W. van der Meulen The Puri Putikesvarapavita and the Pura Kañjuruhan

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 132 (1976), no: 4, Leiden, 445-462

This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access W. J. VAN DER MEULEN

THE PURÏ PÜTIKESVARAPAVITA AND THE PURA KANJURUHAN

In the course of 1904 the Archaeological Service of the Netherlands Indies Government received notice of the discovery of the main part of an inscription, found some 8 km. N.W. of the town of Malang, near the Malang-Batu road. The village of Dinoyo was mentioned as the place where the stone was discovered, although the exact site seems to have been Merjoyo, a village adjoining Dinoyo to the west. It was another twenty years, until 1923, bef ore the discovery of two more fragments in the village of Merjosari, again to the west of Merjoyo, provided the complete text.1 The initial studies of this text, published by Bosch in 1916, 1923 and 1924, were followed in 1941 by a publi- cation of De Casparis, whose epigraphical acumen provided us with a more accurate and complete transliteration, translation and commen- tary, and af ter 1949 by additional annotations contributed by Damais.2 Both the content and the script proved to be very interesting. The content revealed the existence of a Hindu-style royal centre in East Java as early as the middle of the eighth century (760 A.D.). Though the language was ordinary Sanskrit, the script already showed certain peculiarities of the later Old Javanese script, indicative of an early beginning of indigenization. Another interesting fact connected with this inscription is that the cluster of four or five villages surrounding its site contain the scattered remains of small buildings of a distinctly

1 F. D. K. Bosch, "De Sanskrit-inscriptie op den steen van Dinaja", TBG 57 (1915/16), pp. 410-444; ld., "De Sanskrit-inscriptie op den steen van Dinaja", Oudheidkundig Verslag 1923, pp. 29-35; ld., "Het Lingga-heiligdom van Dinaja", TBG 64 (1924), pp. 227-291. 2 J. G. de Casparis, "Nogmaals de Sanskrit-inscriptie op den steen van Dinojo", TBG 81 (1941), pp. 499-514; ld., Selected Inscriptions from the 7th to the 9th Century, Bandung 1956, p. 279. L.-Ch. Damais, "Epigraphische aan- tekeningen", TBG 83 (1949), pp. 24-25; ld., "Etudes d'épigraphie indoné- sienne" III (BEFEO 46, 1952), p. 22, and IV (BEFEO 47, 1955), p. 204.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access 446 W. J. VAN DER MEULEN

Central Javanese style, which is quite exceptional for East Java.3 It remains to be seen, however, what their exact connection with the inscription is, and whether they are significant as an archaeological background that may explain its contents, or are the products of some divergent development. In any case, most of the remains probably date back to a period not long after our inscription was carved, though others may be more recent. The prasasti itself, by its very existence and by the fact that it mentions stone masons who carved an image of Agastya, testifies to a beginning use of stone in architecture.4

I. The contents of the inscription Though our discussion is centered around only two specific features of the inscription, others will have to be taken into consideration as well. It seems justified, therefore, to give a summary of the prasasti as it stands. This will be done in the form of a paraphrase based on the text of De Casparis with the special aim of elucidating the connec- tion between the slokas. Any deviation from the basic text or insertion of connecting elements will be indicated by italics and discussed in due course. After wishing the reader well, the inscription proceeds by stating in plain numerals that the year is 682 Saka (A.D. 760). The remainder of the first three slokas is dedicated to four members of the royal family,

3 The cluster of villages comprises (from east to west): Dinoyo, Merjosari- Merjoyo and Basuki; Badut is located to the south of this triad, while further to the north the spring shrine of Songgoriti should be mentioned as displaying the same style. These names disappeared as village-names after the reform of the Neth. Indies Administration at the beginning of this century. The remains found here consist of brick walls and the foundations of candis, parts of whose superstructure (antefixes, stairheads, ornamented stones, damaged statues, linggas and yonis) lay scattered all over the site and the surrounding sawahs, some even having migrated to the surrounding villages. In addition to our inscription some others, most of them completely illegible, were found here. A systematic excavation would have been impossible without demolishing an important part of the villages and fields and has never been attempted. Only candi Badut was restored as far as the remaining materials permitted this. 4 The site may of course have been sacred from long before this time and have been marked by unhewn stones or wooden and bamboo structures. The Central Javanese style developed in the period from the 8th to the lOth century, but there is little certainty about the exact dates of individual monuments or phases. E. B. Vogler, "De stichtingstijd van de tjandi's Gunung Wukir en Badut" (BKI 108, 1952, pp. 313-346), on stylistic grounds dates Badut to the period 850-927, possibly even later. On Songgoriti see ROD 1902, pp. 315-316; N. J. Krom, Inleiding tot de Hindoe-Javaansche kunst, 2nd ed., 's-Gravenhage 1923, vol. II, pp. 307-309.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access PURI. PUTIKESVARAPAVITA AND PURA KANJURUHAN 447 the second of whom is Gajayana, the reigning king, and the first his deceased father Devasirnha, while the remaining two are his beloved daughter and her husband. The king, of course, is the bestower of the favour s celebrated and attested - to by the inscription. His father had once been a wise and mighty ruler. (Now, af ter his death) the "purï purified by Pütikesvara" sparkles under his rule. The son, Limwa, received the name Gajayana after taking charge, his sire having been transferred to the heavenly abode, of the pura of "Great Kanjuruhan". His daughter Uttajana, a descendant of (the one deified in) Prada, was married to the wise Jananïya. Having thus introduced the royal family to us, the poet then comes to the main subject of the prasasti. In the fourth sloka the king is praised as a devoted worshipper of Agastya and as a benefactor of the Brahmins. That is why, tógether with the citizens and the assembled elders, he had ordered this magnificent sanctuary of Walahajiridyah to be built for the great Seer. The fifth sloka seems to explain the occasion which inspired this particular idea, and perhaps also his devotion to Agastya in general: Once he had come across a venerable wooden image of Agastya, carved long ago, and had feit so attracted to it that he had at once given instructions to a sculptor to carve a replica of it in shining black stone. And, of course, this image had to have a suitable shrine. After both image and shrine were completed, the inauguration cere- mony was conducted by the king himself, assisted by priests well-versed in the Vedas, and according to the prescribed holy rites, in the presence of a great many monks, novices and lay people. This ceremony took place in the Saka year "nayana-vasu-rasa" (682), in the month Marggasirsa, when the moon was in the house of Ardra,- on Friday the first day of the new moon, while the polar star unites the paksas (Bosch), or "while the two paksas are firmly joined tógether" (De Casparis), and under the zodiacal sign of Kumbha.5 So runs the sixth sloka. The king did not stop here, however. Since thé sanctuary had to be kept up, it had to be provided for. Thus he additionally made a donation

3 This repetition of the date in the form of a "candrasehkala" provides us with the exact day: Friday, November 28 (Damais, "Études..." IV, loc. cit.). The author's intention was, however, to show that the foundation rested on cosmically sanctioned pillars, so that great evil must befall anyone who tried to undermine it (W. F. Stutterheim, "Een vrij overzetveer te Wonogiri", TBG 74, 1934, p. 289, n. 2).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access 448 W. J. VAN DER MEULEN of a "stretch of land, fat cattle and a herd of buffalos tended by slaves male and female". Moreover, he ordered a building8 to be erected to house the monks in charge of the shrine, and for pilgrims staying over- night, "a building, toothed (?) and beautiful, which in order to receive its guests was well stocked with millet, rice, beds and clothes". End of the seventh sloka. The final two slokas contain the customary threats against anyone violating the provisions laid down in this document. We must draw attention to the curious jact, however, that here these threats are not directed indiscriminately at all evil-doers, but only at "the royal relatives and sons" and the higher court dignitaries. If they oppose the king's donation "they will certainly, disfigured by the sin of unbelief, be thrown into heil', without prosperity in this and the future life. If, on the other hand, they honour both Agastya and the Brahmins and study the Vedas, they will undoubtedly become protectors of the kingdom like the king himself. The text concludes with this note of warning. We should add, however, that in the context of these concluding threats it is equally curious that the same people who are so explicitly mentioned as candidates for damnation are, just as conspicuously, not mentioned as present at the consecration ceremony which besides the king only the ascetics and the common people with their elders are said to have attended. It seems a legitimate conclusion, therefore, that we are witness here to some kind of conflict situation. The most obvious explanation of this would seem to be that the Agastya cult was perhaps locally popular, but did not enjoy the approval of the royal sons (by concubines?) and the aristocracy, with the exception of the king's daughter and son-in-law. What kind of beliefs were held by the aristo- cratie party is not immediately apparent, but we might learn something about them if we could explain some of the cryptic expressions and sentence constructions that are so far unexplained, but which must have been obvious to those who were familiar with the situation and were at the same time "versed in the Vedas", i.e., acquainted with the holy language and Hindu lore.

We should note here that the term maharsi-bhavana of the 4th sloka, trans- lated by De Casparis as "sanctuary" (tempel) for the great Seer, more likely indicated a colony of ascetics or a monastery of worshippers of Agastya headed by a guru (cf. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, "Agastya", TBG 76, 1935, pp. 485, 489), which incorporated this shrine as well as guest quarters. There is no reason to suppose, therefore, that the bhavana of the 7th sloka, by De Casparis simply called "a building", should be distinguished from this earlier bhavana.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access PURI PUTIKESVARAPAVITA AND PURA KANJURUHAN 449

II. The purï purified by Pütikesvara We came across such a mysterious expression in the very first sloka. According to this sloka some purï sparkles (bhati) under the rule of Devasimha after its purification by Pütikesvara (pütikesvarapavitd). Now, Pütikesvara can have no other meaning than "Lord of putridity (or stench)". What is the sense in entrusting such a "lord" with the function of purifier? It would have been more logical if he had been said to have undergone instead of done the cleaning. There can be no doubt as to the correctness of the reading, nor it would seem about the piety or sanity of the author. So there must be something in the back- ground of this purï and/or that of this lord that justifies the appellation pütikesvarapavitd here, irrespective of whether it was an already existing name or an invention of our author.7 Professor Bosch, with his vast erudition, has unearthed an Indian Pütikesvara, of whom, however, nothing was known except that he was the protector of a Sivaitic linga-tïrtha on the Narmada River in North India.8 He nevertheless tried to throw some light on the problem through a lengthy discussion about the chthonic aspects of Siva and his connection with the stench of heil.9 These considerations, however, do not bring anything to the fore that is directly relevant to the cleaning which seems here, and also in the notion tïrtha, to be of primary importance. De Casparis speculates upon but rejects a connection with the "Pütesvara", or Lord of purity, mentioned in other inscriptions.10 Such a connection may nonetheless have existed. But if this is so, the need for a specific reason to explain its conversion into "lord of putri- dity" here is all the more pressing. An inspection of the geographical position of purï and pura might lead us to this reason. Though, as we will see, a subtle distinction seems to have been made between the purï óf the first sloka, ruled over by Devasimha after his demise, and the pura of the second, inherited and lorded over (raraksa) by Gajayana, there is no reason to regard them as geographically distinct entities. The inscription is clearly a local document referring to some petty kingdom centred on a point somewhere behind the broad back

7 It is custoraary for a sloka introducing some new entity, such as our purl here, to méntion the name of that concept at the end. It is probable, therefore, that "Pütikesvarapavita" is meant to express the real or symbolic name of the purï. 8 Bosch, "Het Lingga-heiligdom . ..", p. 279. 9 Ibid., pp. 231-282. 10 Selected inscriptions. . ., p. 279, n. 160.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access 450 W. J. VAN DER MEULEN of the Kawi-Butak massif and connected with the singular remains mentioned earlier. No scholar has ever doubted this. But where exactly must we look for this centre? In the description of the ceremonies the original wooden image of Agastya is not mentioned again. Was this sacred heirloom discarded and replaced by the stone replica? This can never have been the intention of the king. Even if the original was nothing more than a decaying piece of wood, it could never have been replaced by even the most wonderful new creation of a stone mason, consecrated according to ever such powerful rites. Adding to what has been built by pious ancestors is a meritorious act. Clearing away even the decayed remains of a bamboo arch is at the least hazardous. Moreover, in this particular case the original seems to have been in sufficienüy good condition to en- rapture the king and be used as model by the sculptor of the stone image. Thus no one could have even thought of a replacement in the same locality. What must have happened is that the king saw the wooden image in the possession of a colony of ascetics somewhere in the woods on the slopes of Mount Kawi,11 probably while out hunting, and touched by the hospitality of the monks, ordered that the worship of their patron saint should be introduced at court for his own con- solation. Thus a new centre of worship was created near the king's abode. Since the inscription must have been placed somewhere near the site of the bhavana (it does speak of "this" wonderful bhavana) and since its original location was most likely Merjosari, as was pointed out by Bosch,12 both purï and pura (whether identical or not) must also have been located in diis vicinity.

11 The Tantu Panggelaran (ed. and transl. by Th. G. Th. Pigeaud, 's-Graven- hage, 1924) mentions a tradition according to which éiva made Mount Kawi the property of Agastya and his rsis (see pp. 160, 187). 12 "Het Lingga-heiligdom . . .", pp. 283-284. Since Merjosari is the village where in 1923 the missing fragments were unearthed, this must have been the original site. It does not seern reasonable, so Bosch argues, for people to have carried a number of loose fragments from Dinoyo to Merjosari, whereas it is quite possible that some 19th century antique collector ordered the stone to be transported from Merjosari to the Malang-Batu road, but, noticing on arrival that some parts were broken off during the excavation and left behind, lost interest. The villagers, who most likely received no payment for their efforts, would not have bothered to transport the stone back. On the other hand, it may have been broken while passing through Merjosari. De Casparis ("Nogmaals .. .", p. 512) suggests that it was transported from Badut through Merjosari to the main road. In any case, the fact that the king himself presided over the ceremonies and seemed to be as comfortable with the local people as any landlord, sufficiently proves that his residence must have been in the near vicinity of this whole complex.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access PURI PUTIKESVARAPAVITA AND PURA KANJÜRUHAN 451

In view of this location of the royal compound, we may well wonder whether it could have been connected with a tlrtha, a special bathing place for sacred ablutions. For, as we noted above, the Indian Püti- kesvara did preside over such a bathing place. Moreover the concept pdvitd, at least in its causative form pavitra, is repeatedly associated with the notion of tlrtha in Old Javanese texts as, for example, in an inscription of 929 ("tïrtha pancuran ing pawitra"), in the Old Javanese Adiparwa ("kapawitran iking tïrtha"), and in the Sukuh inscriptions ("arga pawitra", mountain with sacred bathing place).13 If the puri was in fact connected with a tïrtha, this bathing place would most likely have been located on the Kali Merto (a name changed to Metro on modern maps), a modest river running through the area in question. The Javanese merto is derived from Sanskrit amrta, the liquid that bestows immortality and everlasting happiness.14 What, however, could have been the connection between this divine substance and a "lord of putridity"? The title isvara, which we translate by "lord", is mostly used in connection with Siva, and there are reasons to suppose that this divinity is meant here too. Thóugh Agastya is sometimes called isvara and is here the key figure in the inscription, he is, however, apparently a new-comer, barely inaugurated as a tutelary deity, while Pütikesvara is said to have a past record as purifier. Visnu may have been widely acknowledged as tlrthasvdmin but he is seldom given the title isvara}5 Moreover, the Indian Pütikesvara is also the protector of a Sivaitic tlrtha. And last but not least, it may be significant that the subsequent development of this compound is completely Sivaitic. Could Siva's association with amrta perhaps provide us widi an explanation for the strange epithet "Lord of Putridity"? This would seem quite likely.

13 Oud-Javaansche Oorkonden (OJO), transliterated by J. L. A. Brandes and edited by N. J. Krom, VBG 60 (1915), no. XLI; P. J. Zoetmulder, De taal van het Adiparwa, Bandung 1950, p. 44; M. A. Muuses, "De Sukuh-opschrif- ten", TBG 62 (1923), p. 509. Part of the text of OJO XLI has been preserved in a later copy on copper, edited by W. F. Stutterheim ("Een oorkonde op koper in het Singasarische", TBG 65, 1925, pp. 208-228). In this less damaged copy the presiding divinity, the "bhatara i pawitra", is vicariously indicated as "bhatara ri tïrtha" (pp. 222 ss.). 14 J. Gonda, Sanskrit in Indonesia, Nagpur 1952, p. 47. 13 G. Coedès, "Deux inscriptions sanskrites de Fou-nan", BEF EO 31 (1931), pp. 1-12. The connection of Visnu (and especially his striding) with tlrthas is evident also from the fact that these latter are frequently called visnupada, "steps of Visnu" (J. Gonda, Aspects of Early Visnuism, Utrecht 1954, p. 2). A vivid portrayal of the role of these vifnupadas can be found in Bali, Studies in Life, Thought and Ritual, The Hague 1960, p. 53.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access 452 W. J. VAN DER MEULEN

The Mahabharata (I, 17-18) relates how Visnu-Narayana intended to obtain this essence by churning the Ocean of Existence, using Mount Mandara as a churning stick. This admirable undertaking of Visnu's would, however, have gone completely awry but for the heroic demeanour of siva, which earned him the title of Nïlakanta or Blue-Throat. For as a result of this violent stirring of the ocean the first things which came to the surface were not the good and desired ones, but all kinds of poisonous substances which started to overwhelm and destroy all that existed, so that the world was threatened with extinction. The frenzied gods did not know what to do. The terrible stench of all this putridity caused them to lose consciousness and imperilled their very lives. It was then that Siva showed his prowess: he took hold of the poison and tried to swallow it. Though he could not digest it completely, because part of it stuck in his throat, which swelled and became blue, he nevertheless cleansed the earth and prevented Visnu's undertaking from becoming a disaster. Thus, by becoming Lord of Putridity, he also became Lord of Purity.16 It is clear from what our author says that Siva also cleansed the purl of some kind of poison or disaster. Should we stretch the parallelism between the purification of the earth and that of the purï to its utmost by supposing that the purl, too, was originally a Visnuitic undertaking, but that Visnu proved unable to prevent it from being overwhelmed by some kind of unspecified poison, so that Siva was its only refuge? This could, of course, explain the conflict situation mentioned earlier. We will return to this question in our final section.

III. The purl and the Pura of Kdnjuruhan Both purï and pura may indicate a palace as well as a domain. The distinction between these two notions was formerly less important than

16 This version of the amrta-story is included in the Calcutta translation of Protop Chandra Roy (1883-1896), reprinted by the Oriental Publishing Com- pany, Calcutta 1952-1962. It is probably a local or éivaitic version, because in the Poona edition used by J. A. B. van Buitenen for his translation {The Mahabharata, vol. I, Chicago 1973) Éiva and his prowess are not in evidence (see pp. 72-64). Nor are they mentioned by the Old Javanese Adiparwa (edited by H. H. Juynboll, 's-Gravenhage 1906, pp. 31-35). We may note that pütika is also a certain kind of mushroom (amanita muscaria or fly-agaric) thought to have been the original source of soma (see Stella Kramrisch, "The Mahavïra-vessel and the plant Pütika", Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 95 (1975), pp. 222-235; R. G. Wasson, Soma: Divine Mushroom of Immortality, New York, s.d.). The plant had a special relation to the sacrificial functions of Visnu. I don't see, however, how this meaning of pütika can solve our problem.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access PURI PUTIKESVARAPAVITA AND PURA KANJURUHAN 453 it is in modern usage, which provides the realm with well-defined geographical boundaries and thus gives it an autonomous existence quite independent from the king. According to our author's way of thinking the royal compound was not merely a dweiling place but a centre of radiation and the essence of the realm, the latter being only a more or less defined extension of the first. The realm was the same as the king's sphere of influence and extended as far as he was able at a given moment to inspire trust or fear. De Casparis translates both purl and pura with "kingdom" {rijk), though he notes that it is quite possible that here purl may have been already used in the sense of residence as in later Old Javanese sources.17 Damais, on the other hand, considers pura to refer to the king's residence without, however, giving his reasons.18 He subsequently abstains from expressing any opinion at all, only emphasizing the wide range of meaning of the concept kedatuan.19 Nevertheless, it would seem that here some distinction is intended. The juxtaposition of the two words, each in its own sloka, the first qualified by a name or term which is clearly a Sanskrit compound, the second by a Javanese one, the first explicitly connected with the heavenly Devasimha, the second in charge of the earthly Gajayana, seems too marked to be unintended. Büt if this is so, what distinction could have been meant? The first sloka informs us that: "There was (once) a king wise and mighty, Devasimha, under whose reign the purl sparkles, being puri- fied..." De Casparis qualifies the use of the present tense "sparkles" (while the king's reign was clearly a thing of the past) as rather curious or striking ("enigszins opvallend") and supposes either that it was meant as a praesens historicum or that the word "still" was tacitly omitted. The second supposition would make sense if it had been said that "as a consequence of the king's reign" the purl was still prosperous. But that is not the formula used in the text. A praesens historicum is possible, however, because it enjoys a much wider use in Sanskrit than in modern languages, and may therefore often be translated simply as a past tense into the latter. This is what De Casparis has evidently done, thus eliminating any irregularities. But it does not explain why such a vivid portrayal of the past as if present was deemed necessary. If purl and

1T op. cit, p. 503. 18 "Epigrafische . . .", p. 25. 18 "Études ..." VIII, p. 22, n. 3. Kedatuan embraces "Ie palais ... ainsi que la majesté royale qui en émane, et... toute Ie territoire jusq'oü s'étend cette majesté. .. qui consiste particulièrement en 'protection', et est souvent com- parée a un parasol catra".

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access 454 W. J. VAN DER MEULEN pura are supposed to represent the same entity, it even seems in rather bad taste. For it might well have been taken amiss by the generous Gajayana as an allusion to the dullness of his own reign (it merely being said of Gajayana that he "took charge"), with the only compensation being that the sparkling past was still vividly remembered in the present. If, however, the words purl and pura here represented two different entities — and there seems to be definite grounds for such a supposition, as argued earlier — the solution would be simpler. In later times at least, the monuments of candi-üed kings were considered to be their permanent kraton.20 Thus purl could here well be used in the sense of kamuldn, or at least prdsdda kabhaktyan, and the present tense would be logical without any historica! connotation. Nevertheless, though the tense may be logical, the "sparkle" might require the shadow of the past in order to make sense. Far from wishing to vividly resurrect the past, he glosses over it with a very commonplace laudatory remark and seems to lay undue stress on the glories of the purified sparkling prdsdda of the dead king. The title Pütikesvarapavita probably means, according to the author, that this glory was attained af ter (or because) the king had been deified and the prdsdda con- secrated in accordance with Sivaitic rites. Is this partisan feeling sufficient reason in itself to explain the stress laid on the sparkling end of the dead king? Or does the author try to communicate (in covert terms which he did not have to and did not wish to explain to his contemporaries) that, though the living Devasimha might have been an unlucky king through no fault of his own (the disaster connected with the amrta- myth), now a least his purl had become safe and glorious through the intervention of Pütikesvara? As yet we cannot answer this question. The probable connection of the name Pütikesvarapavita with a tïrtha in the Merto river makes it still more certain that the dharma of Devasimha, like the pura of the still living Gajayana, must have been located in the vicinity of the Agastyabhavana. The name of this pura, "Kanjuruhan mahat", is another of the unsolved riddles of this prasasti. De Casparis holds the view that the name is still preserved in that of the village Kejuron near Badut. At the same time, however, he stresses its historical importance, since he supposes it to be the original form of the word "Kanuruhan", mentioned as the name of a shrine of royal 20 W. F. Stutterheim, "Oudheidkundige aanteekeningen", BKI 90 (1933), pp. 279, 295. He points to the names of dharmas ending in -purl and -pura for example. See also Damais, loc. cit.: "a Porigine des temples sont Ie lieu oü reposent (? vdM) les rois décédés dont Ie culte assure la stabilité de la dynastie et la prospérité du royaume ... donc en certain sense une demeure".

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access PURI PUTIKESVARAPAVITA AND PURA KANJURUHAN 455 progenitors and the title of one of the highest court dignitaries in several later inscriptions.21 Damais goes along with this theory as far as Kejuron is concerned; at least he calls it "tres plausible". He rejects the second hypothesis, however, because it is linguistically impossible for the word "Kanuruhan" to have developed from a former Kanjuruhan or Kanu- ruhan, at least in the relatively short space of the time available for this evolution. In any case, the name in our inscription cannot possibly have generated, simultaneously or otherwise, both Kejuron and Kanuruhan.22 Whatever the linguistic possibilities, a derivation of Kejuron from Kanjuruhan seems most unlikely. Firstly, both Kajuron and Kejuron are perfectly good Javanese names in their own right, in modern as well as in Old Javanese times, and indicate a place where some kind of official is stationed. An inscription of King Wawa of 924 mentions a "sima Kajurugusalyan", which points to special shrines being built for officials, as is noted by Krom.23 The Kajuron south of Yogyakarta is explained in the Babad Giyanti as being "dalemipun pangéran Juni ing tlatah Dongkélan",24 while we still find a village Kejuron near Madiun. The name thus seems perfectly able to lead an independent existence without the support of a derivation which at least linguistically and archaeolo- gically needs a lot of explaining.25 This may have been very fortunate for the village in question, for we must take into account the possibility that neither Pütikesvarapavita nor Kanjuruhan were real names, but only symbolic ones coined by the author. It seems, on the other hand, much more likely that there was some connection with the name Kanuruhan, though Damais may be right in rejecting a linguistic derivation. Five paal (c. 7J/2 km) "above" Malang, hence certainly somewhere in the vicinity of Dinoyo, an in- scription commemorating a "sang hyang kahyangan i Kanuruhan" has been found on a series of copperplates. The inscription is from the time of Majapahit and claims to be a copy of a stone inscription dated A.D. 942.26 A series of copperplates, whether containing an original text

21 op. cit., pp. 511-513. 22 op. cit., p. 22. 23 N. J. Krom, Hindoe-]avaansche Geschiedenis, 's-Gravenhage, 1931, p. 201. 24 Babad Giyanti, ed. Balé Pustaka, Batavia 1939, fase. 21, pp. 76, 81, 109. 25 The total absence of archaeological remains in Kejuron is dismissed by de Casparis by referring us to nearby Badut. The kraton itself need not necessarily have left traces of its former existence. If, however, the subsequent building activity we noted earlier was inspired by this kraton, we would expect it to have surrounded itself with shrines instead of occupying a position on the outer fringe. 26 OJO XLIX-L; Damais, op. cit., p. 22, n. 1.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access 456 W. J. VAN DER MEULEN

or a copy, is of course quite likely to have been transported. If the series in question originated elsewhere, however, it would be a curious coincidence that its collective migration should have ended at a place precisely in the vicinity not only of our Kanjuruhan inscription, but also of others originating from the area north of Malang, the only inscriptions which annex the word Kanuruhan as a local name.27 Thus from a geographical point of view some sort of connection seems possible. Whether this connection can indeed be established must still be seen. The name Kanjuruhan is composed of ka-an, a designation of place, and a nazalized action form of the verb anjuruh. If it were modern Javanese, there would be no difficulty in explaining the word anjuruh as meaning "to make syrup of arèn-palm sugar". In Old Javanese literature, however, the rules of nazalization would require the form anjuruh. Though we are unable to explain it,28 we are nonetheless practically forced to accept the word in the above mentioned sense because its apposition mahat in Javanese (and we are completely justified in taking it as a Javanese apposition to a Javanese name) means "to tap (or ferment) arèn-palm juice".29 Thus there seems little doubt that the name refers to a place or country connected with the arèn-palm and syrup-making. The search for such a place or country could take us very far afield, because the arèn-palm is at home in the whole Archipelago and beyond. Most probably, however, we can restrict our search to East Java. In this region there may quite well have existed a kingdom which had a special relation with the aren tree. Here, according to Pigeaud,30 there

2T OJO XLIII mentions a "rakryan juru gotra (guardian of the lineage shrine?) i Kanuruhan" (p. 79: 18), which might be the "sang (hyang) kagotran" shrine of the inscription mentioned in note 26, where also a "sang wingkas de rakai Kanuruhan i wanua i Kanuruhan" is listed (p. 104: 7a). Such a (local) "rakai Kanuruhan" was already in evidence in A.D. 891, presiding over a local reorganisation in the vicinity of Singasari (OJO XIX-XX). See also W. F. Stutterheim, "Transcriptie van een defecte oorkonde op bronzen platen uit het Malangsche", Oudheidkundig Verslag 1928, pp. 105-108. 28 It may have been an affectation of East Javanese court literature, while out- side that sphere the usage was not that uniform. Or perhaps the author wanted to emphasize that the compound should be read as a name such as anjukladang (OJO XLVI), ring sima tanjung (XLVIII), or as a title such as anjunganjung (LVI). See also in the Nagarakrtagama anjrah, anjenengi (next to an)-): Th. G. Th. Pigeaud, Java in the 14th Century, The Hague 1960-1963, vol. V gloss. 29 It was of course the duty of the court poet to call all things connected with the kraton beautiful, excellent, brilliant, etc. But could he have called this kingdom mahat without being suspected of mockery? 30 op. cit., vol. IV, p. 481.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access PURI PUTIKESVARAPAVITA AND PURA KANJURUHAN 457 has existed since primeval times "the conception of cosmic and social bipartition" between the refined female Kahuripan-Jangala on the one hand, and the male and aggressive Kadiri-Panjalu on the other. In terms of the points-of-the-compass scheme their cosmic relation was classified as east and south as against west and north; in the scheme of colour classifications the one commanded the combination red and white, which was called gula klapa {aren sugar) and the other green and gold, called pare anom.31 Thus it would seem that the name "Kanjuruhan mahat" clahned for Gajayana the sovereignty over an archaic Kahuripan-Jangala extending over the eastern and southern parts of East Java. There may be something else in the prasasti pointing towards the same direction. In the third sloka, which mentions Uttejana and her husband, Bosch reads pradaputrasya, son of Prada, while De Casparis is of the opinion that after the tra-, which has one of the cracks in the stone running through it, a prolongation sign is still to be seen, and so reads the word as pradaputrasya. Thus he arrivés, by making use of some exceptional constructions in Sanskrit grammar and by admitting sandhi in a text that seems otherwise to reject its use, at the rather uncomfortable translation "Uttejana giving offspring to this king", where the king in question is not her husband, but her father, and she herself is the offspring. He concludes that "thanks to this new reading the rather improbable name Prada can be crossed out".32 We may wonder, how- ever, how far the wish to eliminate this name may have encouraged his perception of the said prolongation sign. On the other hand, Bosch's reading resulted not only in a curious name, but this name furthermore had to be connected with Jananïya, men- tioned in the next part of the sloka; because of Uttejana's father both the Sanskrit and Javanese names are known, and neither of these was Prada. Nevertheless, from the point of view of the content, a connection with Uttejana would have been more logical. The above mentioned difficulties might be eliminated if we were to translate pradaputrasya with "offspring of the one deified in the 'sang hyang dharmma kamulan... i paradah lor' ", listed as an ancestor shrine in two inscriptions of Sindok (Saka 865 and 869). The site of these is located east of Pare at the foot of Mount Kelut in the village of Siman. The name Pradah is still in use as the name of a village Bogor Pradah (adjoining Karang Dinoyo) and is still remembered as the name of a mythical gong that supposedly once existed in the jungle of Lodaya south of Blitar. Pigeaud connects

31 ibid., pp. 57-58. 32 op. cit., pp. 504-505; Bosch, op. cit., pp. 228-230.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access 458 W. J. VAN DER MEULEN

the name with wardah, "old, the old one", and with the mythical mediator between Jangala and Kediri, Mpu Bharada.33 It would seem, therefore, that the mysterious name of the pura, accompanied by a play on the word mahat, which could be a Javanese as well as a Sanskrit apposition, referred to an area embracing the greater part of the Brantas valley and especially the region around the foot of Mount Kelut. Since Javanese (and Indonesian) kingdoms are normally called by the king's residence, however, the name Kanjuruhan mahat most likely referred in the first place to this residence. We know that Gajayana's residence was somewhere in the Merto region but it seems unlikely that the original pura-dalem should have been located in such a distant and out-of-the-way place instead of in the fertile centre. It may be, therefore, that Gajayana stayed only perforce and temporarily (at least in theory) in his actual residence which was f ar from mahat, so that at the time neither the centre and the surrounding territory nor their names would be identical. Since Kanjuruhan is a rather artificial name for the territory, it could have been chosen because it also alluded, in a different way, to the name of the actual residence, thus purporting to restore, by a new name for both, the identity of centre and territory which had been lost. Because we, unlike contemporaries, cannot read the text knowing what actually happened, but have to obtain all our knowledge from the rather cryptic text itself, no conclusive deductions are possible. I can only offer some suggestions for consideration.

IV. The disaster of the house of Devashnha Gajayana made only an indifferent impression on the modern readers of the inscription singing his praises. Though his father was clearly a king (narapati) and he himself was said to have taken charge of the pura (raraksa), Damais once even doubted his effective kingship.34 Moreover, though the mahdrdjas of Singasari founded their centre not far from here across the Brantas River, the site nevertheless created the impression of an obscure backwater fit only for a petty agrarian kingdom which could continue to exist as long as it did not come to the notice of a powerful neighbour. The very first sloka seems to suggest, however, that something more than this was involved. The name Pütikesvarapavita points to Siva's prevention of total disaster.

33 OJO XLVIII; ROD 1915, pp. 270-271; Krom, op. cit., p. 219; Pigeaud, op. cit., vol. IV, pp. 244-245. Gericke-Roorda (1901) gives as the definition for bogor: gehang tree, arèn-palm with broken top (II, p. 751). 34 loc. cit.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access PURI PUTIKESVARAPAVITA AND PURA KANJURUHAN 459

It is here applied without reserve to the purï (not to the pura). It may be argued that the use of this strange epithet of Siva only implies the use of a very special ritual (exorcism, ngruwat) which is as yet still unknown to us. But why was it necessary to stage such a ceremony? Was it because the place had been desecrated or was supposed to be habitually unclean? Or did the king need some sort of rehabilitation? I am inclined to think that both these motives must have been present in the ceremonial build-up. We will first consider the locality in question. I suggested earlier that the name Pütikesvarapavita might point to some Sivaitic-Visnuitic controversy.33 We do not know, of course, whether Devasimha's former kraton was a Visnuitic stronghold, but there are indications of a Visnuitic substratum in the Merto River region. The amrta-tlrtha that suggested the name Pütikesvara to the author (and to us) has all the marks of a visnupada, a bathing-place dedicated to the "three steps" of Visnu leading the pilgrim to jaya (victory, success) .30 The concept jaya is clearly reflected in the names of two of the villages where archaeological remains have been found, viz. Mer-joyo and Mer-jo(yo)sari. The first syllable mer- could be a Javanese prefix, but since the names seem to be Sanskrit-derived compounds and since the places indicated by them were located on the banks of the Merto, that first syllable is more likely the remnant of a former merto, the Sanskrit original of the name having been amrtajaya.37 To the west and east of the site under discussion we find the names Basuki and Dinoyo, respectively. We may note that the ritual

35 Visnu was, of course, also an important divinity in the éivaitic cult but this did not rule out fierce controversies concerning supremacy. This is illustrated in a rather curious manner in the Tantu Panggelaran (pp. 181-183) by empu Barang who first refuses to make a sembah after having been told to do so by Visnuites and then demonstratively cracks the shrine of Visnu. After he settles the question of superiority, however, he procédés to make a golden image of the god. See also: J. Gonda, Visnuism and éivaism: A Comparison, London, 1970, pp. 87-109. 36 Gonda, Aspects. . ., pp. 64, 110, 123-124, 146. 3T Initially I thought it possible that, because the first two components of Merjo(yo)sari seemed derived from Sanskrit words, the third too had origi- nated in the same way, so that the whole compound was once amrtajayasrï. The more so because according to Gonda (op. cit., p. 64) the expression jayahï is especially connected with the three steps of Visnu. It is, however, unlikely that two such well-known words like sari and srï could have been interchanged in popular language. Moreover, though there are numerous Javanese place names ending in -sari, its derivation from -sri is nowhere plausible. We have on the other hand in Bangsri an example where -in' maintained itself, though the first part of the compound was mutilated. It

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access 460 W. J. VAN DER MEULEN

re-enacting of the three steps of Visnu had to be performed from west to east, the first step traversing the earth, the second the atmosphere, and the third outer space (the sky). Thus the last and most easterly one had the "eye-in-the-sky", the centre of the sun disk through which one entered Visnu's paradise, as its object. The Sanskrit name for this "eye" is dyunayana.38 Thus it would seem that our site also had its "eye-in-the-sky", still traceable in the name Dinoyo,39 while the first ritual step was performed in Basuki (Vasuki), the name of a snake king, symbolic of the earth.40 Thus it is evident that the site was consecrated to a combination of Visnu's conquest of the amrta (without the intervention of Siva) and the tridhdtu or three steps. This combination can also be observed in Khmer iconography, where, as in East Javanese iconography, the god is not identified with the kürma (tortoise), but lends moral support to the churning by striding to the top of the Mahameru-Mandara.41 This triad of village names clearly going back as they do to a Visnuitic ritual, cannot have been devised in Islamic times, nor in the time these sites were covered with unequivocally Sivaitic stone buildings. The names, like that of the River Merto, must be older than that. They came into being at a time when stone construction had not yet begun, a time that could therefore have left few other traces than names.42 Thus the name of the sanctuary, which was effaced from all subsequent documents, maintained itself only in the strong memory of local place names. If the sanctuary was mentioned in these documents, the name Pütikesvarapavita was not used.43 A return may have been made,

is nevertheless curious, that at the opposite end of the Brantas region a sanctuary (Candi Lor) was found with exactly the same name in reverse order, srijayamrta (OJO XLVI). 38 Gonda, op. cit., pp. 93-94. 39 Adjoining Dinoyo are the villages of Ketawang-gedé and Ketawang-sari. Ketawang means "with apertures for the light to shine through during the day". These names may be meant as Javanese equivalents of Dinoyo. Cf. also the Balinese sanggar tawang, the special shrine for sky divinities (Bali. .., p. 74) 40 Gonda, Sanskrit. . . , p. 222. Basuki must still have possessed its original meaning. In later Javanese it was connected with vasu (luck), perhaps by way of snake charms. Nowadays the confusion is so complete that basu means "snake" and basuki "luck". 41 Gonda, Aspects. .., pp. 126-129; W. F. Stutterheim, "Oost-Java en de hemelberg", Djawa VI (1926), pp. 334-335. 42 Even careful excavation could fail to bring to light any such traces in view of the thorough disturbance of the soil by agricultural and gold-digging activities. 43 Pütikesvarapavita may occur under a variant name in the Tantu Panggelaran

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access PURI PUTIKESVARAPAVITA AND PURA KANJURUHAN 461 however, to the original indigenous name which existed before either Visnuism or Sivaism came to the f ore. If the prasasti offered us only the symbolic name for the purl and an inkling about some conflict situation, we might conclude that the document only testified to the mounting influence of Sivaitic ascetics and the gradual abolishment of what they thought of as an arrogant Visnuitic court religion. There are also, however, cryptic allusions to the immense kingdom of aren syrup and the descent from Prada, pretentions that cannot easily be harmonized with the restricted circum- stances and "retired" state that seems to have been the actual fa te of Gajayana. The bhdti of the purl appears to be the only bright spot in the situation. If those claims were real, they must have had a de jure reality based on past greatness. Thus they probably date from the reign of Deva- simha, who "was (once) a wise and mighty king", and the inheritance of Gajayana may have consisted mainly of a wealth of legal certificates. One of the most common misfortunes kings suffer from is defeat by an enemy. Depending on the power and objectives of this enemy, the defeated king may lose his kingdom or even his life, he may be allowed to stay on as a vassal, or he may manage to find refuge in some part of his territory that is difficult to reach and maintain his position there. Since we know next to nothing about the history of East Java in the 8th century, we can only note that the wooded foot- hills of Mount Kawi, encircled by the River Brantas, wöuld have provided an excellent refuge, especially if the ascetics in the forest extended their hospitality and active cooperation. This portrays a picture similar to that found in the Ramayana.44 If this was the situation, the author of the prasasti, probably a local

(pp. 85, 152) as a patapan of éiva-Parikesvara (Lord of mud or impurity). It is curious that according to the legend Vi§nu here handed over his um- brella, ear-rings and mantle to the Lord Isvara and begged him to take his place as devaguru of Sukhayajna (the land of those given to worship). It is, however, impossible to even guess at its location. 44 From central Java we have the warlike edict of Sanjaya dated nearly 30 years earlier than our inscription (edited by H. Kern, VG VII, pp. 115-128; Kern's text has been emended by Chhabra, JASB Letters, pp. 37 ff., Stutter- heim, 7"BG 79, 1939, pp. 73-84 and Vogel, BKI100, 1941, pp. 446 ff.). It can hardly be doubted that Sanjaya was a powerful king and conquerer, though for details we are dependent on the much more recent Carita Parahyangan (Poerbatjaraka, "De Batoe-toelis bij Buitenzorg", TBG 59, 1920, pp. 403, 416-417; J. Noorduyn, "Over het eerste gedeelte van de Oud-Soendasche Carita Parahyangan", BKI 118, 1962, pp. 374-375) which is composed in the Babad tradition, but contains a remarkably sober enumeration of his conquests. We should note especially his invasion of Blitar, where king "Isora"

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access 462 W. J. VAN DER MEULEN

man and one of the ascetics versed in the Vedas,45 must have been proud to act as host to the displaced house of Devasimha and the descendants of Prada. He probably also prided himself on giving the dynasty a new lease on life. By inventing a new symbolic name for both purl and pura, he would have naturally patterned the latter on the real name of its current local centre, while taking care to enhance its importance by bringing it into agreement with the name of the territory claimed by the king, his benefactor. The name Kanuruhan, brought to the fore by De Casparis, could very well have been his starting point for the formation of Kanjuruhan (or Kanuruhan?). In addition to the similarity in sound, both names are formed with an exceptional action form and could represent a familiar occupation (if the author ex- plained Kanuruhan as "the land of betel-chewing") ,48 Thus there would have been no question of Kanjuruhan becoming Kanuruhan, but rather of the reverse happening. The latter name probably existed in the 8th century, exactly as it did later, as the name of either a village or a region, or both. Two and a half centuries later, about the year 1017, the youthful prince Airlangga, deprived of his kingdom and pursued by his enemies, was forced to hide in the woods of the "Forest Mountain" (Wanagiri), whose location is unknown. He lived incognito in the midst of a com- munity of rsis. He was accompanied by his faithful servant and mentor Narottama, who in the sources bears the title "rakryan Kanuruhan".47 Had Narottama advised his young master to seek refuge in Kanuruhan? 48

(a title?) was defeated and subjected. The time element creates no difficulties, since Devasimha's son had a married daughter (child marriages proper were never widely found in Java) and "royal sons" old enough to show their disapproval of the course of affairs. The word balitar is translated by Gericke- Roorda as "(Kw) copper bronze", while Dirdjosiswojo, Kawi-Djinarwa (s.1., s.d.) translates "kuningan, prada". Since nothing is known about the origin of these Kawi words, one can only note the coincidence. 45 The inscription does not use sandhi, which seems to have been a speciality of the rsis (Bosch, op. cit., p. 227, n. 1). 46 The amrta sanctuary may have gone back to an ancient indigenous pepundèn on the River Turuh or Nuruh. The pouring out of water to impart health or power (nuruh) was not a foreign practice. One of the other rivers in this region still bears the name Ampuh. A derivation from suruh (the land of betel-chewing) is possible, but while the region to the east and south abounds with place names such as Pasuruhan, Pasirihan, Sumberjambé, Sumberpucang, Suruhwadang, etc, the Merto region seems to lie outside this pinang belt. 47 Krom, op. cit., p. 243. 48 It seems to me that the leaning towards or conversion to éivaism of Devasimha and Gajayana, which was in conflict with the (later re-assembled?) court, and very strange if their disaster had been caused by a éivaitic adversary, can only be explained if they owed their initial safety to the hospitality of the rsis. A clear case, therefore, of hutang budi.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 03:21:10AM via free access