CSS Analyses in Security Policy CSS ETH Zurich N0. 224, April 2018, Editor: Christian Nünlist

Cybersecurity in Sino-American Relations Cyberspace and cyberespionage represent a source of disagreements and tensions between the US and . Nevertheless, in 2015, the two powers managed to find an agreement on cybersecurity to stabilize their relationship and reduce risks of misperceptions in cyberspace.

By Marie Baezner

The relationship between China and the US follows the dynamic of competitive in- teractions between great powers. The two states are in competition militarily, politi- cally, and economically. This relationship has evolved and changed over the years. The China policy of the new US adminis- tration has a more narrow focus than that of its predecessor. President Donald Trump’s administration also lacks an over- arching strategy in dealing with issues re- lated to China. This relationship continues to be regularly punctuated with provoca- tions in the physical world (Chinese terri- torial claims in the South and East China Seas that threaten US allies and partners in the regions) and in cyberspace (cyberespio- nage campaigns).

Over the last two decades, the tensions be- The building of the military hacker unit «61398» in Shanghai. Carlos Barria / Reuters tween the two powers have specifically grown over the following issues of cyberse- curity: China and the US have conducted cyberespionage against one another (see list); China’s growing military and cyber Cyberespionage Campaigns tions, the military, information technology capabilities are used in the establishment of The first cyberespionage campaign in the firms, telecommunications, the energy sec- Anti-Access/Area Denial zones; and Chi- US attributed to a Chinese state actor was , journalists, and activists. Sensitive in- na disagrees with the US model of discovered in 2004 and had targeted the formation and intellectual property were governance. To reduce growing tensions, US Department of Defense and defense stolen. A 2014 report estimated the eco- both states agreed to a binding bilateral ac- contractors. To date, a least 14 cyberespio- nomic loss through stolen intellectual cord on cybersecurity in September 2015, nage campaigns in the US have been at- property to the US economy at US$250 in which they pledge not to commit or sup- tributed to Chinese state actors. In these billion per year. This amount needs to be port economic cyberespionage. campaigns, the targets were state institu- put into perspective, as it does not include

© 2018 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich 1 CSS Analyses in Security Policy No. 224, April 2018

Cyberespionage Campaigns The 2015 Agreement Office of Personnel Management had been hacked, the US also warned Chinese au- 2003 – 2006: Titan Rain – China spying on US 1. Respond to requests for information and thorities that it was considering retaliation military and US institutions. assistance for malicious cyber activities. through economic sanctions and diplomat- 2006 – 2010: Shady RAT (spying by China). 2. Investigate cybercrime emanating from the ic measures. However, after the revelations signatories’ respective territories. 2007 – 2009: GhostNet – China spying on of Edward Snowden in 2013, the credibil- Tibetan missions and NGOs. 3. Exchange information on the status of the aforementioned investigations. ity and legitimacy of US actions in cyber- 2008 – 2014: Hikit – China spying on space were severely diminished among journalists, IT firms, academics, and 4. Refrain from conducting or supporting government institutions worldwide. cyberespionage for economic purposes and both its allies and its competitors. The dis- 2008 – 2011: Byzantine series – China spying theft of intellectual property. closures added tensions to the relationship on US institutions. 5. Make efforts to identify and promote between China and the US, but mostly cre- 2009 – 2011: Night Dragons – China spying international norms of state behavior in ated an opportunity to settle the issue of on US critical infrastructure. cyberspace. cybersecurity by exposing both states’ prac- 2009 – 2010: Operation Aurora – China 6. Create a high-level joint dialog mechanism tices. spying on Google, Adobe, and other IT firms. on fighting cybercrime and related issues. 2009 – (believed to be ongoing): NSA 7. Create a hotline to discuss issues related to The solution to decrease this pressure was fourth-party collection – USA spying on cyber activities. found in the development of a bilateral Chinese hackers targeting the US Depart- agreement to initiate confidence-building ment of Defense. measures in cyberspace. In the 2015 Agree- 2010 – 2014: Operation Shotgiant – USA spying on Huawei. ment, both states agreed to not commit or support economic cyberespionage. The ac- 2011 – 2013: Operation Beebus – China spying on contractors of the US Department of tect its population and territory from for- cord also included regular meetings be- Defense. eign threats. The US authorities claimed tween representatives of both states’ secu- 2013 – 2015: Operation Iron Tiger – China that its cyberespionage campaigns were rity agencies to exchange information on spying on US and Asian IT, telecommunica- only about national security and did not cybercrime, and the creation of a hotline to tion, and energy companies. serve any economic purposes. On the other communicate directly on cybersecurity is- 2014 – 2015: Chinese campaign spying on the hand, the Chinese government denied per- sues (see list). The agreement was consid- US Office of Personnel Management. petrating any cyberespionage. This dis- ered a good step towards the development agreement increased mistrust between the of cooperation between the US and China two powers and the risk of misinterpreting over cybersecurity issues. It was hoped that activities in cyberspace as acts of war. more cooperation on these issues would re- duce the risks of misperceptions (perceiv- At the same time, groups affiliated with the ing a cyberattack as an act of war) and es- damage to the firms’ reputation, the loss in Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) calation (tensions boiling over into a comparative advantages, and investment in perpetrated a large number of cyberespio- conventional war) in cyberspace. The agree- cybersecurity to stop the intrusions. It is nage campaigns. The theft of intellectual ment was seen as a victory for the US, also possible that more companies were af- property enabled the PLA to develop tech- which persuaded the Chinese government fected by Chinese state actors, but did not nologies without having to invest in re- to agree to the distinction between eco- report the intrusions out of fear for their search, but it seems that the PLA had dif- nomic and national security cyberespio- reputation. ficulties to transform the stolen information nage. The Chinese authorities also per- into competitive advantages. This was ex- ceived the agreement positively as they had In 2013, Edward Snowden revealed the US plained by the organizational structure of asked for more cooperation on cybercrime mass internet surveillance program and the PLA, which supposedly prevented the for years. Chinese individuals and firms shed light on the US cyberespionage cam- Chinese military from converting the sto- were regularly targeted by cybercriminals, paigns against China. It showed that the len information. The PLA was overloaded and Chinese authorities complained that US had spied on Chinese information with intellectual property information Western countries were reluctant to col- technology firms, banks, and leaders of the coming from cyberespionage campaigns, laborate in investigations. Communist Party of China. The lack of which could not be used efficiently because data makes it difficult to evaluate the eco- of a strongly compartmentalized bureau- After the Agreement nomic losses caused by US cyberespionage cracy. The fact that technology was con- Since the 2015 agreement, US cybersecu- in China and to assess whether the US still stantly becoming more complex also made rity experts have noticed that the number conducts such campaigns. it more difficult for the PLA to perfectly of cyberattacks originating from Chinese imitate and replicate it. state actors against US economic targets The disagreement between the two powers has significantly decreased. However, they over cyberespionage mainly related to the The 2015 Agreement also observed that attacks from other coun- nature of the campaigns. US authorities The US tried to take a tougher stance tries increased. They advance four hypoth- make a distinction between cyberespionage against Chinese cyberespionage cam- eses to explain this shift. First, they thought for national security concerns and cyberes- paigns. In May 2014, the US indicted five that the 2015 agreement might have forced pionage for economic purposes. The former members of the PLA to show that it would Chinese hackers to use proxies in other is internationally tolerated, but the latter is not let cyberattacks against its firms go un- countries to target victims in the US. Sec- not. Intelligence for national security, as punished. This was mostly a symbolic ond, US experts argued that the agreement opposed to economic reasons, is judged as move, as the five officers stayed in China could have pushed Chinese state actors to being part of a state’s responsibility to pro- and were thus never jailed. After the US become more sophisticated and more dif-

© 2018 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zurich 2 CSS Analyses in Security Policy No. 224, April 2018

Landing Stations of Submarine Cables in the US and China

ficult to detect in cyberspace. Third, the able to prevent citizens from conducting The Internet Governance Issue agreement might have pushed Chinese cyberattacks that could be interpreted by However, two other issues on cybersecurity hackers to redirect their cyberattacks to- the other state as an act perpetrated or sup- continue to be subjects of tensions. A first wards easier targets outside the US. Finally, ported by state’s authorities. In addition, disagreement is about the international Chinese authorities conducted a vast anti- the 2015 agreement on cybersecurity does governance of the internet. Historically, the not have enforcement measures. US as the developer of the internet has im- The discourse is moving away In case China or the US were to posed its approach of governance on the support or conduct economic international community. The internet is from a Cyber Pearl Harbor to a cyberespionage against the oth- currently managed by the Internet Corpo- more practical approach to er, the accord would not foresee ration for Assigned Names and Numbers any punitive measures. Finally, (ICANN), a not-for-profit organization cybersecurity. it is difficult to distinguish eco- based in Los Angeles. ICANN is directed nomic cyberespionage from na- by representatives of the main stakeholders tional security cyberespionage. (information technology industries and corruption campaign in the government A state could argue that it conducted a cy- technicians) and users of the internet. This and the PLA shortly after signing the 2015 berespionage campaign against a business bottom-up structure leaves little space for agreement. This campaign might have dis- for reasons of national security, but such a states’ inputs. Some of ICANN’s functions couraged some employees who had previ- practice would be difficult to justify. This is are to regulate technical aspects of the ously carried out cyberattacks to supple- particularly true for the US, as Chinese structure of the internet like the allocation ment their salary. firms are often state-owned, which compli- of internet addresses, the management of cates the distinction between national se- root servers, and the development of inter- However, the agreement was not meant to curity and economic purposes of cyberes- net protocols. In October 2016, the US stop all cyberespionage, only the economi- pionage. Department of Commerce did not extend cally motivated campaigns. Traditional na- the contract that regulated its supervision tional security cyberespionage continued. At the international level, the 2015 agree- over ICANN’s activities. Chinese hacker groups with links to the ment on cybersecurity was perceived as a Chinese government have been caught tar- positive sign. It showed that diplomatic so- This transition did not change anything in geting US dual-use technology firms work- lutions can be used for cybersecurity issues. the way the internet works, but it ensured ing with the US government and maritime This accord could be considered a first step that ICANN was truly independent in its industries connected to the South China towards an internationalization of such decisionmaking processes. However, Chi- Sea. Such targets are not covered by the norms on cybersecurity, if enough states na, Russia, and other states have criticized agreement, and could also be considered were to sign similar pacts. Since 2015, the this multi-stakeholder and bottom-up ap- national security targets. UK and Australia have signed comparable proach of governance and claimed that it agreements on cybersecurity with China. continues to serve US intelligence and in- Even though the 2015 agreement seemed terests. They would prefer a governance to succeed in diminishing the number of In October 2017, the US and China jointly model giving more weight to the states, as cyberattacks from China, the accord pres- announced that they would continue to is the case in the International Telecom- ents some limits. Its implementation is dif- uphold the 2015 agreement. The Trump munications Union, for example. These ficult to evaluate, as it is laborious to esti- administration thus does not deny the de- states are worried about the US interfering mate the number of cyberattacks. Indeed, crease in economic cyberespionage cam- in their domestic management of the inter- not all victims declare that they have been paigns, and does not see any reason to stop net. The Chinese government has strictly attacked, and cyberespionage campaigns the cooperation. A further step in coopera- controlled the content of the internet on its often take time to be discovered. Further- tion between both states in cyberspace territory through its “” since more, neither the US government nor the could be the development of another bilat- 1996. This tool functions as a filter that Chinese authorities can control every indi- eral agreement to regulate the use of cyber- prevents people on Chinese territory to ac- vidual on their territory. They would not be space in wartime. cess specific websites. The Chinese govern-

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ment is concerned that unlimited access to the information space in the event of a internet access to the other to slow down or foreign information would destabilize the conflict. The aim is to disrupt an adversary’s cut the information flow to and from mili- Chinese social and political order. The Chi- ability to communicate with and to control tary command and control centers. It nese authorities regularly accuse the US of its troops by interrupting GPS localization would do so by tampering with submarine trying to influence and Westernize its pop- and/or communications. China has already or terrestrial cables, or communication sat- ulation with soft power through the inter- shown that it is capable of disrupting satel- ellites. However, it will not be an easy task net. Since March 2015, the Chinese gov- lites with conventional and cyber means. It for the US to disconnect China’s internet. ernment has used its “Great Cannon”, an shot down one of its own defunct satellite As China has more than a dozen landing offensive cybertool, to censor certain web- in 2007, and hacked a US weather satellite stations (stations where submarine cables sites. This tool redirects internet traffic- to in 2014. are connected to the terrestrial network), ward a specific website and causes it to the US would have to cut them all simulta- crash by distributed denial of service attack As predicted, the US, which has allies and neously to be efficient (See map 1). In the (DDoS). This type of attack consists of partners in the region, viewed the develop- reverse situation, it would be just as diffi- overwhelming a website with a high ment of A2/AD zones in the South and cult for China to act on landing stations in East China Seas with concern. the US (see map 2). If states only act on a In theory, A2/AD could also be In response to Chinese A2/AD small number of cables, access to the inter- efforts, the US created the Joint net could be slowed down, but the impact applied to cyberspace. Operational Access Concept would mostly be insignificant. Though and the AirSea Battle Opera- states could still attack communication sat- amount of internet traffic. The 2015 agree- tional Concept. These two concepts stipu- ellites, such measures would not have ment does not cover the issue of internet late the deployment of a large amount of enough impact to deny internet access to governance, but such issue cannot be dealt submarines with long-range missiles used an adversary either. with in a bilateral agreement and would in coordination with cyber operations to need to be addressed internationally. destroy Chinese command-and-control The development of such zones and the in- centers and against Chinese missile sys- clusion of cyberspace as a military domain Anti-Access/Areal Denial Zones tems. marks a shift in the military discourse. The A second disagreement relates to the estab- discourse is moving away from the “Cyber lishment of Anti Access/Area Denial (A2/ In theory, A2/AD could also be applied to Pearl Harbor” scenario (which anticipates a AD) zones by China in the South and East cyberspace. The concept, also called cyber highly devastating cyberattack) to a more China Seas. A2/AD zones are an asym- blockade, foresees denying of access to the practical and doctrinal approach to cyber- metric defense approach using all the mili- internet or disrupting the information flow security. tary domains to prevent or deter an adver- to adversaries. That could be achieved by sary to enter a particular zone. China is launching cyberattacks on the internet ex- aware that it cannot hope to overcome the change points (facility interconnecting in- US in a full-scale conventional war, so to ternet networks) to disable them or by ensure its freedom of movement at sea, physically tampering with physical internet Marie Baezner is a researcher in the Cyber China developed these zones to reduce US infrastructures (e.g., cables, servers, and ex- Defense Team of the Center for Security Studies projection of force in these regions. To se- change points). (CSS) at ETH Zurich. She has co-authored several cure these areas, China not only modern- “CSS Cyber Defense Hot Spot Analyses” on ized its arsenal of military hardware, it also In the event of an escalation between Chi- cyber-incidents and cyber aspects in current improved its cyber capabilities to control na and the US, one state could try to deny conflicts.

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