in J. Bremmer & 1999 The Power of Song, Shamanism in H. Roodenburg (eds), A Cultural His- North American Rock Art, Deutsches tory of Gesture:.84-128. Polity Press, Archaologisches Institut, Berlin, Ger- Cambridge many. Spiegel, J. & P. Machotka. 1998 Seeking Power at Willow Creek Cave, 1974 Messages of the Body. Collier Macmil- Northern California, Anthropology of lan Publishers, London Consciousness 9(1). American Anthro- pology Association, Arlington, Virginia Stokoe, W. 1960 Sign Language structure: An outline of Rajnovich, G. the visual communication systems of 1993 Reading Rock Art; interpreting the the American Deaf. Studies in Linguis- Indian rock paintings of the Canadian tics: Occasional Papers 8. University of Shield. Natural Heritage/Natural His- Buffalo Department of Anthropology tory Inc., Toronto and Linguistics, Buffalo Saitz, R. L. & E. J. Cervenka. 1972 Semiotics and Human Sign Languages. 1962 Colombian and North American Ges- The Hague: Mouton tures: A Contrastive Inventory, Bogota: Centro Colombo Americano Thomas, K. 1991 Introduction, in Bremmer, J.& H. Sapir, E. A. Roodenburg (eds.)A Cultural History of 1931 Communication, Encyclopedia of the Gesture:1-14. Polity Press, Cambridge Social Science 4:78-80. Collier- Macmillan, New York Tilley, Christopher 1999 Metaphor and Material Culture. Ox- Schaafsma, P. ford, UK: Blackwell 1971 The Rock Art of Utah. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archae- Tomkins, W. ology and Ethnology 65, Cambridge, 1948 Universal Indian Sign Language. San Massachusetts. Diego: Neyenesch Printers. Schoolcraft, H.R. Umiker-Sebeok and T. Sebeok (eds.) 1853 Historical and Statistical Information 1978 Aboriginal Sign Languages of the Respecting the History, Condition, and Americas and Australia 1 and 2. Plenum Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the Press, New York United States. Lippincott - Grambo, Wilkins, D. Philadelphia 1997 Handsigns and Hyperpolysemy: Explor- Seton, E.T. ing the cultural foundations of semantic 2000 (1918) Sign Talk of the Cheyenne association. Pacific Linguistics, C-136 Indians and other Cultures. Dover Pub- 413-444 lications, New York 2001 A Metaphor in Three Modalities: An Arrernte teacher 's description of the Siger, L. "learning Journey" in gesture, speech 1968 Gestures, the Language of Signs, and and painting. Lecture given at James Human Communication, American An- Cook University, May, 2001 nals of the Deaf 113: 11-28
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West, L. M. jamin Lee Whorf. Edited by J.B. Car- 1960 The Sign Language: An Analysis. vol. roll. MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1: The Sign Langaue: An analysis vol. Wright, Bruce. 2: Dialects. Ph. D. thesis, Indiana Uni- 1985 The Significance of the Hand Motif versity, Bloomington, Indiana. Univer- Variations in the Stencilled Art of the sity Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan Australian Aboriginies Rock Art Re- 1961-1965 Sign Language Films, A20-7-1 to search Vol 2 (1): 3-19. ARARA Mel- A20-7-6. Australian Institute of Abo- bourn, Australia riginal Studies, Canberra 1963 Aboriginal Sign Language: a state- Wright, Cheryl D. ment." in W.E.H. Stanner and H. Shiels, 1979 Walpiri Hand Talk. Northern Territory (ed.), Australian Aboriginal Studies. Department of Education, Darwin Melbourne: Oxford University Press Wundt, Wilhelm, Whorf, B. L. 1956. Language, Thought (1900) 1973. The language of Gestures, The and Reality: Selected Writings of Ben- Hague: Mouton
43 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
44 Lynda McNeil SEASONAL REVIVAL RITES AND ROCK ART OF MINUSINSK BASIN COLONIZERS, SIBERIA
This paper takes an ethnoarchaeological and ecological context of the Minusinsk Basin. ecological approach to understanding patterns Lastly, I discuss what is known about the of iconography of rock art observed on the demographic and ethnographic histories of the Middle Yenisey River, and its tributary to the Minusinsk Basin and hypothesize regarding east, the Tuba River, in the Minusinsk Basin of who colonized the region, who created this rock Southern Siberia. As a member of the Siberian art, and what it meant to them. Association of Pre-Historic Art Researchers (SAPAR), I was invited to participate in a Soros Foundation-sponsored expedition with Ke- MIDDLE YENISEY ROCK ART merovo State University faculty and other In 1994 and 1995, Jacov Sher and Henri-Paul SAPAR members from July 28-August 15, Francfort stylistically dated the petroglyphs at 2002. major sites on the Middle Yenisey River, Oglakhty I, Tepsei I, Ust'-Tuba II, and its An international group of rock art researchers, tributary, the Tuba River, Shalabolino. Purpor- Russian, French, and American, around twenty tively the sites are the Upper Paleolithic, in number, camped on the west and east banks Minusinsk style, to the Neolithic, Angara style, of the Middle Yenisey River near Abakan, the and the Bronze Age (Francfort and Sher capital city of Khakassia in the Russian Federa- 1995:11; Martynov, A.I, 1991:25; Okladnikov tion, north of Mongolia. We hiked, were 1966:109; Pyatkin 1998:26-30; Pyatkin and ferried by tugboat, and rode in a "vintage" Martynov 1985; Sher 1980:185-193; Sher, et al. 1960s bus to rock art sites at Oglakhty I-III, 1994: IV-V, 20). Tepsei I, Ust'-Tuba II, and Shalabolino. The primary purpose of the expedition was to access While initially persuasive, further consideration the extent of erosion and vandalism to the rock of Sher and Francfort's stylistic dating of art, to propose methods of conservation, and to Minsinsk attributed to the Upper Paleolithic raise the question of eligibility of these rock art raises questions based upon important differ- sites as UNESCO World Heritage sites. ences between Minusinsk style and European This paper proposes a working hypothesis for cave art's faunal assemblages and their respec- the colonization of this region to reconstruct the tive time frames. While the two styles resemble cultural origin, symbolic significance, and one another in that they depict prey and peda- relative dating of this rock art. Supporting tory mammals with a heavy outline style in evidence is based upon my observations in the large, meter scale images, significant differ- field, reinforced by research conducted recently ences in their respective faunal assemblages by multi-national archaeologists, and by eth- affect their relative dating. For example, the nographers during historic times. First, I European pictographs include Ice Age describe the general features of the rock art at megafauna such as wooly mammoth, rhinoc- the sites visited. Then, the Late Pleistocene or eros, and bison in the rock art faunal assem- early Holocene environment, in particular the blages, C 14 dated between 30,000-15,000 B.P. faunal assemblages during the Last Glacial This is in contrast to the Minusinsk Basin Maximum (LGM), 19,000-18,000 B.P. (uncali- petroglyphs, which are generally smaller in brated) 1 is considered, as well as the broader centimeter scale. They represent both mam-
45 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 moth-steppe and forest-steppe, post LGM heavily repatinated, low contrast. They are interglacial, mammals. Represented are moose, covered with some lichen or with calcium aurochs, red deer, reindeer, brown bear, horse, carbonate from seasonal submersion from the and wild boar (Goebel 1999; Guthrie 1990; Krasnoyarsk Dam construction which raised the Hoffecker, personal conversation 2004). water levels several meters at Oglakhty I-III, Tepsei I-II , Ust'-Tuba II, and Shalabolino. Until a more accurate method of dating this rock art can be found, a paleoenvironmental The Minusinsk and Angara style pertroglyphs approach can help to establish an upper bound of moose, aurochs, red deer, wild horse, wild or oldest possible date, for dating this Minus- boar, and brown bear which have nearly identi- insk Basin rock art through the comparative cal interglacial faunal assemblages, are situated analysis of the rock art faunal assemblage with on a horizontal axis from west to east with the Minusinsk Basin paleo-environment after Oglakhty, furthest west, Tepsei, Ust'-Tuba, and the last glacial maximum and related taxa. This Shalabolino, furthest east. The ideological approach narrows the time frame for the significance of the positioning of the rock art on creation of these two styles of rock art after an east-west axis is discussed below. First, 14,000 B.P., when the Ice Age megafauna Minusinsk style is characterized by heavily disappeared from the Minusinsk Basin. To outline-pecked, large-bodied taxa in assem- infer a reasonable lower bound or most recent blages that focus on a single large-bodied red date, we need to look at ethnographic evidence deer, with antlers, Cervus elaphus, in conjunc- concerning the transition of Minusinsk Basin tion with smaller moose, and bear at the Oglak- colonizers. hty I site (Figures 1 and 2). Also, of interest for futuring dating, both Minusinsk and Angara style petroglyphs are
Figure 1A: Oglakhty I petroglyph of "cosmic elk". Drawing from Sher, et. al. (1994)
46 Lynda McNeil, Seasonal Revival Rites and Rock Art of Minusinsk Basin Colonizers, Siberia
Figure 1B: Oglakhty I petroglyph of "cosmic elk". Photo is Plate 5 in Sher, et. al. (1994).
95.9
95.12
Figure 2 Oglakhty I petroglyphs of two Minusinsk style red deer. In Sher, et al. (1994).
47 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 3: Ust'-Tuba II petroglyph of two bears, herd of auroches and mooses with bear bust in upper right corner. Drawing from Francfort and Sher 1995, Plate 39. Photo by L. McNeil.
At the four major Middle Yenisey River sites, interior pecking along the head, chest, and/or the Angara style rock art taxa are characterized haunches; full body solid-pecked; and full body by four distinct variants or sub-styles, all small, solid pecked; and full body outline-pecked with centimeter scale: outline-pecked head and chest vertical interior lines. All of the Angara-style (bust); full body outline-pecked with partial rock art depicting forest-steppe taxa, i.e.,
48 Lynda McNeil, Seasonal Revival Rites and Rock Art of Minusinsk Basin Colonizers, Siberia auroch, moose, red deer, wild horse, wild boar, boats, anthropomoric figures, some with horns, and brown bear, are represented in the four sub- and large fish. The latter correlates with a styles. (Table 1.) The ideologicalsignificance is warmer and wetter interglacial environment. discussed below. PALEOENVIRONMENT AND TAXA In addition to the faunal assemblage mentioned above, the Oglakhty I and Tepsei I sites depict The faunal assemblage depicted in the rock art two brown bears standing upright in Minusinsk at these Middle Yenisey and tributary, Tuba (M) outline-pecked style and Ust'-Tuba and River, sites correlates with Late Pleisto- Shalabolino depict approximately twenty-five cene/early Holocene interglacial, forest-steppe brown bears in Angara (A) style in the follow- paleoenvironment and taxa that appeared after ing three poses: standing upright on hind legs 14,000 B.P. when Ice Age megafauna disap- (full body), standing on all four legs, east or peared in the faunal record (Goebel 1999; right-facing (full body), or bear head and chest Guthrie 1990; Vasil'ev 1992; contra Sher 1994; (busts), right or east facing: Oglakhty I (M-one contra Francfort and Sher 1995). For example, upright; A-one bust), Tepsei I (M-upright), in the faunal record of habitation sites along the Ust' -Tuba II (A-two solid-pecked, upright bears Middle Yenisey River (Vasil'ev 1992), by and one outline-pecked bear bust), and around 14,000 B.P., Ice Age herbivores such as Shalabolino (A-twenty-two bear images in all wooly mammoth, rhinoceros, and bison, are these poses). In conjunction with Angara style replaced by interglacial forest-steppe ruminants, petroglyphs at these sites, one finds canoe-type predominantly at most sites reindeer, (Rangifer
TABLE 1 ANGARA STYLES OF PETROGLYPHS Auroch Moose Red Deer Wild Horse Wild Boar Brown Bear
A
B
C
D
A. Head and chest (bust): emerging of the upper body from the river portal (birthing) B. Full body, outline with partial interior pecking: newly emerged into the human world. C. Full body, solid pecked: fully emerged into the human world (born). D. Full body, outline with interior line pecking: passing through the lower world (not yet born).
49 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
tarandus), followed in frequency by moose or predatory animals such brown bear, cave lion, "elk" (Alces alces), red deer (Cervus elaphus), wolf appear at lower numbers than prey aurochs (Bos primigenius), wild horse (Equus animals in the reported faunal records of ferus), and small game such as wild boar, hares, Middle Yenisey valley sites of the Afontova marmots, fox, and waterfowl such white goose, and Kokorevo cultures in the Kokorevo- duck, and loon, and anadromous fish such as Novoselovo area. These animals are often salmon, shad, etc.During the interglacial in the reported as rare, and the brown bear disappears Minusinsk Basin, the faunal record shows at reported sites between 13,000 — 11,000 B.P. "mammoth fauna" diversity of large herbivores (ruminants and non-ruminants), as well as Probable causes might include one or more of omnivores, occuping their respective ecologi- the following: (1) a glacial interlude around cal niches. Nonruminants (mammoths and 12,000-11,000 B.P. which could have sent large bison), co-existed with browers and grazers herbivores south or east across the mammoth (moose, red deer, reindeer, argali, aurochs), steppe into Beringia and North America, until around 14,000 B.P. when mammoth and feasibly followed by humans, and or, predatory bison disappeared from the Middle Yenisey animals; (2) depleting wood resources neces- River faunal record. After their disappearance sary for fire and warmth in the Minusinsk or extinction, several ruminants (browsers, Basin; and/or (3) over-killing of protein-rich grazers, and intermediate types) co-existed in mammals during the known massive recoloni- neighboring ecological niches into the last zation of Southern Subarctic Siberia post glacial period (14,000-12,000B.P.). LGM. (Goebel 1999: 218-220; Guthrie 1990; Hoffecker, Powers, and Goebel 1993: 46-53). During the interstadials, which are glacial stages marking a temporary retreat of the ice, In any case, the decline in major food protein, pine and deciduous forests expanded as habitat or wood sources would have stressed human for forest types (red deer, moose, wolverine, inhabitants living in Southern Siberia, espe- wolf, roebuck, wild boar and brown bear) and cially in winter when having a fire for warmth forest-steppe (open space) types (reindeer, fox, and a high-protein food source would have hare, others) thrived, while aurochs occupied been essential. To further compound these the steppe/prairie niche. In the ice-free rivers stresses, colonizers living in bands with low and streams of Southern Siberia, large fatty fish population densities would incur serious became an available food source (and notably, somatic and reproductive challenges. Conse- boats, fish traps, harpoons, and hooks appear in quently, social adaptive responses to these the archaeological record), as well as scrub marginal conditions, such as periodic aggrega- birds (grouse) and waterfowl that migrated to tions, discussed below, would be crucial to the region (ducks, loons, white geese). cultural survival.
The issue of representative samples and MINUSINSK BASIN COLONIZERS distribution make generalizations about faunal data in the Minusinsk Basin problematic. Archaeologists studying the Minusinsk Basin of Nevertheless, it is worth noting that large the Upper Paleolithic agree that Astakhov's herbivores, moose, red deer, and aurochs, as (1966) model for "the general sociocultural well as small mammals like wild boar, that are pattern of life of prehistoric people" still holds, present in the rock art with moose being pre- that is: "they probably lived in small bands" dominant, show a decline in numbers in the which faunal record between 14,000 —11,000 B.P. (Vasil' ev 1992: 351-362) at both Afontova and would have had its own peculiarities, re- Kokorevo cultural sites. 2 Not surprisingly, flected in the characteristics of technology,
50 Lynda McNeil, Seasonal Revival Rites and Rock Art of Minusinsk Basin Colonizers, Siberia
tool-types, and dwelling construction. Small peoples, possibly their neighbors, relied upon bands of this kind coexisted for centuries and aggregations of neighboring clans for spring millennia, replaced each other at the same revival rites. This effectively would address sites, interacted, mixed, interrelated, joined challenges in exogamous mate-finding, food- together or separated (Okladnikov sharing during late winter scarcity, and alliance 1981:113). forming.
The period after the LGM, 19,000-18,000 B.P., According to ethnographic accounts collected is of most interest here since the paleoenviron- in the early seventeenth to twentieth centuries mental forces of this period correlate best with from widely-dispersed Evenks throughout the faunal assemblages depicted in the rock art. Siberia, clans gathered for spring revival rites This was also a period of rapid recolonization (Anisimov 1963a, 1963b; Vasilevich 1963, of the region, although climatically it was still 1971a, 1971b). For Yenisey Evenks, the rock subject to glacial interludes or "cold snap" art sites on the Middle Yenisey discussed here, extremes. appear to have marked a ritual clan center which extended from Oglakhty in the west to During the final stage of the Siberian Upper Shalabolino in the east. Furthermore, being Paleolithic, 16,000 — 12,000 B.P., Afontova and situated on the Middle Yenisey River, these Kokorevo Cultures coexisted at numerous sites would have served as ideal interclan temporary habitation sites along the Minusinsk aggregation sites, being easily accessible by Basin, suggested by the "absence of long-term river or by land during both glacials and base camps." Archaeologists describe these interglacials. The sites also provided access to sites as small, short-term camps with light water, game, fish, after 12,000 B.P., and wood above ground dwellings, or "huts", having sources for fire. On the convergence of rock art central rosette-style hearths, littered with little and aggregation sites in Europe, Bahn 1982; debris, which were occupied by "highly mobile Conkey 1980, 1992, 2000; Sieveking 1978, hunter-gatherers" (Goebel 1999:223; also see 1979;. on Paleoinidan aggregation sites, see Okladnikov 1981:113; and Vasil'ev 1992:357, Hofman 1994. 377). These interclan revivals, or ikenipke, although According to ethnographic accounts (etic) and timed at the beginning of the new hunting ancient oral traditions (emic), Tungusic- season, were not about "hunting magic" in the Manchu speaking (proto)Evenks colonized simplistic sense of performing sympathetic Southern Siberia from the Ob and Yenisey magic (contra Breuil 1952). Consequently, River in the west to the Okhotsk Sea in the east. they should be distinguished from the small Made up of numerous small groups, or bands, band's, microband or clan-wide, pre-hunting these Evenks adopted clan names, often related rites, or shingkelevun, whose purpose was to to their territorial rivers which were Er- ensure a successful hunt; from the post- mortem bogachenskiye, Zapadnye or Yenisey, Pod- bear festival rites of propitiation to the revered kamennaya Tunguska, Symskiye, Vitim, etc. 3 totemic animal (Hallowell 1926); or from later At the mouth of the Amur River, they are shamanic curing rites or seances whose function referred to as Kilen or Kili. This was the was "to retrieve the stolen soul" of a sick Nanay's name for themselves. Around Lake individual. Baikal, northern Evenks have interacted cultur- ally with Buryats, Mongols, and Yakuts. SPRING REVIVAL RITES Due to their wide distribution in small bands with low population densities, ethnographic While spring revivals were different from these accounts report that these Tungusic Evenk other rites in their communal focus, it is 51 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 important to understand that these various with these ceremonies; every member of the Evenk rites were cognitively grounded in clan, without exception, is permitted to use shared, socially-constructed knowledge that the ceremonial "shamanizing' equipment". informed their cosmology, beliefs, myths, and [And], the right to use this equipment during rock art. (See Hirschfeld and Gelman 1994 these ceremonies and to enter into shamaniz- ing activity with its aid is an obligation for on mental mapping and knowledge domains; every clan member (Anismov 1963a:116; Boyer 1994, on knowledge domains and Humphrey 1996; Kehoe 2000; Vasilevich religious beliefs; contra Lewis-Williams and 1963:46-47 on "to shamanize" in Tungusic Dowson 1988, on rock art production and Manchu, meaning a performance to narrate or altered states; contra Winkelman 2002, on sing clan stories, not exclusively trance or shamanism and cognition). séance).
Evenks, dispersed throughout Siberia before According to Evenk three-tiered cosmol- the domestication of the reindeer, Neolithic or ogy, the Mistress of Animals resides in the Aeneolithic, adapted a distinctively Sibero- upper world, ugu buga, where she maintains Mongolian mythology. It was based upon a control over the souls of unborn animals; three-tiered cosmological structure of sky humans reside in the the middle world, duluga world, cosmic tree, and river portal. There buga, which includes the clan territory, defined were rites whereby dancers "ascend to the sky". by hunting and fishing ranges; and deceased And there were beliefs about the cosmic ancestors, buni, reside in the lower world, balance of dualities, i.e., male-female, lower khegu-ergu buga, in which exists the top-to- world-upper world, father-mother, birth-death, bottom reversal of the human world. and of the bear ancestor and "elk" cow, maral or moose. Early Tungusic Evenk colonists in Also, ccording to Evenk mythology, the bear Southern Siberia appear to have combined these "spirit of the ancestors", khargi, mangi, and Mongolian beliefs with widely dispersed Master of the Lower World ascends to the Eurasian beliefs about the bear as totemic upper world by way of the clan tree--a larch ancestor and spirit helper (Humphrey 1996:247- turu--to implore the Mistress of Animals, 248). Kheglen, elk or maral, to release the souls of unborn animals into clan territory. The bear's Characteristically Evenk spring revival rites, return to the human world with the reborn or ikenipke, were communal, or macroband, reincarnated, game animals takes place at the gatherings to ensure "increase" construed clan river "portal", or springs, at the clan center broadly in ecological and human terms. As of rocks and clan tree, bugady mushun. concluded from the ethnographers, Anisimov 1963b; Turov 2000; field work by Russian ROCK ART AND RESTORATION CYCLE Vasilevich 1971a involving numerous clans of Evenks in Siberia, reports all religious ceremo- Taken together, the location of these rock art nies were clanwide and obligatory to every sites on south or east-facing cliffs overlooking a member of the clan. The performance of these river, as well as the numerous bear images ceremonies relates to "the care and duty of the depicted in conjunction with difficult to procure whole clan" and, the collective preparation of or less plentiful game animals, such as moose, these ceremonies is in itself a clan festivity aurochs, red deer, horse, suggests that these related to the clan's common origin. rock art sites were associated with clan sanctu- ary and spring interclan aggregation sites. The concepts of rebirth of nature, the multi- Given their location in ancient proto Evenk plication of animals, and the insurance of territory, this rock art imagery has narrative success in future hunts are also connected features that relate to the mythic cycle of the 52 Lynda McNeil, Seasonal Revival Rites and Rock Art of Minusinsk Basin Colonizers, Siberia totemic animal-intermediary, khargi or mangi, from Oglakhty, Tepsei, and Ust'-Tuba. Out of in its journey of ascent to the upper world by hundreds of images, Shalabolino has twenty- way of the clan tree, turu, in the fall, and its two recorded bear petroglyphs depicting reemergence into the human world in the spring brown bears with shoulder hump, in several leading a herd of game animals. Notably, these poses: a tree-climbing bear, Figure 4; two bears rock art sites, bugady mushun, are situated near standing upright, a larger with a smaller bear, a dense collection of Middle Yenisey Afontova possibly an adult with offspring, next to a Culture and Kokorevo Culture habitation sites. natural fissure or portal in the rock, Figure 5; single bears standing upright or walking on all For Evenks, the clan river united the three fours, in either case leading herds of large game worlds of the universe, consistent with Tungus- animals, Figures 6 and 7. There are also single Mongol beliefs held by Western and Khori bear busts near, and typically to right or east- Buryats, Yakuts, "horse" pastorialist Evenks, facing, suggesting the bear's partial emergence and peoples from Altai and Tuva. As Anisi- from the river portal to the lower world, fol- mov's Evenk ethnographic accounts report, lowed by large game animals, who are also "The headwaters originate in the upper world, sometimes depicted from the chest up (Pyatkin on the upper course of mythical clan river being and Marynov 1985:159 figures 6-12, 1985:160 where the receptacle of souls of animals reside figures 1-15; personal field notes and photo- before birth," which is controlled by the graphs). cosmic "elk" whom the bear solicits (Anisimov 1963b: 204-205). Oglakhty I and Tepsei I Minusinsk style images appear to be associated with the mythic headwaters of the upperworld in the west where the cosmic "elk", a female red deer with antlers that signify the Tree of Life (Anisimov 1963a:83-84; Anisimov 1963b:183; Jacobson 1993:185, 193-194; Marytynov 1991:99-107) and ancestral bear meet (Figures 1 and 2) and where the river's mouth empties into the "underground sea of the nether world" (Anisimov 1963b:166). 4 In contrast, the rock art sites at Ust'-Tuba II-III, Figure 3, and at Shalabolino suggest sites of emergence from the lower world back into clan territory due east of Oglakhty. These rock art sites have significance as sacred clan territorial centers with clan tree and rocks and aggregation sites where mangi, completing his cosmic journey, emerges from the lower world with herds of game animals in early spring. Situated propitiously at the portal of emergence, the clan lands with sacred rocks and trees, are identified Figure 4: Mykalent copy of a petroglyph of with places for hunting wild game, fish, and bear climbing a tree at Shalabolino site on waterfowl. Tuba River. Photo from E. Miklashevich, Kemerovo State University and Museum of At Shalabolino, hundreds of heavily repatinated the Archaeology and Ethnography of South Angara style petroglyphs grace south-facing Siberia. cliffs overlooking the Tuba River, due east 53 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
As mentioned earlier, the Angara style petro- glyphs at these sites depicting bears and game animals are represented in four distinct sub- styles: (a) outline pecked, with some interior pecking, head and chest or bust; (b) full body, partially pecked on head, chest, and, or haunches; (c) full body, solid pecked; and (d) full body, outline pecked with vertical interior lines, Table 1. Moreover, these four Angara sub-styles, when viewed in relation to Evenk bear restoration beliefs, appear to correspond to stages in the process of emergence, death- rebirth, as does the location on the clan river. The greatest number of petroglyphs showing bears with game animals, in all Angara sub- styles, appear at Shalabolino, the river site of emergence from the lower world into clan territory. Regarding the interior line style, Ekaterina Devlet, archaeologist at the Russsian Academy of Science, Moscow, maintains that in Siberian rock art, the interior line, "x-ray or Figure 5: Mykalent copy of petroglyph of skeletal", style for anthropomorphic figures two bears standing upright at Shalabolino suggests the death-like experience of shamanic site on Tuba River. Photo from E. Miklashe- trance (Devlet 2000). vich, Kemerovo State University and Mu- seum of the Archaeology and Ethnography of South Siberia.
Figure 6: Mykalent copy of a petroglyph depicting herd of game animals, small bear standing upright (below center) and boats carried anthropomorphic figures at Shalabolino on the Tuba River. In Pyatkin and Martynov (1985). 54 Lynda McNeil, Seasonal Revival Rites and Rock Art of Minusinsk Basin Colonizers, Siberia
Figure 7: Mykalent copy of a petroglyph depicting a bear on the right facing a herd of game animals. In Pyatkin and Martynov (1985).
Considering Evenk communal, non-shamanic CONCLUSIONS ear restoration beliefs, it is reasonable to infer that the bears and game animals are depicted in By synthesizing ecological and ethno- interior line style to signify that stage in their archaeological evidence, one can infer that journey through the lower world, associated Minusinsk Basin rock art sites mark a ritual with the dead, or unborn. Moreover, the animal center and spring revival aggregation site for bust images suggest emergence from the river widely-dispersed small bands of early Tungusic "portal" from the lower world. The interior Evenk colonizers in the Yenisey River region, pecking only on head, chest, and, or haunches who called themselves "Yenisey Evenks." Into suggests their new born stage; and interior historic times, northern Tungusic Evenk peo- solid pecking represents their full emergence, or ples inhabited the major river valleys through- birth, into the human world and clan territory. out Southern and Subartic Siberia from the Ob and Yenisey Rivers in the west to lower Amur The features of this site that testify to its River and Sahklin Island in the Russian Far importance as an Evenk clan center and as a East, and from Lake Baikal to the south and the spring revival aggregation site, include the Upper Lena in the north. Today, they are known heavy concentration of petroglyphs with bear as the northern or "reindeer" Evenks, who restoration narrative elements that correspond inhabit the taiga region north of Lake Baikal. with Evenk-specific mythology and restoration beliefs of the bear ancestor ascending the clan The evidence presented here is expanded upon tree, imploring the Mistress of Animals for the in a longer paper about the spring revival rites release of the unborn souls of game animals, and symbolic representations of Minusinsk and leading game animals from the lower Basin and Basin-Plateau colonizers. 5 Regarding world into clan territory. Another geological the Minusinsk Basin during the Late Pleisto- feature at Shalabolino, that suggests that it cene and early Holocene, 17,000-11,000 B.P, could have been regarded as an important spring revivial rites and related symbolic emergence site, has to do with its abundant complexes expressed in myths and rock art underwater springs, which I gladly discovered iconography, emerged in response to reproduc- on a muggy day in August 2002. As numerous tive and somatic challenges of colonizers in oral traditions of indigenous peoples attest, Southern Siberia's interglacial forest-steppe natural springs were, and still are, regarded as environment. portals or super highways, if you will, from the under world out of which animal or bird spirit- helpers communicate with deceased ancestors.
55 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Culture. These features include seasonal habitation or aggregation sites (Kokorevo I and I would like to express my appreciation to the IV) round, rosette-style hearths associated with Department of Archaeology at Kemerovo State light above ground dwellings such as huts or University, Siberia, for inviting me to partici- tents. The extent of Afontova and Kokorevo pate in an archaeological expedition to ancient cultural sites outside the Yenisey Basin, from rock art sites on the Middle Yenisey and Tuba the Ob' basin, Altai, Angara, Trans-Baikal rivers, July 28 to August 14, 2002. Special region, overlaps with Evenk habitation areas thanks to Elena Miklashevich, who guided the throughout Siberia (Anisimov 1963b on Evenk expedition, and to the Siberian Association of exogamous clans: 195-197; Vasil'ev 1992: Rock Art Researchers (SAPAR) and the 377). Museum of the Archaeology and Ethnography of Southern Siberia. I am also grateful for travel 2. The Kokorevo Culture existed along side the support from the Dean of Arts and Science's Afontova Culture in the Minusinsk Basin, Fund for Excellence at the University of although a bit more recently. At Afontova Colorado, Boulder, CO. Cultural sites: Kurtak III, 14,300 B.P. +/- 100, 14,390 B.P. +/- 100, and 16,900 b.P. +/- 700 I would also like to acknowledge the generosity yrs, Tashtyik I and II, 13,000-12,000 B.P., and of those who shared research pertaining to Kokorevo II, 13,330. B.P +/- 100 yrs, and red Siberian bear cults and rock art, in particular, deer, aurochs, cave lion, saiga antelope, wolf, Drs. Marianna Devlet and Ekaterina Devlet of hare, and marmot are rare, while bear, and or, the Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow), moose are absent (Abramova 1979a, 1979b; Elena Miklashevich, Kemerovo State Univer- Astakhov 1987; Vasil'ev 1992:357-360). At sity, and Esther Jacobson, Professor of Art Kokorevo Cultural sites: Kokorevo I, layers 2 History at University of Oregon. Steven Freers and 3, 15,900 B.P. +/- 250 to 12,940 B.P. +/- and Dr. Alanah Woody, co-editors of American 270, Kokorevo IV, 14,320 B.P. +/- 330 yrs, Indian Rock Art (AIRA), kindly granted Novoselovo VII, 15,000 B.P. +/- 300, etc. permission to include an early version of the include the forest-steppe taxa, cited above, but rock art section of this paper that appeared in no bear or moose. I am suggesting that this AIRA, vol. 27, 2001: 301-312. `window' of time correlates with the peopling of the Americas. I am singularly indebted to Dr. Elena Kostoglo- dova, Slavic and Germanic Languages and 3. We believe that Yenisey Evenks adapted Literature Department at the University of from seasonally mobile hunter-gatherers to Colorado, Boulder, for translating articles from semi-sedentary "reindeer breeders" during the Russian to English. Neolithic or Aeneothic. Cultural anthropolo- gists attribute the domestication of animals to NOTES the Neolithic in the Middle East from 9,000- 3,000 B.P., and typically a millennia or two 1. Russian B.P. 14C-based dates should be later in Southern Siberia, 7,000-3,000 B.P. calibrated back in time by approx.. 2,000 calendar years, based upon reconstructed 14C 4. Images of boats at this site recall the Evenk activities during last glacial period; see K. beliefs about the soul's journey by boat out of Hughen, et al, Science, 303, 9 Jan. 2004, 202- the lower world, as well as the bear ancestor's 207. ascent back to this world via the clan river (Vasilevich 1963:58-60, on soul's journey on Based on scattered evidence, northern Evenks the clan river, Engdekit). As recorded by M. share material cultural features with Kokorevo Devlet (1998), Angara and Bronze Age style 56 Lynda McNeil, Seasonal Revival Rites and Rock Art of Minusinsk Basin Colonizers, Siberia
rock art from the Aldy-Mozaga rock art site, soobshcheniya arkheologiv SSSR. VII Sayan Canyon of the Yenisey River, at Tuva, Mezhdunarodnyi Kongress doistorikov I depict a bear with game animals (Devlet protoistorikov. Nauka: Moscow,. 56-67. 1998:92, panel 30); and, most striking, a bear 1987 Paleoliticheskaya stoyanka Kokorevo IVA bust next to what appears to be an endless cycle (The Paleolithic site of Kokorevo IVA). of game resources (moose, red deer, horse, In Larichev, V.E. (ed.). Drevnosti Sibiri I argali, birds, and fish (Devlet 1998:99, panel Dal'nego Vostoka. Nauka: Novosibirsk., 40). 27-44. Bahn, P 5 "Seasonal Revival Rites: Ecological and 1982 Inter-Site and Inter-Regional Links during Symbolic Adaptive Strategies of Minusinsk the Upper Palaeolithic: The Pyrenean Basin and Basin-Plateau Colonizers" (under Evidence. Oxford Journal of Archaeology review) On spring revival rites and rock art in 1(3):247-68. the Basin-Plateau, see (McNeil 1999:133-139). Boyer, P. 1994 Cognitive constraints on cultural represen- tations: Natural ontologies and religious REFERENCES CITED ideas. In Mapping the Mind: Domain specificity in cognition and culture. L. Abramova, Z.A. Hirschfeld and S. Gelman, eds. Cam- 1979a Paleolit Eniseya: Afontovskaya bridge University Press, 391-411. kul'tura(The Yenisey Paleolithic: The Afontova Culture). Nauka: Novosibirsk. Breuil, H. 1979b Paleolit Eniseya: Kokorevskaya kul'tura 1952 Four Hundred Centuries of Cave Art The Yenisey Paleolithic: The Kokorevo (trans. M. Boyle). Montignac: France: Culture). Nauka: Novosibirsk. Centre d'Etudes et de Documentation Prehistoriques. Anisimov, A.F. 1963a The Shaman's Tent of the Evenks and the Conkey, M Origin of the Shamanistic Rite. In Stud- 1980 The Identification of Prehistoric Hunter- ies in Siberian Shamanism. Henry N. Gatherer Aggregation Sites: The Case of Michael, ed., 85-123. Arctic Institute of Altimira. Current Anthropology 21 North America Anthropology of the (5):609-30. North: Translations from Russian 1992 Les Sites d'Agregation et la Reparation de Sources/No.4. Toronto: University of To- l'Art Mobilier, ou Y-a-t-il des Sites ronto Press. d'Agregation Magdalenian? In Le Peu- 1963b Cosmological Concepts of the Peoples of plement Madgalenien: Paleeogeographie the North. In Studies in Siberian Physique et Humaine. Ed. J-P Rigaud, H. Shamanism. Henry N. Michael, ed. Pp. Laville, and B. Vandermeersch, 19-25. 157-229. Arctic Institute of North Editions du Comite des Travaux Histori- America Anthropology of the North: ques et Scientifiques, Documents Prehis- Translations from Russian Sources/No.4. toriques 2: Actes du Colloque de Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Chancelade (October 1988). Paris: Comite des Travaux Historiques et Scien- Astakhov, S.N. tifiques. 1966 Oputyakh pervonachal'nogo zaseleniya 2000 A Spanish Resistance? Social Archae- chelovekom dolinyi Eniseya (Concerning ology and the Study of Paleolithic Art in the initial settlement of the Yenisei val- Spain. Journal of Anthropological Re- ley). In Ryibakov, B.A., (ed.), Dokladyi I search 56 (1):77-93.
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Devlet, E.G. Changes over the Past 50,000 Years. Sci- 2000 X-ray style anthropomorphic art images ence 303:202-207. and the mythological subject of obtaining Humphrey, C. (with U. Onon) the gift of shamanizing. Archaeology, 1996 Shamans and Elders: Experience, Knowl- Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia edge, and Power Among the Daur Mon- 2:88-95. gols. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Devlet, M. Jacobson, E. 1998 Petroglyphs on the Bottom of the Sayan 1993 The Deer Goddess of Ancient Siberia: A Sea. Moscow: Russian Academy of Sci- Study in the Ecology of Belief. New ences Institute of Archaeology. Pamyat- York: E.J. Brill. niki istoricheskoy Mysli. Kehoe, A.B. Francfort, H. and Sher, J. 2000 Shamans and Religion: An Anthropologi- 1995 Repertoire des petroglyphes d'Asie cal Exploration in Critical Thinking. Centrale. Fasc.2. Siberie du Sud 2: Tep- Prospect Heights, Illinois: Waveland sej I-III, Ust'-Tuba I-IV (Russie, Khakas- Press, Inc. sie). Paris,Boccard. Lewis-Williams, D. and Dowson, T.A. Goebel, T. 1988 The Signs of the Times: Entoptic Phe- 1999 Pleistocene Human Colonization of nomena in Upper Paleolithic Art. Current Siberia and Peopling of the Americas: An Anthropology 29:201-45. Ecological Approach. Evolutionary An- thropology 8 (6):208-229. Martynov, A.I. 1991 The Ancient Art of Northern Asia. Trans. Guthrie, R.D. D.B. Shimkin and E.M. Shimkin. Ur- 1990 Frozen Fauna of the Mammoth Steppe: bana: University of Illinois Press. The Story of Blue Babe. Chicago: Uni- versity of Chicago Press. McNeil, L.D. 1999 Ute Indian Rock Art: Related Myths and Hallowell, A. I. Bear Glyphs. American Indian Rock Art 1926 Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern 25:133-139. Hemisphere. American Anthropologist (New Series) 28(1):1-163. Okladnikov, A.P. 1956 Ancient Population of Siberia and Its Hirschfeld, L. and Gelman. S. Cultures. In The Peoples of Siberia, M.G. 1994 Mapping the Mind: Domain Specificity in Levin and L.P. Potapov, eds., 13-98. Chi- Cognition and Culture. Cambridge Uni- cago: University of Chicago Press. versity Press. 1981 Paleolit Tsentral'noi Azii. Moil'tyin Am Hoffecker, J., Powers, W., and Goebel, T. (Mongoliya) [The Paleolithic of Central 1993 The Colonization of Beringia and the Asia. Moil'tyin Am (Mongolia)], Nauka, Peopling of the New World. Science Novosibirsk. 259:46-53. Pyatkin, B.N. Hofman, J. 1998 The Shalabolino Petroglyphs on the River 1994 Paleoindian Aggregations on the Great Tuba (Middle Yenisei). In International Plains In Journal of Anthropological Ar- Newsletter on Rock Art (I.N.O.R.A.), no. chaeology 13:341-370. 20:26-30. Ed. Jean Clottes. Foix, France: Hughen, K., Lehman S., Southon J., Overpeck Ministere de la Culture. J.,Marchal 0., Herring C, Turnbull J. Pyatkin, B.N. and A.I. Martynov 2004 14c Activity and Global Carbon Cycle 1985 Petroglify iz Shalabolino [Petroglyphs 58 Lynda McNeil, Seasonal Revival Rites and Rock Art of Minusinsk Basin Colonizers, Siberia
from Shalabolino]. Krasnoyarsk: Kras- Vasil'ev, S. A. noyarsk University Press. 1992 The Late Paleolithic of the Yenesei: A New Outline. Journal of World Prehis- Sher, J.A. tory, 6 (3):337-383. 1980 Petroglify Srednej i Cnetral'naj Azii. 2001 The Final Paleolithic in Northern Moscow. Asia:Lithic Assemblage Diversity and Sher, J. A., Blednova, N., Legchilo, N., Explanatory Modes. Arctic Anthropology Smimov, D. 38 (2):3-30. 1994 Repertoire des petroglyphes d'Asie Vasilevich, G.M. Centrale. Fasc. 1. Siberie du Sud: Oglak- 1963 Early Concepts About the Universe hty I-III (Russie, Khakassie). Paris, Boc- Among the Evenks (Materials). In Stud- card. ies in Siberian Shamanism. H. N. Mi- Sieveking, A. chael, ed. Arctic Institute of North 1979 Style and Regional Grouping in Magda- America Anthropology of the North: lenian Cave Art. Bulletin of the Institute Translations from Russian Sources, No.4. of Archaeology 16:95-109. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Turov, M. 1971a 0 Kul'te medvedya u evenkov [Regard- 2000 Kul't medvedya v folklore i obryadovoi ing the Evenk bear cult]. In Collection of praktike evenkov (The bear cult in the Writings of the Museum of Anthropology Evenkian folklore and rituals). In Narody and Ethnography, 151-169. Saint Peters- Sibiri: istoriya i kul'tura/ Medved' v drev- burg (Leningrad). nih i sovremennyh kul'turah Sibiri (Peo- 1971 b Preshamanic and Shamanistic Beliefs of ples of Siberia: history and culture. Bear the Evenki. In Sovetskaia etnografiia, in ancient and modem cultures of Sibe- 5:29-44. ria). Novosibirsk Izdatelstvo Instituta ar- Winkelman, M. heologii i etnografii SO RAN. 2002 Shamanism and Cognitive Evolution. In Cambridge Archaeological Journal 12 (1):71-101.
59 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
60 Steven J. Manning
THE FUGITIVE-PIGMENT ANTHROPOMORPHS OF EASTERN UTAH: A SHARED CULTURAL TRAIT INDICATING A TEMPORAL RELATIONSHIP
Sometimes when people examine petroglyphs, ages illustrated in Figure 3, it becomes evident they see images that are undefinable. These that the three pecked-out oval areas seen in images are often described and classified as Figure 1 represent the face (two eyes and a being abstract because what they represent is mouth) of an anthropomorph, i.e., part of a styl- not understood by the observer. A typical ex- ized human figure. ample of this type of image might be something like those shown in Figures 1 or 2, which are the only marks on the rock's surface. Figure 1 shows two oval-shaped pecked-out areas in a horizontal row with a single similar feature centered below them. Figure 2 shows a similar arrangement, except that there are two adjacent circles with a pecked-out oval area below them.
Figure 2. 'Ibis image consists of two circles and a horizontal pecked area. It might also be classified as an abstract image.
This conclusion was easily reached because the pattern of three pecked-out areas exist as the face of an anthropomorph; in other words, Figure 1. An example of three pecked oval these "abstract features" exists in a recogniz- areas that might be classified as abstract. able context. The anthropomorph in Figure 3 is easily recognized as a stylized human figure When examples of these and other, apparently because the figure's head, neck, body and part abstract images are observed in a context that of the arms are outlined with a pecked line. includes other features, or in proximity to other Notice also that there is a round pecked-out similar images that do have identifiable charac- area below each side of the head of the anthro- teristics, what they represent becomes readily pomorph, which likely represents ear pendants apparent. For example, when viewing the im- or hair ornaments.
61 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
pecking or by paint, it would also have been instantly recognizable as an anthropomorph.
From this example, it becomes evident that the pecked pattern shown in Figure 1 also repre- sents a face, as do other similar images. The pattern shown in Figure 2 likewise appears as the face of other outlined anthropomorphs. It was not readily apparent that the pecked pat- terns shown in Figures 1 and 2 represented faces of anthropomorphs because the paint that formed the body of the images has disappeared from the cliff face.
CREATION OF THE ANTHROPOMORPHS - FUGITIVE PIGMENTS
Figures 1-3 are just a few examples of anthro- pomorphs created with pigment that no longer exists. Because the pigment is gone, it is de- fined as being fugitive. The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines fugitive as: "being of short duration", "likely to evaporate, deteriorate, Figure 3. In this photograph, an anthropo- change, fade, or disappear", "... dyed with fugi- morph with an outlined body is superimposed tive colors". This example of the use of the over an anthropomorph whose body was cre- word fugitive is very appropriate to this discus- ated with pigment that is no longer present. sion, because, in general, this was how these and many other anthropomorphs were created. To the left and a little above the head of the outlined anthropomorph is a similar pattern of Although it may not be readily apparent in the three pecked dots. It is evident that this pattern particular example given above, the anthropo- also represents the face of an anthropomorph, morph on the left was created by first painting even though no outlined body is visible. A fur- the image of an anthropomorph. Specific fea- ther examination of Figure 1 provides the con- tures (the eyes, mouth and necklace) were then clusive evidence that this image is also an an- created by pecking away the paint, which in the thropomorph. First, there are the remnants of process also removed the surface of the rock in red paint below the face that formed the inward those areas. Today, only the pecked-out areas sloping sides of the body or a decoration on the are visible because the pigment that formed the sides of the body. The red paint is visible in rest of the body, except for the faint red stripes, Figure 3 as two sets of parallel, dark-colored is no longer present. lines that slope from the shoulders to the waist of the figure. Second, there is a pecked U- The definition of pigment in this discussion shaped curving line below the face that repre- needs to be broader than traditional definitions. sents a necklace. These features show that this The traditional definition for pigment is a sub- image is also an anthropomorph. Had this fig- stance that imparts black or white, or a color to ure's head and body been outlined, either by other materials. A specific definition states that
62 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah pigment is, "a powdered substance that is pigment anthropomorphs with elaborately mixed with a liquid in which it is relatively in- pecked-out features. The elaborate anthropo- soluble and used especially to impart color to morphs created at the end of the developmental coating materials (as paints)" (Merriam- sequence include nearly full-body outlines. Webster's Dictionary). In the creation of pic- One of the characteristics of these later images tographs, pigment could not only be a sub- is that hands and forearms are not outlined. stance that imparts color to something else, it could be the entire coating material itself. If, Anthropomorphic images constructed with fu- for example, a soft, weathered lump of the non- gitive pigment constitute a unique class of pre- crystalline form of the mineral hematite were historic images that are previously undefined. used to create an image or parts of an image, Specific features of these anthropomorphs were just the hematite on the rock surface would be created by the removal of the pigment or by the pigment. Similarly, if a person used white painting with mineral pigment. Likely, these clay to create an entire image, or parts of an features were also created with fugitive pig- image, without any other substance being in- ment. In eastern Utah, hundreds and possibly volved (except perhaps water), the white clay thousands of anthropomorphs were created us- would be considered pigment. Therefore, pig- ing fugitive pigments and these techniques. ment, as used here, is defined as any substance These images are unique, and therefore they applied to the rock surface to create an image constitute a unique class. They have the poten- or parts of an image. tial to provide valuable information about cul- tural distribution and origins. The purpose of The existence of fugitive pigments also ex- this paper is to describe these images, discuss plains why some anthropomorphs appear to be their distribution and formulate some conclu- incomplete. The missing features were once sions from the accumulated data. present as painted images, however, since the paint no longer exists, the features also no longer appear to exist. Fugitive Pigment Materials
Before leaving Figure 3, there is one additional Fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs could have significant aspect of this panel that should be been created by using several different types of discussed. The anthropomorph on the right, materials as pigment. Three possibilities are whose body is outlined, is clearly superimposed considered below. over the anthropomorph on the left, whose body was created almost entirely with fugitive Vegetable Dyes pigment and which was not outlined. This su- One likely possibility is that the images were perimposition indicates that fugitive painted created with organic pigments or dyes, i.e., figures whose bodies were outlined date from a those from plant sources. These pigments, be- later period than those whose bodies were not cause of their greater solubility in water, would outlined. be more readily removed by erosion than min- eral pigments. The creators of these figures Other sets of images with superimposition ver- may have chosen to use organic pigments in- ify this observation. These instances demon- stead of the more permanent mineral pigments strate the existence of a developmental se- because vegetable dyes were more readily quence in the creation of these images This available than mineral pigment or were avail- succession appears to have progressed from able in a greater variety of colors. Rieske painted anthropomorphs made entirely of fugi- (2000) notes that at least 60 plants are used by tive pigment, to fugitive-pigment anthropo- the Hopi and Navajo to create dyes for various morphs with a few pecked features, to fugitive- uses.
63 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Charcoal nately, the images created with charcoal outside Several figures that have the characteristics of of the caves are entirely lost to us today. fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs have been discovered on the walls of caves. These figures are well protected from weathering and thus have the potential to provide an insight into the materials used in their construction. The only easily recognizable organic material found was charcoal.
An example of an anthropomorph created with charcoal is shown in Figure 4. The figure is located in a cave in the Uintah Basin of North- eastern Utah. Three closely spaced horizontal "belt lines" or "waist lines" that are easily visi- ble in the photograph were pecked through the charcoal that made up the body of the anthro- pomorph. This is exactly the same technique used to create the same features on similar an- thropornorphs outside of the cave. Unfortu- nately, the face of this figure has been lost due to exfoliation of the surface. Additional exam- ples of anthropomorphs created with charcoal will be discussed below. Charcoal would have been an easily accessible material with which to construct these images. It would have been a simple process to use lumps of charcoal or the ends of a burnt stick (or perhaps even the end of a burning stick) to create the images. If a partly burned wooden stick were used, it would likely abrade the surface, especially if it was Figure 4. An anthropomorph created with rubbed vigorously and repeatedly on sandstone. charcoal. The arrow points to three par- This process would explain the existence of allel "belt lines" that were pecked faint abrasions in the body and scraped outlines through the body. The anthropomorph is of some anthropomorphs that were created with typical of those in the Uintah Basin. fugitive pigment. When the anthropomorphs were created with In this and other nearby caves, anthropomorphs charcoal or other dark organic pigment, the fea- with no pecked-out features were also created tures that were formed by the removal of the entirely with charcoal. This suggests that simi- pigment along with the surface of the rock lar images created entirely with fugitive pig- would have a brilliant and distinct contrast. ments were also made outside of caves. The This contrast would be especially prominent if existence of these images in the caves further the underlying rock was white or light tan, as supports the model of a developmental se- are many types of sandstone in eastern and cen- quence that started with anthropomorphs being tral Utah. Against a black background, the created entirely with fugitive pigments and white pecked-out features of eyes, mouths, progressed to fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs necklaces, headdresses, bracelets, belts and with elaborate pecked-out features. Unfortu-
64 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah other items of ornamentation (or ritual signifi- Clay cance), some of which are very elaborate or Another possibility is that images were made ornate, would be accentuated and intensified to with common clay, or clay mixed with other an stunning degree. inorganic or even organic materials. This type of pigment would erode over time, leaving little The desire for the accentuation of these features or no trace. Several fugitive pigment images would explain why many so many figures are have been found that appear to have been made outlined. Outlining would further highlight the with a clay-like substance. These will be dis- contrast. Several examples of images have cussed below. Charcoal or vegetable dyes then, been found where the contrast between a black were not the only fugitive pigment used to cre- figure and a light background has been accen- ate anthropomorphs. tuated by removal of the stones surface; the most well known examples are also located in One of the most interesting questions surround- the Uintah Basin (Figure 5). In Figure 5, the ing the use of fugitive pigment is, as was men- amount of outlining surrounding this image has tioned above, why would the creators of these been increased around the arms and between anthropomorphs use pigments that they knew the legs to a much greater degree than normal. would not last? One possibility is that they did Notice also the three vertical lines on the body l. not know that the pigments would not last. If the pigments lasted for their lifetime, would not that be long enough?
Another explanation for the use of the fugitive pigments, which is likely the most well founded, is that their use was socially or relig- iously constrained. In other words, "This is the way it is done, this is the way it has always been done, and if you do it any other way, then something really bad will happen" or "the good thing that is supposed to occur will not occur". Perhaps the use of organic materials was a re- quired part of the formal procedure in which these images were created. Another possibility, but not a likely one, is that the use of mineral pigment was unknown when these images were being created. This, however, would be diffi- cult to explain, since the Barrier Canyon Style, which is believed by some to date from the ar- chaic period and which is present throughout most of eastern Utah, was created principally with mineral paint; unless, of course, the Bar- rier Canyon Style was created later than the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs, which is unlikely. There is however, the possibility that both the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs and Figure 5. This anthropomorph shows the the Barrier Canyon Style images were contem- high degree of contrast between the black poraneous and each was being created for a dif- figure and the nearly-white sandstone ferent purpose with different materials by vari- ous ethnic groups existing in the same culture.
65 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
DETERMINING THE FORM tures that were added during their crea- tion. The appearance of some of the features of these anthropomorphs can be determined even All of these situations have the potential to though the pigment is no longer present. This provide information about the form and attrib- is possible because: utes of the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs.
1. The creators of the anthropomorphs oc- casionally used a more pei inanent pig- DISTRIBUTION AND DISCUSSION ment, like powdered minerals. 2. The images were placed in a well- Since there is a wide range in the amount of protected location (rockshelters and pecking and outlining on fugitive-pigment an- caves) where the pigment remains today. thropomorphs, it is difficult to decide if and at 3. Parts of the image were lightly scratched what point the images transcend from being or abraded during or after the application created entirely with fugitive pigment then be- of the fugitive pigment. ing outlined, to being created entirely by outlin- 4. The original pigment halted the forma- ing. Making this distinction and thus classify- tion of patina or removed some of it ing the images accordingly is difficult, since from beneath where it was placed, thus there is no pigment present. This is especially creating a lighter colored area that is true when classifying complex pecked anthro- visible today. pomorphs that were entirely outlined and 5. The creators of the image mixed mineral elaborately decorated with pecked-out features. pigment with the fugitive pigment. Even these images could have been created first Since some or all of the mineral pigment entirely with fugitive pigments. Since the pig- remains today, the created image is still ment is gone, there is no way to determine if visible. the anthropomorph contained pigment or how 6. Both mineral pigment and fugitive pig- much pigment it contained. However, if parts ment were used in the creation of some of the anthropomorph are missing, i.e., not il- anthropomorphs, as shown in Figure 3. lustrated by pecking, it is likely that those parts It is not surprising that both types of were created with fugitive pigments. pigment were used in the creation of rock art - both types were used on ce- Somewhere the distinction has to be made be- ramics and likely other materials as well. tween easily identifiable fugitive-pigment an- 7. In a few rare instances, it appears that thropomorphs and those that may have been similar anthropomorphs were painted en- created with pecking alone. For this study, the tirely with mineral pigments, which ap- anthropomorphs that have major and obvious pear to exist undisturbed today. How- missing features are defined here as fugitive- ever, since any fugitive pigment that pigment anthropomorphs. Thus, in Figure 3 the may have been used in the creation of images on the left is defined as a fugitive- these anthropomorphs is no longer pre- pigment anthropomorph while the image on the sent, all the features may not be evident. right would not be, even though the image on 8. The images were covered over with mud the right was almost certainly created with fugi- so the original pigment was preserved. tive pigment. If all of the anthropomorphs with 9. Comparisons can be made with anthro- outlined bodies like the one on the right were pomorphs that have some of the same included in this study, the data would become pecked-out features as fugitive-pigment unwieldy; therefore, anthropomorphs that have anthropomorphs, but with additional fea- completely outlined bodies are omitted from this study.
66 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
EXAMPLES OF FUGITIVE PIGMENT missing because it was created with fugitive ANTHROPOMORPHS pigment.
The identification and collection of data on fu- gitive-pigment anthropomorphs began in 1967. This study was part of a personal research pro- gram to gather data on all petroglyph and pic- tograph sites in and around Utah. The collec- tion of data is centered principally on the area of the western United States occupied by the Fremont Culture. The locations where petro- glyphs and pictographs have been found by the author are shown on Map 1. The actual num- ber of sites is far greater than the number of dots on the map because there is nearly always more than one site beneath each dot. At the scale shown, each dot is five miles across and it covers an area of 19.6 square miles.
The distribution of images of the type defined here, appears to exist entirely in the drainages of the Green and Colorado Rivers, and thus is located principally in eastern Utah and parts of adjoining states — Wyoming, Colorado, Arizona and New Mexico. The distribution of these fu- gitive painted images will be discussed starting in the North and going to the South. As the Figure 6. An example of what appears to various sites and the images within them are be a historically modified fugitive pig- discussed, other characteristics that these im- ment anthropomorph in the Lucerne Val- ages exhibit will also be described. All dis- ley near the Utah-Wyoming border. tances are measured from the Utah-Wyoming border, which will be the starting point or da- A very unusual feature of this image is the tum for the following descriptions. presence of abraded legs that appear to be de- picting pants, since the legs flair out at the bot- Lucerne Valley tom. Notice the presence of two parallel hori- The Lucerne Valley is located about a mile zontal incised lines with four or five short ver- south of the datum line. Visible in Figure 6 is a tical pecked lines below them that are at the fugitive-pigment anthropomorph with pecked bottom of each leg of the "pants". It is some- and abraded vertical lines that define the sides what doubtful that these legs are contempora- of the head, sloping lines outlining the body neous with the rest of the figure. The valley with a "belt line" connecting them, and a neck- where this panel is located has been the site, lace and facial features (eyes and a mouth). both historically and likely prehistorically, of a Eyes are the most dominant facial feature of wintering location for Shoshone Indians. For fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. In this ex- many years, it was also the site of large historic ample, each eye has a sloped abraded line de- rendezvous with various groups of Indians and scending from it. This feature has often been fur trappers. Today the panel is in a large labeled a "tear streak" but this interpretation is fenced corral enclosing smaller corrals used for dubious. As can be seen, most of this image is
67 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 holding sheep, so likely the image was modi- tually is. The significance of this image is fied in the recent past. Both the sides of the more visible in Figure 8, which is a close-up of body and the legs of the figure are superim- the head. In this photograph, the red-brown posed over quadrupeds in the panel. Whatever pigment is visible as dark lines at the sides and the origin of the legs is, they create a very un- top of the face as well as an outline around the usual figure. The form of the image and the headdress. This outline was apparently created level of repatination indicates it dates from the with mineral pigment that may have been ap- late Fremont period. plied when the image was created, but this is unknown. Figure 7 is nearby. This image has been van- dalized. What appears as white paint outlining the anthropomorph in the black-and-white pho- tograph is in reality bright blue dye used in marking shee
Figure 8. A close view of the head of the anthropomorph shown in Figure 7.
The rest of the anthropomorph was made with fugitive pigments and abraded lines. An inter- esting feature of this anthropomorph is that the interior area of the face is a different color (al- most a pinkish-tan) from the rest of the sur- rounding rock, which is brownish-gray. The abrasions on the rest of the body are only a light gray. Apparently, the abrasions on the face were deep enough to expose the true color of the sandstone, which is evident in the two bullet holes, while the abrasions on the body were not. It may also be that the abrasions on the body are much older than are those of the face or that the face was painted after it was created. The dark red lines were placed over Figure 7. This figure possesses one of the the abrasions that created the face, and they northernmost examples of a common headdress outline a headdress that is characteristic of the or hairstyle found in northern and central Utah. northern Utah region. Notice that center of the abraded area was more deeply abraded to create The panel is adjacent to a sheep corral, which what appears be a nose, except that it is too explains the presence of the blue dye. This high, so it may not be a nose. Notice also that blue outlining was done inaccurately, which there is a broad outward-sloping abraded line at gives a false appearance to what this figure ac- each side of the head.
68 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 9 is also nearby. This anthropomorph Browns Park also appears to have been vandalized. Recent abrasions appear over most of the body, or Figure 10 is roughly 20 miles south of the da- more appropriately, where the body was. The tum in the Browns Park area of Colorado. The most interesting feature of this figure is the large figure is a good example of a fugitive- headdress, which has been recently painted pigment anthropomorph. Were it not for the with what appears to be a red sheep dye. abraded outline, the figure would consist prin- Originally, the headdress was an abraded part cipally of facial and headdress features, a neck- of what was likely a most impressive fugitive- lace and a single waistline. The outline of the pigment anthropomorph. body provides somewhat of an idea of what the anthropomorph may have looked like origi- nally, however, this outline does not appear to be an original feature of the image. Notice the apparent headdress with the rectangular pecked-out area in the center. This figure has been chalked repeatedly in the past and likely has been recently abraded as well, so the out- line should not be considered indicative of the original body.
Figure 9. This image is a vandalized fugi- tive pigment anthropomorph with an abraded headdress that is typically found in the Uintah Basin farther south.
This site is important because these three im- ages are examples of some of the northernmost fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs with the Figure 10. A fugitive pigment anthropomorph types of headdresses discussed above. These in the Browns Park area of Western Colorado. headdresses are features commonly found on anthropomorphs in the Uintah Basin, as will be The lightly abraded outline of the image is seen below. These images show that these fea- likely historic. Figures 11 through 14 are lo- tures are not confined to the area around Ver- cated about 35 miles south of the datum. These nal, Utah. images, and others near them that are not de-
69 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
scribed here, provide excellent examples of the and the headdress, or at least the part of it that technique of painting and then pecking out spe- is visible today, was made from mineral pig- cific features. These anthropomorphs appear to ment. The headdress consists of a band of have been were created both with fugitive and short vertical lines of alternating dark and light mineral pigments. Figure 11 shows two an- red mineral pigment. The eyes, mouth and four thropomorphs whose bodies have been partly wide short vertical lines at the base of the an- outlined and partly filled in with red mineral thropomorph' s neck have been pecked out, thus pigment. The heads of the two anthropo- removing the fugitive pigment, some of the morphs were completely painted with mineral mineral pigment, and the rough surface of the pigment, and then the eyes were pecked out, rock. removing both the pigment and the surface of
Figure 11. These anthropomorphs, outlined with mineral pigment, illustrate the creation of features (eyes & necklaces) by pecking away the pigment along with the surface of the rock. the rock. Other features were also similarly A significant feature of this particular image is made by pecking. When these images were that there are two sets of necklaces; one is su- newly created, the eyes must have stood out in perimposed over the other. The first necklace bright contrast with the dark red pigment. It is created was an elaborate pattern of pecked dots likely that fugitive pigment was also used else- consisting of three rows in a U shape, with a where in the creation of these images. If these fan-shaped pattern of probably 10 rows of dots images had been created entirely with fugitive descending from the bottom of the three rows pigment, the only remaining evidence of their of dots. There were about seven or eight dots existence would be the pecked-out features. in each row. The second and overlapping neck- lace consists of a U shaped row of five large Figure 12 is an excellent example where it ap- circular elements. These two different neck- pears that both mineral pigment and fugitive laces indicate that at least two different anthro- pigments have been used to create an anthro- pomorphs were created in almost exactly the pomorph. The body of this figure was created same place. with fugitive pigment that is not present today,
70 Steven J. Maiming, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
ascertain. There are also other small anthro- pomorphs scattered nearby that were painted both in mineral and fugitive pigments.
The anthropomorph shown in Figure 13 con- tains additional types of pecked features. No- tice the blocky rectangular area above eyes, the presence of armbands on both sides of the body and the sloping broad parallel lines in the body, etc. Faint traces of what appear to be pigment surround the anthropomorph. Notice that the different parts of this anthropomorph seem to be out of proportion. The necklace and belt line seem to be too large for the face. This im- age also appears to be composed of superim- posed anthropomorphs.
Figure 12. Two different fugitive pigment anthropomorphs were created in the same place as shown by the superimposition of two different necklaces.
While the superimposition in this image ap- pears complex, it would have been relatively easy to create. When a new image was created by painting over an older one, especially one where the fugitive pigment had faded, the older image would entirely disappear beneath the new paint. Not only would the old paint be hidden, but the pecked-out features would be hidden as well. It would then be easy to create new pecked-out features without the distraction of the old image. Today the only parts of the images that are visible are all the pecked-out features from both of the images that were cre- ated here, which make the image appear com- Figure 13. Pecked out features show that plex. this was once an elaborately painted an- thropomorph. Note the presence of arm- On both the right and left sides of this anthro- bands at the sides of the figure, pomorph are other figures, each with similar decorative necklaces; however, weathering of Superimposition often occurs in locations the surface makes determination of specific where there are groups of anthropomorphs. features of these anthropomorphs difficult to Once it has been determined that superimposi-
71 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
tion of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs exists thropomorphs that were painted with fugitive in he panel, it becomes easier to understand pigments. No trace of pigment is visible; only what previously appeared to be a jumble of ab- the pecking remains The images are difficult stract or incoherent elements. to photograph because there is very little con- trast. (Notice that the upper and lower parts of Figure 14 illustrates a variety in the treatment section C are left of section D. The sheep's of the headdress of these fugitive-pigment an- head in lower C, corresponds to the sheep's thropomorphs. No evidence of pigment re- head in section D, and the pattern of dots in the mains on this image. Notice the unusual facial upper part of C, corresponds to the upper dot features and that the long projections on the pattern in D.) Notice that the headdresses on sides of the head (the headdress) slope down- figures B and C are like those in Figures 7 and ward instead of sloping upwards. Near this 8. This panel contains several examples of two figure is the only horizontal fugitive-pigment common types of necklaces: those with a single anthropomorph located to this date. large pendant and necklaces composed of mul- tiple small pendants. This panel also contains multiple superimpositions. For example, sec- tion D contains two anthropomorphs, one placed on top of another. Each one has two eyes and a broad mouth, but each one has a dif- ferent necklace — one has a large single pendant and the other has a simple single curved line. Furthermore, the large image is superimposed by a mountain sheep and two smaller fugitive- pigment anthropomorphs. The one at the top has upright inward curving horns and a single necklace, while the one beneath it has only a face and a simple necklace. Apparently, this site was used over a period of time, and images were created over older painted figures. The purpose of this site and something about its function is known, but a discussion of this is beyond the scope of this paper. Notice that the belt line that is composed of three horizontal lines occurs on two images and is the same as in Figure 4. This is a common feature of im- ages in northeastern Utah.
Yampa River
Figures 16 and 17 are located along the Yampa Figure 14 Remnants of another elaborate an- River in northeastern Colorado. These images thropomorph. Note the angle of the projec- are also about 35 miles south of the datum, but tions of the headdress and the facial features. located farther east. The presence of these im- ages here extends the range of the fugitive- Figure 15 is a composite sketch of the images pigment anthropomorphs eastward and estab- in a panel that is about 35 miles south of the lishes their existence along the Yampa River. datum. This site is in a drainage of the Green Notice the disproportionate size of the large River. In the panel, there are at least 11 an- pendant necklace in comparison with the eyes.
72
Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
.NO
A B C D E Figure 15. Shown here is a composite sketch of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs from a panel near the Green River east of Vernal, Utah.
Figure 16. A fugitive-pigment anthropo- Figure 17. Another figure along the morph found along the Yampa River in Yampa River showing the face of a fugi- northeastern Colorado where only eyes tive-pigment anthropomorph. and a large pendant necklace exist.
73 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Echo Park Also in the vicinity of Echo Park is undoubt- edly one of the most detailed fugitive pigment In the vicinity of Echo Park, which is in Dino- panels in existence. Figure 19 shows three of saur National Monument and roughly 35 miles the more than 20 anthropomorphs accentuated south of the datum, there are several sites with by elaborate dot-patterned features. The im- excellent examples of fugitive-pigment ages today are high above the ground because anthropomorphs. Figure 18 illustrates two of of down cutting by an adjacent creek. These these anthropomorphs at one of the sites. Both pecked dot patterns are all of what remains of figures are moderately eroded, having been anthropomorphs that were created with fugitive placed on a cliff face with only minimal pigments. Notice the broad dot pattern ar- protection from the weather. The large figure rangement on the face of the large anthropo- has an elaborate necklace and again the three- morph, the trapezoidal headdress with the large lined belt typical of the fugitive painted upward-flaring extensions (compare with Fig- anthropomorphs in this area. It is difficult to ures 9 and 10) and what appears to be a cap on discern other features, such as a face, because the large figure's head. To the left of this fig- of erosion. At the lower right corner of the ure and at belt-line level, is a small anthropo- photograph is a face is that consists of two morph whose facial features are visible above large eyes, an apparent open mouth, and a dot- what appears to be an abraded curving neck- patterned headdress. It is possible that this face lace. To the left of this figure are visible the represents a severed human head that could eyes, mouth, necklace and belt line of another have been held by the larger figure. anthropomorph.
Uintah Basin Likely several hundred fugitive-pigment an- thropomorphs exist in a broad band that cuts horizontally across the Uintah Basin in north- eastern Utah. This band is roughly ten miles wide and is centered about 38 miles from the datum. The sites in this area are located along permanently flowing tributaries of the Green River. These drainages from nearby mountains provide year-around running water. This area, with its well-watered and fertile farmlands, is not only a prime settlement location today, but it was also prehistorically. Because of the sig- nificant prehistoric population density, an abundance of images exists in this area. It likely contains the largest concentration of fu- gitive-pigment anthropomorphs in Utah. It is not possible, therefore, to illustrate more than a sampling of these figures here.
Figure 20 is a composite of five images from an area probably now in the town of Vernal. No- Figure 18. This image is an eroded elaborate tice that the lines forming the anthropomorphs, fugitive pigment anthropomorphs from as shown, are jagged, indicating that these im- Dinosaur National Monument in north- ages were made by someone not well skilled in western Colorado. direct percussion. The head of the
74 •
Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 19. A panel from Dinosaur National Monument in northwestern Colorado illustrating three of more than 20 fugitive pigment anthropomorphs with elaborate pecked-out features.
• • • • ilk 0 .) • Orfi■ • • "
1.....0%A.
A B C E
Figure 20. A group of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs near Vernal, Utah. anthropomorph shown in Figure 20D is repre- tures. For example, the lower body is outlined sented only by the eyes and a large circular area and there is an arm holding a long narrow ob- above them (compare with Figure 10). No ject that is pointed at both ends. This held ob- necklace is shown. This figure illustrates that ject is a common feature of anthropomorphs in not all fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs have Northeastern Utah (sometimes the held object necklaces. It also illustrates other pecked fea- is pointed only at one end). The form and con-
75 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 text in which these pointed objects exist sug- spring-fed tributary of the Green River, which gests that they represent a hafted blade (a drains a portion of the Yampa and Blue Moun- knife) This premise is substantiated by the tain Plateau. There is a concentration of prehis- presence of dozens of knives fastened to broad toric habitation in part of this drainage, and sticks that have been found in the area (most many examples of fugitive-pigment anthropo- are in private collections and jealously morphs are also present there — far more than guarded). There is also a small pendant neck- can be illustrated here. lace in the body of Figure D, which suggests the presence of another small fugitive-pigment anthropomorph.
Figure 21 is from the same general area. It is one of several anthropomorphs that appear to have been created entirely with red mineral pigment. This image is a good example that illustrates the technique of creating anthropo- morphic features by pecking away the pigment and the rock's surface. The necklace, the belt line and the eyes on the severed head were cre- ated by this technique. There may have been facial features present on the anthropomorph, but they have been obliterated by bullet holes. Notice that the anthropomorph is holding one of the slender pointed objects in its left hand. If this image had been created with fugitive pig- ments, only the pecked-out features would re- main, which is exactly all that is seen of many images today. Compare this image to Figures 9 and 10.
This image has in its right hand an object that also has pecked-out eyes. This feature repre- sents a severed human head. These severed heads are a common feature in Uintah Basin rock art. Sometimes they are attached by a string to a pole. In one instance, a pool of blood appears to be illustrated below one of the Figure 21. One of several anthropo- heads. Severed heads also appear in Basket- morphs that appear to have been created maker rock art and have been found in the ar- entirely with red mineral pigment. Note chaeological record (Kidder and Guernsey the pecked out of features. 1919, Manning 1987). It is rumored that a sev- ered human head was found in a burial in the The figures below are located in Dinosaur Na- Uintah Basin, but this has not been verified. tional Monument and are adjacent to a main road, and are thus well known and heavily vis- Cub Creek ited. Figure 22 illustrates one of the fugitive- The Cub Creek drainage west of Vernal, Utah pigment anthropomorphs with several different is included in the broad band of sites in the attributes that have not been previously dis- Uintah Basin. Cub Creek is a short, principally
76 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
cussed. Notice the single vertical line connect- the sides of the body or as decorations on the ing the bottom of the necklace to the belt line, sides of the body, are also present along with the five vertical lines pendant from the belt line lines connecting the broad necklace with the and the facial and head features. The cluttered belt line. There are five vertical lines beneath face and necklace suggest that there may have the belt line of the anthropomorph; however, been more than one image in this location. these do not appear to be attached to the belt line. Notice that there is also a rectangular pecked-out area on the left side of the anthro- pomorph, and perhaps one on the right side. These represent upper armbands, and they are present on several anthropomorphs in this loca- tion.
Figure 22. Note the vertical parallel lines be- low the beltline of this fugitive pigment an- thropomorph, located east of Vernal, Utah.
Figure 23 illustrates another fugitive-pigment anthropomorph with different features. On each side of the head, for example, there is a Figure 23. This anthropomorph has a neck- vertical row of three dots. Beneath the face is a band, a solid curving necklace and a row of band that at first may appear to represent a three vertical dots on each side of the head. mouth, but more likely, it represents a neck- band, since it is so wide. Notice that the long In some of the panels near Cub Creek, the an- tapering headdress is pointing downward. In thropomorphs are grouped together as shown in addition, there is the wide upward curving Figure 24. In this one panel, there is an as- necklace-like feature on the chest, which ap- sortment of anthropomorphs with a variety of pears to represent a solid type of necklace, al- features. Superimposition is again evident. most like a breastplate. Lines, either defining Notice the pointed object held in the hand of
77 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
IP 16 414111
Figure 24. A panel containing a group of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs, in the Cub Creek Drainage. Notice the superimposition of images.
the second anthropomorphs from the left side of the panel.
Figure 25A depicts a panel of three anthropo- morphs that show examples of outlined bodies. Notice the variety of facial features. These im- ages may also provide an idea of what the bod- ies of some of the fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs in this area may have looked like.
Figure 25B also contains a row of three anthro- pomorphs. Some scholars have not realized that these three images, and others like them, are anthropomorphs. Since a sufficient number • of examples have been shown here, it is easy to • • o see that each figure has a face composed of the ft typical three dots (two eyes and a mouth), and that there is an upward row of dots, like horns, on each side of the head just above each eye. Each figure also has a simple U-shaped neck- lace and a broad vertical line connecting the bottom of the necklace to the horizontal belt line. On the sides of each figure, there is also a round armband. Additionally, there is a hori- Figure 25. Figure 25A shows three additional zontal line at the top of the head on the figure examples of outlined bodies and differences in the right side. Compare these images with in facial adornment of anthropomorphs in the the two figures on the left side of Figure 15. Cub Creek drainage. 25B is a group of three fugitive pigment anthropomorphs with a Figure 26 is an interesting fugitive-pigment an- headdress composed of two rows of dots. thropomorph because first, the necklace is The two figures on the left have three dots on composed of sharp rectangular elements, and each side of their headdresses; the figure on the right has four. Notice the armbands.
78 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah second, these elements are connected to the neckband, suggesting that they were fastened to it. Notice the presence of the dotted belt line • • (compare with Figure 19) along with the arm- bands, the sharp pointed knife and the large dots on the face (compare with Figure 22). (The drawing of this anthropomorph is a taken from a color slide and is foreshortened because the camera had to be pointed upwards at a steep angle. In reality, the image is taller than it ap- pears here.) • • • • •• • •• • •• • • • • • • • .• • • •• • • • • •••••••••••• ••••••• •■ •• ■ • •• ••••••• •• • •• ••••• ••••• • ••• ••• • • • • •• ••••• • •• • • • • ••••• ••••••••••• ••••• •••••••4rt 11111
Figure 27. Notice that there are two vertical lines above the very large necklace. These sug- • • e go • • • • • • gest that the necklace was fastened by straps to • • • • • a similar balancing feature on the back.
Figure 26. The necklace on this fugitive pig- On the body are horizontal rows of pecked-out ment anthropomorph is composed of four rec- dots like those in Anasazi Basketmaker panels tangular elements with squared corners. They in Grand Gulch to the south. This dot pattern are apparently attached to the neckband. No- would have created a dramatic effect if the fig- tice the two armbands and the knife, appar- ure were created with dark pigment. ently held in the figure's left hand. The details found on this figure suggest that Figure 27 illustrates another interesting anthro- this and other anthropomorphic images were pomorph from Cub Creek that shows additional representations of actual people; otherwise, features. Notice that there are two vertical lines such fine details would not likely be depicted. above the very large breastplate-like necklace. There are indications that some of these an- These suggest that it was fastened by straps to thropomorphs may have been portrayals of par- something above it. Since the straps appear to ticipants in ritual activities. be higher than the top of the short necklace around the neck, they appear to have gone over Figure 28 is one of several fugitive-pigment the shoulders and fastened to something on the anthropomorphs where the "shadow" or "sil- back of the figure. This suggests that there houette" form of the body can be seen. This may have been an identical large solid necklace evidence exists because the presence of the or breastplate on the back of the figure. This pigment had an effect on patination. Patination second necklace could be for balance, espe- forms because of exposure to the elements of cially if the objects were cut from stone. nature. Patination is a collection of rock var-
79 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
nish, lichen, algae and bacterial growth, deposi- there is very little possibility that someone tion of dust and decomposing plant and animal could have tampered with all of them. It is, matter, minerals and a variety of other things. therefore, quite likely that what is seen here in When paint is applied to the rock surface, not this example is the actual "shadow" of prehis- only is the creation of patina halted, but also toric pigment, not something that someone did some of the existing patina is removed because historically to modify the image. the organic constituent is killed (Maiming 2002). A difference in the level of patination between the two surfaces develops over time since the patina was prevented from forming beneath the painted area or removed from it, while outside of the painted area it continued to form. This difference continues to exist long after the paint that stopped the foirnation of the patina, or erased it, was removed by erosion. That difference, as shown in Figure 28, is still visible today. This does not always occur. It seems to depend on the type of pigment used, the type of patina, the degree of exposure and other environmental factors.
In Figure 28 it is possible to see the shape of the head, the top of the shoulders, the arms and some of the body of the anthropomorph. The rectangular areas along the side of the figure are armbands and are easily seen. This figure provides unambiguous evidence that these "ab- stracted versions" of anthropomorphs were at one time fully constructed human figures. This anthropomorph also shows that the broad hori- zontal line beneath the face is a neckband, not a mouth. Notice that in this particular instance it is curved downward at the top, suggesting that the top of the neckband is beneath the chin. Figure 28. An indication of the original Again, details such as this suggest that the an- form of this fugitive pigment anthropo- thropomorphs are depictions of real people. morph can be seen because of the effects of pigment on the formation of patination. A conscious researcher is always skeptical about stating that their conclusions are incon- Figure 29 is also from Cub Creek. This is an- trovertible. Since the history of this figure is other rare image. There are two fugitive- unknown, it is possible that many years ago pigment anthropomorphs in the photograph. someone could have put something on this im- One is superimposed over the other, which in age to enhance it, and the result of this action is itself is not rare; however, in this instance, the what is visible today. However, there are sev- last image created is not pecked, as nearly all of eral images like this in widely diverse areas of them are; it is entirely abraded. The drawings Utah and the adjoining states. Some of these in Figure 29 depict the two different images images are located in such remote areas that Obviously, something important occurred here. very few individuals have ever seen them, so Perhaps it has something to do with the head-
80 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 29. A fugitive pigment anthropomorph with abraded features appears to have been placed over the top of a fugitive pigment anthropomorph with pecked features. Perhaps this superimposition has something to do with the headdress of the original image. dress of the first anthropomorph. The head- basic anatomical features, like arms, legs, dress consists of three upward curving pecked hands and feet that are not visible today. This lines. This type of headdress is common in lack of recognition significantly skewed his Fremont anthropomorphs all over Utah, and data so that many of his conclusions are incor- even as far away as southeastern Nevada; yet it rect. is rare in the Uintah Basin. Does the first im- age with the three-lined headdress indicate the Ferris (1987, 1989) likewise failed to under- presence of an "intruder" from another area? stand that these, and other images, were once Did an occupant of the Cub Creek area disagree painted with fugitive pigment. For example, he with a visitor who placed this image here or did stated, "These figures are frontal views of the he or she disagree with whatever this image human torso, lacking such appendages as arms, represents? If something like this happened it legs, and genitals, and consisting of such ele- would suggests that these images were an im- ments such as eyes, mouth, necklace, belt etc." portant and significant part of the identification (Ferris 1989:53). Furthermore, he stated: and regional ideologies of the prehistoric Fre- "These figures, are in fact, simplified and ab- mont people. stracted versions of the Classic Vernal Style anthropomorphs." (Ferris 1989:53). These images, and others at Cub Creek that are not illustrated here, have rarely, if ever, been Despite Ferris' certainty, in reality, these im- identified as fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. ages are, or were, fully constructed stylized For example, Burton (1971), in his Master the- human figures, likely with all the normally as- sis where he used multivariate statistics to de- sociated appendages. The "abstractions" are termine clusters of types of anthropomorphs, simply the pecked-out features of fugitive- failed to recognize that the images in his study, pigment anthropomorphs. Likely, the most of which these were a part, were at one time significant of Ferris' conclusions appear in the fully painted anthropomorphs with associated following statement.
81 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Brush Creek drains the 10,000-foot high south- The progression of figure abstractions eastern end of the Uintah Mountains. It also carved into the cliff at Cub Creek provides year-around clear running water. Fu- represents a sequence of step-by-step gitive-pigment anthropomorphic images also simplifications, beginning with the exist along this drainage. Two anthropomorphs typical Fremont anthropomorph and from this area are shown in Figure 30. They preceding serially through progres- have similar characteristics to other images dis- sively abstracted versions. The ele- cussed above. Notice the dot-patterned head- ments of each figure consist of a lim- dress on the figure to the right, and that the top ited number of details of body, cloth- of the shoulder of the figure on the left side is ing and adornment such as facial fea- visible because it was lightly pecked. Some- tures, necklace and ear pendants and times when the light is just right, the shape of belt or sash. These elements are com- the anthropomorphs can be seen, along with bined into figure portrayals in much arms, facial features, headdresses, etc. Both the same way that words as parts of figures have ear pendants; however, the pen- speech are combined into sentences. dants of the figure on the right are shown with In the manner of a poet who seeks ar- attached lines that go nearly to the headdress. tistic effect by varying the sequences This suggests that perhaps some ear pendants of the works, the Fremont artists of were attached to the top of the ear, or perhaps Cub Creek experimented with varying they were not ear pendants at all, but were at- arrangements of the elements that tached to the headdress. Evidence of additional make up the figure. With time, these smaller fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs are figure portrayals evolved from their also visible below and beneath the large figure original type to the final stage, which on the left. is represented by the triple figure (fig- ure 6) (Ferris 1989: 53). [Ferris' Fig- One of the most significant sites in the study of ure 6 is printed upside-down in this fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs is located in reference, see Figure 25B here] the Brush Creek drainage. Figure 31 shows parts of three anthropomorphs from a site on Ferris' sequence is exactly the opposite of what private land. These images are nearly life size. superimposition indicates actually occurred. Visible here are the typical facial features, The anthropomorphs progressed from no necklaces and other elements of fugitive- pecked-out features, to simple pecked-out fea- pigment anthropomorphs; however, they are tures, to elaborate pecked-out features. So pecked through a fugitive pigment that still ex- rather than progressing from complex forms to ists. less simplified abstract forms, the sequence was from simple forms to complex forms, which is The original pigment remains in part because what anthropological studies indicate usually the panel is sheltered by an overhang. How- happens in progressive series. In reality then, ever, there is another reason why the pigment the anthropomorphs shown in Figure 25B are still exists; and it is the most important reason. likely near the middle of the developmental or The images were covered over with mud after cultural sequence, not at the end. Ferris' other they were created. The word "mud" is used conclusions in the paragraph above are there- here in the general sense, and is applied to any fore also incorrect. substance, like clay or even pigment, that when applied to an image is not meant to create the Brush Creek image, but to cover it. Over the hundreds of On the opposite side of the Green River from years since these images were created, the mud Cub Creek is Brush Creek and its tributaries. has slowly eroded from them. Traces of the
82 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 30. Two elaborate fugitive pigment anthropomorphs in the Brush Creek drainage. Notice that they are superimposed over smaller, simpler images.
Figure 31. The original pigment that was used to create these images still exists. The pigment was protected from erosion by an overhang and by being covered over with mud. mud can still be seen at the bottom of some of these figures is a brown color. Some figures the anthropomorphs where it washed down and parts of others were apparently covered from the figures. The mud or clay that covered with mud again after some of the initial mud
83 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 eroded away. The second time that parts or all seems apparent that erosion is continuing the of some of the images were covered over, the relentless process of removing the pigment mud was a dark red color. Some of this mud with the ultimate result that only the pecked out can be seen in Figure 31. It is visible here as and abraded features will be ultimately visible. the dark smeared area on the lines radiating The same thing that has occurred to numerous outward from the anthropomorph on the right. other anthropomorphs will eventually occur The two anthropomorphs shown in Figure 32 here. were covered entirely with the red mud. They are located to the right and below the three fig- This panel provides an opportunity to examine ures shown in Figure 31. what was certainly one of the types of fugitive pigment. The original pigment appears to have once been a thick, white, almost clay-like sub- stance. Perhaps painted is not an appropriate word for the process used to apply this "clay" to the cliff; "plastered" or "troweled" might be more descriptive. No chemical analysis has yet been done to determine the exact chemical composition of this pigment. After the images were "painted" and the various features pecked out, they would have had an exceptional and perhaps startling three-dimensional appearance because of the thickness and color of the pig- ment. If the owner is correct in his assessment of what they looked like 50 years ago, imagine how these images appeared when they were newly created.
If many of the fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs were created with clay or clay-based pigment, it would explain why they were so easily eliminated by erosion. Additionally, the use of this material might also explain why some of the images are outlined by scratching, abrading and pecking. At various places along the perimeter of these images, it is evident that Figure 32. Smaller fugitive pigment anthro- both the pigment and the surface of the rock pomorphs were also covered with red mud. have been removed to create a sharp edge. This is especially noticeable around the heads The owner of the property said that about 50 of the images and along the sides of the bodies. years ago the largest anthropomorph in Figure Creating this edge would not only make a dis- 31 was so bright it could easily be seen from tinctive and contrasting line, it would also in- the entrance to his property, which is on the crease the three-dimensional appearance of the opposite side of the canyon. The existence of images. Additionally, if a person were not the figure now is nearly unnoticeable. This careful in applying the clay-like pigment, the change has likely occurred because the weath- excess would have to be removed by scraping, ering process is continuing to remove the origi- abrading or pecking away the excess material nal pigment since the figure has been exposed in order for the image to have the desired ap- by the loss of the mud that protected it. It pearance and have a distinct outline.
84 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
below, or even with, the top of the shoulder. Notice that the sides of the body of the smaller The cordage could be hair, leather or several anthropomorph are outlined with a line created types of plant fibers. Some of the Pilling figu- by abrasion. This is exactly the same technique rines, found in Range Creek Canyon (Morss employed in creating other fugitive-pigment 1954, Tuohy 1986), have three broad cords on anthropomorphs where the pigment is no each side of the head, which are clearly longer present. wrapped around something that is rectangular or bow-tie shaped. An unanswered question is: why were these anthropomorphs covered with mud? Perhaps There are several interpretations for what this the creators of these images covered them be- object might be. On some figurines, it appears cause they did not want anyone to see them. to be a length of long hair that was folded from This seems unlikely however, since they were the bottom into a rectangular coil and then placed high on the cliff face, even out of reach wrapped with three ties to hold it together. of anyone today, so that they could easily be Evidence for this interpretation is that the lower seen by anyone in the vicinity. Perhaps then, ends of the object are always smooth and there was a serious conflict surrounding the rounded, like what would be expected from a creation of these images. Was the conflict coil of hair among the group of creators themselves or was it was an act of defiance on the part of an out- Another possibility is that this was a solid side group or person? We may never know shaped object. These objects on the Pilling why they were covered with mud, or why parts figurines exhibit a "Y" shaped protuberance on off the panel were covered a second time. the back or top. If this was a solid object, the "Y" shape may have been necessary to keep it These images are not the only anthropomorphs from sliding through the wrapped hair This that have been covered with mud. Barrier Can- shape argues that the object was heavier than yon Style panels were also covered with mud. hair alone, and thus it may have been carved Covering images with mud may have been a far from wood. Of course, this may also be how a more common practice than is generally real- folded lock of hair appears. The rectangular ized. It is not apparent today how often this unpecked areas on the figure on the right at occurred because the mud washed away long Brush Creek are suggestive of decorative ele- ago. ments around which hair was wrapped, while the figure on the left has ties like those wrapped While these images have typical features of fu- around folded up hair. Thus, there is a possibil- gitive-pigment anthropomorphs, they also have ity that both exist. It is unlikely that either can some uncommon features. The large radiating be determined from figurines or rock art alone. lines at the sides of the heads of the large an- For simplicity, this feature will be referred to thropomorphs are the most noticeable. here as a hair bob.
The presence in this panel of three pecked-out On both the rock art and the figurines, there are horizontal lines on each side of each anthropo- almost always three ties around the hair bob. morph' s head is also significant. Three "lines" This indicates that there was a special signifi- like these also exist on each side of the heads of cance to the number three. However, rarely Fremont figurines. These lines, which are gen- there are two or four ties. The rectangular fea- erally below the head, appear to represent some tures above the heads of some images, like the type of cordage wrapped around something that one on the left in Figure 31, suggest that this appears roughly rectangular. The rectangular too was a hairstyle and not a headdress. object often rests on the front of the figure just
85 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
The eleven Pilling figurines were composed of Utah, Museum of Natural History in Salt Lake 5 males, 5 females and one that was undeter- City. These are dated A.D. 1100-1200. Fre- mined. (It was badly preserved.) The females mont figurines with similar features have been were identified by the presence of breasts and found in many locations in Utah (Morss 1954). aprons and the males were identified by the ab- All have been associated with the Fremont Cul- sence of breasts and the presence of breech- ture. clouts and one "kilt". Hair bobs were present only on the females. This suggests that the Of course, it is difficult to tell from the images shorter of the two images shown in Figure 31 is and figurines if these features are decorative a female, because it has hair bobs. This further elements added to a persons hair or if they were suggests that the other image, which is holding headdresses made of hair and worn like a wig. the severed human head, is a male. The facial Basketmaker burials have been found with the features also appear correspondingly male and hair folded and tied with cordage along the female. These features may serve to identify sides of the head (Kidder and Guernsey 1919, the sex of other images and figurines where no Montgomery 1894, suggesting that the ele- other indication of gender exists. The Pilling ments depicted on both figurines and in rock art figurines are on display at the Price Prehistoric were added to a persons hair. Museum in Price. Clearly, the images in this panel are important Another particularly well-preserved group of not only because the original pigment still ex- figurines was found in Range Canyon near ists today, but also because they are some of Price and are now on display at the Fremont the most elaborate fugitive-pigment anthropo- Indian State Park west of Richfield. A third morphs. group was found at the Old Woman Site in Central Utah, (Taylor 1957, Jennings 1978) and Figure 33 is also in the Brush Creek drainage. is sometimes on display at the University of In this panel, two different types of images are
Figure 33. This panel contains two different types of igures. Notice the patination.
86 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah superimposed, one over the other. The panel contains two large fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs and four anthropomorphs (two large and two small) that have long, antenna-like ap- pendages attached to the head. Three of these latter figures have horizontal lines in the torso. Notice the level of patination on all of the fig- ures. It is the same. The importance of this panel is that it shows that two types of images were being made at the same time. In other words, other images were being made at the same time as the impressive fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. Notice that there are scratches, abrasions and some pecking along the outlines of the fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs, some of which were not likely placed there when they were made. It is difficult to tell which sets of images were created first. This panel appears to further demonstrate that there existed a degree of contention or defiance among the creators of these images, since one -0-, - iziftk. group was intentionally superimposed over the Figure 34. This image, made with char- other. coal, was found in a cave. Unfortunately, it has been heavily chalked. Ashley Creek Perhaps the most well-known assemblage of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs in the Vernal area is along Ashley Creek and its tributary, Dry Fork. Ashley Creek drains the southeast- ern corner of the 12,000+ foot high Uintah Mountains. Only a sampling of the images that exist in this drainage can be discussed here. Perhaps some of the most important are found in caves. Figure 34 and 35 show two images made in charcoal that are on the walls of a cave. These images have been chalked, and as usual, the person doing it was not careful, so itis difficult to see exactly what is there. Re- gardless, these images again substantiate the existence of charcoal, an organic fugitive pig- ment, as a material used to create anthropo- morphs. If the charcoal were removed, the only evidence remaining of their existence would be the pecked-out facial features and the necklaces that are so common in other images. Notice that the headdress on the anthropo- Figure 35. This image from the same cave was morph in Figure 34, and perhaps in Figure 35, also made with charcoal and heavily chalked. is similar to those discussed previously.
87 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Another interesting feature of the fugitive- Figure 37 is the classic example The most ob- pigment anthropomorphs in this area is the vious feature here is the presence of two sets of quantity of superimposed images. Figure 36 is faces. A closer examination also reveals the a good example. presence of two different necklaces. One is a large pendant and the other is a single U- shaped row of dots.
Figure 36. This complex figure contains Figure 37 Another example of superim- three superimposed anthropomorphs. position of two anthropomorphs.
There appear to be three images all placed on Note the abrasion along the sides of anthropo- top of each other. First is the small face at the morph and the detached head on the anthropo- top of the figure, which is much too small for morph's left side.The dotted necklace was su- the two larger necklaces and the pendant. Ap- perimposed over the large pendant. Since the parently the face, the small U-shaped necklace top of the dotted necklace is lower than the top below it and perhaps the line descending from of the straps of the pendant, the lower set of it, were part of one anthropomorph. The U eyes and mouth must be associated with it. No- shaped dotted necklace was part of another an- tice also that the sides of the body of the an- thropomorph, and finally the broad U shaped thropomorph are outlined, both with incised necklace and the pendant were part of a third and abraded lines as well as with some pecking. anthropomorph. The last two were created Notice the face on the left side of the anthro- without pecked-out facial features. pomorph, which again appears to represent a
88 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah severed human head. The levels of repatination effect on the panel. indicate that both anthropomorphs were not made very far apart in time. This figure illus- Regan inaccurately chalked these images and trates again how easy it would have been to so missed several of the anthropomorphs in this create one image over the top of another. To photo. Schaafsma used a drawing of Regan's "remove it completely", all that had to be done inaccurately chalked photograph, thus continu- was to take a pigment like charcoal or clay and ing the omissions and inaccuracies. "paint" another image on top of the first one, then the desired features could easily be pecked At the top of the section of the panel shown in out without any interference from the first fig- Figure 38A and B, there are two faces, one ure. above the other. At first glance, the lower face
Figure 38A and B illustrate part of a very interesting and important fugitive pigment panel. Figure 38B shows the pecked-out portions of the panel. There are evidences of 15 faces of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs just in the area of this one photograph, which is not the entire panel.
A large amount of super- imposition occurs. Evidence of the original pigment ap- pears to still be present (in- cluding the black pigment); however; the panel has unfor- tunately been modified many times in the past seventy-five years, so some of its appear- ance is of questionable au- thenticity. Albert Regan chalked the panel in about 1931 (Regan 1931:195), and numbered it P74, which is still on the panel. A photo- graph of the chalked panel appears in Schaafsma's Rock Art of the Southwest (1980:172, Figure 127), and a drawing of it is in Schaaf- sma's Utah Rock Art (1970:9 Figure 3), which, it should be noted, is reversed. Regan's Exinualmi sow minasywim Figure 38A. This is an elaborate panel of fugitive and others subsequent chalk- ing has likely had an adverse pigment anthropomorphs.
89 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 may appear to be the necklace of the figure addition, there are two faint abraded lines radi- above it. In reality, the lower face has a head- ating upward and outwards from top of the dress consisting of three or four pecked-out head of the anthropomorph, and there are short dots curving upwards from each side of the lines descending from them at about a 45- head. This is not readily apparent when look- degree angle so that the headdress is similar to ing at a drawing, but it is obvious when view- the anthropomorph in Figure 10. ing the panel because the eyes are pecked in deeper than the headdress. Notice that this im- Directly below the two smaller figures are two age is similar to the figures in Figure 25B. Sur- large anthropomorphs that are adjacent to each other. Each has a tall, rectangular headdress with a single, large, roughly circular, pecked-out area near the top of it. The figure on the left has a well pecked-out neck- lace, while the necklace on the an- thropomorph on the right is partly pecked out and partly abraded, as if it was never finished. One indis- tinct pecked-out rectangular area on each side of the figure on the left suggests the presence of arm- bands. The lower part of the body of the figure on the left and the belt line are pecked out, however there is also a broad horizontal line in this area, so perhaps what appears to be the lower body may actually be lines on the body.
, 6 The most interesting feature of these two anthropomorphs is that indications of the original pigment appear to be present; however, some of this may be residual chalk. Both of these figures have a head- dress similar to the anthropo- morphs in Figures 9 and 10 and the left most anthropomorph in Figure Figure 38B. This drawing shows only the pecked-out fea- 31. These headdresses are visible tures present in the panel. Paint, abraded areas and lines as a whitish outline, as are: the rest that indicate other features are shown in Figure 38A. of the necklace of the figure on the right, the outlines of each anthro- pomorph's body, indications of rounding the top of the head of the top-most their arms and at least two vertical stripes on figure are two thin curved arcs of pigment con- the left most anthropomorph. The left arm of sisting of a white arc below a red arc. These the figure on the right goes down through a arcs appear to represent part of a headdress; black circle to the top of a black figure with a this pigment is not shown in Figure 38B. In rounded head and a vertical striped body,
90 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah whose facial features are pecked out through a necklace of the anthropomorph or it could be the black pigment. This figure is further dis- the headdress of another, even smaller anthro- cussed below. The figure on the right also has pomorph that is below it. These faces and fea- two large downward sloping horns. On initial tures are not shown in Regan's chalked photo- inspection, the large "horns" did not appear to graph. be part of the original figure because a close examination showed that the outline is a To the right of this smaller anthropomorph is slightly different color and it is slightly also a second nearly identical small anthropo- abraded. This feature could have been added morph. This brings the total to four sets of by Ute Indians, whose images are present in paired anthropomorphs, if you count the sev- several locations is the canyon system. How- ered heads. Each one consists of a face, a U ever, on each "horn" there is a single pecked- shaped necklace, and a pecked oval area repre- out area, suggesting that there was something senting the belt line. There is also a dot above in this area. For these "horns" to be acceptable each face, indicating the presence of a head- as part of the original image and not something dress that may have been similar to the larger added later and enhanced through repeated anthropomorph's headdress. Regan's chalking chalking, other features on similar images will does not show the small anthropomorph on the have to be located. left, whose face is either over or under the large stipple-pecked necklace of the anthropomorph Another interesting feature of these two an- above it. thropomorphs, and also something that is not shown in Regan's chalked picture, is that they Between and just below these two small faces are both holding a similar object. The object is is a face that is larger than any discussed so far. a severed human head. As noted above, the An assortment of pendants is associated with it. anthropomorph on the right is holding a black There is a pendant on each side of the head, figure in its left hand What Regan did not no- apparently once descending from a painted tice is that the figure on the left is holding a headdress. Two more appear to be attached to similar image in its right hand, except it is not a necklace or a neckband, which is shown by a painted. This image is a little difficult to see U-shaped row of dots. because it is partly superimposed by another larger face. Each of these two held images To the left and slightly above the large face have two eyes, a mouth, and an outward slop- with the multiple pendants is another small an- ing line beneath each eye. What further makes thropomorph that has a dot above the head. these two severed heads nearly identical is the This is the face that is mixed in with the sev- presence of an unusual, single, off-center ered head. Higher and farther to the right is pecked dot between the two outward sloping apparently the necklace of another fugitive- lines. pigment anthropomorph, but no other features are present. Continuing downward there are two difficult to see anthropomorphs. The one on the left is be- At the lower far right is the face of another an- neath the right side of the necklace on the large thropomorph. It also has a dot above it. In ad- anthropomorph on the left. The anthropomorph dition, another very faint face is partly super- on the right is beneath the "unfinished" neck- imposed by the black-painted severed head. lace of the large anthropomorph on the right. The eyes, mouth and slanted line beneath each eye are all finely abraded. There are also traces Beneath the anthropomorph on the left there is of red paint on the face and body of this figure. a large U-shaped feature created with a pattern of pecked dots (stipple pecking). This could be
91 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
This brings the total number of anthropo- there is another figure next to it, which is not morphs to 15. Number 16 was also overlooked shown in the photograph, that was created in by Regan. He probably overlooked it because exactly the same way. (This is not to suggest it is so large that it is entirely unexpected. The that paint was never added after pecking was face of this anthropomorph is directly in the completed. There are several examples where center of the panel. The mouth is located be- pigment was clearly applied to pecked-out ar- tween the two large anthropomorphs and just eas.) Regan, being unfamiliar with rock art, above the stipple pecked necklace. The eye on unfortunately made many inaccurate observa- the right is just to the left of the face of the tions and drew incorrect conclusions. large anthropomorph with the large horns, and the eye on the left is above the right side of the Figures 39 and 40 show a selection of fugitive- necklace on the other large anthropomorph. pigment anthropomorphs from the Ashley The headdress of this large anthropomorph may Creek Drainage. As can be seen, there is a be illustrated by the horizontal line with the wide variety of forms. Notice the different short, rounded and slightly slanted, pecked-out types of necklaces, facial features and orna- area that intersects it, but it more likely is the mental details. Figures 39A and 39C show a belt line of the anthropomorph at the top of the feature below the belt line consisting of an oval panel. The belt line of this very large anthro- area with a short line descending from it. Per- pomorph may be the horizontal line at the bot- haps this is an indication of gender. tom of the picture that has a pecked-out feature below it. Fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs most often occur in groups, as in Figures 39A, I, J and L, The following are some general observations and Figure 40B. Figure 41 is another example about this complex panel. Obviously there was of figures from one panel where there exists a a lot that happened within this complex panel. large number of fugitive-pigment anthropo- Perhaps with some effort it might be possible to morphs and a lot of superimposition, especially establish a sequence for the creation of these on the right side of the panel. It appears that images, but this is beyond the scope of this pa- the greater the number of images, the greater per. the amount of superimposition. It is as if the images had to be placed in a specific area, or Regan believed that the figures wearing neck- perhaps it is just that many people were living laces and elaborate headdresses in this panel in the vicinity (which there were), so there was were women, and he called this panel the more activity at this panel. All of the sites with "Wheel-headed Woman Group" after an image large numbers of images are close to large to the right of this picture (Regan 1931:195). habitation sites, suggesting that there may be Regan also called the figure with the black ver- some validity to this idea. tical lines a "black painted lady". Why he re- ferred to this figure as being female is un- This site today is once again close to a large known. Perhaps he believed that the black historic habituation site - Vernal, Utah, which lines represented a dress. is why there is so much graffiti on the panel. Notice, however, that most of the graffiti is Regan further believed that many of the images missing from the panel. The same erosive fac- were first chiseled, then painted, which is ex- tors that removed the paint from the prehistoric actly the opposite of how these images were images also removed the paint from the historic created. The processes of construction should graffiti. have been rather obvious, because the face of the black figure was clearly created after the While the superimposition in this panel appears black pigment was applied to the cliff face; and very complex, it would, as was discussed
92 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
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93 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
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C D Figure 40. Additional examples of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs from the Ashley Creek Drainage. Note the closeness, number and simplicity of the individual images in B. parts of the images that are visible are all the lined bodies and are superimposed over older pecked-out features from all of the images that and simpler fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs, were created. illustrate several additional important traits. Notice that only parts of the arms, legs and Figure 42 is a panel of anthropomorphs from heads are outlined; and notice again the variety Dry Fork, a tributary of Ashley Creek. The in forms and decorations. Notice also the water principal images, which are near the end of the streaks. Pecked and abraded areas and lines are developmental sequence, since they have out- all that is left of various features that were
Figure 41. Note the degree of superimposition in this panel, and the effects of ero- sion that removed both the old and the new pigments.
94 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah originally painted. This panel was chalked ex- rows of short lines that were pecked through tensively by Regan (notice that the number the fugitive pigment. At the right side of each P34A is still visible); and it has subsequently of the large anthropomorphs, are two small sets been rechalked many times, so many times in of two dots. These dots depict the eyes of sev- fact, that it is difficult to accurately determine ered human heads. These severed human heads what is original and what has been created his- often occur in the about the same position adja- torically. For example, the shoulder and right cent to many anthropomorphs, many of which arm of the figure on the far right, which has a are elaborately decorated, as these are. severed human head on its right side, are pre- sent as a chalked line even though the cliff face A small anthropomorph also exists lower down is no longer present. on the right side of the large anthropomorph
Figure 42 This panel from the Ashley Creek drainage shows late Fremont fugitive pigment anthropomorphs. shown in Figure 43-right. The large figure has One of the more significant features of this the typical knife held in its right hand Notice panel is that there are several vertical red lines that the left side of the large anthropomorph is and dots going down from the bottom of the superimposed over a small anthropomorph that severed head, and obviously past the broken does not have an outlined body; again illustrat- ledge of the cliff. This edge was broken off in ing the fugitive pigment sequence discussed the early nineteen hundreds. The red lines and above. Also, notice the elaborately carved pecking went down into a roughly oval area of necklace, the heavily outlined face and addi- red pigment, which gave the appearance of a tional pecked-out features characteristic of this pool of blood (unpublished photograph by late image. Albert Regan, see also Schaafsma 1970:Plate 1). This is what might be expected beneath a Within the broad horizontal band of fugitive- severed human head. pigment anthropomorphs that crosses the Uin- tah Basin, there is one final site that deserves Figure 43-left is an important panel. It contains mentioning. Figure 44 and 45 show part of an several fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs that a exceptional panel. As can be seen in Figure have large chest-plates and headdresses, two of 44 these images are very old and difficult to which are discernible because of the parallel see. The large figure may or may not be a fugi-
95 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 43. At the right side of each of the large anthropomorphs, are two small sets of two dots. These dots depict the eyes of severed human heads that were painted with fugitive pigments.
Figure 44. An Archaic period anthropomorph from the Ashley Creek Drainage in the Uintah Basin. Notice the complete repatination, the degree of weathering and the size. fugitive-pigment anthropomorph, but it is the Archaic images. Supporting this conclusion is oldest anthropomorph of this type found to this the presence in the same panel of a typical Glen date in the Ashley Creek drainage. Nearby is a Canyon Style 5 Mt. Sheep with vertical and Glen Canyon Style 5 anthropomorph like those horizontal lines in the body. There are also im- found along the San Juan River. These are late ages in the panel from the Fremont period, and
96 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
images. Only about eight panels have been found to this date. Why there are so few is somewhat of a mystery, considering that so many exist just a few miles north.
Nine Mile Canyon Figure 46 illustrates part of one of the more important panels of fugitive pigment anthro- pomorphs located in Nine Mile Canyon. The pendant necklaces are easily visible, while the facial features are missing. The bodies of these anthropomorphs are partially outlined. Notice here again that most of the heads and arms are missing, indicating that these outlined figures are again late in the sequence of fugitive- pigment anthropomorphs. This panel contains
Figure 45. The large figure appears in the photograph above. It and the other anthro- pomorph, are Archaic images they have much less patination and weathering. The large face at the bottom is Fremont. This panel is significant in the study of fugitive- pigment anthropomorphs because it establishes Figure 46. Two examples of fugitive pig- that not only were people with the same ideol- ment anthropomorphs from the Nine Mile ogy present along the San Juan River as were Creek drainage. here in the Ashley Creek drainage, but they were here in the late Archaic Period. a great deal of superimposition, which has been omitted in this drawing for clarity. The figure As can be seen from the above examples, there on the left has the type of headdress seen on is an abundance and a wide variety of fugitive- many Uintah Basin figures, indicating that the pigment anthropomorphs in northeastern Utah. people from the Uintah Basin were also in Nine Leaving this region and traveling south, the Mile Canyon. next area of concentrated rock art occurs in Nine Mile Canyon, which is about 85 miles Another site a few miles away is equally as im- south of the datum. Nine Mile Canyon con- portant. This panel is on the northwest side of tains many thousands of images, the vast ma- the canyon, and it contains a group of fugitive- jority of which are petroglyphs. Fugitive- pigment anthropomorphs (Figure 47). The im- pigment anthropomorphs with pecked-out fea- age on the left has a large single-pendant neck- tures exist in Nine Mile Canyon, but they are lace, a crudely pecked-out face and a curving particularly rare when compared to both the broad line on top of the head. The broad line type of images found there and the number of appears to represent something on the head.
97 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 47. Examples of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs in Nine Mile Canyon.
The arms and hands of the figure have been be a case of a human figure that was partly pecked out. It appears that there is a smaller pecked and partly painted. When the paint anthropomorph overlapping the lower portion eroded, it left behind only those few portions of this figure because all of the features are not that were pecked." in proportion to the larger anthropomorph. There seems to be a second pecked-out face A few inches to the right of this figure is an- below the necklace with another smaller neck- other anthropomorph. It contains a single- lace below it. Below this necklace there ap- pendant necklace, through which three sloping pears to be a "fringed skirt". This appears then, horizontal lines have been pecked. Above the to be another example where one fugitive- necklace is a crudely pecked face with a broad pigment anthropomorph is superimposed over curving line above it. another. Notice the roughly pecked lines su- perimposed over the images in this panel. Below this image is an upside-down, V-shaped pointed line, but it does not appear to be asso- Spangler and Spangler (2003:155), in their de- ciated with either figure. Identical features scription of this panel, perspicaciously noted have been found on the faces of anthropo- that this "abstraction is quite rare in Nine Mile morphs in eastern Utah, so this may possibly be Canyon", and that "this depiction might simply the face of yet another fugitive pigment anthro-
98 Steven J. Maiming, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
also seems to possibly be composed of two an- thropomorphs, because it also does not seem to be in proportion; it is too long. At the top of the image there is a large pendant necklace with a line above it, which is presumably on top of the anthropomorph's head. The necklace of this figure appears to be superimposed on perhaps the face of another figure or part of an- other figure. Since the original pigment is gone, it is difficult to determine exactly what the form is of this, as well as the image(s) across the canyon. Certainly, these two sets of images, so similar in form - but not identical, were not placed in these locations by chance. Two other sets of fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs have been found that are also across from each other in a canyon (Manning 1983), so this placement has some important signifi- cance. The other two sets of images will be discussed below. Notice the lightly pecked im- age that is to the right of the fugitive-pigment anthropomorph and the older image to the far Figure 48. A fugitive pigment an- right. thropomorph directly across the can- yon from Figure 47. To the right of the image on the northwest side of the canyon is a small panel of perhaps 4 or 5 pomorph. Another fugitive-pigment anthropo- closely spaced fugitive-pigment anthropo- morph was found directly across the canyon morphs (Figure 49A). In the same area are four from Figure 47 on the southeast side of the small crudely pecked-out fugitive-pigment an- canyon. It is shown in Figure 48. This figure thropomorphs that consist only of necklaces LI
B C A D E
Figure 49. A group of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs to the right of Figure 48. Figure E is about 12 inches tall.
99 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
and belt lines (Figure 49B-E). Figure 49E, the largest, is about 12 inches tall.
About three meters southeast of this panel is another group of images that also contain fugi- tive-pigment anthropomorphs. Part of the panel is shown in Figure 50. There appears to be two images here also; one is placed above OPOO191. the other. These two images are more distinct because they are father apart and are offset. The top-most anthropomorph seems to have a line above its head, a dot on or above the face, two "ear" pendants and a belt line with a dot beneath it. Lower down, there appears to be the skirt or kilt of another figure, but no other pecked-out features that might be associated 0 4.9 0 • .*** 9 with it are visible. The well-defined presence 9 0 am 9 of two figures in this panel, one above the other, lends confirmation the interpretation that the two other panels discussed above also con- tain one figure partly superimposed over and below another one. Figure 50. This adjacent panel also ap- pears to contain two partly superimposed An image adjacent to Figure 50 contains a fugi- fugitive pigment anthropomorphs. tive-pigment anthropomorph that seems to have traces of the original pigment still in place. No facial features, arms, legs, etc., of this im- The pigment appears to be white clay like that age are visible today. The mineral pigment was in Figure 31. Unfortunately, the image was protected from erosion because the image is placed in a location exposed to the weather so beneath an overhang. The outlined body sug- most of it is not clearly visible. gests that it was created late in the developmen- tal sequence of fugitive-pigment anthropo- An interesting feature of this panel is that when morphs. At some point late in this sequence, a person approaches the ledge where it is lo- the specific features that were usually pecked cated, by the obvious route, a Basketmaker an- out began to be created also by painting. This thropomorph in a horizontal position is seen is especially so in the southwest. These spe- through an opening between a detached section cific features were created with mineral pig- of the cliff and an overhang beneath the cliff It ment, as illustrated in this example. is framed exactly in the opening. It was posi- tioned so a person approaching the site could There is another image nearby where only a not miss it. This is the only horizontal Basket- pecked-out necklace and a faint scratched line maker anthropomorph I have encountered. It on both sides of the body are visible. It is also must possess an extraordinary meaning. well protected beneath an overhang. These two panels illustrate the differences in the durability Figure 51 shows a fugitive-pigment anthropo- of various pigments, and that adjacent images morph where the usual pecked-out features can be created with different pigments. Other were created with red and white pigment in- images with panted features that are late in the stead of pecking or abrasion. Notice the broad developmental sequence are discussed below. band above the head (compare with Figure 12).
100 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
laces, a horizontal line in the lower part of the body, etc. Also present is a typical headdress from the Uintah Basin. A panel containing three necklaces and belt lines similar to these was discovered in Willow Creek Canyon to the east.
Range Creek Two panels of fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs have recently been discovered in the Range Creek drainage west of Desolation Can- yon. The first panel located consists of a single large pendant necklace that has three parallel slanted lines above it on each side (Figure 53 and 54). From what has been discussed previ- ously, it is apparent that these lines represent the same hair ties or ornamentation as those found on anthropomorphs illustrated in Figure 31 from the Brush Creek drainage (see also Figure 39G). Also present are several pecked- out dots, some more faint than others, that are Figure 51. A late fugitive pigment anthropo- at the sides of the face of the anthropomorph. morph outlined with paint instead of pecking. These were probably also part of the coiffure. The area where the face of the anthropomorph was seems to be a little smoother or lighter than Desolation Canyon the area surrounding it, suggesting that the area One panel of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs was abraded somewhat when it was painted or was discovered in Desolation Canyon on the that the paint modified the patination. Super- Green River. It is about 105 miles from the imposed over the anthropomorph is a roughly datum. The images shown in Figure 52 are part pecked shield-like circular feature of unknown of a panel heavily visited by river runners, origin. (One of the panels of fugitive pigment which correspondingly has been heavily van- anthropomorphs in Nine Mile Canyon (Figure dalized. These images exhibit the classic char- 47) also had a roughly circular pecked feature acteristics of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. superimposed over it). As can be seen, these figures have eyes, neck-
•
Figure 52. A selection of anthropomorphs from a site in Desolation Canyon on the Green River.
101 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
The second panel contains two fugitive- have added it. Notice the presence of the two pigment anthropomorphs. These are shown in small typical trapezoidal Fremont anthropo- Figures 55 and 56. The image shown in Figure morphs in the panel. There is one on each side 55 consists of a necklace with two eyes above of the mountain sheep. it. The eyes appear to have eyelashes; how- ever, these descending lines may represent fa- cial features. Somewhat of a shadow of the body of this figure is apparent.
Figure 56. This fugitive pigment anthropo- morph from Range Creek is to the right of Figure 55. The sheep in each photograph is the same.
Colorado River at Utah-Colorado State Line Cole (1987:figure 14) reports the presence of a fugitive-pigment anthropomorph from the Figure 55. Another panel from Range Colorado River near the Utah-Colorado state Creek containing a fugitive pigment an- line. She describes the image as follows: thropomorph. The Panel exhibits what appears to be a Figure 56 also shows another fugitive-pigment larger abstract anthropomorph with four anthropomorph. It has an unusual head, but dots (two above two) in the head area, a notice that there is a thinner line connecting the pendant on the chest area and a smaller top with the bottom. If this line is ignored, the anthropomorph below the pendant and be- top of the head is similar to Figures 15B, 31 tween two vertical zigzag lines. Below and 52, and it is not so unusual. The lower part the smaller anthropomorph is a rake-like then, is a U-shaped necklace with a group of element, or possibly, a fringed belt. The pendants below it. The connecting line may abstract "anthropomorph" may have once not be same age as the rest of the figure. The been painted as well as pecked, and the pecked details are all the remains. The creators of the other elements in the panel may
102
ERRATA page 102
Figure 53. This fugitive pigment anthro- pomorph is located in Range Creek Canyon in east-central Utah. The necklace, hair ties and what appears to be hair ornamentation are evident.
ty a •
Figure 54. Sketch of the fugitive pigment anthropomorph shown in Figure 53. Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
patination on all of the elements appears side of the head, indicating the same type of identical, and it is assumed that the ele- hair dress. An interesting added feature here is ments are all roughly contemporaneous the presence of what appear to be fingers, since (Cole 1987:51-52). there are five vertical lines on both sides of the figure; however, this may also be some kind of This image is shown here as Figure 57. Cole is fringe. Notice also the presence of leg bands essentially correct in her assessment that this and the pecked-out Y-shaped lines at the side figure was once painted; it is a fugitive pigment of the head. anthropomorph. This figure is significant since it places the fugitive-pigment anthropomorph in west central Colorado.
Figure 57. After Cole (1987:87). This image is located near the Utah-Colorado state line near the Colorado River.
Moab The next area where fugitive-pigment anthro- pomorphs occur in abundance is near Moab, Utah, which is 170 miles from the datum. Im- ages here are found along, and in the vicinity of Figure 58. Fugitive pigment anthropo- the creeks that drain into the Colorado River morph located near Moab. Note the arm from the western slopes of the nearby 12,000+ and leg bands. foot La Sal Mountains. Some of these creeks are Mill Creek, Pack Creek, Placer Creek and Figure 59 occurs adjacent to the Colorado Castle Creek. Figure 58 is found just east of River just west of Moab. A typical fugitive- Moab. This image has the necklace, facial fea- pigment anthropomorph necklace is obviously tures, armbands and waist belt that are typical present. The necklace perhaps has a pendant of images in the Uintah basin. Also present is attached. The most interesting feature of this the square pecked-out dot found in the head- figure is that the "shadow" of the fugitive pig- dress along with the pecked-out area on each ment appears to be present. This photograph was digitally enhanced to make the shadow
103 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 more visible. While the outline may indicate pigment anthropomorph. In this example, the the way the image appears now, this is no guar- necklace and the belt line are easily recogniz- antee that this is authentic. There is the possi- able, but the facial features are different. Here bility that this abraded shadow was created re- they consist of three parallel lines, much like cently, since the panel is adjacent to a paved the hair ties farther north. The face and head- road - note the extensive vandalism. The form dress are tilted at an angle. Painting the face of this fugitive-pigment anthropomorph is with three horizontal lines is a characteristic therefore of questionable authenticity. common to fugitive pigment images farther to the south, as will be shown below.
Figure 60A. 'Phis photograph shows a small fugitive pigment anthropomorph that predate the Basketmaker images in this panel.
This panel is significant because the fugitive- pigment anthropomorph has more repatination than the other figures on the panel. The cul- Figure 59. A pecked and abraded image tural affiliation of the other images in the panel along the Colorado River near Moab. is Anasazi Basketmaker Notice the bird- headed flute player. Bird-headed anthropo- Figures60A and B are located east of Moab. morphs and anthropomorphs with birds on their The photograph in Figure 60A shows an image heads are common in southern Utah and wher- that has the characteristics of a fugitive- ever the Anasazi Basketmaker Culture is found.
104 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 62. Segment of a panel east of Moab. The fugitive pigment anthropomorph be- tween the two Basketmaker figures appears to be the same age, as indicated by repatina- tion levels. Figure60B. Apparently, the face of the small figure, which is shown by three parallel Notice the presence of the wavy lines that are lines, is tilted at an angle. similar to those in Figure 57. The two panels above, and others below, demonstrate that fugi- Figures 61 and 62 are northwest of Moab. No- tive pigment anthropomorphs were being cre- tice that in Figure 61 only the necklaces are ated in the Moab area during the period when present. There are four other similar images in Basketmaker rock art was being created. this panel. Figure 62, which is only a short dis- tance away, illustrates an image where only the Figure 63 is also located near Moab. This belt line and a circular area that apparently panel is situated on the face of a large cliff-like represents a necklace are visible. There are outcrop. It contains at least twenty-eight fugi- several other images like this near Moab. This tive-pigment anthropomorphs where the princi- site is significant because these images are part pal parts of the images are a pendant necklace, of a panel of Basketmaker anthropomorphs, a belt line and a single slanted line above the suggesting that these images are also of Bas- necklace, which is perhaps on the face. In the ketmaker cultural affiliation. general area of this panel, there are at least thirty-six other fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs in about seven other panels. The fig- ures in this panel are arranged in four groups. Starting left and going right there are eight in each of the first two groups, nine in the second V and three in the third. Figure 63 shows five of the large fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs at the left side of the first group. There is also a small one in the center. Notice that the anthro- pomorphs are in association with other images. These are the same type as those in Figure 62, which are Basketmaker images. Figure 61. Composite of images located east of Moab. Figure 64 shows the three fugitive-pigment an- thropomorphs on the right side of the panel. Notice that several additional features are pre-
105 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 63. The left side of a panel near Moab containing 28 fugitive pigment anthropomorphs.
Figure 64. The right side of the panel. Note the smaller Basketmaker images superimposed by the larger fugitive pigment anthropomorphs. sent here. Pendent from the right sides of each thing like a brush-like sash attached to the belt. of the three belt lines are a group of scratched There also seems to be a single pecked-out area and pecked lines. These seem to suggest some- on the face and a dot on the sides of each of the
106 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah figures. One of the most important aspects of necklaces, and that both occur later than the this panel is the superimposition that occurs. rectangular tapering bodied anthropomorphs. Notice that the pedant necklaces are superim- posed over a panel containing other anthropo- Figure 65 is another panel located in the gen- morphs, which are also believed to be Basket- eral area. This panel contains a row of closely maker. Notice that the levels of repatination on packed fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs with all the figures are nearly identical. This indi- little else than the large pendant necklaces and cates that they were all created at about the the belt lines. A group of images like these was same time. However, the small pecked anthro- also found in Nine Mile Canyon (Figures 49). pomorphs with the rectangular tapering bodies Why these figures are so crowded is a mystery. and interior lined bodies were created before the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. Super- Fremont River imposition here was somewhat fortuitous be- The next large concentration of fugitive- cause when the fugitive-pigment anthropo- pigment anthropomorphs is located at about morphs were painted, the small figures were 190 miles from the datum in southern-central covered over with pigment so they were not Utah. These images are situated along the east- visible. This superposition is important be- ern drainages of the 11,300+ foot high Boulder cause it establishes the temporal sequence and Mountain. Two principal watercourses drain the temporal association of these two types of this area: the Fremont and Escalante Rivers. figures. The panels are located principally along these rivers and their permanent or semi-permanent This panel further substantiates that what are flowing tributaries, of which there are many. believed to be Basketmaker anthropomorphs There are also too many fugitive-pigment an- (like those in Figures 62 and 64) are approxi- thropomorph to illustrate them here. It is im- mately contemporaneous with the fugitive- portant to note that the Fremont River drainage pigment anthropomorphs with the pecked-out is where archaeologist Noel Morris, in 1931,
Figure 65. A row of closely spaced fugitive pigment anthropomorphs near Moab.
107 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 described, defined and named the Fremont cul- This panel shows that the same type of image ture. with the same hairstyle exists in all three areas. Additionally, as in northeastern Utah, the figure The anthropomorph in Figure 66 is found along is part of a group of similar yet diverse fugi- the Fremont River. This figure is typologically tive-pigment anthropomorphs. identical to the fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs in northeastern Utah. It has a pecked- Figure 67 is another figure from the same out face, a large pendant necklace, a pecked panel. It also has the same features as anthro- outlined body, abrasions along the sides of the pomorphs in northeastern Utah. Notice that the body (in this figure, only along the anthropo- necklace is composed of two simple U-shaped morphs left side), a belt line, and perhaps most lines and a curving row of six large dots. Fur- significantly, a pecked-out rectangular area on thermore, there are two slanted lines descend- top of the head above the eyes. This pecked- ing from the eyes; the headdress has an in- out feature is in exactly the same place as in the verted V-shaped line on each side of the head; fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs in both the there is a broad line descending from the belt Uintah Basin and Moab areas (see Figures 10, line, and the body is outlined with a lightly 31, 36, and 58). abraded line.
Figure 67. Another anthropomorph from the same panel. Note the smooth area on top of the head. Compare with Figure 19. Figure 66. This photograph shows a fugi- This image displays a slightly different treat- tive pigment anthropomorph from the ment of feature on the head. The top of the Fremont River drainage in south-central head, or "hat", is indicated by a smooth Utah. Note the large pendant and the abraded area (compare to Figure 19, which is abrasions along the figure's left side. pecked). It may not be a hat however. It is in-
108 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah teresting to note that both Kidder and Guernsey from each eye. There is also a pecked area out- (1919) and Montgomery (1894) describe the side of each eye. This then, appears to be the hair styles of Basketmaker people as having, representation of a severed human head. It is "the hair closely cut from the front half of the depicted the same way and it is in exactly the head, thus leaving the back hair only" Mont- same position as the severed human heads in gomery (1894:230). This seems to describe the Uintah Basin (Figures 31, 38, 42, etc,). what is depicted in this photograph. This is entirely possible since the Fremont and Anasazi Basketmakers were contemporaries.
Another interesting feature of this panel are the two backpacking figures carrying walking sticks that are positioned at the lower the right side of the photograph. It is tempting to specu- late that these are representations of the people who traveled here from the Uintah Basin and made the images in this panel. That they may have traveled between these two areas may be true; however, evidence in the panel indicates that these images were most likely made by people who had lived in the area long enough to develop differences or innovations, in their ideologies, so that the images they created ex- hibit regional variations or characteristics. The similarities in hairstyles between the images in this area and in the Basketmaker region suggest that they may have traveled even farther.
Figure 68 shows another adjacent anthropo- morph. It also has the rectangular feature on top of its head. This one is however, is pecked Figure 68. This large anthropomorph out. A conspicuous feature of this figure is the from the Fremont River drainage appears T-shaped mark on the face. Notice the position to be holding a severed human head. of the mouth relative to the paint; it is covered by the paint. This feature appears to represent This image demonstrates that severed human face painting, and it is common in this area. heads occur in this area of central Utah. The Notice that the headdress has an upward slant- existence of these features in this area has ap- ing line with short lines attached to the outside parently not been recognized nor described be- edge and that there is a short horizontal line on fore. each side of the figure that appear to be two armbands. This is also a feature found on Uin- Of equal interest is the presence of three paral- tah Basin anthropomorphs. Also, notice the lel lines beneath the anthropomorphs left arm. presence of the eyebrows. (There is a forth line that is roughly pecked, and it appears not to be contemporaneous.) A most significant feature of this anthropo- These three lines were present on the face of a morph is the presence of an image beneath the fugitive-pigment anthropomorph near Moab figure's right arm or elbow. It consists of two (Figure 60). This suggests the presence of an- pecked eyes and a line descending at an angle other severed human head in the anthropo-
109 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 morphs left hand. Other sets of three parallel Figure 70 again shows the T-shaped mark on lines exist in this panel. Additional examples the face. The rectangular area over the head is of anthropomorphs with these facial features another feature occurring in the Uintah Basin. are described below. This figure has been modified. The broad abraded outline of the body does not corre- An image of an anthropomorph was discovered spond in size to the other features, and there is by the author near Moab several years ago that a pecked-out foot on the right side and an has relevance to this discussion. The figure abraded leg and foot on the left side. The spiral appears to be holding a T-shaped object in its was also placed over the figure after it was right hand, see Figure 69. This could be a de- completed. The placement of one fugitive- piction of a severed human head. If this head pigment anthropomorph over the top of another was created with fugitive pigment, the T shape is also a shared characteristic of the Fremont of could be a symbol representing the people of the Fremont River area and the Uintah Basin. the Fremont River area, at least to the person who created the image. This image, along with the severed head with three lines on the face near the Fremont River, might indicate that the people of each of these two areas were severing the heads of the people in the opposing area.
Figure 70. This figure also has the T-shaped facial feature, and it was modified. Note the spiral.
Figure 71 illustrates the anthropomorph just to Figure 69. This anthropomorph near Moab the right of Figure 70. An interesting feature of is holding in its hand a T-shaped image that this image is that only the eyes and mouth are is attached to what appears to be a wooden pecked; the rest is all abraded. As can be seen club. Notice the three curving lines on top by this figure, there is quite a lot of abrading in of the head. Compare with Figure 29. the creation of these figures.
110 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
over time in this area, and it suggests that to some degree the abrasion as seen here, and pos- sibly in the figures above, was done after the initial creation of the images.
Figure 71. Only the eyes and mouth are pecked out. The rest of the image is abraded.
Figure 72 is just to the right of Figure 71. All of the images shown here are fully pecked. Notice the presence again of three angled paral- lel lines to the left of the large anthropomorph, Figure 72. The complex anthropomorph be- suggesting a severed human head. Both large tween and below the two large figures (and anthropomorphs have the typical T-shaped fa- superimposed over them) was not part of the cial feature. The figure on the far right has no original composition. It was added later. No- indication of a body except for the necklace tice the wide flaring headdress on the large and belt line. The two large figures are high figure and its similarity to the images in the above the current ground level and out of reach Uintah Basin. today. The anthropomorph with the completely outlined body that appears squeezed in between Initially three small fugitive-pigment anthro- the two large figures, along with the other small pomorphs were placed in this area. They are images, were added later as the ground eroded shown in black on the left side of the panel. from beneath the figures. It is superimposed Above and to the right of them are two eyes over the anthropomorph on the right. The fully and a mouth, also shown in black. The mouth, pecked anthropomorph then, postdates the two however, is covered with the headdress of the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. This dem- anthropomorph below it, also shown in black. onstrates that the progression in the creation of The second set of eyes, with a line descending these images was identical in both the Fremont from each one, was created later by abrasion River area and in the Uintah Basin. along with the necklace and the outline of the body; these abraded areas are shown in gray. Figure 73, which is farther upstream, shows The head of the abraded large mountain sheep another example of superimposition and change was added last. The abrasions have a lighter
111 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 73. Black is pecking, the gray is abrasion. The abrasion is superimposed over the pecking. The same thing occurred in the Uintah Basin.
Figure 74. This additional section of the panel shows two more examples of the com- mon T-shaped facial features and the smaller images that were created as the soil eroded. degree of repatination and are less weathered abraded and superimposed over older ones), to than the pecked images, which suggests a dif- anthropomorphs where so many features were ference of at least 100 years between them, created by pecking that they appear to be con- since it generally takes about that long for pati- structed without any pigment at all. This same nation to begin to form. It follows then, that progression also occurred in the Uintah Basin. there was a sequence to the creation of these These images also show how fugitive-pigment images in the Fremont River area. The se- anthropomorphs in this area were superimposed quence observable here began with fugitive- directly over older ones as they were in the pigment anthropomorphs with only a few Uintah Basin. pecked-out features (a face and a necklace). It then evolved to images with more features Figure 74 shows another portion of the panel (shown in this and other panels as being where newer, smaller images were created be-
112 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah low fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs as the soil beneath the panel was removed by erosion. The anthropomorph whose body is outlined is partly abraded on the interior and along the top of the shoulder and top of the head. It is super- imposed over something else, but it is not dis- cernible.
Before leaving this area, one additional figure should be discussed. It is shown in Figure 75. This panel is high above the ground and com- pletely covered with lichen, which makes see- ing it difficult, which is unfortunate because the images in this panel are very interesting. The photograph shows one anthropomorph super- imposed over another one. These are two of the nine anthropomorphs in the panel. The top most arrow points to the T-shaped facial feature of the top most image. The second arrow points to a necklace consisting of a single curv- ing line with two parallel rows of pecked-out dots below it. The third arrow points to a face consisting of two eyes, the left one of which is directly below the center of the necklace. The Figure 75. The interesting fugitive pigment fourth arrow shows the belt line with four, pos- anthropomorphs in this location are unfortu- sibly five, lines descending from it (compare to nately covered with lichens. The arrows Figure 22). This example demonstrates again point to specific features that are explained that, not only are the images typologically the in the text. same as those in the Uintah basin, they also oc- cur in the same context. A significant feature of this panel that may not appear immediately evident, is the presence of South of the Fremont River, along one of the what appears to be a much larger abraded fugi- perennial streams draining Boulder Mountain, tive-pigment anthropomorph. It is placed left are several panels of small fugitive-pigment of center in the panel. In relative size, it is anthropomorphs. Figure 76 shows part of one similar to the very large anthropomorph in Fig- of the panels. It, like the others, contains sev- ure 38 from the Uintah Basin. The left side of eral different types of fugitive-pigment anthro- the body of this figure is easily visible as a pomorphs. There are eight of these images large triangular shape above and continuing across this portion of the panel, and they are upward and outward from the left side of the arranged in a wide oval. Most are indicated by anthropomorph with the outlined body, whose a face, necklaces of varying types and a belt necklace is abraded by the bottom of the large line. One figure, on the bottom left, also has an figure. The edge of the abrasion goes upward outlined body and head. These are mostly sim- to a sharp corner and then goes right across the ple forms when compared to the images dis- necklace of the left most figure on the top row. cussed above, and they are identical to some of Sometimes, when the light is just right, a face the images near Moab and in the Uintah Basin. appears to be visible above the abraded body.
113 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 76. Part of a panel south of the Fremont River showing a group of simple fugitive
An interesting feature of this anthropomorph is seem to suggest a close relationship between the deeply cut and pecked vertical lines on each the people occupying the two areas. side of the face. In the photograph, they appear to be wavy cracks. The existence of this very large anthropomorph and its placement over a group of smaller anthropomorphs is another parallel between the fugitive-pigment anthro- pomorphs of the Fremont River drainage and those of the Uintah Basin.
Figure 77 illustrates what appears to be a fugi- tive-pigment anthropomorph that was heavily abraded or that the surface was prepared before it was constructed. It is more likely however, that several different fugitive-pigment anthro- pomorphs were constructed in the same place.
Figure 78 shows a portion of a large panel that contains many fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs. It is also south of the Fremont River. This group of figures has elaborate head- dresses. Compare the headdress with Figure 10 from northwestern Colorado. Notice that both panels also have a row of burden carrying fig- ures below the anthropomorph(s). The paral- Figure 77. It appears that more than lels between the fugitive-pigment anthropo- one fugitive pigment anthropomorph morphs and the backpacking figures certainly was constructed in the same place.
114 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 78 A portion of a panel along a tributary of the Fremont River showing a variety of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs. Notice the row of backpackers at the bottom.
Figure 79. Elaborately ornamented figures that are part of a row of at least 20. The dark area covering the lower portion of the panel is mud splashed on the panel because it is located next to a creek where flash flooding occurs.
Figure 79, also from the same general area and anthropomorphs that are more elaborate than situated adjacent to a tributary of the Fremont those in Figure 78. The panel contains at least River, shows part of a row of fugitive-pigment 20 indications of fugitive-pigment anthropo-
115 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
morphs along with other figures. A few of pigment, without pecking, no trace of it would these have lines descending from the eyes at an exist today; and we would not know that it ex- outward angle. In this panel, anthropomorphs isted. are also superimposed over other anthropo- morphs.
It is amazing that this panel is as undamaged as it appears. Notice that the panel gets progres- sively darker towards the bottom of the cliff. This is because the panel was placed at the edge of a creek, and every so often, a major flood comes down the drainage and the muddy water covers or splashes a portion of the panel. Notice in about the center of the panel there is a dark horizontal dividing line; that is the high water mark. In addition, between the two fig- ures on the right there is a dark splash mark with streaks below it. This was created by a wave from a flash flood where the water was thick with dark red mud. The horizontal belt lines appear bright because someone has re- cently rubbed a stone across them removing the dark red and brown mud.
A significant feature of this panel is that there are some indications that some of the body out- lines were not only pecked but were also painted with the more permanent red mineral pigment. Given the environment of the panel, it is amazing that any traces of paint have sur- 6Q;P:66E-SffrI vived. The presence of traces of red pigment Figure 80. This figure is protected beneath suggests that there were more red-painted fea- an overhanging ledge, thus preserving the tures, but the pigment is no longer present. pigment and the form of the image.
Figure 80 is from the same panel as Figure 78, This image and the panel it is in further authen- but it is significantly higher on the cliff face ticates the existence of the same developmental and out of reach. The pigment, and thus the sequence in the fugitive-pigment anthropo- form of this fugitive-pigment anthropomorph, morphs here that occurred in the rest of Utah is still visible. The pigment exists today for discussed so far. This image is above and out two reasons. One is because the image is high of reach of the elaborate figures shown in Fig- on the cliff and thus closer to a protective over- ure 78. Since the ground level in this location hang; and two, the image, or part of it was has slowly eroded away, as evidenced by dis- made from a dusky-red mineral pigment, so it colorations on the rock surface, the images lasted longer. This image, with the clearly de- higher on the cliff face are older than those be- fined pendant necklace and belt line, illustrates neath them. Thus, the simpler fugitive-pigment what other images would have been like if they anthropomorphs placed high on the cliff, one of had not been painted with fugitive pigment. If which is shown in Figure 80, are older than the this image had only been painted with fugitive more elaborate images, shown in Figure 78,
116 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah which are beneath them. Further evidence sup- tive-pigment anthropomorph that is on the far porting the older age of the higher images is the right side of one of the panels at the site. It is hair dress of this image. It is like the Basket- part of an interesting yet perplexing panel. The maker images and the hair dress on Figure 45, images were created on a relatively narrow area which places it early in the Fremont period. where rainwater washes down over this section of the cliff, carrying dust and sand from the Figure 81 is near Capitol Reef National Park. rocks above it, which the rain turns into mud. Compare this panel to Figure 41, which is from Thus, the panel has apparently been alternately the Uintah Basin. It is it evident that the same washed and covered with mud. Features of two ideology that resulted in the creation of the im- anthropomorphs have been painted, incised and ages along the drainages of the Fremont River abraded into the muddy cliff face. Notice that also resulted in the creation of the images in the the outline of the figure shown in Figure 82 Uintah Basin, 190 miles to the northeast. was abraded and the features were incised. Outlined and elaborately ornamented bodies are Fish Creek indicative of later fugitive-pigment anthropo- morphs. Remarkably, what appears to be a South of the Fremont River is a small drainage painted horned headdress is visible on the head called Fish Creek. In a well-known site near of this anthropomorph. The horns are similar Grover, Utah called Fish Creek Cove (Morris to those of an antelope; they consist of one 1931:17, 36; Schaafsma 1970, 1971; Castleton wide and one narrow parallel line going upward 1978:149) is a large number of fugitive pig- from each corner of the head. The horns on the ment anthropomorphs. Figure 82 shows a fugi- right side are easily visible because they are in
Figure 81. A panel from the Fremont River drainage with multiple superimpositions of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs. Compare with Figure 41 from the Ashley Creek drainage. Note the later additions of star-shaped images.
117 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 an area somewhat free of the mud. The horn on The figure's right aiin is shown in Figure 83. It the left side is visible; however, the area has extends out from the muddy area, and the body been both abraded and covered with a thin can be seen beneath the mud where it crosses layer of mud. It is difficult to determine the torso of the second abraded and incised an- whether it was painted first then abraded, or thropomorph. It is difficult to tell which image abraded then painted. It is apparent, however, was created first because of the water washing that this image and the one next to it (shown down over the cliff face and people "enhanc- below) were painted with both fugitive and ing" the images with abrasions of their own. non-fugitive pigments before the pecked fea- Once again, a very large anthropomorph was tures were added. created in superimposition with other smaller anthropomorphs. A most interesting feature of Figure 82 is the just visible wide, dark, slightly-sloping line be- Farther to the left, beneath a row of large neath the mud that crosses the head of the an- painted quadrupeds and mixed in with numer- thropomorph and then turns sharply down to ous small petroglyphs, is a series of five fugi- end just above the belt line in kind of a jagged tive-pigment anthropomorphs with features area. This dark broad line is, in reality, the left similar to others in the area, but with some ad- arm and hand of a very large anthropomorph. ditional features. Figure 84 shows three or four of these figures that are beneath a large shield figure. Left of the shield figure is a necklace of a fugitive-pigment anthropomorph that is com- posed of three upward curving lines with mul- tiple lines descending from the lower line in a rayed pattern. No traces of other features are visible. At the bottom left corner of the photo- graph is another anthropomorph. The necklace of this figure is composed of two rows of pecked-out dots. Two lines that cross the torso beneath the necklace, a faint abraded outline of the body, and a hint of a head are about all that is visible. To the right is another fugitive- pigment anthropomorph that is more elabo- rately decorated. This figure has a necklace partly composed of 14-rayed lines and a head- dress of two horns of the pronghorn type. The face has been lightly abraded and two narrow incised eyes can be seen. The creators of the large red figures possibly added paint to some of the features. A fourth fugitive-pigment an- thropomorph likely lies buried beneath the large shield figure. The lower part of the abraded outline of a body with a belt line is visible around the leg on the left side of the shield figure. The dark reddish-brown paint is Figure 82. A figure from Fish Creek clearly in the belt line of the fugitive-pigment Cove that is located where water runs anthropomorph indicating that it was created over the panel. after the anthropomorph.
118 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 83 There is also a huge anthropomorph in the panel whose arms are visible on both sides of the water run-off area.
This indicates that these figures, which have the figure on the left are outlined with a white been labeled as being Barrier Canyon Style by line. The Figure on the left also has a row of some, were created after this Fremont anthro- short vertical lines across the top of the head, a pomorph, indicating that the large painted fig- painted neckband and a necklace consisting of ures are Fremont. three or four pecked lines, an abraded line and a wide painted line. Two eyes are visible, and Figure 85 is to the right of the previous photo- there is one pecked vertical line on each side of graph. This shows two fugitive-pigment an- the face that has been painted with a dark red to thropomorphs. This panel shows the abuse that black pigment. The face and necklace area ap- these images have received over the years — pear to have been painted white before the some of it is prehistoric, most of it is historic. pecking and red painting was done. Below the It is apparent that several different fugitive- figure is a single belt line, or perhaps the belt pigment anthropomorphs were created in this lines of two different figures. one place, perhaps superimposing one another. The two easily visible anthropomorphs have The anthropomorph on the right also has a the typical pronghorn headdresses. Those on pronghorn headdress, which was abraded and
119 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah then painted. Two pecked eyes are visible and they might have an abraded line descending from each eye, but this is uncertain. Other fa- cial features may be present; however, the damage to the panel is so extensive that they are not apparent. The sides of the body are faintly outlined and below the figure are three or four belt lines. One significant feature asso- ciated with the image is the presence of a long triangular object, this one was painted with parallel lines, that is very much like the head- dresses on Fremont anthropomorphs in north- eastern Utah; most notable is Figure 31, but see also Figures 9, 14, 19, 21, 23, etc. The pres- ence of this object reinforces the connection between the Fremont River region and the Uin- tah Basin. Fortunately, it was painted with mineral pigment or it would not exist today.
Figure 85. Two additional fugitive pigment anthropomorphs at Fish Creek Cove. Notice the presence of the painted object with the parallel lines next the head of the figure. Compare it with Figure 31.
Between Figures 84 and 85 there is a similar fugitive-pigment anthropomorph, which is shown by a pronghorn headdress, a necklace and two belt lines. In addition, there are six other fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs in the panel - five are in a row, one is above them. There may be other smaller fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs in this heavily used panel, but the abused condition of the panel makes deter- mining this difficult.
Figure 86 shows two anthropomorphs in the Figure 84. Parts of three fugitive pigment panel that provide a good deal of information anthropomorphs with necklaces are visible about the creation of fugitive-pigment anthro- in the heavily visited and abused panel at pomorphs. These two images were painted Fish Creek Cove. with mineral pigment, which provides a lasting
120 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 86 Fish Creek Cove. Similar images are found in the Yampa River drainage. example of how fugitive-pigment anthropo- that more than one tool was used to create this morphs were created. First, notice that they effect, or that the tool had several surfaces. were created with two different colors. The One was a rounded, smooth, flat object like a head is much darker than the body. Fugitive stone. pigment figures may have been very colorful. Second, after the images were painted, various The tool was moved repeatedly back and forth features were created by pecking away the along the outline of the image, thus removing paint along with the sandstone surface. This the pigment and the surface of the sandstone. It created a high contrast and easily seen image. is evident that the tool was small, smooth and (The lower body of these figures is identical to rounded because it produced a groove that was the one that extends out and below the large smooth, narrow and U shaped. Either another shield figure in Figure 84.) Third, each figure tool or the same tool was used to abrade away a was also abraded along the outlines. This may larger area next to the figure. This abrasion is have served several purposes. The principal especially evident surrounding the head of the one, and perhaps the only one, seems to be to anthropomorph on the right. The tool used was clean up the edges of the images and create a flat and smooth, yet likely had a sharp edge. In high contrast edge. The second purpose, and it some areas, the rock's surface surrounding the is unknown it this was intentional, was to create image slopes toward it because a greater a three dimensional effect. The process of amount of the sandstone was removed next to cleaning up the images is very apparent on the paint. A sharp-edged tool would have been these two figures. It is also apparent that more required to produce this effect. This is espe-
121 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah cially evident on the right side of the anthro- contains many examples of fugitive-pigment pomorph where the painted shoulder does not anthropomorphs. The river is about 65 miles match the outline. The edge of the paint is in- long and it drains the southeastern corner of side of the deeply abraded outline, the paint Boulder Mountain, the 10,400-foot high Aquar- having been removed by abrasion from a flat ius Plateau and the Escalante Mountains. The tool. Escalante is a major river in south-central Utah and it flows southeast and drains into Lake The abrasion surrounding this figure is identi- Powell. The river is about 220 miles south of cal to that surrounding anthropomorphic im- the datum line. Likely, the most prominent fu- ages where no paint exists. This indicates that gitive-pigment anthropomorphs are those illus- paint was also once present on these other im- trated in Figure 87. The principal feature of ages. this panel is an amazingly long row of anthro- pomorphs of which only the white headdresses Quite a few of the anthropomorphs (both fugi- and necklaces are visible, the rest of the figures tive and non-fugitive figures) from the Fremont having been painted with fugitive pigment. River drainage have headdresses that resemble There are 34 necklaces visible that are associ- the horns of a pronghorn antelope (Antilocapra ated with headdresses, and there were probably americana). Interestingly, the antelope also has a few more that have been eroded from the cliff a black T-shaped feature on its face (Jaeger face. These images were also created using 1961:51), the same as on some of the anthro- fugitive pigment. Instead of pecking out the pomorphs (Figure 72). Pronghorn headdresses specific features of these anthropomorphs, they are also a characteristic of Fremont rock art in were created with pigment. central Utah. It appears that anthropomorphs in the Fremont River region are linked to the The left side of the panel is shown in Figure 88. pronghorn antelope. Perhaps it has something The second figure from the end is shown only to go with the fact that they are the fastest by the typical U shaped necklace, a line con- North American land mammal. They can necting it to the belt line and five lines descend- travel up to 70 miles/hour (100 km/hour). ing from the belt line (compare with Figures 22, 23, 27, 34, 35, 37, 39, and 75). At the end Escalante River of the panel is a large cross-like feature com- The next major drainage south of the Fremont posed of short parallel lines. This could be a River is the Escalante River drainage, and it feature on the chest of a large anthropomorph.
Figure 87. A row of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs in the Escalante River drainage where principally only the headdresses and necklaces remain.
122 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
The anthropomorphs shown in Figures 82 and pomorphs and a shield-like feature — notice that 83 have a single diagonal line across the chest it appears to have a handle. Since the construc- that is also composed of short parallel lines, as tion techniques are probably similar to those do others in the Fremont River drainage. These employed in making fugitive-pigment anthro- images suggest that there could easily be two pomorphs in this region they will be described features composed of short parallel lines cross- in detail. The composition appears to have ing the chest of an anthropomorph in opposite been planned in advance. The figures, or parts directions, thus creating the X. of them, were first painted with fugitive pig- ment(s). A "shadow" and traces of white pig- Figure 89shows the opposite end of the panel. ment remain on portions of the face and body Not only does it begin with an X; it ends with of each anthropomorph. an X. Notice that there appears to be a head- dress above this X. This suggests that the im- Bright, brilliant yellow and dark, reddish- age is an anthropomorph and that the X is on brown mineral pigments were applied at some the chest. Likewise then, the image at the op- point. The yellow appears on the rectangular posite end is also on the chest of an anthropo- anthropomorph as the "horns", the darker col- morph. It is apparent that these X figures were ored area on the head, the narrow stripe on the of considerable significance because they are at left side of the body, and the broad stripe along both ends of this impressive panel, an ex- the right side. The bright yellow pigment oc- tremely rare occurrence. curs on the anthropomorph to the right as an alternating color in the short vertical stripes just Figure 90 is part of a panel in this area where a above the face (compare with Figure 12), a relatively complex combination of techniques band of short vertical stripes above it, two rows and pigments were used to create two anthro- of dots forming the necklace, the top and bot- tom rows of the belt line, and in- terestingly, a circular blob over the top of the head. Traces of the yel- low pigment also occur within the body of the figure and along the horns.
The dark, reddish-brown pigment occurs on this anthropomorph as the alternating color in the short vertical stripes just above the face, a horizontal line and another row of dots above the face, in a circular area at each side of the face - like an earring, the top and bottom curving line of the necklace, the outlined sides of the body and the center line of the belt line.
On the tall figure, the dark reddish- brown pigment was added as a line across the top of the head and thin Figure 88. The left side of the pane shown in Figure 87. vertical stripes along the right side of the body. Following the place-
123 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Features were also created on the anthropomorph on the right by pecking away the pigment and the rock. A short vertical line was abraded on each side of the alter- nating yellow and dark reddish- brown headdress. Horns were cre- ated by scratching a line on each side of the curving line of yellow pigment. Three lines were incised and pecked between the various colors of the necklace and the belt line. Finally, a large pendant with six vertical lines below it was cre- ated on the chest.
The headdress of the figure on the right is strange. It is out of propor- tion and has too many features. It appears that there may have been two different figures here or two Figure 89. The right side of the panel shown in Figure 87. different headdresses, one above or slightly superimposed over the ment of the pigment, various features were other. Another puzzling feature here is the yel- pecked out. A checkerboard pattern was thus low dot above the head. It is placed in the created on the head and body, which followed same position as the large dots in other fugi- and outlined the previously applied pigment. tive-pigment anthropomorphs, but no additional Arms and hands were created along with an attention was paid to it, so its inclusion as part elaborate knife, which is held in the anthropo- of the figure seems problematical. morph' s right hand. The blade of the knife was painted a dark reddish-brown. Notice that the Morris (1931:37), observing these images blade is set in a decorated handle. The knives stated: "Pecked anthropomorphs are limited to that are depicted so often in context with an- a shorthand representation of the cornute figure thropomorphs in Northeastern Utah are proba- showing the arc of the color and two tall horns, bly also hafted. There may have been another the latter being grooves being filled in with knife in the anthropomorphs left hand, or in the brown paint which occurs repeatedly." Morris right hand of the other anthropomorph, but the did not recognize that these figures were partly pecked marks are indistinct. The presence of created with pigment that was no longer pre- the knife in context with the shield suggests a sent. If he did, he would not have referred to conflict Following the pecking, the dark red- them as a "shorthanded representation". dish-brown pigment was applied to the blade of the knife and again on the right side of the an- Davis Gulch thropomorph. The reapplication of the pigment About five miles above the confluence of the on the right side of the anthropomorph is evi- Escalante River with the Colorado River is a dent because there are places where it both side canyon named Davis Gulch. A panel of covers the pigment and where it was removed what appeared to be white anthropomorphs was by pecking. located there on a cliff face. It was submerged beneath Lake Powell. Many photographs were
124 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 90. This panel is in the Escalante River drainage. It shows a combination of fugi- tive pigment, mineral pigment and pecking in the creation of these anthropomorphs. taken of the panel before it was flooded. David Dibble's photographs can be seen on page 58 ABAJO OR BLUE MOUNTAINS of Schaafsma's The Rock Art of Utah (1970). The next and final area where fugitive-pigment An examination of the photographs shows that anthropomorphs have been found to occur in many of the anthropomorphs were created with abundance is along the northern, eastern, and fugitive pigments. Traces of the original pig- southern drainages of the Abajo Mountains and ment that formed the bodies of some of thee the associated plateaus of southeastern Utah. figures can be seen. The anthropomorphs have The Abajo Mountain range contains 11,360 the same characteristics as other fugitive- foot Abajo Peak and 10,959 foot Mt. Linnaeus. pigment anthropomorphs. They have a hori- Only a few of the many fugitive pigment an- zontal line above the head, the sides of the thropomorphs that exist in this area are dis- body are outlined, they have necklaces of broad cussed here. U-shaped lines and the headdresses are like many other similar images. The panel provides Indian Creek additional examples of images where white Indian Creek is the principal drainage of the mineral-based pigment was used instead of north and northeastern slopes of the Abajo pecking to outline and form the features of fu- Mountains. It is about 215 miles from the da- gitive-pigment anthropomorphs. tum. The adjacent North Cottonwood Creek is
125 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
a major tributary of Indian Creek. Figure 91 is the image that could be a mouth. Notice the part of a site containing two fugitive-pigment somewhat triangular abraded area between the anthropomorphs from the Indian Creek drain- two dots at the top. If it were inverted, it would age. The site was recorded by the author in be similar to the abraded conical feature on the 1982. Visible in the photograph is a long rec- heads of anthropomorphs along the Fremont tangle on top of the head, and on both sides of River. This photograph was also digitally en- the head is a pecked-out area, which probably hanced because it is repatinated and difficult to represents a hairstyle feature. The two rectan- see. The images in Figures 91 and 92 appear to gular areas below are most likely painted facial be older than the fugitive-pigment anthropo- features, like the rectangular areas on the faces morphs farther to the north. of anthropomorphs in the Uintah Basin (Figure 19) or the T-shaped area in the Fremont River area (Figure 68).
Figure 92. This is the face of another heavily guinqw. repatinated anthropomorph from the Indian Figure 91. This is the face of a fugitive pig- Creek Drainage. ment anthropomorph. It is located in the In- dian Creek Drainage. This photograph is The panel shown in Figure 93A is located on digitally enhanced because it is heavily re- the east side of Indian Creek. A small fugitive- patinated and difficult to see. pigment anthropomorph is visible in the lower right-hand corner. It is similar to the one found Figure 92 which is nearby, shows the facial fea- in the Mill Creek drainage near Moab (Figure tures of another fugitive-pigment anthropo- 60). Figure 93B is a close-up photograph of morph. It is difficult to tell specifically what the figure that clearly shows that it is composed these features are. The two horizontal dots at of a pendant necklace, a belt line and three the top could be eyes, but they may also be a horizontal lines across the face. Notice that the decoration on sides of the head. The center dot sides of the body are shown by outward slop- could be a mouth or a nose. There is also a ing, abraded lines. This image is moderately faint abraded horizontal area at the bottom of repatinated, and like some of the images near
126 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
. 117( Figure 93A. In this photograph from the Indian Creek drainage are Basketmaker images and a small anthropomorph with lines on its face.
Moab, it appears older than the Basketmaker was painted with white pigment and outlined images above it. Notice the small size. with red. It is believed to be Basketmaker —
Figure 94 is located directly across the canyon from Figure 93. This panel was placed beneath an overhang that protected the pigment from erosion. The fugitive pigment anthropomorph in this panel is clearly shown by the pendant necklace and other facial features. Notice that the two pecked short horizontal lines above the necklace are outside of the vertical lines, sug- gesting that they are not eyes, but are the fea- tures of a headdress or a hair decoration. (Ver- tical lines also exist on the outside of the faces of other anthropomorphs, see Figure 68.)
These pecked features are placed over a taper- ing anthropomorph composed of broad alternat- ing red and faint white lines. There is almost no trace of the white pigment remaining. It is questionable whether the pecked features are part of the red-striped anthropomorph. The proportions are different — the necklace is too small — and the straps of the necklace go above the top of the shoulder line of the red paint. This suggests that the pecked features were added later. The anthropomorph on the right
127 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 94. This panel is in the Indian Creek drainage directly across the canyon from Figure 93. The dark color is reddish-brown.
Figures 95 and 96. These two fugitive pigment anthropomorphs are di- rectly across the canyon from each other. notice the arms — likely, the red figure is Bas- two images across the canyon from each other ketmaker also. Because of these factors, it is may appear coincidental; however, another set difficult to determine the sequence of the crea- of images were found that were also across the tion of these images. The placement of these canyon from each other (Manning 1993). Fig-
128 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 ures 95 and 96 show these two panels. Both have similar features. The large pendant neck- laces and belt lines are easily recognizable. The abstract appearing round feature with the lines hanging down on the left side of Figure 96 is the pecked hand of the anthropomorph. The three bands across the face are the same as those shown in Figure 93. The pattern of three parallel lines was also found in panels along the Fremont River (Figures 68 and 72). There they were in a position suggesting that they illus- trated severed human heads. The images from Indian Creek and the panel near Moab confirm that this pattern was indeed on the faces of styl- ized human figures. This suggests that the people living along the Fremont could have been collecting the heads of people living in southeastern Utah. Figure 97. An Archaic type anthropomorph As discussed above, a third set of fugitive- from the Montezuma Creek drainage with pigment anthropomorphs on cliff faces across a three parallel lines on its face. canyon from each other was recently discov- ered by the author in Nine Mile Canyon. The Salt Creek purpose of the placement of these three sets of West of Indian Creek is Salt Creek. It drains fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs across from the 8,000-foot plateau west of Abajo Peak. Salt each other is evidently not a coincidence, espe- Creek is not really a creek but a dry wash (ex- cially since no other sets of images have been cept when the snow is melting). It drains into reported. The purpose almost seems to be the Colorado River about twenty-five miles marking a boundary, but this is just conjecture. from the plateau. Nearly all of the Salt Creek The real purpose is unknown. drainage is within Canyonlands National Park. Because of the quantity, uniqueness and the One fact is evident from the images in these well-preserved nature of the prehistoric sites in two locations. While it may be presumed that Salt Creek, it and the area surrounding it that some borrowing of motifs occurred among the was within Canyonlands National Park, was people of Nine Mile Canyon and Indian Creek, designated a National Register Archaeological one in an area believed by some to be exclu- District in 1975. Within the Salt Creek Ar- sively Fremont and the other in an area be- chaeological District is a dispersed group of lieved to be exclusively Anasazi, it is very fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. Figure 98 unlikely that the borrowing of motifs could ac- shows one of them. This image appears to count for the nonrandom placement of these have two eyes, an upward curving U-shaped images across the canyon from each other. A line for a necklace (with fine descending lines more plausible explanation is that the same attached to it), a tapered outlined body with a people were in both locations. diagonal line across it and a hair bob on each shoulder with lines representing ties wrapped Figure 97 is from the Montezuma Canyon around it (the one on the figures left side is drainage west of Blanding, Utah. This image barely visible). All of these features were substantiates the existence of three lines as a noted previously in the examples above. Most facial feature on anthropomorphic images. of the anthropomorph in Figure 98 is no longer
129 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah visible, since it was painted with fugitive pig- ments. Only the white mineral pigment re- mains. Since the body is outlined, it is evident that the image was created late in the fugitive pigment developmental sequence. Notice that the waist flares out at the hips just above the legs, which are no longer visible.
Figure 99. This image from the Salt Creek drainage has features similar to those in northern Utah.
The pendant is found on other anthropomorphs Figure 98. A fugitive pigment anthropo- in the Salt Creek drainage and in other areas morph from the Salt Creek drainage. where this of type image occurs. Notice that the lines on the sides of the necklace are some- Above the image and superimposed over it, what similar to Figure 53 from Range Creek. thus obscuring any headdress, are the hand- (Interestingly, these lines make it almost look prints created by the principal, although some- like a heart.) Present also are the outlined body what fleeting, occupants of this area; the late and the interior torso lines. The belt line has Pueblo II-III Anasazi. lines descending from it, as do several anthro- pomorphs previously discussed (compare with Figure 99 shows another anthropomorph from Figures 22, 23, 27, 34, 35, 37, 39, 75 and 88). the Salt Creek drainage. Notice that the eyes Notice that the pigment is slowly eroding away. are not where they would be expected to be — The dark blotches on the figure are daubs of they are too low on the face; so perhaps what reddish-brown mud. appeared to be eyes in Figure 98 are not eyes at all. Also present is the characteristic large pen- Figure 100 shows two anthropomorphs that are dant necklace (lightly pecked in this example). part of a panel located in a well protected al-
130 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 cove, and they illustrates another variation of The images in Figure 100 have several rows of the Salt Creek type image. Here again the im- lines along the sides of the bodies and they are ages are grouped together in a row. There are outlined with two thin rows of red pigment. at least fourteen anthropomorphs in the panel, These images then are also late in the develop- and again they are all similar, but each one has mental sequence. There is little or no indica- different features. tion of headdresses or hair, likely because these features (and others) were created with fugitive pigments. Eyes have been abraded and slightly pecked through the white pigment that covers the face. A significant feature of these images is that the heads are flat on top. Another sig- nificant feature is that the figures appear to be wearing an article of clothing represented by vertical lines that are much longer than on any other known Salt Creek anthropomorph. The item of clothing on the figure on the right is faint but still visible. There is also one on the figure on the left, but only a faint indication of its presence exists. When the rest of the pig- ment is gone from these figures, the only evi- dence remaining will be the eyes and three- lines of a necklace.
Other images in the panel have features typical of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. In one place, two diagonal lines are visible that were Figure 100. Two images from a panel in a obviously across the chest of an anthropo- remote area of the Salt Creek Drainage. morph. Barely visible traces of pigment show where the body once existed. Superimposed
Figure 101. These anthropomorphs were created using the same abrasion techniques as those in the Uintah Basin and Fremont River areas.
131 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah over it is the white-painted face with abraded Creek (Figure 56) also create a similar facial out eyes of another anthropomorph. There are feature. slight traces of other images beneath the cur- rently visible row of images, but they are so Figure 102 shows one of a group of three an- faint and covered over with by the newer im- thropomorphs that are located beneath a low ages that it is difficult to determine what they overhang. The figures are near ground level were or how many originally existed. Super- and there is only room for three figures on the imposition of one figure over another thus oc- low back wall. The three figures are similar, curs here, the same as it does in all of the other but, characteristically, exhibit some differences. locations where fugitive-pigment anthropo- It is evident that fugitive pigments once formed morphs occur. the bodies. Inside of the bodies, are multiple abraded/slightly pecked lines and purplish- Figure 101 shows three additional Salt Creek brown thin painted lines that generally follow images in a panel high above the ground. the slope of the torso. The faces of all three These figures are above a group of ruins anthropomorphs contain a section of purplish— Likely most of the features are missing, since brown pigment that was pecked out to crate a they were painted with fugitive pigments. The broad area of varying widths around the eyes. mineral pigments are all that remain. Like This broad area around the eyes has been found other fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs, they on other fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs in have a large necklace or breastplate, a band northeastern and south-central Utah. along the top of the head, interior torso lines, a belt line and eyes that in this instance were abraded through the dark reddish-brown min- eral pigment on the face.
A significant feature of these anthropomorphs is that the edges of parts of the images were abraded to create a sharp paint line, exactly as was done in Fremont River and Uintah Basin areas. It is as if all the people of eastern Utah who were making these images were in contact and sharing techniques for creating the images. Some of the abraded areas are easily seen in Figure 101. The abraded areas surround the head and necklace or breastplate. The differ- ences between the abraded and non-abraded areas are evident when the edges of the head and pendant necklace are compared to the Figure 102. One of three fugitive pigment edges of the belt line. Abrading away the pig- anthropomorphs where a wide band of pur- ment on the sides of the head created the dis- plish—brown pigment was removed by peck- tinctive shape of the head, which is flat on the ing. Note the eyes. top and curves inward below the eyes. The white, somewhat rectangular projections on the Figure 103 also contains three anthropomorphs. sides of the shoulders may represent hair bobs Only the reddish-brown pigment remains. as described above. Some of the characteristics of these anthropo- morphs are also found on other images in Notice that the lines added to the face of the northern and central Utah. Notice the curving fugitive pigment anthropomorph in Range slanted lines beneath the pecked-out eyes of the
132 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 figures on the right have ornately decorated skirts or kilts.
Figure 106. These are three fugitive pigment anthropomorphs from a group of thirteen where only the dark reddish-brown and white mineral pigments remain. The bodies are missing because they were painted with fugitive pigments. Notice that the body of the image on the right where the pigment was, is barely visible today.
Figure 107. These are three fugitive pigment anthropomorphs from a group of nine where only the white mineral pigment remains. The bodies of some of the images are indicated by a light abrasion where fugitive pigment was applied.
135 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 108. This panel contains what appears to be eleven anthropomorphs in a row. How- ever, they are superimposed over an undetermined number of other figures that were covered over when, presumably, they faded. Note the presence of the large hair buns on the shoulders.
Figure 109. This photograph shows a panel typically thought of as Salt Creek Faces. Notice that they are not faces. Notice also the different type of necklaces.
Many more anthropomorphs exist in the Salt the features of the images shown in the other Creek drainage that have features similar to panels from Salt Creek. They could easily be those discussed above. Similar images also classified into several different types. Because exist in the drainages surrounding Salt Creek. these images have been discussed repeatedly in This group of images has some characteristics the literature in the past and there is some con- that are different enough to warrant classifica- troversy surrounding them, they will be dis- tion into a distinct category. However, notice cussed further below. the differences that exist in the form and with
136 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
South Cottonwood Creek ages (Figures 60, 93, 95 and 96); Indian Creek The southern side of the Abajo Mountains is is about 50 miles north and Mill Creek is about drained by a series of streams that flow only 80 miles north. Both are on the other side of seasonally. South Cottonwood Wash is one of the Abajo Mountains. these. The southeastern corner of the Abajo Mountains is drained by Recapture Creek. These drainages, along with others of the Abajo highlands, from Grand Gulch on the west to Montezuma Creek on the east, contain some of the highest concentrations of prehistoric sites in Utah. It may be surprising, considering the number of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs located in northern Utah that are considered Fremont, that these drainages also contain large numbers of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. Again there are far more than can be described here.
South Cottonwood Wash, which is about 270 miles from the datum, is about 40 miles long and it flows into the San Juan River near the Utah-Arizona border. Figure 110 is an exam- ple of two fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs Figure 110. Simple forms of fugitive pig- from the South Cottonwood drainage. The ment anthropomorphs are located in the only remaining evidence of their existence is South Cottonwood Creek drainage that are the pecked-out features, as illustrated here. The identical to those in northern Utah. eyes, necklace, belt line and diagonal line across the torso are identical to those features occurring north of this point in eastern Utah. Below the belt line is another feature, which is characteristic of this region. It will be dis- cussed below. 'qz'r's3, Figure 111 is another fugitive-pigment anthro- pomorph. Except for a hint of an outline at the top of the shoulders, only the pecked-out face is visible. This image is significant because the same T-shaped facial feature occurs on anthro- pomorphs along the Fremont River (Figures 68, Figure 111. This panel from the South Cot- 70, 72 74, etc.), which is about 110 miles to the tonwood Wash drainage contains the same northeast, and also apparently near Moab (Fig- T-shaped facial feature as found along the ure 69 Fremont River.
Figure 112 illustrates a panel that contains two The small figures contain the pendant neck- different types of fugitive-pigment anthropo- laces, the distinguishing horizontal lines across morphs. The small images, of which there are the face, the outlines of the body, the belt line, six, are typologically the same as those that oc- etc. An additional feature here is the rows of cur in the Mill Creek and Indian Creek drain- dots descending from the top of the shoulders,
137 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 112. Large fugitive pigment anthropomorphs are superimposed over small fugitive pigment anthropomorphs. Inset (top right) is left of the panel.
although in Figure 93B, there are dots along lines. Also present is the triangular feature be- one side of the figure. Superimposed over neath the belt line of one of the large figures. these figures are much larger anthropomorphs and other images. The two large anthropo- morphs have a feature beneath the belt line that is similar to the one in Figure 110. One of 0 these is triangular and the other is trapezoidal. These will be discussed below. e
Figure 113 is a detail of the panel showing the superimposition of perhaps a headdress or a skin bag over one of the small fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. This superimposition is sig- Figure 113. A detail showing the superim- nificant because it establishes that the larger, position of what may be a skin bag over a more ornamented anthropomorphs postdate the small fugitive pigment anthropomorph; smaller, simpler fugitive-pigment anthropo- compare to Figures 93B, 95 and 96. morphs in this area as well as throughout east- ern Utah. The inverted conical shapes, one Figure 114 illustrates three fugitive-pigment with dots, may represent several different ob- anthropomorphs that are in the same panel. jects. The figure on the left is larger than the two on the right. Each one was constructed by first The larger anthropomorphs also exhibit charac- painting the images and then adding various teristics of other fugitive-pigment anthropo- features by abrading away the pigment. Some morphs in northern and central Utah. Notice incised features were also added. When stand- the large breastplate on the central figures, the ing in front of the panel, the images appear to thin U shaped necklace superimposed over the have been constructed entirely by abrasion and head of a small anthropomorph and the belt incising; no trace of pigment is visible, how
138 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 114. Digitally enhanced images of three seemingly abraded anthropomorphs showing traces of pigment where the torsos once existed. ever, when photographs of the images are digi- can be easily seen. The image also has pecked- tally enhanced, as these photographs are, evi- out eyebrows over the eyes and the typical U dence of the pigment becomes visible. The shape necklace, here consisting of 12 dots. bodies, arms and facial features can be seen. There are also two crudely incised U-shaped Digitally enhancing these images illustrates that lines. The triangular feature below the waist- they were painted with fugitive pigments. line is especially visible because it is deeply These features were preserved here more than abraded. Notice that the body goes to a narrow at other locations because the panel's orienta- waist, and then flares out, like the anthropo- tion and the overhanging cliff above protected morph in Salt Creek (Figure 98). the panel. It also apparent that other images existed here before these were created. The center figure's body and arms are also visible, and it becomes apparent that its neck- The square and upraised shoulders and long lace, or at least the wildly radiating lines, was narrow arms of the figure on the left are visible, added after the image was created, as are the but the hands are not easily seen. This is be- incised lines at the bottom of the figure. The cause the hands are superimposed by three ra- body of this figure is markedly different from diating incised lines. These lines, and the oth- the one to the left; it is long and tapering. Just ers described below are inconsistent with this above wrist on both arms, there is a faint type of image and thus appear to have been pecked-out area that appears to have repre- added later. Further evidence of this conclu- sented bracelets, since they are just above the sion is that the incised lines are superimposed hands. To the right of the figure is another over red handprints, which are clearly superim- arm, which is the arm of the third figure on the posed over the images. Traces of white pig- far right. It also has a bracelet and the arms are ment outline the head, thus its trapezoidal form crossed. The center figure appears to be carry-
139 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
ing something in its hands that is round, but cliff face in the South Cottonwood drainage. this feature is indistinct. Antluopomorphs next These are all fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs to each other with their arms crossed at the el- with the typical pecked-out features. They all bow is a feature found in other panels in north- have faces, simple necklaces, and belt lines. In ern Utah. addition, they generally have two horizontal lines where the legs would be, which suggests The figure on the far right also has a long taper- the presence of a leg band about mid-thigh. ing body, however it is not as visible because it is near the edge of the protecting overhang and has been eroded. This image also has pecked facial features and a crude necklace that was likely not part of the original creation.
It is obvious that the lower to middle section of this panel has been extensively abraded before the figures described here were placed upon it. This manipulation of the surface occurs more often in southeastern Utah than in northern Utah, but it. There are several examples illus- trated above from the Salt Creek and Fremont River areas. The images here were apparently "erased" by abrasion before other similar im- ages were created. There is a very faint abraded triangular feature just visible below the crossed arms of the two figures, which suggests that the other images once present on this sur- face were similar to those visible today. Here again there exists another fugitive pigment panel where superimposition and a lot of re- working occurred.
Figure 115 shows a fugitive-pigment anthro- pomorph in a lightly abraded area. The facial features, the belt line and the triangular feature were all deeply abraded through the fugitive pigment that originally formed this image.
Figure 116 is another similar figure from the Figure 115 Specific features of this image same panel. Notice the variations in this figure, were deeply abraded. and that it is superimposed over older images. These images have a different form that is be- A prominent characteristic of these images is lieved to be Basketmaker. This panel is impor- the triangular feature, which obviously is tant because it provides another example of placed around the pelvis below the belt line. fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs being placed This feature appears to be a representation of a in heavily used locations. breechcloth or loincloth. A likely example of the garment being illustrated is shown in Figure Figure 117 shows some examples of fugitive 118. Notice the exceedingly fine workman- pigment anthropomorph images located along a ship. It was beautifully crafted; most certainly,
140 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah it was constructed by a woman for a woman to This figurine apparently dates from the Bas- use. Notice the decidedly feminine curves of ketmaker II period; however, its providence is the image depicted with this feature in Figure not well defined, as noted by Morss. 114. Morris (1951) and Morss (1980:141-142) illus- trate other figurines, including two made from tabular pieces of wood that have similar loin- cloth features. These and others figurines ap- pear to be depicting what Morss describes as an item of clothing used by women during the menstrual period, sometimes referred to as menstrual aprons (Morris 1980:104). These figures, and presumably the rock art images, are therefore associated with aspects of fertility.
The placement of these images of women with symbols associated with fertility )in addition to others not described here) all in one area is re- markable until it is realized that these images are adjacent to a cave named Baby Mummy Cave. In this cave, pothunters found at least 40, and perhaps as many as 60, infant burials. Pothunters removed all of them, and the associ- ated artifacts. The cave is about 50 feet deep and it slopes toward the front. A row of post- holes along the opening shows that at one time a retaining wall existed here, presumably to make the floor level, and perhaps to provide for the addition of more soil to provide for better burial conditions.
It is no coincidence that rock art images depict- ing women with symbols of fertility were cre- ated near this cave. The association of the rock art with this burial cave and the similarities of the images to the figurines substantiates that the Figure 116. A fugitive pigment anthropo- images depicting the female loincloth, in all morph with abraded features is superim- areas, do indeed depict women. The images posed over an earlier anthropomorph here and their association to an infant-burial cave suggest that it was women who created An unfired, obviously female figurine, that was these images. wearing a similar feature, was found in Cave 26 by the Wetherill brothers in nearby Grand Gulch (Morss 1954:10, figure 12). Morss de- Perhaps use of fugitive pigments in the creation scribed the figurine as appearing to be wearing of these female anthropomorphs provides a a "diaper-like breech-clout". The figurine also clue as to why fugitive pigments were used and has a necklace consisting of two rows of dots. not mineral pigments.
141 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 117. These are examples of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs. Some of these have belt lines consisting of rows of fine dots (compare with Figures 19, 33, etc.), and all have tri- angular features below the beltline depicting female loincloths.
Butler Wash anthropomorphs appear in this panel. Both Butler Wash is another tributary of the San have necklaces and the triangular female loin- Juan River. The drainage contains many ex- cloth is illustrated below the necklaces. Also amples of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. present are two images of a lobed circle (not Figure 119 is probably one of the more well- shown here), which are a representation or known rock art panels in San Juan County. It is symbol for a uterus (Manning 1992). It is inter- 275 miles from the datum and about 20 miles esting that both symbols occur here. The cen- from the Arizona border. Two fugitive-pigment tral theme appears to center on human fertility.
142 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 118. Loincloth from Walnut Canyon National Monument, Arizona.
Figure 119. Two female fugitive pigment anthropomorphs from the Butler Wash drainage.
143 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Notice the two parallel horizontal lines at the feature found throughout eastern Utah wher- left of the panel. Two additional faint parallel ever fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs are lines also exist on the left side of the adjacent found. A panel along the San Juan River also anthropomorph. It is not clear what these fea- has this same feature. tures represent. They could be armbands, but they are not in the right position. They could represent painted lines on the face of severed human heads, but what do severed human heads have to do with fertility? What they ap- pear to be are the belt lines of two small fugi- tive-pigment anthropomorphs that were placed next to the female figures.
Another interesting aspect of this panel is the two comma-like features above the loincloth of the image on the right. A similar feature is pre- sent above the three parallel lines on the face of the anthropomorph in Mill Creek (Figure 60B).
Figure 120 is part of a panel containing several fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs with signifi- cant features. The outline of some of the pig- ment forming the body is still visible. It is readily apparent that the image portrayed here is female. Notice the curve of the hips. The chest is crossed with a set of two rows of paral- lel lines of dots.
A similar feature also occurs at both ends of the large fugitive-pigment anthropomorph panel in the Escalante River drainage about 110 miles to the northeast (Figures 88 and 89). This feature ties the people of these two areas together, as- suming that the feature had the same meaning The presence of this symbol across the chest of this image adds credence to the observation that it was also across the chest of the two anthro- pomorphs in the Escalante panel. Notice that the dot pattern is continued as a belt around the Figure 120. A female fugitive pigment an- waist. This treatment is similar to belts found thropomorph where evidence the pigment on many fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs remains. Notice the cross on her chest. throughout eastern Utah. Notice also that the figure has a horizontal line on each leg, likely representing a leg band (see Figure 117). Figure 122 shows two additional anthropo- morphs from the panel. They both have large Figure 121 shows two fugitive-pigment anthro- eyes, diagonal lines across the chest and leg pomorphs. Notice that both figures have lines bands. Notice the total absence of pigment and descending from the eyes. This is a common that these images seem to be appearing in pairs.
144 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 121. Two female fugitive pigment anthropomorphs are shown in this photo. Notice the presence of the small pecked-out anthropomorph.
Figure 122. Two female anthropomorphs often occur in pairs, as in this panel from Butler Wash. Notice again the small pecked-out anthropomorph.
145 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Grand Gulch About the only pigments remaining in the panel Grand Gulch is directly west of South Cotton- today are the dark purplish-red and white min- wood Wash. It is a deep canyon system that eral pigments. A shadow of the fugitive pig- drains the central portion of Cedar Mesa. Ce- ment that made up the body of the figure on the dar Mesa was occupied by the prehistoric Ana- left is still visible. The panel is in a well- sazi from Basketmaker to the Pueblo III period. protected location, which is why these pig- It thus contains many examples of what are be- ments are still so vivid after many hundreds of lieved to be Basketmaker fugitive-pigment an- years. A bird-headed anthropomorph was also thropomorphs. Figure 123 contains two exam- in the panel in Mill Creek with a fugitive- pies of female anthropomorphs; each with a pigment anthropomorph (Figure 60A). The bird on her head. The body of the bird is a dark Figure on the left is the most visible. It has a reddish-purple-brown color and the head is well-defined belt line, loincloth and leg bands, white. which are all pecked out. The necklace and the body of the bird were painted with dark red- dish-brown mineral pigment. Notice that the arms curve sharply upward from the shoulder to the elbow. The figure on the right also has a bird on her head. The body of this figure is not very visible except on the right side. Beneath the figure, there is a triangular area of reddish pigment that is now inside the right side of the body of a bird that has a pecked outlined body containing some pigment on the left side. The reddish pigment has been nearly entirely re- moved by pecking and abrasion. The small white figure beneath the bird, that seems to be holding it with his hand, is a more recent addi- tion, because it obscures the head of the larger anthropomorph.
Figure 124 is another figure that shows a varia- tion and some important details. The necklace, waistline and loincloth were pecked out through the original pigment; then red pigment was added as an outline of the upper torso, the body of the bird, a curving line through the necklace and the top of the loincloth. Figures 123 and 124 show that in Grand Gulch features were also created both by pecking them out and by the addition of mineral pigments.
A most interesting feature of this image is that directly below the triangular loincloth there is a Figure 123. Two fugitive pigment anthro- vertical band of red splotches, which appear to pomorphs from Grand Gulch, each with a depict dripping blood. This serves to further bird on their head, that were created both by confirm the previous interpretation that triangu- pecking and painting with mineral pigments. lar feature is a female loincloth. To the right of this area and below the hand is a teardrop
146 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah shaped feature of the same red pigment. necklace, a loincloth and a belt line remain. Whether this is associated with this image and The wide belt line flares downward and out- what the feature represents are uncertain. Simi- ward from the waistband. This may be a depic- lar features have been seen at other panels con- tion of tassels or ties. Also, notice the deeply taining fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. incised vertical slit in the loincloth. Some of these are painted red, some are white and some are pecked out. Perhaps they are fa- cial features, see the left side of Figure 15.
Figure 125. Notice the lightly pecked band above the loincloth. It has two downward- flaring areas on each side.
Figure 126 shows several fugitive-pigment an- thropomorphs that provide further information. This panel is located in an area that is well pro- Figure 124. This image illustrates other tected from the elements, which is why the variations. Part of the body is still visible. shape of the bodies of these figures is still visi- ble. The wide curving hips confirm that these Figure 125 is an example of what a fugitive- are depictions of women. There are four an- pigment anthropomorph looks like when all the thropomorphs in a row at the bottom of the pigment has eroded away. All that is visible panel. Three of them have necklaces that are are the pecked-out features. Only two eyes, a painted in dark reddish-brown pigment. Each
147 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 126. The bodies of three female fugitive pigment anthropomorphs are visible today because the panel was located beneath a wide overhang. of these anthropomorphs also has a representa- Figure 127 from Grand Gulch depicts a fugi- tion of the waistband with features on the sides tive-pigment anthropomorph with an unusual that were described above. These features are necklace. The painted body and outlined head visible because they were painted either with a of this figure are barely visible. The brighter thicker pigment or with a pigment that was a white marks that are visible in the photograph different composition. are abrasions on the body from recent vandal- ism and are not paint. The obvious eyes and Above the row of figures is a larger anthropo- pendant necklace were pecked out. The pen- morph. A much larger anthropomorph is pre- dant necklace is unusual because at the top of it sent in panels at several other fugitive-pigment there are two dots that were painted with dark anthropomorph panels in eastern Utah, as has red pigment. This gives it the appearance of been discussed above. What is not so evident looking at a face straight on. It also has un- is that there is a second even larger anthropo- usual straps that go up and to the sides of the morph on the far left side of the panel. This figure's neck in a wide, flat curving angle. It large figure was painted directly over and appears to be more of a choker than a necklace. above the smaller figure with the dark reddish- brown necklace. This large image was outlined Montezuma Creek with a thin red line, which makes it possible to Montezuma Creek drains the eastern end of the see the shape and position of the body. Both Abajo Mountains along with a large plateau large anthropomorphs have a red painted verti- east of Monticello and Blanding that extends cal line on each side of their heads. The white east to the Dolores River drainage in Colorado. handprints of the late Pueblo Anasazi are super- imposed over the Basketmaker figures, provid- Figure 128 shows a panel that contains several ing further evidence of the Basketmaker cul- of the exact same features that appear in Figure tural affiliation for these images. 127. The images are faint and do not show up
148 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 127. This panel is in Grand Gulch. Notice the form of the necklace.
Figure 128. A group of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs from the Montezuma Creek drain- age with the same necklace as above. Pecking is shown in black, red paint is shown in gray.
149 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 well in photographs. Pecking is shown in morphs. The left one of these was destroyed by black; red paint is shown in gray. The red dots a Navajo, who had a bad dream about the fig- above the choker necklaces are a feature of a ures. A significant feature of this panel is that headdress or hair dress. Nearly identical fig- both the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs and ures in another panel have dark purple pigment the traditional Basketmaker images have the dots above the necklace. same level of patination. This indicates that they are of about the same age. Notice the dif- Figure 129 shows another panel that has far ference in the degree of patination compared to more distinct necklaces. This is another varia- the newly vandalized cliff face. When the Bas- tion. The two dots are placed slightly outside ketmaker figures were first created, they also of the pendant. Unfortunately, the fugitive had this level of contrast, and must have ap- pigment is gone from these anthropomorphs, peared luminous. The level of repatination and it is not possible to tell what they may have again indicates their age. looked like. Three fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs in the panel have the typical female loincloths below the waistline. Two of the others are different. The figure on the far left has a V-shaped neck- lace. Below it is what appears to be a wide belt line that has vertical crossing lines descending from it. The third figure from the left has a C shaped necklace consisting of two rows of dots that have been partly obliterated by vandalism. It has a narrower waistline from which also de- scends a group of crossing lines. These fea- tures at the waist fit the description of Basket- maker aprons, which Morss (1980:104-1006) noted were used by menstruating women. It appears then that all of these anthropomorphs are female. Notice that the last anthropomorph on the right also has a group of lines descend- ing from the belt line. If the interpretation of this feature is correct, this image may also be Figure 129. This photograph shows a varia- female. This panel thus provides additional tion of the unusual necklaces. infoiination on gender determination. Notice that groups or rows of female anthropomorphs San Juan River have occurred in several panels discussed Cottonwood Creek, Butler Wash, Grand Gulch above. and Montezuma Creek all drain into the San Juan River. It is to be expected then that there South of the San Juan River. would be fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs Figure 131 is located south of the San Juan along the river corridor, and there are many. River on the Navajo Indian Reservation. This Figure 130 is near Bluff, Utah on the Navajo panel is about 275 miles south of the datum. Indian Reservation. The panel was described Here again is a fugitive-pigment anthropo- by Castleton (1979:229). A row of five large morph where evidence of the original paint is fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs is present in still present. The pigment stopped, or killed, the panel. The image on the far right is be- the patination and then when the paint was re- tween two traditional Basketmaker anthropo- moved by weathering, the rock surface was left
150 Steven J Maiming, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 130. A panel of female fugitive pigment anthropomorphs along the San Juan River. Notice the presence of the crossing lines descending from the belt lines. lighter in color. This panel is protected by a slight overhang, which helped preserve this Figure 133 is just to the right of Figure 132. condition. The torso, head, legs, feet and parts Were it not for the information presented of the arms of this female anthropomorph can above, these marks on the cliff face would still be seen. The features that were pecked likely be interpreted as an abstract image Only through the paint are obvious. Notice the varia- the curving line of pecked dots, the lightly tion in the loincloth. It is smaller and the ties pecked area below it and the rectangular feature are narrow straps. indicate the presence of a once fully executed human figure, and it is even female Notice the Panel 132 is in the general vicinity. It shows a belt-like tabs on the sides of the loincloth. Fig- slight variation of the fugitive-pigment anthro- ure 118 illustrates a belt-like tab on the right pomorphs. The figure has pecked-out eyes, a side of an actual loincloth; there was also necklace and a loincloth. Notice that the ends probably one on the left side. of the belt line are curved downward similar to those depicted on a figure in Grand Gulch The "silhouette" of the bodies of the anthropo- (Figure 125). morphs shown in Figures 131 and 132 is iden- tical to those that exist in other areas. Com- This panel is significant because the patination pare, for example, Figure 26 from the Uintah levels of the other figures — mountain sheep Basin in northern Utah. The existence of the with arrows or atlatal darts embedded in them — vestiges of the fugitive pigments in widely have the same level of patination as the anthro- separated areas shows that they were not cre- pomorph, indicating they are about the same ated by historic vandalism, but are the result of age. the effects of paint on patination.
151 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
ogy that created them do exist, at least as far south as Canyon de Chelly, is demonstrated by Figure 134 (after Grant 1978:185). Canyon de Chelly is about 50 miles south of the Utah- Arizona border.
Figure 131. The body of this fugitive pig- ment anthropomorph can still be seen be- cause of the effect that the paint had on the formation of patina. Figure 132. This panel is significant be- cause the repatination levels of all the fig- Northern Arizona ures are about the same, indicating that they The existence and distribution of fugitive- are about the same age. pigment anthropomorphs in the Basketmaker area of southeastern Utah has been discussed Grant describes this panel as follows: "A above. The existence of these images does not woman is painted in a horizontal position. end at the Utah-Arizona border any more than Bending over her is a feathered figure pointing it ends at the Utah-Colorado border. North- a wicker-shaped object at her pelvic region". eastern Arizona also contains a large area of (Notice that this object is pictured in several Basketmaker occupation. This area, which is panels in southern Utah.) Grant does not ex- within the Navajo Indian Reservation, has not plain why he interprets the object being held as been fully investigated by this author to deter- wicker or why the reclining image is a woman. mine the existence and distribution of these im- Most likely the latter is because of the presence ages. It is expected that the existence of these of the necklace. Notice that the woman does figures and their distinctive characteristics not have a head, hands or feet. It is to be ex- would coincide with the distribution of the pected that these features were painted with Basketmaker people. That they and the ideol- fugitive pigments that are no longer visible.
152 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
There are two rectangles; one on each side of are located along the tributaries of the Green the reclining figure's head that probably repre- and Colorado Rivers. These images are unique sent hair bobs. Since the figure is outlined, it because they combine three diverse attributes apparently dates late in the developmental se- into one distinctive type of image. First, the quence. The importance of this panel is that it images are all anthropomorphs. Second, they establishes the existence of the fugitive- were created principally with fugitive pig- pigment anthropomorphs and their attributes in ments. Third, specific features were created by the more southern region of the Basketmaker utilizing various techniques to remove the pig- culture. ment(s) along with the surface of the rock or to paint the features with mineral pigments.
Figure 134. This image represents the south- ern most extent of the fugitive pigment an- thropomorph noted by the author. From Canyon de Chelly, northern Arizona (after Grant 1978:185).
Because of the large number of fugitive- pigment anthropomorphs (many are not illus- trated here) and the large area in which they exist, it is evident that they were a significant and major component of the prehistoric cul- tures that inhabited eastern Utah. These images Figure 133. No evidence of the body re- therefore, constitute a defining characteristic of mains on this fugitive-pigment anthropo- the people who inhabited the area from roughly morph. Notice the belt-like tabs on the sides AD 100 to 1200. These images are important of this loincloth. then, because they provide an easy means of determining the pattern of distribution of these images and thus of the ideology from which DISTRIBUTION they were created. This provides an opportu- nity to study the way in which this ideology It has been demonstrated here that an assem- was distributed and how it changed over time. blage of images with common attributes is dis- Furthermore, since the ideology was an integral tributed throughout eastern Utah from the part of the lives of the people, determining how Wyoming border to the Arizona border. They the ideology was distributed and how it
153 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 changed through space and time, likewise de- pigment anthropomorphs seem to be uncom- termines how the people were distributed and mon in the southern half of western Colorado. how they changed through space and time. Buckles (1971) and Cole (1987, 1990), who have likely made the most comprehensive study of images in west central Colorado, de- Geographically Constrained scribe only one fugitive-pigment anthropo- morph and that was located near the Utah- The fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs with Colorado border (see discussion above). The pecked or mineral-painted features are dis- images appear to be more common in northern persed over eastern Utah in an area roughly 300 Colorado, as shown above. miles north to south, but only about 150 miles east to west at the widest point. They do not Prehistorically, mountains were a boundary that appear to exist in the western half of Utah, or at was closed most of the year with snow, ice and the very least are extremely rare. Similarly, above all, cold temperatures. It is likely that in their density decreases rapidly as one travels parts of the period when these images were be- east of the Utah-Colorado border. ing made the climate was cooler or wetter than it is now. Snow would then have been deeper The distributional pattern of the fugitive- and lasted longer than it does today, increasing pigment anthropomorphs seems determined by the severity of the boundary these mountains two factors, both geographic. The principal presented. one is the presence or absence of mountains. East-west, border-to-border travel across Utah The inhospitableness of the mountains and their is geographically constrained. A 320-mile effect on the distribution of rock art is illus- long, north-south range of high mountains and trated in Figure 135. The map shows the loca- plateaus that divide the state nearly down the tions where rock has been discovered by the center interrupts travel. These are the Wasatch author. Notice the absence of rock art in the Mountains and they take their name from a Ute high elevations north to south through the cen- Indian name meaning mountain pass or low ter of Utah. place in a high mountain. This name is signifi- cant because it reveals the Ute's perception of In contrast to east west-travel across Utah, the mountains. Some of the mountain peaks in north-south travel is relatively easy. On the this Wasatch range are over 12,000 feet above east side of the mountains, the area from Vernal sea level; the Wasatch Plateau west of Castle to Bluff, Utah is principally a great plateau. In Dale is 11,258 feet, and the Aquarius and fact, it is the western side of the Colorado pla- Sevier Plateaus farther south have peaks over teau. The only major obstacle to travel is the 11,000 feet. Not only are these mountain Tavaputs Plateau, and even then, there are can- ranges high, they are also wide. It is 60 miles yon routes through it (like Nine Mile Canyon), from Emery to Fillmore, Utah. perhaps even a route along the course of the Green River. East-west foot traffic across Colorado is also similarly constrained by high mountains and An alternate view of eastern Utah and western plateaus. From Colorado's border with New Colorado is to consider that it is the Upper Mexico to the Wyoming border, there is an ar- Colorado River Basin. This basin is broadly ray of mountain ranges in west central Colo- bounded or outlined by prominent mountain rado with peaks over 14,000 feet. These are the ranges on all sides, except where the Colorado Rocky Mountains, which were named by ex- River exits the basin near the southwest corner. plorers during early 19 th century because of the The apparent absence of fugitive-pigment an- mountains rugged topography. Fugitive- thropomorphs outside of the Colorado River
154 ▪
Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
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Figure 135. This map shows the locations of rock art sites visited by the author in and around Utah. The broad vertical stripe through the center of the State shows the location of the Wasatch Mountain Range.
155 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 basin does not mean that people never crossed Another factor influencing travel is the pres- the mountains. What it means is that crossing ence of a north south naturally occurring "road was difficult and generally limited to a short map". This road map is the Green and Colo- summer season (at high altitudes), or seasonally rado Rivers and their tributaries. The Green restricted to mountain passes. (On July 24 a River in the north and the Colorado River in the few years ago, my family and I personally ex- south nearly divide eastern Utah in half perienced an example of the temperatures and lengthwise. By following the Green/Colorado conditions that exist in Utah's mountains in the River north or south, one can "easily" travel summer. We were camping near the Provo from the far reaches of the Fremont area (the River Falls at about 9,000 feet when a storm Utah-Wyoming border) to the heart of the Ana- passed through around noon. It deposited three sazi Basketmaker area (around the Utah- to four inches of snow. We left, returned home Arizona border) without crossing any moun- to the Salt Lake valley, and had our planned tains, and without becoming lost. Additionally dutch-oven dinner in our back yard under the mountains, both to the west and to the east, sunny skies.) Because of the mountains, pre- form a constant landmark. historic contact between the east and west sides of Utah was limited. The names of the two largest river systems in eastern Utah, as used today, imply that the Mountains appear to be a greater boundary to Green River is a tributary of the Colorado prehistoric travel than rivers. Utah's mountains River. The distribution of the fugitive-pigment are high and wide, while rivers are flat and only anthropomorphs over eastern Utah suggests tens of feet wide. Prehistorically all rivers in that the prehistoric inhabitants were following a Utah could likely easily have been waded tributary — the Green River, instead of what we across much of the year, except during the consider the main river course — the Colorado spring runoff. Rivers were just an inconven- River. Prehistorically however, the view that ience and not a barrier to prehistoric travel. the Colorado River was the main river may The distribution of rock art types is often the have been entirely different. It was actually same on the east bank as on the west bank, in- different historically. Explorer John Wesley dicating that rivers presented no significant ob- Powell named the combined Green and Colo- stacle to prehistoric travel. rado rivers the Grand River, but the name was later changed. The Grand River is a more ap- The Wasatch Mountains can be crossed, so the propriate designation, because it suggests that paucity of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs in the Green and Colorado rivers are equivalent. the west suggests that there may have been With a different perspective, the view could be other reasons for the images being confined to easily taken that the spread of prehistoric cul- eastern Utah. The uniformity and apparently tures was along the principal drainage — the consistent change of the fugitive-pigment an- Green River. It is interesting how names can thropomorphs over time suggests that some de- influence perspective. gree of regular interaction with members of other groups with the same ideology occurred, South of Utah's mountains and roughly cen- or was even required. Alternatively, perhaps tered on the Utah-Arizona border, east-west the area of western Utah was occupied by peo- travel is not geographically constrained. North ple who did not share in the ideological beliefs south travel is moderately restricted in this area of those in the east. There are types or styles of by the Vermillion Cliffs on the north and the images in western Utah that are rare in eastern Grand Canyon on the south. The Virgin Ana- Utah, suggesting the existence of different, sazi Basketmaker rock art in this travel zone perhaps incompatible ideologies in the two ar- has some of the same characteristics as the eas. Basketmaker rock art in southeastern Utah and
156 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah the Four Corners region. Since it has been 137A). Several of the figures are carrying ob- shown here that fugitive pigment anthropo- jects in their hands (Figure 137B) that might be morphs exist throughout eastern Utah in areas detached human heads. occupied by the Fremont and Anasazi Basket- maker (but not in western Utah) it is expected As in other regions discussed above, there are that these images would be found south of the also differences that seem to be unique to this mountains in other areas also occupied by peo- area. For example, there is a large vertical ple from these cultures. In the broad strip of cross on the face of many of the images (Figure land between the Vermillion Cliffs and the 137A); and like other features concentrated in Grand Canyon are several places that have fu- one area, a fugitive pigment anthropomorph gitive pigment anthropomorphs with many of with the same cross on its face was found by the characteristics found elsewhere. These im- the author in southeastern Utah. The only other ages seem to be concentrated in the region features visible on that image were a few around Kanab Creek (near Kanab, Utah), which pecked-out facial features. is about 160 miles east of Canyon de Chelly. Another concentration of fugitive-pigment an- One concentration of fugitive pigment anthro- thropomorphs is found west of Kanab Creek. pomorphs is located on the eastern side of the The images there are similar to those in the area Kanab Creek drainage. Figure 136 shows a east of Kanab Creek. Beyond these groups of typical panel. The anthropomorphs in this pho- images there are few indications of fugitive- tograph would not be out of place in Salt pigment anthropomorphs in southwestern Utah. Creek. Like the Salt Creek and Grand Gulch It is interesting to note that the fugitive pigment anthropomorphs, the typical principal fugitive- anthropomorphs in this area have characteris- pigment anthropomorphic features are mostly tics that are unique to southwestern Utah, and painted. The shapes of the faces are identical that these characteristics also occur on other to those in Salt Creek, compare with Figure types of rock art that are also unique to south- 100. The heads are flat on top with a different western Utah (Manning 1990). colored line across the head, compare with Fig- ure 101. Hair bobs are also often present on the Fugitive pigment anthropomorphs not only ex- tops of the shoulders. The figures have the ist east along the Utah-Arizona border, they same tapered bodies with interior lines and also exist to the west. In fact they exist so far broad belt lines. Three vertical lines on top of west that the Utah-Arizona border turns into the the head are a common feature. Colorado-New Mexico border. Figure 138 The images in this Kanab Creek area also have shows a panel of fugitive pigment anthropo- the same features as those in other regions. morphs discovered by the author south of Figure 137 shows two panels illustrating some Bloomfield, New Mexico in the Canon Largo of these features. The necklaces on some fig- drainage. The images again are in a row and ures are identical to those in Grand Gulch (Fig- they have oval faces, necklaces, belt lines, ure 126). Notice also the similarity in the rem- skirts or kilts and parallel rows of vertical lines nants of the fugitive pigment on the bodies of attached to the head. In this example there are the anthropomorphs in Figures 137 and 126B. more than the usual three or four vertical lines. A triangular red loincloth was found in one Notice that there are three parallel lines at the panel in the Kanab Creek area that was identi- bottom of each face of the two figures on the cal to those in Grand Gulch. The large pendant right. There is also a large area of abrasion be- necklace is also present. In some of the panels tween the two figures on the right and the one there is also small figures that do not seen to be on the left. The spacing of the figures suggests part of the composition because they are super- that there was another image in the abraded imposed or seem randomly placed (Figure area.
157 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Figure 136. These fugitive pigment anthropomorphs are located in the Kanab Creek drainage in northern Arizona. Notice the similarity to some of the Salt Creek figures.
Figure 137A and B. These two panels from the Kanab Creek drainage of these fugitive pigment anthropomorphs.
The presence of fugitive pigment anthropo- cross. The culture that exists in this, the Four morphs east and west of the southern portion of Corners area was the Anasazi It seems evident southeastern Utah shows that the images are that wherever the Anasazi Basketmaker people associated with a culture that also occupied the were, the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs same area, where there are no mountains to were there also.
158 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Figure 138. These fugitive pigment anthropomorphs are found in northwestern New Mexico. Compare the apparent skirt or kilt with Figure 108 from Salt Creek.
ONE IDEOLOGY sentially concentrated in eastern Utah. Part of this ideology may have derived from a much Where did these images come from? Undenia- larger ideology involving the creation of an- bly, they came from the consciousness of the thropomorphic image; however, a completely people who made them, whether it was an indi- different essence of thought was associated vidual or a group of people who made them with the images in southeastern Utah when collectively. The form and technique of the compared to others outside of this area. creation of these images was derived from an ordered and coherent set of mental concepts — Rock art, unlike most other remains of the past an ideology. This particular ideology was rig- dispersed throughout Utah, is personal and spe- idly structured as shown not only by the consis- cific in nature. So specific in fact, that even the tency of the images, but also by the consistency work of individual artisans, or a close-knit of the changes over time. These are the trade- group of individuals, can sometimes be deter- marks of its existence. mined. For example, two sets of two images, one found near the junction of the Dirty Devil The creation of stylized human figures was and the Colorado Rivers and the other located common to many prehistoric cultures, even on in northern Arizona in a tributary of the Colo- other continents. However, it was not just a rado River are so nearly identical that they normal constituent of human nature or a coin- could only have been made by the same indi- cidence that anthropomorphs, specifically, were vidual (Manning 2001:78). The personal na- created all over eastern Utah. They exist here ture of rock art makes it possible to define and because their creation was derived from an ide- trace not only individual artisans but, perhaps ology that was spread throughout and was es- more importantly, the ideologies from which
159 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 the images originated, something that is rarely It is apparent that other completely separate achievable with other relics from Utah's past. ideologies existed in eastern Utah during the period when fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs Ideologies are complex entities. They can be were being made. The indication of one of part of a larger complex and yet be subdivided these ideologies is evident in the smaller, some- into smaller complexes. (For example, in the times completely pecked-out or completely United States there is a basic and strong ideol- painted images. These figures are present in ogy, as evidenced by the existence of the U.S. some of the panels illustrated here. Some ex- Constitution, the bill of Rights, etc. It is an amples that appear in the photographs are listed ideology of freedom and the importance of per- below. Notice how often superimposition oc- sonal rights. In the U.S., there are also ideolo- curs in the panels with the small figures, and gies associated with political parties, religions, how often these panels include mountain sheep. special interest groups, etc.) Over time, various Some examples are: Uintah Basin: Figures 10, parts of ideologies from different groups can be 15, 33; Moab: Figures 59, 60, 63; Fremont combined into new ideologies. Furthermore, River: Figures 67, 72, 74, 78, 81; Escalante ideologies are seldom static. So it is with this River: Figure 89; Salt Creek: Figure 98; Kanab particular ideology. It is apparent from the Creek: Figure 137A, etc. rock art that it was constantly evolving and changing in response to influences, both from In some areas of eastern Utah, fugitive-pigment within and without. For example, the Salt anthropomorphs dominate; in other areas, the Creek anthropomorphic figures demonstrate small fully pecked figures dominate. Schaaf- influence from outside the area, as illustrated sma (1994:8) also was aware of these differ- by their similarity to the unfired Fremont clay ences. She notes: "Small anthropomorphic fig- figurines, which show influence from Meso- ures, quadrupeds, and abstract designs are often america. found in the panels with the large dominating anthropomorphs, although in 38 out of 83 Ash- It is apparent that the ideology that resulted in ley-Dry Fork sites the large human figure oc- the creation of the fugitive-pigment anthropo- curs alone." In some areas like Nine Mile morphs was tied into or part of an activity that Canyon for example, these completely pecked- was very important in the lives of the people. out smaller images outnumber the fugitive- This activity was so fundamental, so essential, pigment anthropomorphs. In general, the two and so vital that the ideology spread nearly un- types appear not to be associated, suggesting changed over the vast area of eastern Utah and that they derive from independent ideologies the Four Corners area and remained there for within the same culture. This further suggests over one-thousand years. the existence of ethnic groups or groups with specialized functions. For example, there may have been a division in the society that was OTHER IDEOLOGIES based on inherited rank or privilege, profession or occupation, wealth, endogamy, religion, etc. Within a culture, an ideology may be associ- There may have existed specific castes or clans, ated with an ethnic group or a religion. More each with its own unique ideology(s) and social than one ideology can thus exist in a culture at or religious function that accounted for these one time. Specific ideologies may also be as- differences. Notice that levels of repatination sociated with specific functions, or as part of indicate that often both types were created at classes or clans within a culture. Thus, differ- nearly the same time. ent types or classes of images may derive from different ideologies. Another aspect involving these smaller images is that they are not confined to eastern Utah but
160 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah are distributed across much of Utah. The dis- which again, are all the same (with regional tributional pattern somewhat follows that of the variations). In addition, they are often associ- Uintah side-notched projectile points as de- ated with features that exist in all areas, for scribed by Holmer (1986:Figure 19), which example severed human heads. dates AD 850-1300. This distribution covers most of north-central Utah. In the north it ex- It is important to recognize that not only is the tends to the Utah-Wyoming border; in the west similar type of image being created a signifi- it is west of the Great Salt Lake near the Ne- cant factor, but so also are the materials used in vada border; in the south it is south of Sevier their construction and the procedures that were Lake; in the east it extents into Colorado. This followed in their creation. The significance of distribution supports the premise that eastern these images then, lies not only in the form of Utah contained different ideologies, perhaps the anthropomorph, since a simple human fig- one with Basketmaker origins and one with ure is basically the same, it is everything about Great Basin Archaic origins. Since this paper them combined. All of these combined factors is not about this other class of images, a discus- create a unique feature that sets them apart sion of the differences and reasons for the exis- from surrounding cultures. tence of the smaller pecked-out images is out- side the scope of this paper. The consistency of these images over the large area of eastern Utah and the four corners area signifies something very important about the CONSISTENCY ideology that was responsible for their creation. The nature of the ideology is shown in its uni- Despite the fact that fugitive-pigment anthro- formity. Without doubt, the consistency dem- pomorphs were created by what has been de- onstrates an organized, powerful and influential fined as two different cultures — the Fremont ideology. All of the people who created these and Anasazi, and thus occurs in two different images in this large area had to have the culture areas — northeastern and southeastern knowledge, not only of the type of images to be Utah, the images share the same characteristics. made (anthropomorphs), but what pigments to First, the images all depict anthropomorphs — use and what features to peck-out or paint. stylized human forms — which have the same basic shape and form, with of course, regional What was responsible for this consistency over differences and changes occurring over time. its entire range? How was the knowledge to These images were not just simple painted or create the images distributed? Were people pecked figures like every other image that was instructed on how to make them? Were people created north, east, west or south of eastern constrained in some way to make them in a cer- Utah, or before or after them in time. These tain way? What kind of social entity had the anthropomorphs are not stick figures, they are power to direct the minute details of their con- not long and tapering, they are not round, and struction? Was this enforced? How was it en- they are not all the other shapes that character- forced? Was it political or religious power? ize the variety of other images that have been How can all of this be explained? What are the created. Second, the method by which they possible scenarios? There are enough ques- were created is also the same. They were made tions to spawn decades of research. with fugitive pigments and sometimes accentu- ated or made with mineral pigments. Third, There appears to be one word that answers they were created first by painting and then by many questions and provides an insight into the pecking out or painting with mineral pigments creation of these images. The word is supersti- specific features: faces, necklaces, headdresses, tion. Early ethnologists who studied the in- waistbands, armbands, body outlines, etc., habitants of the region, especially in the south-
161 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 west, discovered that the lives and activities of or circular area in the center; these are not the people were severely constrained by super- common elsewhere. stition. Ritual activities, driven by superstition, were required for nearly every activity in which The regional differences may be attributed to a person engaged. Superstition directed the several factors: how, why, when and where of nearly every ac- 1.) the broad range in the talents and artistic tivity. Innovation, invention and thus progress abilities of various artisans in different ar- came to a halt, or at least moved forward at a eas, crawl. This was the state of affairs that the in- 2.) the relative isolation of each group, due to habitants of the southwest were found in at the distances between them, time of European contact late in the 1700's. 3.) the interpretations of the ideology by differ- ent individuals in each area, This superstition was both political and reli- 4.) individual innovations, and gious, which made it extremely powerful. It 5.) the period of time over which the images was enforced and reinforced by the reli- were constructed - one or two generations. gious/political leaders of the community and especially by the people themselves in their ac- It is apparent that many people were living in ceptance and belief in the superstitions. These these various areas prehistorically, and like to- superstitions were nearly always, if not always, day, some of them probably never left the gen- tied to a critical (life giving or life saving) or eral area in which they lived, while others trav- practical (planting or hunting) aspect of life, eled everywhere. Some people probably left which further entrenched the supernatural be- and lived in another area and then returned lies and practices. Superstition was likely a home after several years. prevailing force at the time the fugitive- pigment anthropomorphs were being created. At least one example of nearly every feature Superstition would account then, for the crea- and characteristic of any of the fugitive- tion of these images in a certain and consistent pigment anthropomorphs that is specific to, and way. The fact that they were consistent over all concentrated in, any one region can be found of eastern Utah demonstrates that there was in- outside of that region. For example, one of the teraction between the people in all areas. T-shaped facial features that commonly occurs on anthropomorphs in the Fremont River area was found in the South Cottonwood Wash REGIONAL VARIATIONS drainage near Blanding, over 100 miles away (Figure 111). Another one appears to exist near While there is consistency in the form, features Moab (Figure 69). The sloping vertical line and developmental sequence of the fugitive- beneath the eyes commonly occurs in the Uin- pigment anthropomorphs over all of eastern tah Basin, but as shown here, a few exist along Utah, it is also evident that regional differences Fremont River. Severed human heads are also exist. For example, images along the Fremont common in the Uintah Basin and as demon- River in central Utah have broad T-shaped ar- strated here, a few also occur in the Fremont eas on their faces that are not common else- River area. The presence of small numbers of where. The triangular shaped loincloths are a features and characteristics outside the areas common feature in southeastern Utah along the where they are common demonstrates the ex- drainages of the San Juan River, but are not tent and degree to which people were traveling common elsewhere. Images in the Uintah Ba- from one area to another. sin in Northern Utah have what appear to be large trapezoidal headdress or hairstyles, some- The consistency in the fugitive-pigment an- times containing a large pecked-out rectangular thropomorphs and their consistent change over
162 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah time, along with the regional variations, indi- where fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs are cates that the people interacted with each other concentrated. constantly, and in a wide variety of ways. The regional differences show that there were con- It appears evident from the preceding discus- cepts or ideas that were created by insightful or sion that the ideology from which the fugitive- talented individuals and these concepts became pigment anthropomorphs originated was in the part of the accepted tradition in the various lo- process of being created, or had just been cre- cal areas. These differences were likely fueled ated, late in the Archaic or early Basketmaker by the distance and absence of constant contact Period. This suggests a beginning date of circa between the peoples in various areas. AD 0-300. This correlates well with the changes taking place during that period and the While there are differences in each of these re- efflorescence of what has been labeled the gions, it is important to realize that there are Anasazi and Fremont cultures. Apparently, the more similarities than there are differences be- creation of the fugitive-pigment anthropo- tween the images in various regions. There are morphs was part of that evolution. The inter- as many differences in images within each re- esting question is: was the ideology from which gion (especially in the Uintah Basin) as there the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs came a are differences in images between different re- result of that evolution, or was it the cause of gions. it? This is an interesting question for future research.
ORIGINS The distributional pattern and similarity of the small simple fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs Where did the fugitive-pigment anthropo- suggests that fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs morphs originate? The images initially created came into existence over all eastern Utah at on rocks by the prehistoric inhabitants of east- about the same time. Throughout the area, im- ern Utah show that all of eastern Utah was oc- ages exist that exhibit only a few simple cupied beginning sometime in the Archaic pe- pecked-out features such as eyes, necklaces and riod. Thousands of years before that, it was belt lines, as illustrated above. Size is a signifi- occupied by the Paleo-Indians, as evidenced by cant determinate. The oldest images are the the presence of their distinctive projectile smallest. They are also the images with the points. No petroglyphs or pictographs have yet greatest degree of repatination. In addition, been found that appear to have been created throughout the entire area there are images that during that period of time. Glen Canyon Style have other features, such as partly outlined 5 petroglyphs, which were determined to date bodies, headdresses or hairstyles. These are in the Archaic period by Turner (1963, 1971), larger than the older images These images are through cultural association, levels of repatina- also often superimposed over the simpler im- tion, height above ground level and above other ages, as shown here in several photographs. newer panels, etc., have been found by the au- Throughout the entire area there are other im- thor throughout the entire eastern Utah area. ages that have amazingly elaborate pecked-out This indicates that an archaic population ex- features, with nearly completely outlined bod- isted throughout eastern Utah preceding the ies. Some of these images have painted rather development of fugitive-pigment anthropo- than pecked-out features. Some of them are morphs. The concentration of Glen Canyon portrayed with elaborate implements like Style 5 images generally decreases from the shields, knives and severed human heads. Utah-Arizona border to the Utah-Wyoming These are often superimposed over the images border, although there appear to be areas where that are less elaborate. Repatination levels on they are concentrated, much like there are areas the pecked-out images confirm this sequence.
163 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
All of this establishes the existence of a devel- hundreds, if not thousands of years throughout opmental sequence — a sequence that occurs the Archaic period. It is possible that these fig- consistently over the entire area. As stated ures were being created entirely with fugitive above, the ideology was a constantly evolving pigments including those features that were entity, and these changes are indicative of this later pecked out. If this were true, it would ex- evolution. It does not appear from the images plain how the fugitive pigment images came that there was a definite point of origin for the into being so rapidly — they simply evolved fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. It appears from an existing, extremely mobile Archaic as if the whole of eastern Utah was one uniform base. Someone simply noticed one day that the area where everyone was in nearly constant specific painted features stood out more when contact with everyone else, and they evolved they were pecked out, and this discovery spread together. This argues for an in situ origin for rapidly. There is however, no evidence to sup- the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs some- port the existence of these early figures. Any where in the upper Colorado River plateau. such fugitive pigment images long ago ceased to exist. In addition, no "silhouettes" of images Berry and Berry concluded from their research without pecked features have been found that that: would substantiate their existence. The images were created is so far back in time that all evi- These temporal and distributional data dences of them have ceased to exist. suggest a rapid spread of Basketmaker II technologies from southwest to northeast How then is it possible to trace the origin of along the Colorado River and its tributar- something that cannot be seen? First, the place ies between ca. 2000 and 1500 B.P. The of origin should be the location where the old- absence of Archaic dates more recent est fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs exist and than 3000 B.P. in this area suggests that likely, where their highest concentration exists, the expansion was unopposed (Berry and since they would have been made there longer. Berry 1976:33). If the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs came into existence late in the Archaic period, then The existence of a rapid spread of Basketmaker they should have the same distribution and II technologies throughout eastern Utah is sig- concentration as other late Archaic evidences. nificant. The date determined here for the be- Archaic presence is indicated by the existence ginnings of the fugitive-pigment anthropo- of something that is visible — the Glen Canyon morphs in eastern Utah, is also late Archaic- Style 5 images. If the highest concentration of early Basketmaker II. Since the fugitive- the oldest fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs pigment anthropomorphs began in that period, matches the highest concentration of Glen they could also have been part of that rapid ex- Canyon Style 5, then their place of origin could pansion. Berry and Berry, however, did not be discovered. Where then, is the highest con- have the information that Glen Canyon Style 5 centration of Glen Canyon Style 5 images. images existed over all of eastern Utah. These Likely it is in southeastern Utah, however, the images, which are particularly consistent, indi- comparative levels of concentration have not cate that an extremely mobile Archaic popula- been determined for other areas. As noted tion existed throughout eastern Utah, a popula- above, Glen Canyon Style 5 images are scat- tion through which the fugitive-pigment an- tered over all of eastern Utah. The number of thropomorphic ideology could spread rapidly. Glen Canyon Style 5 images in the central por- tion of eastern Utah is surprisingly large. The Fugitive pigments could have been used in concentration of the oldest fugitive-pigment eastern Utah to create anthropomorphic images anthropomorphs seems highest in the south. without the addition of pecked features for The data indicates then, that the oldest fugitive-
164 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah pigment anthropomorphs are associated with because the original pigment is often missing, Glen Canyon Style 5 and thus with the late Ar- so they cannot be identified as one or the other. chaic, and together they are concentrated in The commonly used descriptive terms for clas- southeastern Utah. This chain of investigation sification then, fail when applied to fugitive- leads to the conclusion that the fugitive- pigment anthropomorphs; all that is except the pigment anthropomorphs could have originated most generic and controversial term "rock art". in southeastern Utah, but if they did, the movement north was extremely rapid. The goal of scholars and art historians who have studied prehistoric images on rocks in the The location of origin of the fugitive-pigment past has been to categorize the subject by divid- anthropomorphs is of course based upon data ing it up into units based on shared characteris- discovered and available today. It presupposes tics, nearly all of which are "intuitive" and not that there are no other images outside the area based on an analytical system (Manning 1993). discussed here, especially southeast and south- It is obvious that it is the rock art scholar's in- west. Admittedly, these areas are little known trinsic methodical nature to look for differences to the author; however, the author has spent when classifying any group of images. This some time around Holbrook, Winslow and the paradigm is so overpowering that it hinders in- Petrified Forest areas of Arizona; no fugitive dividuals from seeing other possibilities. Rock pigment images were seen. Additionally, pub- art styles have been created based upon per- lished reports from Arizona (Malotki and ceived differences, which have become exag- Weaver 2002, McCreery and Malotki 1994, gerated and overemphasized, while the impor- Schaafsma 1992, and Thiel 1995) confirm this tance of similarities has been overlooked and observation. The conclusion that the fugitive- de-emphasized. The fugitive-pigment anthro- pigment anthropomorphs originated in south- pomorphs discussed here have been classified eastern Utah therefore, appears to be valid, at by mode, as defined by Manning (1993). This least as of this date and in the areas searched. classification scheme categorizes images based on physical differences, not by a system of in- tuitive artistic styles. This classification led to CLASSIFICATION the findings discussed in this paper.
Traditional definitions have failed to ade- Previous to this date, researchers divided the quately categorize these images. Since no paint images of eastern Utah into different styles. is visible, they have always been classified as Turner (1963) began this process in the Glen petroglyphs (Schaafsma 1971, Wellmann 1979, Canyon area. He divided the images there into Cole 1990, etc.), but clearly, they are not petro- five style horizons, each based on the presence glyphs. The terms pictograph and petroglyph of: general image form, associated artifacts, have never been adequate descriptive teillis for levels of repatination, etc. Schaafsma (1994 the prehistoric images of Utah. There have [19701:2, figure 2) classified the images in been various attempts to use other descriptive eastern Utah into three different Fremont style terms, from petrographs (Turner 1963), rock zones: the Uintah, with the Classic Vernal Style paintings (Cole 1990), and rock writing (Marti- images; the Northern and Southern San Rafael neau 1973) to "hieroglyphics", the term applied zones, with their respective styles; and one by early investigators, but these terms have not Basketmaker style zone, with the San Juan An- been widely used. Other descriptive terminol- thropomorphic Style. The Southern San Rafael ogy like "pecked pictograph" or "painted style zone included some of the area classified petroglyph" have also been applied to figures today as Anasazi, i.e. Indian Creek, White where both painting and pecking is obvious. Canyon, Grand Gulch and the lower San Juan These terms however, have only limited value, River. In a later publication, Schaafsma redrew
165 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 this line to follow the Colorado River (Schaaf- discussion, are the Salt Creek anthropomorphs, sma 1980:164), which was more in like with often called the Salt Creek Faces, although they current archaeological thought. Despite these are not faces at all. Their cultural affiliation recent re-interpretations, Schaafsma was essen- has likely been debated more than any other tially correct the first time. Fremont rock art group of figures, except perhaps the Barrier sites are found south of the Colorado River. Canyon Style. The Salt Creek figures are some of the most controversial and misunderstood Schaafsma, in an effort to associate the rock art images in southeastern Utah. These figures of Utah with cultural entities previously de- have all of the classic characteristics of fugi- fined by archaeologists, emphasized the differ- tive-pigment anthropomorphs. They are, there- ences and de-emphasized the similarities be- fore, a regional variation of the fugitive- tween the images. Because of this, her assess- pigment anthropomorphs. ment and classification of the fugitive pigment images in eastern Utah is inaccurate. Schaaf- Consider their distinguishing traits: the images sma, like other researchers discussed above, were painted with fugitive pigments and accen- was unaware of the existence, importance and tuated with mineral pigments. In general, only wide spread distribution of fugitive-pigment the reddish brown and white mineral pigments anthropomorphs. Additionally, Schaafsma's remain today (Figure 107). Various features style definitions are based on an assessment of were created by removing the pigments along all the existing images taken together, irrespec- with the rock's surface (although not to the ex- tive of their period of manufacture or ideologi- tent occurring in other areas). Abrading is evi- cal association; thus, the more complex fugi- dent along the sides of the bodies and heads of tive-pigment anthropomorphs that occurred the figures, where pigment was removed to cre- later in time were including with those that oc- ate distinct lines and add a three-dimensional curred earlier and later. quality.
Furthermore, all of the other images not associ- Furthermore, the figures have trapezoidal bod- ated with the fugitive-pigment anthropomor- ies. They are front-facing. With very few ex- phic ideology were included in her style cate- ceptions, they always occur in rows. The fig- gories. Stylistic categories, as defined by ures are superimposed over others of the same Schaafsma, do not provide an adequate repre- type. Variations always exist within each sentation of the all of prehistoric images in group (each figure is a little different than the eastern Utah. They may however, be descrip- one next to it or in other panels). Their faces tive of the images that do not appear to be as- have limited features. They have a horizontal sociated with the fugitive pigment anthropo- bar on top of the head. There are small lines, morphs. This, however, remains to be proven. pecked-out individual dots and vertical rows of It is therefore evident, that the "styles" she de- dots or small circles on the sides of the head, fined do not reflect the differences in cultural which likely represent hair ties. They have the manifestations, as she asserts, but are instead same large pendant necklaces and the same minor regional differences in the fugitive- single or multiple rows of necklaces. They pigment anthropomorphs created by different have belt lines (sometimes a single band, some- artisan's rendering of the common ideology. times decorated) and vertical lines below the belt line. There are interior lines along the sides and torso of the body and diagonal lines SALT CREEK ANTHROPOMORPHS across the torso. All of these characteristics, and others, demonstrate that the Salt Creek fig- One of the more interesting regional variations, ures are fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. and a group of images that warrant an extended
166 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Previous Investigations presence of numerous images that he catego- rized as Fremont. This created an incongruity. Formal investigations into the archaeology of Noting the absence of the Utah type Fremont Salt Creek, and therefore of the Salt Creek an- metate, he theorized that the female population thropomorphs, began with the Claflin-Emerson was wholly Anasazi. That left only Fremont expeditions in 1928-1931. Several sites that males to account for the rock art. Realizing were associated with rock art were investigated, that this was untenable, Sharrock concluded: at least one of which apparently included Salt "The alternative explanation is that Fremont Creek anthropomorphs at site LS-14-11 design motifs were borrowed by the Mesa Ver- (42SA1563) (Gunnerson 1969:38-47). Schaaf- deans without significant (distinguishable) sma (1970:figure 52) illustrates two Salt Creek population interchange." He also stated that, anthropomorphs with dark faces that she indi- cates are present at 42SA1563. However, sev- ...the design elements of the Fremont eral attempts have been made to locate them, seem to have been borrowed wholesale both at the site and in the general area. They by the most northern of the Mesa have not been found. Furthermore, a descrip- Verdeans who were in direct contact with tion of these images is not present in the site the Fremont, but they were transmitted form recorded for the site by Sharrock in 1966. only a short distance southward among Apparently, either there was an error in the de- the Mesa Verdeans (Sharrock 1966: 62). scription of their location, which was either made or continued by Schaafsma, or they Sharrock did not discuss the Salt Creek anthro- ceased to exist between 1930 and 1966, which pomorphs directly. The rock art he references is a very real possibility, since the sandstone at to is described as "horned dancers, shield fig- the site flakes off in large slabs. ures, and ghost figures". It is therefore difficult to tell from his report if the Salt Creek anthro- Gunnerson (1969) concluded from the notes of pomorphs were included in what Sharrock con- the Claflin-Emerson expedition that the Salt sidered Fremont; however, a review by the au- Creek area was inhabited by Mesa Verde Ana- thor of Sharrock's field notes and site forms sazi in the late Pueblo II to the early Pueblo III indicates that he recorded several sites with Salt period. Citing the similarity between Salt Creek anthropomorphs, for example 42SA1629 Creek anthropomorphs and the Fremont figu- - commonly called the Four Faces, which he rines (Morss 1954), Gunnerson surmised that did categorize as Fremont. the Salt Creek anthropomorphs belonged to the Fremont Culture. Ambler (1970:3-4) suggested that the presence of Fremont rock art in the Canyonlands area, In the first formal survey of Canyonlands Na- where, he notes, there is little evidence of Fre- tional Park, Sharrock (1966) also concluded mont occupation, was an indication that this that the Needles District, in which the Salt region was used as a hunting ground by Fre- Creek drainage is located, was principally oc- mont people, either before or during the Mesa cupied during the late Pueblo II early Pueblo III Verde occupation. period by the Mesa Verde Anasazi, which, he notes, indicates a major influx into the area and In 1978, Adrienne Anderson, National Park an occupation lasting roughly from AD 1075 to Service Archaeologist, in a review of National 1150. His conclusion was based on the abun- Park resources in southeastern Utah for the dance of ceramics, architecture and ground Park Service, noted that Sharrock's determina- stone. He notes that no sites that were distinc- tion that the rock art in Salt Creek was Fremont tively affiliated with the Fremont culture were was "not necessarily so", and referred to the recorded. Sharrock however, observed the presence of the Barrier Canyon Style as an ex-
167 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003 ample of images that Sharrock incorrectly re- are believed to originate with the Canyonlands ferred to as Fremont. However, she notes that, Anasazi." "...there is much Fremont style rock art in the district" and then indicates that the Thirteen [Note: Since it is obvious that the images are Faces (42SA1652) is an outstanding example not faces, where did the term originate? The of Fremont style motifs (Anderson 1978:53- first use of the idiom "faces" applied to these 54). She also classifies similar figures as ex- images was found on Sharrock's 1965 sketch amples of Schaafsma's Southern San Rafael map accompanying the site form for 42SA1629 Fremont style and notes that it is strange that - "the Four Faces" shown in Figure 109. The these images usually occur at unquestionably notation "four faces pictographs" marks the Anasazi sites. location of the Salt Creek anthropomorphs on his sketch map. It is unfortunate that a person Noxon and Marcus (1982) coined the term who knew little about rock art recorded this "Faces Motif' to identify the Salt Creek an- site. The term "Faces" will likely never disap- thropomorphic images, which they describe as pear. Schaafsma (1971:50-54), in the process a "unique rock art theme" (1982:13). They of describing two sites from Salt Creek (one in concluded that the images, "appear limited to detail) that both contain Salt Creek anthropo- the Salt Creek Archaeological District in Can- morphs, astutely does not refer to these images yonlands Park" or are "...focused within a 10 as "Faces".] square mile area in the Salt Creek Archaeologi- cal District...". They also state that the images Tipps and Hewitt (1989:34), in the research "...occur in consistent association with Anasazi design section of the first intensive and com- cultural manifestations..." (1982:37) and there- prehensive survey of specific areas in Can- fore, "are probably not Fremont in origin and yonlands National Park, noted this enigma. possibly represent a localized Anasazi devel- They also posed specific questions for further opment". research concerning the "Faces Motif anthro- pomorphic style". These are as follows: "(1) Griffin (1984) and Osborn, et al. (1986) sur- were the artists who made these paintings Fre- veyed in Davis and Lavender Canyons east of mont or Anasazi (2) if Anasazi, do they repre- Salt Creek, and more fully documented the sent an Anasazi adoption of a Fremont style, "Five Faces" site (42SA7736). They concluded and (3) do the Faces Motif panels occur exclu- that the majority of use of these canyons was sively with Late Pueblo II/Pueblo III Anasazi during the late Pueblo II to early Pueblo III pe- remains?" riod. Griffin (1984:443) noted that at least 10% of the sites recorded during the survey dated This summary of previous research shows the from the Basketmaker III to Pueblo I period. problems and controversy centered on the Salt Creek anthropomorphs. The realization that Noxon and Marcus (1995) further documented these are fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs and additional sites in the Park along with several that they are part of a larger cultural complex panels of Salt Creek anthropomorphs. They covering all of eastern Utah, etc., sheds new noted that, "One distinctive feature of the Can- light on the controversy. I shall attempt here to yonlands Anasazi Style rock art are the 'Faces answer Tipps and Hewitt's questions. Motif' anthropomorphs". "Primarily focused within the Salt Creek District, Faces Motif an- When were the Salt Creek thropomorphs may be an adoption or combina- Anthropomorphs Created? tion of Anasazi and Fremont rock art styles, although this association has not been clearly First, however, I would like preface this discus- demonstrated." "Faces Motif anthropomorphs sion by answering the question: When were
168 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah these images created? Nearly all the scholars abundant during the late Pueblo II early Pueblo cited above believed that the images were cre- III period. This feature then, did not narrow the ated during the late Pueblo II through Pueblo time period for the construction of the images, III period, whether by the Anasazi or by the but it does seem to uphold the Pueblo IIIIII Fremont. Not only is this borne out by associa- date. tion, but the anthropomorphs at site 42SA1629, commonly called the Four Faces, were most An additional problem with the design element certainly created by people standing on the top is that it is not culturally distinctive. It is found of an Anasazi Puebloan structure. That nar- on both Fremont and Anasazi ceramics. For rows the date considerably. Two other panels example, it is found on Fremont, Ivie Creek of Salt Creek anthropomorphs apparently were Black-on-white ceramics (Madsen 1977:38), also made while standing on top of structures. which date AD 700 to 1200(?). Interestingly, a It is obvious then that the images date from the similar design feature also occurs in Fish Creek Pueblo II-III period. Cove in the Fremont River drainage, which is to be expected, since these images are all part A promise for ascertaining a more exact date of the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphic ideol- for construction of these images was found on ogy. the design of the lower torso of one of the Salt Creek anthropomorphs at site 42SA1629. The There is little doubt then that the Salt Creek design is present on a wide band at the waist of anthropomorphs were made during the late one of the images (Figure 109). It resembles a Pueblo II through early Pueblo III period by belt line, sash or even a short garment extend- what has been defined as the Anasazi Pueblo ing from the waist downward. The design ele- people. ment consists of elongated triangles with a row of small triangles or short lines or dots along Returning then to Tipps and Hewitt's ques- one side. (The exact design apparently differs tions; first: "Do the Faces Motif panels occur depending on the skill of the painter or the exclusively with Late Pueblo II/Pueblo III Ana- painting implement.) The sash features the sazi remains?" Having participated in survey same elements as those found on whiteware work in Canyonlands National Park (Griffin ceramics, which have more narrowly defined 1984, Tipps and Hewitt 1989, etc.) and having dates. for many years extensively explored, not only the Salt Creek drainage, but also all of the This approach however, did not turn out as ex- northern slope drainages of the Abajo Moun- pected. Instead of being specific to a concise tains, I observed three things: time, this element was found to occur in several periods. For example, it is a common design 1.) All the lower north-slope drainages of the element on Anasazi ceramics dating from late Abajo mountains contain Pueblo II and early Pueblo II through early Pueblo III period. For Pueblo III habituation sites similar to those in example, it is found on Black Mesa Black-on- the Salt Creek drainage (see also Davis 1975). White from the Pueblo II period (about AD 900 2.) In these drainages there is a paucity of mid- to 1100) (Lister and Lister 1978, Colton 1955 den depth associated with these Puebloan struc- and Breternitz, et al. 1974). It also is present tures, indicating that the period of habitation on a few Pueblo I ceramics (Kana-A Black-on- during this period was widespread, yet rela- white). Plog (1979:Figure 8) illustrates the de- tively brief. sign element on a Lino Black-on-Gray bowl, 3.) The Salt Creek anthropomorphs are indeed which is Basketmaker III (AD 500 to 750). concentrated in the Salt Creek Archaeological Although present on a variety of ceramic types, District, but they are not exclusive to the area. the design element is undoubtedly the most
169 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
For example, a panel of Salt Creek anthropo- miles north of Salt Creek in the Brush Creek morphs is located about 20 miles north of Salt drainage of the Uintah Basin of northern Utah. Creek in Lathrop Canyon in the Island-in-the- Some of the images at the site in Brush Creek Sky district of Canyonlands National Park are illustrated by Schaafsma (1971:144-145). (Castleton 1979:303-304). In this panel the She, however, attributes them to, "apparent three (actually four) images are also in a row. northern stylistic influences". It is not too sur- One of the images is superimposed over and a prising that Schaafsma attributed them to little above another one. Here also the panels northern influences. No other group of images are associated with Anasazi Pueblo structures. with these characteristics has been found to this date in the Uintah Basin. Schaafsma was not Figure 139 shows a group of what could easily familiar with the images in Salt Creek, so she be Salt Creek anthropomorphs. These "Salt did not realize what they were. Creek anthropomorphs", however, are not in the Salt Creek Archaeological District, or even Other images with the "unique" characteristics near Canyonlands National Park. They are 180 of the Salt Creek anthropomorphs are found
SUM
Figure 139. These five figures are from a site the Brush Creek drainage in northeastern Utah. The black is reddish-brown paint; the gray is abraded. Compare with images from Salt Creek scattered in eastern Utah, but they are rare. For are part of a complex of fugitive-pigment an- example, compare the pendant necklaces in thropomorphs that resulted from one common Figure 109 with those in Figure 46 — from Nine ideology. Mile Canyon and Figure 52 — from Desolation Canyon. Other features of the Salt Creek an- Furthermore, they demonstrate that the people thropomorphs are similarly distributed. of eastern Utah were in contact with each other relatively constantly, given the distances in- It is apparent from the existence of the images volved, and most significantly, that this contact shown in Figure 139 that the Salt Creek an- lasted for over one-thousand years. (As an ex- thropomorphs are not confined to Salt Creek. ample of this interaction notice that Figure 102 They are not even confined to Southern Utah. from Salt Creek appears to have typical Bas- Nor are they entirely associated with the Pueblo ketmaker face painting.) Someone pointed out II-III Anasazi. The existence of these images that the problem is, of course, which group of in the Uintah Basin and in central Utah demon- images was created first: those in Salt Creek, or strates that the whole set of Salt Creek figures those in Brush Creek? The comment was also
170 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Antbropomorphs of Eastern Utah made that if we knew which were created first, The Salt Creek anthropomorphs are thus a late we might know which region was the source of regional manifestation of the ideology that cre- the images. In reality, the images were created ated the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. at nearly the same time since they both have This explains why they have more outlined and outlined bodies, along with the shared and decorated bodies and why more features are similar features. The images simply demon- painted than are pecked out or abraded. Their strate the degree of contact between the people peculiarities are due to the peculiarities of a of the various regions throughout the existence group of people somewhat isolated in the Salt of the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. Creek area.
Back then to Tipps and Hewitt's questions, "(1) Apparently the occupants of eastern Utah and were the artists who made these paintings Fre- the adjacent areas to the south were all one mont or Anasazi (2) if Anasazi, do they repre- group of people, that is, until something hap- sent an Anasazi adoption of a Fremont style?" pened. The rock art of eastern Utah illustrates what happened. Sometime well into the crea- The problem is that this is an either/or question, tion of the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs a and it is not possible to provide an either/or an- new ideology came into existence in Four Cor- swer, since the ideology responsible for the ners area. North of this region, the people re- creation of these images existed in both the jected this new ideology. This new ideology "Fremont" and "Anasazi" areas. Apparently all apparently centered on the Kiva and its associ- of the people of eastern Utah shared the fugi- ated "religion". tive-pigment anthropomorphic ideology since the end of the Archaic period and the beginning The people of the four corners region aban- of the Formative. Relative to the ideology, doned the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphic there was neither Fremont nor Anasazi. They ideology for this new Kiva based ideology. were all one group of people. When this occurred, the quality and style of the rock art in the Four Corners area declined and The Salt Creek images then, were made by a disintegrated. It consists mostly of simple liz- group of people who have been defined as the ard men, abraded grooves and spirals. While Anasazi, but the images do not represent an the rock art declined, the Kiva mural art flour- Anasazi adoption of a Fremont style. Shar- ished (Crotty 1995, Hibben 1975). rock' s (1966) question of whether the Salt Creek anthropomorphs were borrowed whole- The people of the "northern periphery" rejected sale by the late Pueblo II and early Pueblo III the new Kiva-centered ideology and continued Mesa Verde occupants without an immigration to develop the fugitive-pigment anthropomor- of Fremont people has the same answer. The phic ideology, which resulted in the creation of people who made the images already possessed the large and complex images that are one of the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphic ideol- the defining characteristics of the Fremont cul- ogy. They did not borrow it. An ideology can- ture. The greater the distance from the Utah- not be borrowed if you already have it. When Arizona, the larger and more complex are the the ideology came into existence, which re- late fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. sulted in the creation of the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs, there was neither Fremont nor It is easy to determine the line of demarcation Anasazi; they were all the same. The ideology between the Fremont and the Anasazi. It is was obviously influenced from outside the area, marked by the presence or absence of the Kiva. (the figures have outlined bodies, etc), but this It appears that the people in each area were still was part of the constantly evolving changes. in contact with each other, they just had differ-
171 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
ent ideologies; so the rock art, ceramics and In the south, they are concentrated along the other indications of cultural contact are present. drainages of the La Sal Mountains, which drain into the Colorado River. In the far south, they It is no coincidence that the northern most are concentrated along the drainages on both Kivas in eastern Utah (located by the author) sides of the Abajo Mountains, which drain into are in the northern drainages of the Abajo the Colorado and San Juan Rivers. In addition Mountains, which includes Salt Creek, North a relatively small number of sites are concen- Cottonwood and Davis and Lavender Canyons. trated in part of the Kanab Creek drainage, The people living in the Salt Creek area cultur- which drains the Paunsaugunt Plateau west of ally were the Anasazi Pueblo, but they were in Bryce Canyon National Park. both the very southern-most fringe of the Fre- mont and the northern-most fringe of the Ana- Each group in eastern Utah occupies strikingly sazi, so they retained a mixture of the two ide- identical environments. They all occupy an ologies. That is why fugitive-pigment anthro- area containing perennial creeks. They all oc- pomorphs were made while standing on Ana- cupy an area at the base of mountains. They all sazi Pueblo structures. occupy an area near a major river. (Previously I discussed that rivers and mountains could be The wide variety in the rock art in the Salt used as a road map.) There are lots of areas Creek area, which has not been mentioned by like this in eastern Utah and western Colorado, any previous researcher, indicates that the peo- but only a few have concentrations of fugitive- ple lived in relative separation and so were pigment anthropomorphs. able, because of the presence of some very imaginative individuals, to develop from the An illustration that other areas with the same fugitive-pigment anthropomorphic ideology a environments may have been investigated or group of figures that have some unique artistic briefly visited and then rejected is found in the differences. Ferron Creek drainage. Ferron Creek is mid- way between the Wyoming and Arizona bor- An interesting feature of the Salt Creek anthro- ders and at the far western edge of the upper pomorphs is their resemblance to the Fremont Colorado/Green River basin. It drains the figurines. Some of the images exhibit a re- western slopes of the Wasatch Plateau with markable similarity, perhaps more so than the peaks as high as 10,904 feet. It flows past images in the traditional Fremont area. Inter- Ferron then it drains into the San Rafael River. estingly, no Fremont figurines have been found It is likely at the farthest point from all the in Salt Creek, at least any that are known. other concentrations of fugitive-pigment an- thropomorphs. One single isolated fugitive- pigment anthropomorph was discovered by the ENVIRONMENT author in this drainage (Figure 140).
One other factor links the fugitive-pigment an- Why certain areas were chosen to the exclusion thropomorphs together. They nearly all occur of others is a mystery. Certainly there are other in the same environment. The images are con- factors that determined which locations were centrated in four distinct regions in eastern occupied of which we are unaware. Utah. In the north, they are concentrated along the eastern drainages of the Uintah Mountains, All of these groups then, share the same adap- which drain into the Green River. In the cen- tive strategy. It is as if the people were all the tral area, they are concentrated along the drain- same group, and they intermingled so often that ages of Boulder Mountain, which drains into they chose just one type of environment in the Fremont and Colorado Rivers respectively. which to reside.
172 Steven J Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
THE LARGE PENDANT NECKLACE THE END
The key to understanding the meaning, purpose What happened to the fugitive-pigment anthro- and placement of these images is a feature that pomorphs? They ended when the Fremont is common to the fugitive-pigment anthropo- ended. The rock art shows that they were not morphs in all of the areas discussed here. It is just slowly replaced; they just suddenly ended. an integral part and defining characteristic of Panels of fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs in the fugitive-pigment anthropomorphs. This the Uintah Basin are superimposed by images feature is the large pendant necklace on the of Pueblo IV origin from the 1400-1500's that chest of the anthropomorphs. parallel in style the Kiva murals of the Kayenta and Chaco Anasazi from northern New Mexico The pendant necklace is a symbol. Precisely and Arizona (Crotty 1993, Hibben 1975). Su- what it symbolized is unknown, however, be- perimposed over the sacred images of the Fre- cause of its presence on anthropomorphic im- mont are large shield figures and men armed ages in sites with ritualistic context, it can be with bows and arrows. deduced that it reveals that the person wearing it was one who had the authority, or ability, or right, or privilege, or stature, or power to offi- FOOTNOTES ciate in these rituals. The pendant necklace was apparently a container of some kind, likely 1 This figure represents a person who is dead. made of animal skin that held the necessary The person is hanging on two protruding elements to define the stature of the person beams, the ends of which are shown beneath wearing it. the arms. This might not be obvious to a per- son who has not been in a cadaver lab at a uni- versity medical center. When a live person is suspended by their arms, their feet are in about a normal position, which is out at right angles to their legs. However, when a person is dead, their feet hang straight down like those de- picted in this photograph. A pictograph show- ing another person in this exact position is found in Northern Arizona. Its feet also hang straight down.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am indebted to my wife Elna Elizabeth for allowing me the freedom to complete this paper while the house fell to wreck and ruin around us, and to my family who accompanied me on hundreds of trips looking at rock art for the past 38 years. I am also indebted to Owen Sever- ance for taking me to sites in southeastern Utah This image was discovered near Ferron, and accompanying me on more exploration and Utah. Notice how various regional charac- discovery adventures than I can possibly count. teristics of the fugitive-pigment anthropo- I would also like to thank Nina Bowen for morphs have been combined to form this proofreading this lengthy paper. image.
173 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
NOTES Castleton, Kenneth 1978 Petroglyphs and Pictographs of Utah, 1. All drawings are tracings made directly from Vol. 1. Utah Museum of Natural History, slides using Adobe Photoshop. They have not Salt Lake City. been field checked. 1979 Petroglyphs and Pictographs of Utah, 2. The study area is confined to Utah and a Vol. 2. Utah Museum of Natural History, short distance (about 50 to 100 miles) into ad- Salt Lake City. joining states. The discussion in this paper is principally centered on eastern Utah, the area Cole, Sally D. with which I am most familiar. 1990 Legacy on Stone: Rock Art of the Colo- 3. Nearly all of the sites shown in Figure 135 rado Plateau and Four Corners Region. were discovered during the author's explora- Johnson Publishing, Boulder, Colorado. tions. 4. Troy Scoffer found the panels in Range Colton, Harold S. Creek that are shown in Figures 55 and 56. 1955 Pottery types of the Southwest. Museum of Northern Arizona Ceramic Series No. 3, 3c and 3d. Northern Arizona Society REFERENCES CITED of Science and Art, Flagstaff.
Ambler, John Richard Crotty, Helen K. 1970 Just what is Fremont? Paper presented at 1995 Anasazi Mural Art of the Pueblo Period the 35th Annual Meeting of the Society AD 1300 —1600 . Influences, Selective for American Archaeology, Mexico City. Adaptation, and Cultural Diversity in the Prehistoric Southwest. Unpublished PhD Breternitz, David A., Author H. Rohn, jr., and dissertation, Department of Art History, Elizabeth A. Morris University of California, Los Angles. 1974 Prehistoric Ceramics of the Mesa Verde Region. Museum of Northern Arizona Davis, Larry D. Ceramic Series No. 5, 2 nd ed. Northern 1975 An Archaeological Survey of North Cot- Arizona Society of Science and Art, tonwood Canyon, San Juan County Flagstaff. Southeastern Utah. Unpublished Masters thesis. Department of Anthropology and Buckles, William C. Archaeology, Brigham Young Univer- 1971 The Uncompahgre Complex: Historic Ute sity, Provo, Utah. Archaeology and Prehistoric Archae- ology on the Uncompahgre Plateau in Ferris, Peter West Central Colorado. PhD. Disserta- 1987 Post Classic Vernal Abstraction: The tion, Department of Anthropology, Uni- Evolution of a Unique Style in Late Fre- versity of Colorado, Boulder. mont Rock Art in Dinosaur National Monument. Southwestern Lore, 25:28-41. Burton, Robert J. 1989 Aspects of Design in Uintah Basin and 1971 The Pictographs and Petroglyphs of Di- San Rafael Fremont Rock Art. In Rock nosaur National Monument. M.A. Thesis Art of the Western Canyons, pages 47-57. Department of Anthropology, University Denver Museum of National History and of Colorado, Boulder. Colorado Archaeological Society. John- son Publishing, Boulder, Colorado.
174 Steven J. Maiming, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Grant Campbell Kidder, Alfred Vincent and Samuel J. Guern- 1978 Canyon de Chelly, Its People and Rock sey Art. University of Arizona Press, Tuc- 1919 Archaeological Explorations in Northern son. Arizona. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 65, U.S. Government Printing Griffin, Dennis P. Office, Washington, DC. 1984 Archaeological Inventory in the Salt Creek Archaeological District Can- Lister, Robert H. and Florence C. Lister yonlands National Park. United States 1978 Anasazi Pottery. University of New Department of the Interior National Park Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Service Midwest Archaeological Center, Lincoln, Nebraska. Madsen, Rex E. 1977 Prehistoric Ceramics of the Fremont. Gunnerson, James S. Museum of Northern Arizona Ceramic 1969 The Fremont Culture: A study in Cultural Series No. 6. Flagstaff. Dynamics of the Northern Frontier (In- cluding the Report of the Claflin- Malotki, Ekkehart and Donald E. Weaver, Jr. Emerson Expedition of the Peabody Mu- 2002 Stone Chisel and Yucca Brush: Colorado seum). Peabody Museum of Archae- Plateau Rock Art. Kiva Publications, ology and Ethnology, Harvard Univer- Walnut Canyon, California. sity, Vol. 58, No. 2. Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Martineau, LaVan 1973 The Rocks Began to Speak. KC Publica- Hibben, Frank C. tions, Las Vergas, Nevada. 1975 Kiva Art of the Anasazi at Pottery Mound. KC Publications, Las Vegas, Nevada. Manning, Steven J. 1983 A Repetitive Symbol in the Rock Art of Holmer, Richard N. Indian Creek. Paper presented at the 1986 Common Projectile Points of the Inter- Third Annual Symposium of the Utah mountain West. In Anthropology of the Rock Art Research Association. Pub- Desert West; Essays in Honor of Jesse D. lished in Utah Rock Art, Volume III, pp. Jennings. Edited by Carol J. Condie and 67-72, 1994. Salt Lake City, Utah. Don D. Fowler. University of Utah Press, 1987 Distribution and Cultural Affiliation of Salt Lake City. Large Two—stranded Pendants Necklace in the Rock Art of the Colorado Plateau. Jennings, Jesse D. Paper presented at the Seventh Annual 1978 Prehistory of Utah and the Great Basin, Symposium of the Utah Rock Art Re- University of Utah, Anthropological Pa- search Association, Fremont Indian State pers Number 98. Park, Clear Creek Canyon, Utah. Pub- 1956 The American Southwest: A Problem in lished in Utah Rock Art, Volume VII, pp. Cultural Isolation. In Seminars in Ar- 1-11. Salt Lake City, Utah. chaeology: 1959, Robert Wauchope (ed.) 1990 A Reappraisal of the Cave Valley Style, Memoirs of the Society for American Ar- Paper presented at the Ninth Annual chaeology, No. 11, pp. 59-127. Washing- Symposium of the Utah Rock Art Re- ton D.C. search Association, Vernal, Utah. Pub- lished in Utah Rock Art, Volume IV, pp. 63-71. Salt Lake City, Utah.
175 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
Manning, Steven J. (continued) the National Park Service, Canyonlands 1992 The Lobed-Circle Image in the Basket- National Park, Moab, Utah. maker Petroglyphs of Southeastern Utah. 1995 Significant Rock Art Sites in the Needles Utah Archaeology 1992. District of Canyonlands National Park, 1993 A Modal Based Classification System for Southeastern Utah. Report submitted to Rock Art Research; Overcoming Stylistic the National Park Service, Canyonlands Methodological Problems. Utah Ar- National Park, Moab, Utah. chaeological Research Institute, Inc., Oc- casional Papers, No. 5, Salt Lake City. Osborne, A. S., R. Hartley and K. J. Rinhard 2002 Barrier Canyon Style Petroglyphs, Part II. 1986 Archaeological Inventory of Lavender Paper presented at the Twenty-First An- Canyon, Salt Creek Archaeological Dis- nual Symposium of Utah Rock Art Re- trict, Canyonlands National Park. Uni- search Association, Moab, Utah. Pub- versity of Nebraska, Lincoln. Submitted lished in Utah Rock Art, Volume 21, pp. to National Park Service, Midwest Ar- 1-32, 2003. Salt Lake City, Utah. chaeological Center, Lincoln, Nebraska.
McCreery, Pat and Ekkehart Malotki Rieske, Bill 1994 Tapamveni: The Rock Art Galleries of 2000 Navajo and Hopi Dyes. Historic Indian Petrified Forest and Beyond. Petrified Publishers, Salt lake City, Utah. Com- Forrest Association, Petrified Forest, Ari- bined reprint of Navajo Native Dyes by zona Nonabah G. Bryan, Stella Young and Chares Keetse Shirley. US Bureau of In- Morris, Noel dian Affairs, 1940 and Hopi Dyes by 1931 The Ancient Culture of the Fremont River Mary-Russel Ferrell Colton, Museum of in Utah; Report on the Explorations un- Northern Arizona Press, 1965. der the Claflin-Emerson Fund, 1928-29. Papers of the Peabody Museum of Schaafsma, Polly American Archaeology and Ethnology, 1992 Rock Art in New Mexico. Museum of Harvard University, Vol. 12 No. 3. New Mexico Press, Santa Fe. 1951 Basketmaker III Human Figurines form 1994 [1971] The Rock Art of Utah, A Study Northeastern Arizona. American Antiq- from the Donald Scott Collection. Pea- uity, Vol. 17, No. 1, pp. 33-40. body Museum of Archaeology and Eth- 1954 Clay Figurines of the American South- nology; Vol. 65. Harvard University, west. Papers of the Peabody Museum of Cambridge, Massachusetts. 1994 reprint, American Archaeology and Ethnology, University of Utah press. Harvard University, Vol. 49, No 1. Sharrock, Floyd W. Morris, Elizabeth Ann 1966 An Archaeological Survey of Can- 1980 Basketmaker Caves in the Prayer Rock yonlands National Park. Miscellaneous District, Northeastern Arizona. Anthropo- Collected Papers No. 12, University of logical Papers of the University of Ari- Utah Anthropology Papers, No. 83. Salt zona, No. 35. lake City.
Noxon, John and Deborah Marcus Taylor, Dee C. 1982 Significant Rock Art Sites in Arches and 1957 Two Fremont Sites and their Position in Canyonlands National Parks and in Southwestern prehistory. University of Natural Bridges National Monument, Utah Anthropology Papers, Number 29. Southeastern Utah. Report submitted to Salt lake City.
176 Steven J. Manning, The Fugitive-Pigment Anthropomorphs of Eastern Utah
Thiel, J. Homer Turner, Christy G. II 1995 Rock Art in Arizona. Submitted by Desert 1963 Petrographs of the Glen Canyon Region. Archaeology to the Arizona State His- Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin toric Preservation Office, Phoenix. 38, Northern Arizona Society of Science and Art, Flagstaff. Tipps, Betsy L. and Nancy J. Hewitt 1989 Cultural Resource Inventory and Testing Jaeger, Edmond C. in the Salt Creek Pocket and Devils Lane 1961 Desert Wildlife. Stanford University Areas Needles District Canyonlands Na- Press, Stanford, California. tional Park. Selections from the Division of Cultural Recourses, Number 1. Rocky Wellmann, Klaus F. Mountain Region, National Park Service. 1979 A Survey of North American Indian Rock Denver, Colorado. Art. Akademische Druck-u. Verlagsanstalt, Graz, Austria.
177 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23, 2003
178 Jesse E. Warner ROCK ART AS A FORM OF P YER
To a large degree, I believe there is a lack of is obvious someone does not know what they are understanding regarding rock art, even a form of doing. misunderstanding which confronts us on many different levels. Some of that can actually be The second card is like one that nearly all of you called a blatant ignorance. That sounds a little have seen in curio shops and the trading posts to hard, and it is. As members of the Utah Rock which only tourists usually go. It consists of Art Research Association, it is a part of the supposed rock art symbols and their meanings. It purpose of our existence to help educate the has the kind of symbols that are laughable; a public regarding the values, importance and drawing of a bonfire for the meaning of friend- significance of what rock art really is. ship, crossed arrows for war and a broken arrow for peace. Those images also occur on "Indian" I believe that we are falling way short of our copper bracelets and meditating or Indian "rune" goal. Apart of that is the fact this volume you stones. This is about the same thing I have seen are reading is, in all honestly, only being read by being taught to Cub and Boy Scouts, and grade not many more than some 200 people. And, we school students in public school. Has anyone do not have any exposure to the general public. ever seen anything like that in rock art? As a result, some of the blatant ignorance, which confronts us, is seen in post cards. Because of Better still in some respects of this analogy, but copyright laws I cannot reproduce them here, but far worse in its potential impact because it uses I will describe them. more realistic rock art elements, is a little booklet I found after giving this presentation (Harris The first one was printed by Mountain West 1995). Some of the more off-the-wall interpreta- Prints and distributed by Great Mountain West, tions are in Figure 1. Nothing really needs be 1995, Salt Lake City, Utah 84115. The credits said about them, but I would like to point out that for the photographs were by Don Green Photog- every set of joined arms that I have seen reach raphy. When I put a slide of it up on the screen out to the sun on key dates. How does that fit while presenting this paper, I simply asked, with his interpretation? The first and second "What's wrong with this picture?" This is a images in the second line are good examples of common children's game. limits of variation. Many of the forms he labels as "springs" point to groins and vulvae. The Within a few seconds laughter rippled through form he labels "scorpion" looks very suspi- the audience. The title on the front of the card ciously like a bipolar-cephalic sheep. The stated, "Fremont Indian State Park," in large, caption for what he labeled "shields" occurs gold italics. "Utah" appeared below in bold pale below these images. Even though he believes blue capital letters. The problem with it was that shields can be confused with spirits, he does not the collage of three photographs consisted of the label any of them as such. two biggest Barrier Canyon Style panels and one Fremont panel from Sego, Utah. Those two Even though these are only just a little better than locations are a little over half of the state apart. the more simplistic ones, they are somewhat That is an embarrassment, not only for them, but more believable to those who are naive as to I believe to a certain respect to us as a whole. It what rock art really suggests. There are, how- ever, a few interpretations in which he is very 179 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23 close to what is more likely a part of their familiar with that image or its setting could take symbolism. Do these, as well, help in any way to the resulting falsification as reality. portray that rock art is that simplistic? What is really surprising is that in the upper right hand What was removed was a very important part, I corner is a band that announces that this booklet believe, that was an impetus for the rock art is the recipient of the "Best Book Series Glyph elements that literally followed. It was a large Award Winner." There is no other mention of part of an aspect of the empowerment of that that award in the booklet. Since it doesn't state panel, an aspect of rock art that is referred to as who gave that award it makes wonder. rock incorporation. Figure 2 illustrates a photo- graph that includes this natural feature. It was The September just before this symposium, one taken in the 1930's on one of Albert Reagan's last problematic card was found at the Nine Mile trips. A glass negative of that and many other Coalition's gathering in Nine Mile Canyon. This Reagan photos were in the archaeology storage card was printed in part to publicize the potential stacks at the old Academy in Provo. damage to Nine Mile Canyon's rock art due to natural gas development that is threatening the Just imagine, after being very familiar with this canyon. It was also an announcement of the aspect of the panel, and even having watched a College of Eastern Utah and Ken Sanders Rare shaft of light emerge from it along with two Books' invitation to The Nine Mile Gallery, a other natural vulvae along that same side of the photographic exhibit by photographer Diane Orr canyon, this natural feature had suddenly disap- and video by Ute storyteller Larry Cessopooch in peared from the photo. It just was not there any Price. It also announced the Salt Lake City longer. That was very suspicious! What was exhibit on the evening of September 11th. At the removed was a discoloration on a natural feature Price gathering Dr. Ray Matheny, one of my old in the surface of the cliff face. On some of Orr's professors, was to be the guest speaker, after other photographs she seems to have altered the which a tour followed. natural settings to include a more dramatic scene with the sun in places in which the sun could not The photograph on this card consisted of the naturally be seen. famous "Hunting Panel" in Cottonwood Wash in 9 Mile. I was stunned when I saw it. It was a Von Del Chamberlain, a past director of the dark cloudy, rainy day and we were in the Nine Hansen Planetarium in Salt Lake City, Utah, Mile Ranch's bowery. I had to step out to the showed a slide at ARARA'S 1987 conference in edge to get more light to see if I was not just St. George, Utah. In that picture he doctored the imagining what I was looking at. I couldn't juxtaposition of two celestial bodies. If I re- believe it. I was not just imagining it. I quizzed member correctly, it was Venus and the moon. many of the people there and throughout the rest He was questioned about it during his presenta- of the day to see if they could see anything wrong tion by a very observant attendee, and severely with it? None of them said that they could see booed when he admitted it. He had never said anything wrong. Some even said, "It is a photo- anything about it until he was caught. Changing graph, what could be wrong with it?" the picture was considered highly unprofessional. Perhaps for aesthetic purposes some may The problem with this is that something in the consider it acceptable. However, in the long run, panel was missing. I suppose it was the photog- there are too many problems that such an act can rapher, Diane Orr, who removed a very impor- create. There are far too many natural aesthetic tant part of that picture. To me, any intentional "Kodak moments" to have to falsely create them. removal from, or addition to, a photograph of rock art, is falsifying the truth. Someone not In one Utah Travel Council pamphlet the photo of this panel omitted the same thing, possibly
180 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer because it was believed to detract from the 1992). Notice the natural hole below her groin esthetic nature of an otherwise beautiful panel. area with a phallus pointing to it, or is it a spring. In the National Geographic photo in the January 1980 issue of the Utah Louvre this same feature In Figure 3A,d, there is a Bisected Circle, a vulva was only partially included. variant around an angle of the cliff face, another natural feature, but still attached to the rump of All of these are examples of a blatant ignorance. the sheep. In a way this possibly implies that it Blatant, in one sense means conspicuous, a word is not only emerging from it, but also from introduced to the English language as an alle- whatever the other side of that cliff face may gorical representation of calumny (Ayto have represented, which is different from the one 1990:66). One aspect of calumniation is slander on which it is found. I do not believe that all of (Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary). In so these examples represent that possibility, but at doing, is it possible that they are not only divert- the moment, where do we draw the line? All of ing the truth, but committing an act of slander? them seem to have that potential on at least one Notice at the far left of Figure 2, the large oval level of their meanings. depression created in part by exfoliation. This also shows a discoloration in the color of the In Figure 3C, there are a few of the many sheep patina and a possible water stain that changes which walk out of cracks from a possible vulvate over time. If that fact is obvious from an exami- form or at least implying a similar symbolism. nation of photos over a period of time, I believe One of the attributes or affinities which cracks that it was probably obvious to the ones who represent is that they are also considered another made that panel and used it over many genera- vulvate or portal image. Many rock art figures tions. It may also have even enhanced its power are copulating with them. It is a passage through in that it may have seemed to have been a part of that liminal veil-like form which gives us its a living entity. That alone is significant. The significance. left-most sheep in the top row stands on the very edge of this oval and is half in and half out of the Many who comment on the Cottonwood Wash discoloration. I believe that both of those aspects Hunting Panel, suggest that this procession are intentional and significant. With other represents sheep migrations back down into the corroborating examples, it appears to be the case. canyon following the births of the yews, which alternate with the adult sheep in the second row. The left-most sheep in the third and fourth lower I believe that is possible, but only on one level of rows, have their rumps at the edge and seem to its real intent. It is likely true that those smaller emerge from it. To me, this natural feature must (baby) sheep had just recently been born, but I have been a conscious, even conspicuous ele- believe that this also could be another symbolic ment in the panel. Not only the positioning of birth or rebirth. These sheep all move towards a the panel, but, I believe that the elements in the hunter and their possible death. Some believe panel were choreographed to take advantage of it that they are being led by a possible Animal and what it seems to symbolize. All of the (Beast) Master or Lord of Game in the personage elements seem dependent on that vulva-like of the two-horned, cloven-hoofed figure san- form. I suggest these sheep could not only be guineously attached to the sheep within the top emerging out of it, but in a sense it could be the row which has a shaft of light coming out of his site or their birth. Notice that the examples in mouth on a key date. Figure 3 A,a,b,c and d, have natural holes that sheep seem to walk out of or away from. In 3 A, Since there are many sheep that emerge from a, a row of sheep seem to emerge from between such features, why they do create that imagery the legs of Nal Morris' Great Mother (Morris here and what does it signify? The symbolism was obviously more or less obvious. Some 181 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23 would simply call it "Hunting Magic". However, in part, an eternal prayer for their increase? Not I believe that short changes it. It is far more this entire panel was created at one time, so there than that. This is one of these Joseph Campbell may be several different meanings for many of things that is a book in and of itself. The impor- the elements here. One feeling is that some of tant point here is not whether or not we under- those in Figures 3A and B represent the attain- stand why, but whether it is a part of the panel, ment of enlightenment. That is suggested by the and if the elements were intentionally involved rampant sheep in the Hunting Panel walking up a and interact with it. We should not only recog- ramp of light. A point of that light emanates nize this as a possible, natural, vulvate form in from the tip of the phallus of the hunter on the the first place, then leave it alone. far right. That hunter has a different shaft of light emanate from the tip of his phallus at three The examples in Figures 3A-C should be fairly different times of the year. Such a situation is self-explanatory. However, in case they are not, extremely rare and would thus be extremely let me note that some seem to be very under- powerful. Doubling two of those dates makes standable, while others are not as identifiable. that five times a year. He is no ordinary hunter. And as mentioned, some may not even belong If not, who is he? here. Until we know more about them and feel more comfortable about where to draw the line If he is any kind of a hunter at all he is what we between what we think does and does not belong need to call a mystical hunter. There are several together, simple consider them as comparative different ways of looking at the intent of the solar examples. Notice that some even have about interaction with his phallus. On each higher them what could be described as a mystical level it becomes more esoteric. On a possible nature. They do not seem to be very natural for penultimate level he might be involved with the what is, in the first place, a very natural situation. concept of one or another of various initiation situations. On one side of that, the ewes might In Navajo one could call any one of the natural be the initiates being led by their guides. Or, on vulvate forms or features a "tse josh. " That is a the other extreme, this panel may involve the stone vulva with a referent for that of Mother idea that it may be somewhat like the belief that Earth and or Changing Woman. On the Salt the hunter who could become the hunted. The Trail, Hopi pilgrims feign copulation with a right "hunter" may be god, hunting those who natural hole to which they refer as the vulva of want to be taught. Those various possibilities are Salt Woman. Why do that? The belief was that the types of things we will probably never know they would increase their children and improve and at this point are really not all that important. their health (Simmons 1942:235-6). There was All we really need to know is the mystical nature nothing profane about it. I had the opportunity to of much of this symbolism, which takes it out of witness something similar to this by two young more normal interpretations and involves what Navajo boys who one day took me to a box we must assume is the propitiations for either canyon full of copper colored ore at Coppermine, more game, or enlightenment, or both. In either Arizona. At the time I just thought they were case is that a part of their prayers? trying to embarrass me, but later found out that it was a ritual observance expressing respect for On another even higher level, some of the sheep Changing Woman and then gaining obligatory walking out of such womb-like images are felt to blessings. possibly represent the birth of the one that's shown in the bellies of many seemingly pregnant Is it expected that the sheep represented in the female figures, Figure 3B. In some situations Hunting Panel as coming out of this vulvate form these figures seem to relate to this natural vulva. are to be hunted? Or is it the artists' desire to In another situation, which relates to this latter help preserve their ability to hunt them? Is this, possibility, both Nal Morris and I believe that
182 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer there is an element of the renewal of time, and fascinating is that no matter what level of inter- or, the birth of an aspect of time. That in part is pretation with which we can look at these panels, represented by the presence of two bipolar they are all various degrees of a searching, a cephalic sheep in two of these panels. One of longing, a concern and even a placation and those is in the Hunting Panel, which very few besechment. These are all likely considerations people ever notice. The other one is below Nal's of various acts of prayer. Great Mother in Figure 3A,c (Morris 1990:90,1992). Do all of these considerations place a sufficient amount of stress on the fact that there is a There is another example to support the time substantial amount of ignorance regarding what aspect of this possible interpretation. Consider is going on in rock art, let alone what we are Figure3 A includes a panel that has a small sheep doing with it. Hopefully the efforts of those who seeming to walk away or emerge from an in- are doing research in this and other similar verted U-Bracket with a dot centered within it. organizations will help to illuminate the fact that This sheep is enlarged to the right and marked we need to be a little more cautious and consid- with an asterisk. To the left of it there is a T-like erate rather than simply trying to get what one of element (a possible abstract phallic figure) with our so called professional members calls a BKQ its short tang pointing to a notch in which the sun picture. That is a "book quality picture." If, in rises on Equinox. On the right side of it is a Y- fact we are well past the time when rock art was Forked phallic variant pointing to the position for called "doodling", then why do so many still Summer Solstice sunrise. On either side of this believe that it what it is? If we and our published sheep, balancing it between two possible phalli proceedings, had more exposure there would be and at least one tse josh seems to suggest the far less ignorance. importance it had for the concepts of time. Any rock art elements should be book quality if The two sets of opposed, crescentic figures are they contain information that will help us to balanced on either side of a universal, vulvate V understand something better. It should not be a form. The right-most was the T element just matter of riding on the bandwagon fad that rock referred to which seem in one sense to also have art is to provide something that will look pretty something to do with time. It is the V, on either on a coffee table. Look at the last image of two side of which, the two sets of crescentic objects animals redrawn from Mohen (2002:124-5) and are balanced., which seems to create this divi- Clottes and Lewis-William (1998:75,78) in sion. On the Rochester Creek Panel there is a Figure 3B, which emerge from a small tunnel in bipolar cephalic sheep with a V with a vertical a Pleistocene cave. The latter authors suggest the line splitting the V on its back. Nal Morris animals emerging from the darkness of that discovered that it was divided down the center of chamber could mean the rebirth of life in the that dividing line by the edge of light and shadow warmer seasons. Is the natural vulva in the on a key date (ibid:88). Both Nal and I again Hunting Panel really any different on at least one believe that opposed backpackers may also of these levels, if not more? possibly be used to mark a solstitial position. Are these two sets of opposed, crescentic objects Now look at the composition to the left of that highly stylized backpackers? The mystical, five last one. It has two animals that are possibly in legged sheep above them in 3 B,a is treated in an the rump-to-rump solstitial positioning on either upcoming volume on Moab and its rock art. side of a figure with a natural, patinated section Some of these deal with time as well. For the within its body that may be considered vulvate. moment they are only thoughts and are neither If so, what would that mean in relation to what provable, nor disprovable. However, their has been considered thus far? It may also depict presence is highly suspicious. What I find so these animals walking away from, or out of, that 183 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23
vulvate form like Figure 3A.c, as well as the last Figures 4-6. There are numerous examples of composition. It also marks a solstitial position flutes in cracks, on cracks or along cracks, with a crack that intersects the alignment of the Figures 7B, C. These are not all. Even the horns of the animal on the right. Also notice that playing of the flute in the germination of seeds, these are also multi-legged tying them in with the the melting of ice and snow or the wooing of a concepts behind the one in Figure 3B, as just pretty girl, is no less than a form of praying. mentioned. Notice Harris' "spring" symbol, marked with an I would now like to consider the next set of cards asterisk, in the center of Figure 7B is intimately which were presented at the symposium. They associated with a crack somewhat like some of did not represent negative situations, but were an the phalli below it. Also notice Harris' spring example of the ignorance regarding similar symbol to the left which points to the belly of the concepts of prayer. They will set the stage for smaller figure. In that assumed copulation scene, what will follow. Look at Figure 4. The first is his "spring" pointing towards the one he is one is a picture of a flute player in front of a wooing like the one to the left? Strange? It is bellowing elk. From the flute, as if they were dangerous trying to make a dictionary of symbols notes of music, fly birds in a light blue stream up and their meaning(s). This is certainly the case past a yellow moon in the cool evening air. It is when a person only knows one of their many and obvious what the birds signify, but is their often diverse meanings. And, what if there is no symbolic content as obvious? Are these graphic meaning at all? images really the visual, or pictorial, manifesta- tion of his prayers? If Christians believe that Based on what you have just seen with flutes and their singing of hymns is praying, why cannot the phalli being placed into or onto cracks, what playing of a flute, as well as dancing, be acts of does the last image in Figure 7C, a pipe smoker prayer? with the tip of his pipe on a crack suggest? After what you have just seen it may not matter exactly Figure 5 illustrates a less natural, somewhat what it means. You can get a grasp of a part of stylized pipe smoker, whose smoke transforms it, get a feeling of it. The pipe smoker is obvi- into a bird flying upwards towards the moon. ously taking advantage of that same context, and His head is raised, looking up, as the bird and the a similar concept. prayer it no doubt represents leaves his lips. Another one of these is Figure 6. It is redrawn Figure 8, is a redrawing of a painting of a girl from a photograph of a postcard representing a with her arms upraised in what seems an attitude New Mexico flute player with his flute raised up of prayer, supplication, or thanksgiving. Behind to a crescent moon. Was this really taken as it is her arms is a set of faint, translucent, ethereal caught in the seeming truthful image of this bird wings that almost seems to represent her photo or was it also doctored as many photos are spirit. An eagle circles overhead soaring on the (Brugioni 1999)? It could actually be real, as thermals. Some believe such a pose, in combina- well as having the sun in the same position, but tion with that act or intent, creates a spiritual is it? vortex. Does just the presence of this bird as a messenger or a representative of that spiritual Would a sheep holding its flute out towards realm, indicate the acceptance of the responsibil- where the sun rises in a crack between the cliff ity it has to take her prayers to the Holy Ones, and an outset rock, Figure 7A, be any different as the Above Beings? Do the bird-like feathers it seems to woo the sun. And, what about those behind her image indicate that she is in a spiri- which play through a crack and into the Other- tual attitude, even praying? Is there any differ- world beyond, Figure 7B,C? They are much like ence between those two statements? I believe the flute players which seem to be praying, they exemplify a "this and that" situation. That 184 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
is, a "both" rather than an "either or situation". his emotions and his anxieties, and now it is also How many times do we see that position with a part of mine, as well. anthropomorphs on the rocks? Patterson (1992:161) quotes four authors who state that Do these images help to illuminate the fact that such a position indicates prayer or a form of much of what is on the rocks are likely or even worship. Rev. Galal R. Gough also agrees possibly, forms of prayer in one aspect of one's (2002:31). That frontal form, like the profile worship or another. Conway (1993:45) quoted positions which we have dubbed supplicaters are Dan pine, a spiritual leader in the Canadian probably, in reality, no different. Shield, as saying that in his 90 years on the medicine path that 'My every step-my every To those familiar with the esoteric, that pose is breath-is a prayer.' If that is the case then would called the orans position of a praying figure, but every element he placed on a rock be a prayer as on a higher level it also symbolizes the post- well? I believe so, at least in one form or an- mortem etheric gesture of a departed spirit other. (Ovason 1999:332). On another level, it also represents the etheric five-branched or five-fold Let us take a few moments and consider the man with his four limbs and head spread out as expressions of not only birds, but also other in de Vinci's art canon of a man within a circle, a image as an expression of prayer. We have seen, form of squaring the circle. that in several different instances the concept of the spirit and prayer is to a degree inseparable. Figure 9 is the redrawing of another card includ- Many of those actions of not only producing ing those elements in a more abstract manner. some rock art, but just being there at a site is, in a The form of a rapture is probably the main focus sense, making the very breath taken at a sacred of the picture. Two profile heads look upwards place a prayer for an offering, to those who in to different directions placed below an ethe- control that (the resolution of that) offering. At real, translucent circle, again as a possible image some rock art sites some have seen prayer of the moon and a mystical buffalo skull. Below feathers left as offerings. They still return to the bird is a corn plant with rain or lightning these ancient as well as modern sites to pray. symbols. This nonetheless seems to be a prayer. They do not have to be reminded of the Christian Figure 10 is a photograph of a beautiful bird Hymn, Did You Think To Pray which begins, carved by my brother Harrison Habaa'dih from Kayenta, Arizona. He found this broken and "Ere you left your room (or sacred shrine) this healed piece of cedar and saw this bird in it. It is morning, did you think to pray?" Some of those believed that in a sense it called out to him for a prayer feathers include beads, or at least knots reason. That reason was held in the potential of that are an analog, or a synonym of a bead, which its form. What is important about this is that at is a prayer. that time he was going through several struggles and in part, the act of carving this bird was an Did you know that the word bead originally expression of those feelings and his prayers for passed from a Gelinanic word for prayer and their release, to find resolution. After freeing it into Old English as gebed. By the 13th century it from its bondage within that stump, it became a became bede. In German, gebet is still prayer symbol of his quest. We have talked on many (Ayto 1990:56). It also relates to an Old English occasions throughout his life about some of the word bid, to ask or demand. It is interesting that situations he has gone through. He asked me if I in the creation of a bead, as well as probably would be its custodian, a guardian of its intent. every rock art element, there is a bidding, or That is a situation, and the responsibilities it prayer that is evoked for the fulfillment of each requires I solemnly bear. That bird to a large individual aspect of that bead's or panel's intent, degree represented his prayers, an expression of which these so-called artists made or prayed. 185 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23
Had you ever thought that a panel of rock art 'it'eego hoozhoogoo nda'aztiinigii bikaa' neikai could be prayed (pecked or painted) into exis- dooleel niigo." tence? This translates, Does that make any sense? Does that make each element a part of the circle or cycle of life? Does Silent and still my father stands before the old that make each element a prayer? Maybe not. writings on the rocks. He is thinking a prayer to the Holy Ones, asking them this day to keep But they have an affinity in that every bead, our feet on the trail of beauty. every song, every dance and in many respects, if not all, it makes any rock art element a part of Just going to a rock art site is also an aspect of the destiny they have to fulfill. And that destiny prayer. I believe this is also the case of the is not only set by the hands of those mystics who pilgrimages on trails that lead to sacred places created them, but by those who continue to use like Spirit Mountain, in Nevada. The trail them as manifestations of the prayers of both, shrines on that thin ribbon worn into the desert often over vast periods of time. pavement are like beads on that fragile string that mark procession and progression. Making rock Thor Conway (1993) refers to the rock art in his art at some of those shrines is a means to help book, Painted Dreams, as "Canadian Shield". I sanctify those sites, to give sanctity, to make it a do not think Conway ever actually called rock art sanctuary, or a shrine. Thus we see the intent of prayers as such. From his statements, I believe following that trail. They are the prayers of that for him they were more on the order of those who made that pilgrimage. It is not just dreams, as the book title suggests. I would not one act of theirs on that journey which sanctifies disagree with that, but I would prefer to call it. It is all the acts of walking, dancing, sleeping much of the rock art we see as prayers. On one and dreaming, of making rock art and crying for, level a person's dream is also a foi in of one's or praying, which creates the sanctity of any such prayers. Conway hints at that when he states that act or site at which it occurs. Remember, "It is the soul speaks in the language of symbols, and good to have an end in sight to our journey, but it that it is symbols that speak to the soul. If that is is the journey that is important in the end." the case, then I would believe that these images are the language of prayer. In many instances, I Sanctity is a word from our vocabulary, not really believe that certain rock art figures were theirs. Others that flesh out that concept are used to get answers. I suggest that some were consecrate, dedicate, enforce, reinforce, edify, actually heard to speak as oracles, especially in empower, confirm. These verify, as well as some cases where shafts of light come out of purify, and give solemnity to the individual, the their mouths. Or, when they pop off of, or out shrines, the trail and the act of following it as a away from the cliff face with sidelight at first or prayer. This is no different from pilgrims last light or even during the day. following the labyrinth in Chartres Cathedral or from Compostella to Rosslyn along the meta- Some Medieval artists were believed to have phorical Milky Way road. The more prayer is painted pictures that could heal as well as speak used, the more power it has and can offer. to an observer (Ovason 1999:153). I know several Navajo who go to rock art panels to These trails are no different from walking receive a healing, physically as well as spiritu- labyrinths for the prayer that this makes and the ally. There is a Navajo poem that states: emotional, psychic, and spiritual benefit one receives from this prayerful act. On one level T'aadoo 'iits'a'i doo t'aadoo naha'nani shizhe'e both a labyrinth and a maze mean a circle, with tse yikidialchi nte bitch'e'etiindo sizi, dadiyini its coming and its going (c.f. Telesco bich'i' sodizin yee yaa ntsekes deeji neiikagi 186 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Foam of Prayer
2001:38,56,58,74,78). It is bringing together the trail together creates the fulfillment and destiny opposite edges of the bowl, the coming and the of the one making the sacrifice. The ritual of going into one line, as a coincidence, mathemati- participation is the closing of that cycle or circle. cally speaking, described in "How To Compli- It creates the rim of that tilted bowl, a mandorla, cate a Simple Circle" Part 2 (Warner 1995). meaning the center of the universe in which exists a fully awakened being. Each shrine and each panel on that trail is like another bead of a rosary that passes through one's Add to that the principle of repetition, which fingers or beneath one's (feat) feet ratifying the strengthens power and creates a successful intent of that pilgrimage. Even the making of ceremony (Reichard 1963:496,241). It is not just that rock art, the rhythm of each blow; blow by in repeating that pilgrimage. It consists of every blow producing dint mark after dint mark, step it takes to make that participant a pilgrim, influences one's emotions and spiritual experi- and to complete that pilgrimage as a statement of ences. This creates the melody and meanings of one's commitment. It is not only every peck mark the supplicant's song. Each brush stroke, dipped made to express one's own destiny, but also in the paint pot, stroke after stroke, rhythmically every hand placed there to draw strength from produces or makes manifest, the prayers of older images from their spirit as well (c.f. one's heart. It is like the beads passing through Conway 1993:117). The destiny of those acts is one's fingers, and strung along the conceptual to bring that intent from the form created to the threads as if holding to the thread-like trail. realization of what that form represented, or the intent of its production, bringing the cycle of that Whether breath taken, step trudged, dint mark (circular) form full circle. There is sharing in the pecked, brush stroke applied or pebble added to continuation of that part of the mystical process. another cairn, all are just another act confirming It is no less a part of the melody than each that intent, making that procession valid. It is element, or note which is a part of the creation of not only the offering of another prayer, but also the song it plays. Every song is a prayer, and rather different aspects of the continuing prayers every prayer is the song that one's heart sings being offered during the experience of that ordeal (Warner 1992A). or that event in their lives. All are manifesta- tions of one's spiritual intent. The power in- That song, or prayer, is often the one given to vested in those sites by those acts is still present. the one who is making those sacrifices and offers It can even be felt today. As many of you, I that prayer and received that vision which, in know of such sites. There are those among us many instances, I believe, is composed of and by who have sat and cried at a site because of its the elements which were created on the rocks. effect. I have! A Hopi woman told me once that The prayer, the vision, the song and the rock art redrawing these figures was a reenactment of are all one and the same sings (Warner 1992A). their prayers for either good or bad. That Each verse and chorus forms another circular reenactment was literally a re-offering of that revolution in the prayer being offered; another prayer, a re-empowerment of its original intent. revolution in that upwards-spiraling vortex, another vibration from the rim of a ringing bell, Walking that line to and from the point of the the vibration from the rim of a bowl or a drum. pilgrimage is walking the rim of the bowl, imbuing the trail and the individual with the During a Peyote ceremony I once had the oppor- power of that place as well as the light received tunity to attend, coals were taken from the fire not just from the destination, but from the and the Road Chief made an eagle from them on sacrifices, trials and ordeals, that the journey the floor in front of us, on which he burned offers through the forge it creates. All of these tobacco and peyote. He fanned the smoke up as acts are like tying a knot. Tying both ends of that he sang his prayers for that event so the smoke 187 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23 from that bird could take them up to the Holy That back and forth pounding of each dint Ones. Is that any different from those on the pattern precisely placed in making an element is cards just described at the beginning 9 Is it any like the forwards and backwards movement of a different than the rock art we look at and ponder? prayer feather fan, or the grinding on a metate. It No, not really. Is making any changes or is a creative action to sustain life. Also, a more falsifications of these panels an invalidation, a powerful coincidental circle is created, as well as nullification, a cancellation of their prayers? a blessing on the element being dinted and the meal being ground. Prayers smoked through a turquoise pipe are said to be more efficacious than normal prayers. The pecking or grinding, and the singing over it But, if one can see that which gives turquoise through prayer, is in part the creation of its that ability, one will know that it is also what actual blessing. That metaphorical closing affords the "broken heart and contrite spirit" of a (forewords and backwards/going and coming pilgrim taking on the features of one with a motion) literally transforms that motion into a precious, or jeweled, heart another breath (the coincident circle, and thus there is a spiraling shell, wind jewel of Quetzalcoatl). It is making form like Hamlet's mill grinding out the meal of rock art, adding another pebble, taking another spirit and time (De Santillana and Von Dechend step, all combined with the right mental, spiritual 1992). That is the bipolar aspect of simply being and physical state of a Penitent. All add their a closed circle. It is the expansion of a closed various features to their prayers as well. One form into one which is also a part of the doing of becomes the flute or the pipe through which that not doing; another way of increasing the power prayer is offered. It is the heart, not the mind, of that particular circle of movement into a where luminous consciousness is made (Sejourne spiraling vortex. This is believed to give even 1960:119-129,131). The "artist", or "mystic", more power to one's actions, thus prayers and the rock art he or she makes are one. become even more efficacious.
Smoke is also a form manifesting and carrying This is another way to take the moment of prayers with it in a circleness as it spirals up. completeness beyond this realm and send it Extending a part of or all of one's self by partici- through eternity, into infinity. Are we still in pation is helping to fulfill the destiny of one's many ways, just as ignorant of what is going on self and the smoke. A literal prayer circle is as those illustrated earlier, only hopefully on a believed by many to create a vortex lifting less blatant level? When will we ever learn what prayers up like smoke. And, an eagle circling our stewardship really is? Like the birds repre- upwards is felt to be an extension of that. Note sented here, we also have responsibility as the affinity they share. Is it not synonymous to stewards of their rock art, and thus their prayers. one who is a pilgrim on the spirit trail, or simply People, out of respect, would not take a coin on one's own vision quest at a rock art site? I from a fountain, or a wishing well. Or would know of a young Navajo who had a life changing they remove a candle, or offering at a roadside experience in Salt Lake City one morning. To shrine of the death of a loved one, or flowers, confirm the validity of what he had heard, he pinwheels and flags from a grave on Memorial went to the top of Ensign Peak to pray for a Day. They would not damage the shrine on 7th verification of its truth. When he finished South between 5th and 6th East in Salt Lake praying he heard the screech of an eagle above City, where the stump of a cut off limb seems to him. As he lifted up his head, he saw the bird possess an image of the Virgin Mother. People circling over him several times. He believed it in all these situations leave offerings as reposito- was a confirmation of the truthfulness of what he ries of one form of their prayers and devotion. had heard and what he wanted to know. Yet we have not done all that we can do to help
188 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
others realize that rock art is really no different. fanum (temple) was a term which originally had URARA still has not met its full potential. connotations of pre-initiation, such as one being in that place or state of mind which was in One can look at any rock art site to see how what anticipation of the enlightenment about to come. occurs there fits in with what has been suggested Even dictionaries still carry connotations of not here. We often joke about some of the things we being among the initiated, nor possessing eso- see. However, I challenge you to look at them in teric or expert knowledge. It was also used as a this new light and be serious and respectful of cognate for the "fool," the idiot, the zygote, the their purpose. If we do this, I honestly believe initiate onthe path of his pilgrimage. If this site we will then begin to see far more than those was simply a hunting site, then why is there so who only look at sites with the attitudes exempli- much that deals with what seems the sacred, the fied by the first examples in this presentation. spiritual, the esoteric and metaphysical?
Let me take just one site as an example. I I suggest that Figure 12, portrays what is as- selected it since it was not suggested by the other sumed to have been an intentional invisible commentaries that this site was probably related human figure. It is as much a type of mystical to anything dealing with the spiritual and or symbolism as any that I have ever seen. To metaphysical. At Fish Creek Cove there are indicate his presence only his assumed sash, belt probably more rampant sheep (lifted up on an lines or kilt and shield have been depicted. angle) than at many others combined. Most Figure 12b. illustrates how the fringe on this often there or only one, two or in some cases just shield-like form has fringe only at the beginning a small hand full. Many of the sheep here are of the light which is coming onto the cliff face rampant. They face both to the east and sunrise, providing highlighting which is depicted as black and to the west and sunset (Figure 11) for just a in 12 b. Since the pecked and painted shield is few. still very red, it is not thought that this figure was also painted and later faded out of visibility. It has been shone in several of my articles that There are many such figures which were be- rampant animals raise up to greet the sun. lieved to be intentionally depicted for very Referring to this as a greeting may not be a very specific reasons by just their personal adorn- appropriate term. However, greeting is a part of ments or articles of clothing with no body parts the prelude to its intent. Some of the sheep even indicated. have their front legs reaching up like what we have called "supplicators". Let us take a moment One aspect of that invisibleness is part of a and consider why there are so very many here at mystical symbolism, no doubt representing, on a this presumed hunting and butchering site. How lower level, possibly a visionary (OOBE), does a site such as this compare to the Hunting through a spirit figure or even a Holy One or Panel? For those who went there what did it Deity. Notice that it is only the fringe that is have to offer? highlighted. Fringe, feathers and hair are consid- ered to be an extension of the symbolism of light It seems that in several previous remarks regard- and of one's spirit. That light expands out to fill ing this site there was a consensus that it was in what is seemingly a body form of light that simply a hunting site, although a complicated was previously missing. Except for the fringe one. We know those who made them did not on the shield, the white is light and the dark is differentiate between sacred sites and profane the shadow on Figure 12c. It then falls into the sites. Every site was first and foremost sacred. category of Symbolic Solar Interactions which I Secondly, there was no such thing as profane as refer to as a "Being of Light". So this "man" we define it. In several articles I have shown that with his shield is probably no ordinary man or the original definition of pro (before) fane or warrior. Is he the sun bearer, the sun himself or 189 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23 the hero who's task it was to carry it as a test? Or ment by stalking their deities in the forms of is he a mystic warrior seeking blessings as a stags or sheep (Reichard 1963:115,549)? These prayer for him, and perhaps his shield (c.f. last images occur to the far right of the site. Warner 1992B)? Figure 15 is to the left of the site with twin-like Figure 13a. illustrates how the light moves across figurine forms and a headless shield-like figure. a man behind a red painted circle. These actions The edge of the light and shadow in Figure 15a, of light, which were congruent with various falls down through a large headless shield-like aspects of this image at several points, illustrate figure with a phallus. And no, the head was that he is also not an ordinary man, or one that is never there and just faded. As the light moves not in an ordinary state of mind or being. See across this figure the edge of light aligns with the Figure 13b. And, if he is hunting, it is probably phallus and splits a spiral below him, as shown enlightenment. Notice the little figure within his in Figure 15a. In this context, one aspect of the body, a figure within a figure. spiral is likely a vulvate formsince it is connected to the phallus of the shield figure. This is only Figure 14b illustrates how the light (as black one part of a very dramatic portrayal providing a dots) moves up the ladder and into the door of copulative concept with whatever the spiral's the house in 14 a. It was likely made by a Ute. many different meanings may imply. Two The light then fills in the doorway and then feasible concepts that seem to fit this context are enlarges over the rest of the house. This is a vulvate form and a solar symbol. See line 2. reminiscent of the house at another site which has a shaft of light approach the door, move into At Sand Island, the shadow of an outset block of the door and then shuts off, seemingly to go into stone at sunrise produces a line that runs from the house. Figure 14c (Robin and Ewing 1989). the tip of a flute-player's flute through an exag- gerated, negative vulva of a facing female figure, There are other houses that would be interesting reinforcing other contexts where the flute to watch to see if they also have similar solar touches the vulvae of some female forms. interactions with their doors. It would be inter- esting to know where that building really is. It Just before the interaction in line 2, the interac- does not look like the school house nearby at tion in line 1 of Figure 15b took place. Here the Fruita, but could it be a similar school, as a place edge between light and shadow splits the twin- of enlightenment? It is no coincidence, as we like figures, two water birds and the bisecting commonly use that term today, but it seems that line of a rayed circle, which could also be a this house was placed where it was to coincide vulvate form. On another date, the final interac- with the form and movement of the light to tion with the possible twin-like figures aligns provide that additional mystical, non-ordinary or them in such a way as to suggest that this head- mundane symbolism. less, phallic, circular figure may possibly have been their father, and represents, in part, their What are the chances that such symbols and their conception. See Figure 15b and c; lines 1 and 3. interactions would occur at a basic hunting site where animals were killed and butchered only for The rayed, Bisected Circle is either a vulvae sun simple economic reasons? Or, more likely, or a Sun Womb, or sun in the womb of the would they occur at a site where initiates would mother, thus suggesting the idea of solar concep- be taken to be taught more sacred aspects of their tion. If that is the case, then this image is likely a cosmology? It is likely that these strange ani- representation of the sun and his headless form mals were a part of that process. If it is a hunting may have some relationship with that identity. site, who and what are they hunting? Is this a During the last interaction in line number 3, the site where one was taken to hunt for enlighten- twins are split by the line that bisects the previ-
190 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer ous spiral as it was from the phallus of the shield well, is it a possibility that this is the sun with his figure and the interaction in line 1. This is not all phallus of light with an interaction on an equilat- that complicated, but will be treated in more eral cross? Thus it could be a symbol of one of detail in another presentation. his offspring, one of the possible twins in Figure 15a. In other words Figures 15a-c and Figure On at least one level, or perspective, the solar 13g, basically represent, if not the same event, interactions in Figure 15f,g, which are from then a similar concept or expression of it. another site may, in a way, potentially help to Now we discuss the point of including this evaluate it as another possible headless, sun-like second illustration. Note the figure to the left in shield or circular figure as well. There are two Figure 15f. It seems to be a Double Entity (DE), possible views of this. Both say the same basic a figure suggesting the emergence of the man's thing as well. I do not believe this is an either or spirit if the bulbular part of the figure being situation, but a both, a this and a that. One of touched with the point of light in line number 1, these is the possibility that the two opposed which continues on down to his phallus, is the curving lines at the bottom are feet pointing to head of his emerging spirit. The head of the the right and the left as seen in Figure 15d, main body is touched by two upraised and joined slightly rotated. On several occasions I have arms as the point of light in line number 2 illustrated how feet can be used as phalli. The touches his real head. His hands raised up in that other possible view may be suggested by what position form a Bisected Circle DE. That would the light and shadows do on it in Figure 15g, line then make the hollow circle above this head, the 7, the last position illustrated, but not the end of head of his emerging spirit, at the moment of the interactions. As the thin sliver of light ecstasy. moved across the central dot, it aligned with what I earlier thought, and previously supposed In many Navajo or Apache ceremonials the to be, the leg to the left in Figures 15g and d. participant needs to become the Hero, the boys Immediately after watching the interactions with with Monster Slayer and the girls with Changing Figures 15a-c I had one of those very odd Woman. Is the function of these two similar paradigm shifts. panels one of those situations when an initiate as a hunter of enlightenment is becoming one with This paradigmatic shift in my visual perception the Hero, the son of the sun? We cannot be sure, was that what I had just viewed as a leg, shifted but I have never heard a better explanation in my mind so that it could now possibly be regarding these interactions. Again, these are a viewed as a curved phallus if the next line to the form of the prayers of not only those who made right could then be considered as the figure's them, but those who used them. other leg. See Figures 15d,e, slightly rotated, to better visualize it. Is he also a believed to be a Because of the number of representations which I possible representation of the sun like the shield- believe are intended ambiguities, I suspect that like form in Figure 15a-c? This last view would this very likely may be another example of give him arms alternating in different directions, intentionally creating an image which can be like several others at the site, rather than two regarded as a representation of the sun; see uplifted arms in an attitude of prayer or worship. Figure 15a. Does he really have a phallus and On two different dates it has two different shafts does it really interact with the cross-like symbol? of light touch the central dot. The reason both views contain the same symbol- ism is that both hands and feet can be phallic Since it has two curved ray-like lines where the metaphors. Is that imagery, and the possible head should be, is it not a headless figure repre- phallus of light phenomenon, only like other senting the sun? Since it is a dot centered circle, representations of a "Hieros Gamos" or a "Di- sun-like figure, and, if it is a (sun-like) shield as 191 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23
vine Connubium"? Or, are they combined with that are only different animals to be slaughtered those who want to join in that situation? for some future meal? Could they be the deities The answer to all of these questions seems to be that spew out their life's blood in the form of "Yes". But are these a part of the real answer? spiritual instructions to those who hunt them? If so, do Figures 15a-c and 15g, possibly say the There is some evidence to suggest that possibility same basic thing? I believe that in their graphics as well. This is a lot to think about. How seri- alone the symbolism in Figure 15f does not ously should we take any of it? That depends on equate to either the rayed BC or spiral in 15a and whether one can see anything in it at all. If you b. However, that may have been the intent at do, if you really care to know more, you need to that site if it was a place of initiation. In other think about all of the other possibilities. If you words they seem to relate, but not exactly in that do not, it really doesn't matter, or does it?! part of the symbolism.
Can we then say with any certainty that the headless images in Figures in 15d, e, probably do not represent the sun, since they have two curved ray-like forms? If the view in Figure 15d, was the only one intended, then only a part of the other rays assumed to form the image of an anthropomorphic sun-like figure, would appear where the head should be. Is it possible or even likely that the dot-centered circle or sun shield- like form is the head as well as the body?
To my knowledge there has been no known mention of a headless figure representing the sun itself, until these two instances. Most of the symbolism at the site of Figures 15a-c is believed to have been about the esoteric experience; the attainment of light and knowledge from the sun. This seems to suggest another extension of this symbolism into an area of metaphysical represen- tation. It also could underscore the fact that we can never state anything with any certainty. If these two, or even if only one, represent the "being-ness", the physical manifestation of the sun, how may other images here could also represent the sun? Is the figure with the sun- fringed shield the "Sun Bearer" as already suggested? If what has been presented regarding these two figures was not enough to ponder; now there are those other possibilities to think about.
Is this a site for prayer and fasting, of ordeals and dancing, of struggles in the perfection of one's heart? Or, are they the doodlings of hunters expressing the procession of seemingly headless animals which really do have heads, but
192 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
REFERENCES CITED
Ayto, John Patterson, Alex 1990 Dictionary of Word Origins. Arcade 1992 A Field Guide To Rock Art Symbols Of the Publications, New York. Greater Southwest. Johnson Books. Boulder. Brugioni, Dino A. 1999 Photo Fakery. Brassey's. Dulles, Virginia. Robin, Mark and Eve C. Ewing
Clottes, Jean and David Lewis-Williams 1989 The Sun is in His House. Rock Art Papers. 1998 The Shamans of Prehistory. Harry N. Vol. 7. San Diego Museum Papers 24. Abrams, Inc. New York. Sejourne, Laurette 1960 Burning Water, Thought and Religion in Conway, Thor Ancient Mexico. Evergreen Publications in 1993 Painted Dreams. Northwood Press. arrangement with Vanguard press. Minocqua, Wisconsin. Simmons, Leo W. (ed) De Santillana and Von Dechend 1942 Sun Chief An autobiography of a Hopi 1992. Hamlet's mill; an essay on myth and the Indian. Yale University Press, New Haven. frame of Time. David R. Godine Publisher. Mohen, Jean Pierre Gough, Galal R. 2002 Prehistoric Art, The Mystical Birth of 2002 Agony and Ecstasy in Native American Humanity. Telleri. Printed by Grafiche Rock Art. Utah Rock Art. Vol. XX. The Zanini. Bologna, Italy. Utah Rock Art Research Association. S.L.C., Utah. Warner Jesse E. 1995 How to complicate a Simple Circle, Part 2. Harris, Rick Manuscript in procession of author. 1995 Easy Field Guide to Rock Art Symbols of 1992AThe Tse Hataalii of Coppermine Springs, the Southwest, American Traveler Press. Arizona. Utah Rock Art. Vol. X. Utah Rock Phoenix, Arizona Art Research Association. Salt Lake City, Utah. Morris, Nal 1992B Solar Observations at a Well Known Site 1990 The Two Headed Goat Lives. Utah Rock in the Book Cliffs. Utah Rock Art. Vol. XI. Art. Volume IX. The Utah Rock Art Utah Rock Art Research Association. Salt Research Association. Salt Lake City, Utah. Lake City, Utah. 1992 The Great Mother. Utah Rock Art. Vol. XI. Utah Rock Art Research Association. Salt Lake City, Utah.
193 Utah Rock Art, Volume 23
Successful Gawk Endeavor Spirit p.15 p.19
Morning, Virgin, DD The Spring Day Pure. Creator p. 23 Untouched p. 17 )6) Night Twilight DD p. 15 p. 29 p. 29
S Whole 3 Days & 2 Nights Talk Days PeaceVille: p, 29 p. 29 No Trade Between Settlements Peaceful p. 31 p. 31 Settlement p. 31
Entire Turn Day Around p. 29 p.31
Walked 2 Two Three Conn Walked with Days in Springs at Death Three Mountains Poisoned Twilight Times p. 21 p. 21 p. 21 p. 21
"It is possible to mistake a shield for a spirit. They appear somewhat the same, but remember that a spirit will always — even remotely resemble a living creature, whereas a shield is a collection of symbols, each having a distinct meaning apart or combined" (p. 21).
Redrawn from: Easy Field Guide to Rock Art Symbols of the !Southwest". Best Book Series Award Winner; by, Rick Harris, 1955. Published by American Traveler Press, Phoenix, Arizona.
Figure 1. "Off-the-wall" interpretations.
194 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
Figure 2. The Hunting Panel (Regan 1930).
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Figure 3A. Sheep.
196 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
Figure 3B. Sheep emerging from cracks.
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Figure 3C. Sheep with a ramp of light.
198 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
Figure 4 (top). Flute player. Figure 5 (center). Pipe smoker. Figure 6 (bottom). Flute player.
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Figure 7A. A sheep holding its flute out towards where the sun rises in a crack.
200 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
Figure 7B. Flute players and the other world beyond.
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Figure 7C. Flute players associated with cracks.
202 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
Figure 8 (top). Women with arms raised. Figure 9 (bottom). Redrawing of a card with elements of prayer.
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Figure 10. Carved bird by Harrison Habaa'dih from Kayenta, Arizona
204 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
Figure 11. Rampant sheep facing the sun.
205 •
Utah Rock Art, Volume 23
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Figure 12 (top). Symbolic figures and light. Figure 13 (bottom). Movement of light and enlightenment.
206 Jesse Warner, Rock Art as a Form of Prayer
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Figure 14. Moving light.
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Figure 15. Forms, lights and shadows.
208 ABSTRACTS OF PAPERS THAT WERE NOT SUBMITTED
Mary Allen: New Discoveries in Grand Canyon Polychrome. This presentation for the 2003 URARA Symposium will examine a newly discovered complex of Grand Canyon Polychrome Rock Art. As always, the polychrome rock art images are exciting, but in this case, the site complex includes a petroglyph panel with Archaic Glen Canyon Style 5 rock art. Discovering these petroglyphs among the Grand Canyon Polychrome panels may support the idea that the polychrome panels are related to the Glen Canyon Style 5 tradition, as proposed in earlier papers. The talk will once again examine elements and characters repeatedly found at Grand Canyon Polychrome sites, further defining the style. Finally, nearby sites which exhibits polychrome traits but don't have the "feel" of Grand Canyon Polychrome will be discussed as an example of a few problematical "almost polychrome" sites which may or may not be part of the Grand Canyon Polychrome tradition.
Chuck Bailey: Jeffers Petroglyph Site Evaluation. The Jeffers Petroglyph Site is located on a quartzite ridge in southwestern Minnesota. It contains over 2000 petroglyphs, some of which also appear at sites as far away as Utah, California and Arizona. An on going mapping, recording and evaluation, of the glyphs and their alignments at this site has shed new light on the use of the site by people in pre-historic times.
Jim Blazik: Culture and Context: Archaic Painting Traditions in the American West. Rock art sheds light on aspects of the mental culture of a people, but culture is a reaction to—and a coping with—the place a people live. Traditions arise, persist and die in time, technologies change, people adapt, but only within the limits allowed by the land. This talk will seek to address some of the physical and/or environmental factors that influence Archaic people and the rock art they made.
Jim Farmer: Goggled Eyes and Horned Serpents: Barrier Canyon and Mesoamerica. The Archaic Barrier Canyon style seemingly shares several basic iconographic similarities with their Mesoamerican contemporaries, especially the late-Preclassic and Classic period Olmec and Teotihuacan cultures. Most prominent are the frequent depictions of goggle-eyed figures and horned serpents. These similarities suggest some shared beliefs and symbolism between the two regions.
Terence Grieder: Looking for Green River in 2003 B.C. For a long time we have had names for periods in Pre-Columbian history -- Archaic, Formative, Basketmaker, etc., but they are really names for stages of cultural development and give no hint about specific developments in particular cultures. We need to develop some names attached to specific kinds of artifacts like the Renaissance = oil paintings, Colonialism = European plantations, trains, etc in tropical countries, or the Industrial Revolution = drilling for oil worldwide. Could it be that the Chacoans or the Incas did not participate in such developments? If they did, then we must give up the old idea that American native societies were isolated from each other. There are several widespread cultural movements that do show up in artifacts and most of them in rock art. They are just beginning to be studied, but it is clear they represent the future of research on the ancient Americas. I will show a few slides that give an idea of four of these, spread over the whole period from first settlement to A.D. 1500. The first is the beginnings of rock art in the earliest petroglyphs and paintings, second is the explosion of Formative culture carried by maritime trade. Then we will
209 concentrate on the effects of the Chacoan domination of the Colorado Plateau and the rise of abstraction, emphasizing elite costume and its implications, and its appearance in rock art. Finally we'll look at the kachina revolution against the Chacoans, and it's appearance in various arts, including rock art. Looked at this way, it is clear that American native societies were participating in large-scale movements. The artifacts of those movements were the treasures of their times, were things that leaders had to have to show that they had knowledge of the larger world and spiritual and historical values beyond the average person's.
Ekkehart Malotki: The Western Archaic Rock Art Tradition: An Iconographic Overview. In the western U.S., pre-agriculturist rock art that is, rock art grounded in a hunter-gatherer lifeway, is now generally referred to as the "Western Archaic Rock Art Tradition." This tradition embraces a number of distinctly different diagnostic styles depending on whether abstract or representational elements dominate. Chronologically, styles with predominantly abstract motifs--both petroglyphic (Great Basin Abstract Style) and pictographic (Chihuahuan Polychrome Abstract Style)--are seen to constitute a pan-Western substratum of great antiquity. From this ancient matrix a series of regional styles (Glen Canyon Linear, Barrier Canyon, Palavayu Anthropomorphic, Grand Canyon Polychrome, Coso Range, Great Mural, Pecos River, Dinwoody, etc.), characterized by primarily representational designs such as anthropomorphs and other bioforms, is believed to have developed. This hypothetical framework is explained and exemplified by relevant imagery.
David Sucec: Drawing the Lines: Weavers Caves and the Problem of Style in Prehistoric Rock Art. Weavers Caves is truly a unique rock art site in a unique setting near the Escalante River in Garfield County, Utah. The images, clustered within three small caves, are comprised almost entirely of the parallel line motif, a form-unit that sometimes is called a "rake," "comb," or "brush." Yet, the verticality of the proportions (height to width) of the Weavers Caves images is quite unlike the horizontality that any of these three descriptive terms suggest. In the middle cave, there are a few representational images, including two anthropomorphic figures and a quadruped. The parallel line motif is a common ancient image and, at ca. 300,000 b.c.e., in the Old World, is the oldest known visual motif. According to Marija Gimbutas ("Language of the Goddess"), the motif belongs to the family of water symbols and refers to life, renewal, and healing. The parallel line motif is found among most of the Utah's Archaic rock art styles—Glen Canyon Linear, Chihuahua Polychrome and the Barrier Canyon, in particular. In addition, images from the more recent styles, including the Formative period Fremont and Pueblo styles, are also found in the Escalante canyons. The problem of stylistic affiliation of the Weavers Caves images and the appropriateness of their fit with each of the Escalante River area rock art styles will be discussed.
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