NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN ANGLICANS AND NON-EPISCOPAL PROTESTANTS SINCE WORLD WAR TWO.

A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of General Studies in 26.900G Christianity An Interdisciplinary Study.

H.E. QUELCH • 1979 UNIVERSITY Of N.S.W. 0 ? 8. APR. 80 2 3 30 , r LIBRARY TABLE OF CONTENTS Page No. SYNOPSIS 1 INTRODUCTION 3 INDIA 7 SRI LANKA 31 NIGERIA 39 GHANA 47

KENYA & TANZANIA 56 THE UNITED KINGDOM 63 AUSTRALIA 91 NEW ZEALAND 98 CONCLUSION 106 SOURCE MATERIAL 115 TABLE 1 TABLE 2 TABLE 3 TABLE 4 TABLE 5 APPENDIX I BIBLIOGRAPHY - 1 - SYNOPSIS

The purpose of this study was to examine the negotiations between Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestants in certain countries to determine the reasons for the success or failure of the church union negotiations. The examination did not include the identification of the theological arguments in support of union or consideration of their validity. The study was designed to determine the non-theological factors which influence union between the churches.

The Churches in India, Sri Lanka, Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand were examined. As the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches in India had negotiated a successful union the discussion in that country was considered to determine the environmental factors which may have influenced union. The union negotiations in the other countries were then examined to determine whether the factors present in the Indian situation were also present in those countries.

In addition to this,portion of the hypothesis proposed by Bryan Wilson was specifically tested. Bryan Wilson considered that there was a relationship between the strength of organisations and their willingness to unite. The weaker the organisation is the greater the likelihood of amalgamation with another organisation. - 2 - The study showed that there is a correlation between weakness and the progress of Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant union negotiations.

The study also indicated that Anglican and non­ episcopal Protestant union is influenced by the missionary foundation of the church, the political environment and whether or not the non-episcopal Protestant Churches united prior to the commencement of union discussions with the Anglican Church. - 3 -

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this study was to examine negotiations between Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches in various countries to determine the reasons why these churches have united in some countries but not in others since World War Two.

Church union advocates may invoke theological and non-theological arguments in support of the union of religious denominations. For the purposes of this study, however, the validity of the theological factors is not examined, it being assumed that the denominations concerned agree or will seek agreement on theological principles before effecting union. In this study I analysed the development of various church union negotiations to ascertain the importance of non-theological, or secular, influences on the success or failure of ecumenical neg­ otiations between Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches.

There may be more than one factor which encourages the growth of Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant union negotiations. Accordingly the factors present in various countries,where Anglican and non- occuPtR!D, episcopal Protestant union discussion~ere considered to determine, firstly, the applicability of the hypothesis that church weakness influences union (outlined below) and, secondly, whether there are any factors which are - 4 - common to the negotiating churches which may influence the course of the ecumenical discussions.

Mention was made above to a relationship between the strength or weakness of a church and the success of the ecumenical negotiations. The hypothesis is developed by Bryan Wilson, in his book entitled Religion in Secular Society. He discussed the theory that the ecumenical movement is the Churches' response to the social environment. If the latter changes the Churches reassess their goals and activities. Two of the propositions advanced by Bryan Wilson were that:

11 ••• the pristine values of religious movements are steadily attenuated over time •.• and that amalgamation and alliance occur when institutions are weak rather than when they are (1 ) strong".

In this paper I test the second proposition, namely the relationship between the weakness of the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant Churches and the success or failure of their ecumenical negotiations.

Bryan Wilson further argued that church weakness may be indicated by:

11 ••• numerical support or in the vigour and distinctiveness of (2 ) (the churches) message or both". - 5 -

For the purposes of this study it was not possible to examine the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches in all countries. Thus a selection was made and the countries included in the study were, in order of examination, India, Sri Lanka, Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. The first six countries may be classified as emerging nations which, in the period under review, gained independence. The last three, the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand, have not experienced the pressure of political independence movements. - 6 -

INDIA

In India there have been two successful unions of Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches. These resulted in the formation of the Church of South India on 27th September 1947 and the Church of North India on 29th November 1970. ( 3 )

Church of South India

Basis For Union

The Church of South India was the result of union between the Church of India, Burma and Ceylon (Anglican), the South India Province of the Methodist Church and the South India United Church. (4 ) Negotiations for this union commenced formally in 1919 and were successful with the inauguration of the Church of South India on 27th September 1947. (5 )

This union, however, was not the first successful church union in India, although it was the first union in which the Anglican church participated. In 1904 the American, Canadian, Scottish and English Presbyterian Churches in India united to form the United Presbyterian Church in India. (6 ) This United Presbyterian Church joined with the Congregational Church in India in 1908 to form the South India United Church 9 ( 7 ) Ten years later the Malabar Churches, formed by the Basel (German - 7 -

Swiss) Mission, joined the South India United Church. (8 )

The Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant union negotiations benefited from the union of the non-episcopal Protestant churches. First the members of the South India United Church were experienced in union negotiations and the associated problems. Accordingly, their attitude and advice would aid fruitful discussions as both the clergy and the laity were more likely to assume an active role in any negotiations.

Secondly, the non-episcopal union meant that three churches and not five were involved in the discussions. Thus with fewer parties negotiating there was a greater chance of agreement on the basis for union.

As a result of the non-episcopal Protestant union there were no independent Presbyterian or Congregational churches negotiating for union with the episcopal church. This may be significant but until the situation in other countries is examined no general statement of its impact is possible.

The basis for union was not determined by the Indian negotiators without considering its effect on the whole Anglican Communion. The negotiating representatives considered the Anglican attitudes expressed in the Chicago/Lambeth Quadrilateral of 1888 (9 ) and the review of that Quadrilateral which was made at the 1920 - 8 -

Lambeth Conference. The 1920 review expressed the belief that:

" .•• the visible unity of the Church will be found to involve the whole-hearted accept­ ance of: The Holy Scriptures, as the record of God's revelation of himself to man, and as being the rule and ultimate standard of faith; and the Creed commonly called Nicene, as the sufficient statement of the Christian faith, and either it or the Apostles' Creed as the Baptismal confession of belief; The divinely instituted sacraments of Baptism and the Holy Communion as expressing for all the corporate life of the whole fellowship in and with Christ; A ministry acknowledged by every part of the Church as possessing not only the inward call of the Spirit, but also the commission of Christ and the authority (10) of the whole body".

While this statement varied the 1888 formulation C11 ) it did so in a manner which would allow easier inter­ pretation and possibly give greater opportunity for the conditions to be fulfilled.

The 1920 Lambeth Statement, while not automatically binding in all Anglican dioceses C12) meant that any union which included the Anglican Church should adequately provide for agreement on the basis of faith, agreement on the sacraments of the church and the acceptance of a ministry mutually acknowledged by

11 ••• every part of the church ... 11 .C 13) This latter reference alludes to the world-wide church and the provision - 9 - for continued communion between any uniting church and the churches throughout the world which prior to union admitted members of the uniting churches to communion.

The actual basis for union in South India retained the spirit of the 1920 Lambeth Quadrilateral but did so in five, and not four, divisions. These divisions were

11 ••• the Purpose and Nature of Union 11 , church membership, the Episcopate, the faith of the Church, and the Ministry. <14)

The final agreement, however, differed from the draft scheme because of variations suggested by Lambeth Conferences. <15 ) These amendments were intended to ensure that a united church in South India would remain in communion with the Anglican Church throughout the world. <16)

The Statement of Faith which was finally accepted by the 1948 Lambeth Conference adopted the Holy Scriptures as 11 ••• containing all things necessary to salvation .•• 11 <17) It confirmed the Apostles' Creed, the Nicene Creed and the Doctrine of the Trinity. <1s) Each church joining the union, however, was not restricted to a specific interpretation of the Creeds. <19)

The topic which provoked world-wide interest was the mutual recognition of the Ministry. The Basis of Union provided that re-ordination was unnecessary. (20) -10 -

All that was required was that the clergy of all churches

11 ••• assent to the Governing Principles of the United Church and (give) the same promise to accept its Constitution as would be required from persons to be ordained or employed for the firstc 21 ) time in that Church".

Thus the United Church would accept episcopally and non-episcopally ordained clergy, (22 ) although all future ordinations were to be episcopal. (23) The clergy non-episcopally ordained would, if full communion was recommended by a Lambeth Conference, be recommended to Anglican dioceses throughout the world even though these dioceses still required the historic episcopate as evidence of the validity of ordination. (24 )

Exponents of the Church of South India scheme argued that God had blessed all ministries. <25 ) Thus God's blessing was the important factor in ordination and not the form of ordination. They stressed that once the blessing had been bestowed by ordination a form of service to unite the ministry may suggest that prior ordinations had been invalid and without God's blessing.<26 )

The conflict of views which existed as regards the validity of ministerial orders had its origins in the different opinions which surrounded the role of the episcopate in the Church. This conflict was present in 1919 when negotiations for the foundation of the Church of South India commenced. At that time the Anglican Church - 11 -

11 ••• asked for the acceptance of the episcopacy and not any theory as to (2?) its character".

Thus if the non-episcopal churches could accept the episcopate the way would be open for the acceptance of the non-episcopally ordained ministry by the Anglican Communion throughout the world. Ultimately the non­ episcopal Protestant churches accepted episcopacy as an element in the union. They were" .•• prepared to accept episcopacy as a fact, a gift and a blessing". (2B)

While all future ordinations were to be episcopal no final decision on the episcopate was to be made in the Church of South India until thirty years after inauguration. (29) This procedure removed the need for any form of service of reconciliation of the ministries. It thus avoided the charge that such a service was a form of ordination.

Reasons for Union

The original draft of the Scheme for Union in South India listed three reasons for the commencement of negotiations. It indicated " ••• that the challenge of the present hour in the period of reconstruction after the war, in the gathering of nations and the present critical situation in India itself, call us to mourn our past divisions and to turn to our Lord Jesus Christ to seek in Him the unity of the body expressed in one visible church". (30) - 12 -

The first reason, 11 ••• the challenge of the present hour 11 ( 31 ) related the necessity for church union to the period of social renewal and rebuilding which followed World War One. Just as the government was involved in the post-war determination of priorities and a return to political stability so the church would be influenced by post-war attitudes and initiatives. In the period of s-e.cular renewal there was freedom from war regulation and there existed a popular movement for political freedom and the development of an independent India.

The secular renewal was illustrated by the fact that in 1918 and 1919 there was post-war unrest and increased nationalist pressure. (32) Although the nationalist movement had been growing since the government reforms of 1908-1911 it did not achieve unity of action until after the first World War. Mahatma Gandhi, in the years after 1919, was able 11 ••• to turn a middle class national movement into a mass national sentiment". ( 33)

The second stated reason for union, " ... the gathering of the nations •.. " ( 34 ) alluded to the formation of the League of Nations. The spirit of "the League" is implied in the preamble to the Covenant which states in part - "The High Contracting Parties in order to promote international co-operation and to achieve international peace and security ... agree to this Covenant of ( 35 ) the League of Nations .•. " - 13 -

This is a valid reason for union between the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches in South India if the church members, seeing the nations trying to co-operate, believe that the churches should also unite to seek a national identity, and so remove historical divisions. If the non-christian could see the consolidation of the churches in a period of uncertainty and the removal of divisions with the resultant demonstration of the unity and "oneness" in Christ they may be encouraged to accept the Christian Faith. If not accepting the "Faith" the parallel movements for church union, national independence and international co-operation may provoke an interest in the Christian Church. There appeared to be no evidence, other than the statement of the initial negotiating committee to support this attitude.

The independence movement may be the" .•• present critical situation ••. " ( 35 ) referred to in the extract from the Scheme. This growth of a movement for an in­ dependent India may have created in the minds of the Indian community a dislike for diversification and a quest for unification. In such an atmosphere the church leaders may have viewed organic union as a necessary step in the evangelization of India, a united church being a more effective instrument.

The impact of the political independence movement as a factor in the early commencement of the Church of - 14 -

South India discussions is supported by the fact that the church negotiations and political negotiations coincided. India became an independent nation on 15th August 1947 and the Church of South India was inaugurated on 17th September 1947. (37)

The political independence movement required a unifying force. If Christianity was to be that force it had to be able to demonstrate that it (Christianity) was capable of unity. ( 3s) As the Christian Church in India was a minority religion ( 39 ) it is unlikely that it could exert as much influence on the political indep­ endence movement as that movement did on church union. This latter effect is indicated by the hope that political independence " ••• would gradually weld into a single unity elements which teach contradictory (4 ) doctrines or differ widely in practice". O

A further link between the independence movement and church union is suggested by the membership of the initial conference. The first conference to discuss Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant union" ••• was composed of thirty-one Indians, one Englishman and one American " (41) Although the documents for the period were not available for examination it would be unusual if the" •.. thirty-one Indians ..• "were not influenced in some way by the movement which sought a politically independent India. - 15 -

Relationship Between Weakness and Church Union

While the three reasons listed above were specifically included in the first draft scheme as reasons for the union of Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestants in South India, Bryan Wilson has propounded a different hypothesis for church union. He believed

II that organisational strength is a more effective impediment to unity than persisting doctrinal and liturgical distinctiveness •• organisations amalgamate when they are weak rather (42) than when they are strong".

A measure of the strength or weakness of the church is its size in relation to other religions in society. This measure would indicate if the Christian Church was a religion which counted the majority, or minority of the population as its members. If only·a small proportion of the community were members of a Christian Church or denomination Wilson's hypothesis would suggest that these church groups may unite in an attempt to overcome this weakness.

To test this hypothesis the membership of the Christian Church as a proportion of total population was examined for the years 1941, 1951 and 1961. The statistical data relates to the whole of India.

In 1941 the official census showed the population of India as 318,660,580 while the Christian population was - 16 -

6,300,000 or 1 .97 per cent of the total population. (43 )

Between 1941 and 1951 the number of Christians in India increased from 1.97 per cent of the population to 2.35 per cent. In 1961 this percentage was 2.44 per cent.<44 ) The official census report classified religious denominat­ ions into seven groups. In order of strength these were Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikhs, Buddhist, Jains and a classification of "others" which included the remaining religious groups.

While such a classification shows Christianity as the third in the ranking it is deceptive as the Hindus and the Muslims accounted for 94.89 per cent of the population in 1951 and 94.2 per cent in 1961. In the period 1941-1961 the number of adherents to Christianity had increased from 1 .97 to 2.44 per cent but it was still a "minority" religious group. ( 45)

In the same period the total number of Hindus declined but as the total number of Hindus far exceeded the number of Christians the decrease would not indicate a loss of power. During the period 1951-61 the number of Buddhists increased by 1670.71 per cent. (45 )

This analysis indicates that the Christian Church is weak in relation to other religions. However, the statistics for the number of Christian adherents show - 17 - the total Christian Community and not the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant proportion. When the Roman Catholic component is removed the Protestant (ie. Anglican and non-episcopal churches) details re-inforce the opinion that these churches are weak. In 1910 one half of one per cent of the total population were class- ified as protestant. (47) In 1930 the estimate was approximately one per cent. (4s) The growth continued from 1940, although at a slower rate, until 1960. (49 ) Between 1960 and 1970 the Protestant churches experienced a decline in membership. (5o)

The number or proportion of a religious group in a community is only one measure of strength or weakness. In the Indian situation other indications of weakness are found in nominalism, regionalism, and the impact of the caste system. (51 ) The first of these, nominalism, is hard to measure. It involves those who are in name members of the Anglican or non-episcopal Protestant denominations and yet are not committed Christians. Membership of this nature gives a false indication of growth in the Churches. Thus the Anglican and non­ episcopal Protestant Churches may be weaker than the statistical analysis indicates.

The regionalisation criterion is a determinant when some areas have large Christian populations and other regions have a lower number of Christians. For example, - 18 - in the state of Nagaland" .•• more than 50 percent ••• '' of the population is Christian. <52 ) This large concen­ tration, as well as the high proportion of Christians in the 11 ••• Andaman and Nicobar Islands •.. and Kerala ... .,( 53 ) means that the Christian Church in other regions is weaker than the national statistics suggest. These examples of the stronger regions are States situated in the North Indian region.

The caste system may indicate weakness of the church if the churches are unable to break the traditional social barrierso The Church's teaching that all are equal in the sight of God should encourage the removal of the caste barriers. However, in some cases this has not occurred and the caste divisions have been included in the Indian Church structure. (54) This is a sign of weakness either of the Church or its ability to present its message of equality before God. This possible example of weakness is of limited application in the general examination of the ecumenical situation as India is the only country where the class divisions are of such great impact. While class distinction may exist in the other countries considered the caste system itself would only support union if the Churches in India united while those without a similar class structure did not.

In support of the hypothesis propounded by Wilson that union occurs where the church is weak, T.S. Eliott - 19 - believed that the initial benefit of a union in South India between Anglican and non-episcopal Protestants is the doubling of the congregation.(55 )

In contrast to the reasons mentioned in the "Draft Scheme" and the hypothesis indicated by Bryan Wilson it was argued that the Church of South India was not formed as a result of 11 ••• any utilitarian motives or for any pragmatic reasons ••• "(56 ) The aim, as stated by Bishop Newbigin, was re-unification of the divided body of the church, a church divided by the sin of previous ages. (57 )

Bishop Newbigin does not appear to consider the motives previously mentioned as valia. He views the spiritual church as the important aspect and the organisational church as an outward sign. He states that " .•• If then, the divided bodies are truly parts of the church, two methods of uniting are ruled out. One is that which treats one part as alone the church and the others as dissident groups which have to be reunited to it. The other is that which treats all parts as though they were quite separate amd autonomous societies which could freely decide whether and on what terms they will agree to form (5B) unions with one another".

The first of these is ruled out because it ascribes blame or guilt. Even if it is possible to obtain an admission of guilt from one of the - 20 - denominations involved in the negotiations the effort and discussions to obtain this admission may provoke tension and conflict rather than harmony and union. The second method promotes church union as a corporate merger. Thus the strong may overpower the weak with the result that the church may be a unity of compromised ideals. Both these methods of union are thus contrary to Bishop Newbigin's belief that union is a way of overcoming

" ••• the sin of previous ages ••. 11 ( 59 )

The Influence of the Missionary Movement

As indicated in the introduction to this paper, this study also attempted to identify any features which may have assisted Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant union. The impact of the missionary movement was thus considered.(60)

The aim of the missionary movement in India was to introduce Indians to the Christian faith and aid them in the development of christian attitudes in their daily life. To do this the missionaries not only attempted to witness the Christian Faith but also assisted in medical and educational fields.

The relationship between the missionary movement and the church union movement was stressed by the Church of South India formation committee. The committee members - 21 - believed that

11 ••• because the Church under the principles of comity (had) been led in the discharge of its evangelistic task to be locally one •.. it had to seek to go on to conform its whole structure to (61) that fact".

Bishop Newbigin suggests that the attitude of the churches to the missionary movement governs the reaction to ecumenical ideals for" •.• that which makes the Church one is what makes it a mission to the world .• " (62)

The missionary influence may be evidenced in two ways. The first is shown by the number of missionaries in India at any one time. The other is given by the personal influence of particular missionaries an the church in India and its development.

Between 1924 and 1948 the number of protestant missionaries in India increased from 5682 to 6356. This latter figure is derived from two statistics to allow comparison with the 1924 figure. It is the sum of the number of missionaries in India (5656) and those in Pakistan (700).(63) The necessity for this adjustment arose from the division of the continent into India and Pakistan at the time of India's independence in 1947.

While the missionary element grew so did the number of protestants. In 1921 there were 1,900,000 protestants - 22 - recorded in India, while in 1949 there were 3,500,000.(64) The increase was largely the result of missionary influence and a substantial proportion of this growth resulted from the mass movement to Christianity among the depressed classes. (65)

The missionary movement is, however, not only a movement of groups but is influenced by the people within it. In India, four men were involved with the formation of the Indian missionary bodies. They were Oldham, J. Mott, K.J. Paul and Bishop Azariah. (66) The first two of these were also active in the formation and continuation committees of the World Missionary Conference in 1910, the acknowledged commencement of the modern ecumenical movement. After the 1910 Conference the two men visited India and in 1912 the National Missionary Council of India, Burma and Ceylon was established. (67 ) In 1922 this organisation became the National Christian Council of India, Burma and Ceylon. (6B) These organisations are important in the ecumenical movement for they are visible signs of inter-church co-operation.

The important event in 1922 for the Anglican Church of India, Burma and Ceylon was the adoption of a constitution. (69 ) This allowed the Church of England to conduct its own union negotiations and to commit itself to such action it believed it should adopt. In 1930 it " ... was legally freed from its connexion with the state and - 23 -

so was at liberty to become a ( ) truly autonomous Indian Church". 70

From that date union was possible without the constitut­ ional difficulties which had previously existed.

It has been suggested that the ecumenical movement gained impetus from the personal associations formed within the Y.M.C.A. and the Student Christian Movement. (71 ) Although such a proposition is difficult to prove, especially as regards the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant union in India, it is "noteworthy" that Messrs Mott and Oldham were active in those organisations. Likewise Bishop Azariah, the first Indian bishop, was associated with both the Y.M.C.A. and the Student Christian Movement. <72 ) Bishop Azariah was also "prominent" in the early church union discussions in India. (73)

Church of South India - Conclusion

The study of the formation of the Church of South India was intended to ascertain the factors present at its formation as well as be the first of a series of studies to test Bryan Wilson's hypothesis concerning the relationship between weakness and church union. The Church of South India study has supported Wilson's hypothesis as the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestants were weak both prior to and during the negotiations for union. (74 ) - 24 -

Other factors which were present during the Church of South India negotiations were the prior union of non­ episcopal Protestant churches, (75 ) the missionary base of the Christian Church in India (76 ), the growth of the political independence movement (77), and the adoption of the Lambeth Quadrilateral as a basis for discussions. (78) The examination of the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant negotiations in other countries will be such as to determine whether or not these factors are common to all successful negotiations.

The influence of post-World War One reconstruction and" •.. the gathering of the nations", (79 ) may apply only to the Indian situation as it influenced the Church of South India. This will also be tested in future examinations.

The main difficulty encountered was the different beliefs which the various churches held concerning the historic episcopate and its role in a uniting church. (80)

The Church of North India

The Church of North India was inaugurated on 29th November 1970. It was a union of the United Church of North India, the Northern Dioceses of the Anglican Church· of India, Pakistan, Burma and Ceylon, the Methodist Church (British and Australian Conferences), the Methodist - 25 -

Church in Southern Asia (Episcopal) and the Church of the Brethren in India. (81)

The negotiations for the formation of the Church of North India commenced after World War Two. <82 ) Unlike the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant negotia­ tions in South India they commenced as the formation of the independent India was to be affected. While the independence movement may have influenced the South Indian negotiations (83) the delay in the North Indian union cannot be attributed to a lessening of the influence of the political situation without first considering the impact of the other factors present in the South Indian situation.

As was indicated above (84) the Anglican and non­ episcopal Protestant churches were weak in India in relation to other religions. However, certain northern regions were stronger than areas in the South. Thus the hypothesis relating weakness and union would suggest that the stronger areas (North India) would unite later than the weaker regions (South India).

In North India, as in South India, there had been a union of non-episcopal Protestant Churches prior to the union with the Anglican Church. In 1924, sixteen years after the major non-episcopal Protestant union in South India, the Presbyterian and Congregational Churches from Western India and the Welsh Calvinists from Assam - 26 - united. (85 ) Thus there were no independent Presbyterian or Congregational Churches negotiating for union with the Anglican Church.

A further relationship commences to emerge, however, when the prior union of non-episcopal Protestant churches is considered. In the South Indian case the first non­ episcopal union occurred in 1904 and Anglican/non-episcopal Protestant discussions commenced in 1919 (15 years after the non-episcopal Protestant union). In North India 22 years passed between the non-episcopal Protestant union in 1924 and the start of negotiations with the Anglicans in 1946/7. If the six war years, however, disturbed church union negotiations as they did secular routines then the 22 year period may not be unduly long.

Additional North Indian Problems

Two problems were encountered during the "North India" discussions which were not present in the course of the "South India" negotiations. The first involved the reconciliation of bishops of the Anglican Church, who were within the historic episcopate,with the bishops of the Episcopal Methodist Church. (86 ) The second issue concerned baptism, especially the conflict between the theories of paedobaptism and believer's baptism. (87) The problem surrounding baptism was highlighted when the Church liturgy was being prepared particularly when the - 27 - impact of baptism was considered in the Service of Confirmation. (88 )

The negotiations in North India adopted the Lambeth Quadrilateral (1920), as a basis for discussion and it was in this context that the first problem, reconciliation of the two classes of bishops was solved. Unlike the Church of South India, the Church of North India proposed that a Service of Unification unite the ministry from inauguration. This would enable the United Church to have a ministry" .•. acknowledged by every part of the

Church .. 11 ( 89 ) The Service of Unification would link all ministries and remove any barriers introduced by the presence of Anglican and Methodist Bishops. The latter would be brought into the historic episcopate and the former would " ••. enter the spiritual heritage of the episcopal branch of the Methodist Church".(9o)

The Church of North India, unlike the Church of South India, believed a united church should have a united liturgy from the date of inauguration. It was held that

11 ••• the United Church ought to develop forms of worship more expressive of the particular inheritance of those drawn to unity" ... (91)

The new and united liturgy would thus remove a barrier from the congregational acceptance of union. The barrier removed would be that associated with familiarity of the liturgy of one tradition and the lack of knowledge of the - 28 - liturgies of other traditions. Although the new liturgy would be unfamiliar to all, this unfamiliarity provided an opportunity for the various traditions to "grow together" as they learnt the value and significance of their unity.

In 1962 the Convocations of Canterbury and York considered the plans for union which incorporated the porposals for the unification of the ministry and the liturgy. Full communion was approved by Canterbury and the upper house of York. However, the lower house of York rejected full communion by fifty-eight votes to thirty-one. (92 ) This rejection by the lower house illustrates that it was the laity which rejected the proposal. The lay opinion was no doubt supported by certain clergy but the strength of their support could not be ascertained.

India - Conclusion

The examination of the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant negotiations in India attempted to ascertain firstly whether there was any validity in the hypothesis which related union to the weakness of the churches and secondly whether there were any factors which the north and south Indian negotiations had in common.

The hypothesis relating weakness and church union was supported by the Indian experience. In India both - 29 - the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches were weak. In 1971 their estimated proportion of the popul­ ation was 1 per cent. <93) Indications are that certain regions which were involved with the Church of North India were stronger than the southern areas. (94) Thus the fact that the South, being the weaker, united first supports the Wilson hypothesis.

There were other factors which the north and south Indian situation experienced which may have aided union and the later studies will examine these aspects. Firstly, prior to the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant negotiations in South and North India the non-episcopal Protestant churches had united. (95) Having united once they were prepared to do so again.

Secondl½ the negotiations in both North and South India were concerned with the attitudes of the Churches throughout the world. Hence as Anglican Churches were involved the Lambeth Quadrilateral (as amended in 1920) was adopted as a basis for discussion. (96) This concern led the Churches to unite in a way which would preserve the relationship of the uniting churches with the congregations throughout the world. The problem which provoked the most concern related to the unification of the ministry and the ministry's relationship to the historic episcopate. (97 ) - 30 -

The negotiators solved this problem in different ways. In the Church of South India there was to be no service of reconciliation or unification but for thirty years from the inauguration of the United Church existing clergy would be authorised to officiate while ordinations after inauguration would be episcopal. (9s) In the Church of North India all ministries were to be episcopal from the beginning and this was to be achieved by a special form of service. (99 )

Thirdly the Indian situation illustrated that the political environment, especially the political independence movement, may be a favourable factor in support of the ecumenical movement. C1oo) - 31 -

SRI LANKA

The Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant Churches negotiating for union in Sri Lanka (formerly Ceylon) were the Church of India, Pakistan, Burma and Ceylon, the Methodist Church, the Baptist Church, the Presbyterian Church and the Jaffna Diocese of the Church of South India. ( 101) The first meeting of churches was convened in 1934.

The negotiating churches adopted the Lambeth Quadrilateral as a basis for discussion. As occurred in the South and North Indian situation the consulting churches agreed on a Statement of Faith and accepted the Holy Scriptures and the Historic Creeds. C1o2 )

The main problem concerned the historic episcopate and its influence on the validity of ministerial orders.C1o3 ) This problem was highlighted when the 1958 Lambeth Conference accepted the Sri Lanka scheme, subject to minor variations, and recommended full communion with Anglican dioceses throughout the world. C1o4 )

The Convocations of Canterbury and York were also required to consent, this requirement being introduced by the Diocese of Colombo in 1955. C1o5 ) The lower house of York rejected the proposals by three votes. It was, however, prepared to give qualified acceptance if the - 32 -

Uniting Church confirmed that the unification rite conferred" ... episcopal ordination ... on those who have not already received it .• " <106) The House of Bishops approved the scheme unanimously.

As the main problem was the validity of ministerial orders the negotiating committee made various amendments. These reflected the Churches belief that the aim was " .•• to secure a ministry fully accredited in the eyes of all its members, and so far as may be, ( ) of the church throughout the world". 107 This was to be achieved by the retention of a link with the historic episcopate and the acceptance of the three­ fold ministry of bishops, presbyter and deacon.

Acceptance of such a ministry by a service entitled the Rite of Unification was not seen as re-ordination or supplemental ordination by the negotiating committee.<1os) They viewed it as the common acceptance of a ministry in the Church of God with the prayer that God would bestow on the ministry of the United Church such grace as will be necessary for the fulfillment of the tasks before it. C1o9 ) In this approach the Sri Lankan Scheme was similar to the Church of North India Scheme.

It is necessary, however, to examine the negotiations and the environment in which the Sri Lankan discussions were held to ascertain whether the factors which supported Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant Union in India were - 33 - present.

The Relationship Between Church Weakness and Church Union

In Sri Lanka the Christian Church is a minority group. The 1948 estimate of the Christian church member- ship as a percentage of total population was ten per cent.C11 o: In 1971 a conservative census estimate placed this figure at 7.7 per cent of total population. (111 ) This percentage, however, is not representative of the membership of the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant Churches. Statistics were available to show the proportion of the negotiating church membership at the 1971 census. The Anglican Church represented 0.45 per cent of the population and the non-episcopal Protestants 0.26 per cent. (112)

The negotiating churches in Sri Lanka are not only numerically weak but are also under pressure from a government which openly promotes Buddhism as the official religion. (113) This pressure has existed since independence from the United Kingdom in 1948 and is re­ flected in the attempt by the government to discourage attendance at Christian Schools. (114)

As well as government pressure it has also been suggested that the church is weak because" •.. the

Churches main concern was pastoral, not missionary 11 .C 115 ) - 34 -

Thus the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches in Sri Lanka are weak in relation to both the total population and the Roman Catholic Church, the latter having 6.8 percent of the population as members.(116) The situation in Sri Lanka thus supports B. Wilson's hypothesis that organisations unite when they are weak rather than when they are strong. In Sri Lanka union was deferred as a result of court action but this aspect is discussed later.

The Political Situation

Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) became an independent nation on 4th February 1948. (11 7)

Agitation for self-government began prior to the First World War, however it was not until 1920/21, with the creation of a ''majority in the Legislative Council", for the Ceylonese,(118) that the independence movement gained strength. The first general election was held in 1931 (119 ) three years before the Anglicans and non­ episcopal Protestant negotiations commenced. Between 1931 and 1948 agitation continued for full independence and the British Government planned to that end.

Thus in Sri Lanka the movement for political independence coincided with the ecumenical discussions. - 35 -

The Prior Union of Non-Episcopal Protestants

In Sri Lanka, unlike the South India situation, there were independent Methodist and Presbyterian churches involved in the church union discussions. No prior union of the non-episcopal Protestant denominations had occurred although a united church was represented. The latter representative in the Sri Lanka discussions was the Jaffna Diocese of the Church of South India.

Missionary History

Sri Lanka experienced the impact of the missionary movement but to a lesser extent than India. The early Portuguese influence had introduced Roman Catholic missionaries,<120) and this continued to be the mainstream missionary movement until the Protestant missionaries arrived, first with the support of the Dutch and then the British.(121 )

The British influence continued from the early nineteenth century until the second world war at which time the intake of new missionaries was substantially reduced.<122) This decrease in missionary activity has coincided with the increase in the growth of national identity and the promotion by the government of Buddhism~123) - 36 -

Reason For the Postponement of Union

The union proposals were accepted by substantial majorities of the negotiating churches but union was delayed by legal argument and court action instituted by Anglicans in the District Court of Colombo.(124) The initial court action, which alleged that the Anglican vote in Council was inadequate, was dismissed in June 1974_(125 )

In October 1975 the Bill to allow the Church Union was introduced in Parliament. However the Constitutional Court held

11 ••• that the Bill conflicted with the constitution of the countr.,¥ {ils it deprived the peopleJ of their (126) freedom of religion". This freedom also incorporated the use of church property and buildings, a right which would be lost by some of the congr'egations if they did not join the united church.

The Methodists and Baptists also instituted court action in 1975 which challenged the voting procedures. These cases, as well as a renewed Anglican Case, were dismissed in 1976. The Anglicans have filed another petition but this is not due to be heard until 29th August 1979_(127)

The opposition from the Anglicans arises from the Diocese of Colombo only. The Diocese of Kurungala has - 37 - no such problems.<128)

Conclusion

The Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant negotiations in Sri Lanka exhibit all factors which were present in the South India situation except for that related to the prior union of the non-episcopal Protestant churches.

The portion of the Wilson hypothesis tested, that organisations are more likely to unite when they are weak rather than when they are strong, was supported. In Sri Lanka Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestants represent 0.71 per cent of population,<129 ) while in India in 1971 the same group represented approximately one (1) per cent of the population.(130)

Sri Lanka also experienced political independence during the course of church union negotiations. These negotiations commenced in 1934 (131 ) while political independence negotiations were conducted between 1915 and 1947.(132)

As had occurred in India the Christian Church was formed by missionaries.

Despite the existence of the factors outlined above - 38 - the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches have not united. As indicated the union did not proceed because of legal action. Thus the Sri Lankan negotiations may not have failed but may merely be postponed pending the decision by the Court. - 39 -

NIGERIA

The ecumenical discussions between the Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestants in Nigeria commenced in 1950. The Anglican Diocese, later succeeded by the Anglican province of West Africa, the Methodist Church and the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria formed the Nigerian Church Union Committee.<133) In Nigeria, unlike the Indian scene, there had been no union of non-episcopal protestants prior to the 1950 discussions. Thus the Presbyterian Church was an independent Church and the Congregational Church was not represented at the negotiations.

The Nigerian Church Union Committee intended to pursue the work of the missionary representatives who, between 1905 and 1933, encouraged co-operation among the churches.<134)

Thus the ecumenical initiatives were based on a foundation set before the second World War and before the struggle for Nigerian independence even though the actual negotiating committee was not formed until 1950.

In 1963, 13 years after the formation of the negotiating committee, the committee approved a scheme of union. Subject to individual church agreement union was planned for December 1965.(135 ) However, this planned - 40 - union did not proceed for two reasons. The first reason was the internal disputes which arose in the Methodist Church and which resulted in the initiation of law suits. These legal actions reflected deep concern within the congregations in respect of the validity of union and the possible divisions which may result if the Churches were to unite.<136)

The second reason was related to the political situation.Nigeria experienced political coups in January 1966 and July 1966. These were especially important as they caused internal political conflicts which resulted in a division between east and west. This unrest culminated in a declaration of secession in June 1967.(137) This secession resulted in the area of the proposed United Church Diocese also being divided into east and west. The political adversaries were not inclined to vote in favour of a union which would unite the churches across political borders. Even though religious beliefs and political affiliations may theoretically be separated, the political factors prevailed and the church union was deferred indefinitely.(138 )

The Nigerian civil war ended on 15th January 1970.<139 ) With the political situation relatively stable union negotiations were recommenced with the formation of a new church union committee. This committee discovered that the church members did not fully appreciate - 41 - the need for union or the goals of union. Thus the "new" Union Committee decided that an "evangelisation campaign" was required.(14o) It was hoped that the campaign would complement the education process commenced within the churches. At the conclusion of this campaign union would proceed only if the churches really believed it to be necessary.(141 ) Although the education campaign commenced, union of the Anglican and non-episcopal churches has not resulted, and the Church of England in Nigeria still forms part of the Province of West Africa.(142)

Basis for Union

In Nigeria the original intention of the negotiating parties, realising the problems of the episcopate and the mutual recognition of ministries were the major obstacles to be overcome, decided to adopt the Church of South India model as a basis for union. However, before this could be achieved the 1958 Lambeth Conference recommended that the Ceylon or North India statement of Faith should be adopted and full communion with the Anglican Church throughout the world should be sought.(143)

Thus in 1963, in response to the 1958 Lambeth Conference resolutions and after considering their position in relation to the unification of the ministry, the negotiating committee proposed that " •.• the act of unification be given and received without prejudice to the reality of method of ordination - 42 -

previously given and received so that there will be able to be a ministry which is acceptable and without exception credited in the eyes of all members of the Church of Nigeria, and so far as may be, of the Church (144) throughout the world".

This statement reflected both the concern for recognition by world Churches and the importance of a unified ministry in this recognition. Prior ordinations were accepted as valid and no form of supplemental ordination was necessary.

The willingness of each church to accept all that had been beneficial in the churches of the other negotiating parties was reflected in the proposal for the structure of a united church. It was believed that the episcopate was required but this was to be supplemented by 11 ••• presbyterial and congregational elements 11 .< 145 ) The Church hierarchy was thus to be an amalgamation of the structure existing in the three churches such that none could allege that there was a takeover of one by another. Local churches were to be represented at each level of church government by elected representatives.

The Church was to be " ... organised into dioceses, each with its bishop and diocesan council. Each diocese [was to be] further organised into pastorates (and) each pastorate (had) a Pastorate Committee composed of the presbyter in charge, - 43 -

any ordained assistants, and laycommunicant members elected by the communicants of the (146) pastorate".

The lay representation at each level was elected by the congregations and the resulting organisational structure was of a well-defined bureaucratic form. This suggests first that the changes in church structure followed the development of the local political structure. In the secular sphere the control of government was being sought by the local population. The same population groups were involved in the church union negotiations and no doubt would wish to exercise similar control in the government of the church.

Secondly there was an attempt to please all groups by including all offices that existed previously in the divided churches.

The Nigerian churches also reached agreement in matters of faith. They recognised that the Holy Scriptures and the Apostles' and Nicene Creeds were essential. The former contained "all things necessary to salvation" and the latter witnessed to and safeguarded the faith.<147)

Relationship Between Church Weakness and Union

The hypothesis that" ... organisations unite when they are weak rather than when they are strong 11 <14s) - 44 - was examined with regard to the Nigerian situation. The Nigerian region is the home of three religious groups. These groups are Islam, Christianity and the traditional African Religions. Islam is claimed to be strong in the northern regions and experiencing fast growth because of contact with the North AfricRNMuslims.<149 )

Comparative statistical data was not available for all the religious groups. However, indications in 1957 were that Protestantism was" ... represented strikingly by Anglicans 11 .< 15o) The number of Anglicans adherents was allegedly 1,000,000 while communicant membership was over 100,000.(151 ) The total number of protestants was 1,370,000.(152 ) The 1957 population estimates are not available, however, if the 1957 protest­ ant statistic is shown as a percentage of the 1959 pop­ ulation an estimate of the strength of the protestants as a group within society is possible. Such a calculation gives the approximation of 3.91 per cent.

This indicates that the Protestant Church is a minority group. It is however stronger than the Christian Church in India in 1961 which represented 2.44 per cent of the population.<153) The estimate of 3.91 per cent also suggests that the protestant community in Nigeria is more than twice as large as the protestant community in India which in 1961 represented approximately 1.3 per cent of the population.<154) - 45 -

The statistical data supports the Wilson hypothesis which relates union to weakness. Although the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches in Nigeria have commenced negotiations union has not occurred. These churches are stronger than the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches in India where negotiations were successful.

It is now necessary to determine whether the factors which supported Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant union in 1Ndia influenced the union negotiations in Nigeria. These factors were, the prior union of non­ episcopal Protestant churches, the use of the Lambeth Quadrilateral as a basis for discussions, the missionary base of the church and the influence exerted by the national independence movement on the ecumenical movement.

In Nigeria all these factors were present except the prior union of non-episcopal Protestant Churches. As was indicated (155 ) the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches entered the discussions as separate entities.

The Lambeth Quadrilateral was a basis for the Nigerian discussions and the requirements were fulfilled. In the Nigerian case the ministry which could be acknow­ ledged by all was based on the Church of North India model rather than the Church of South India scheme. The former provided for a ministry united from the commencement of the "new" church and was the scheme - 46 - favoured by the Lambeth Conference of 1958.<156)

The presence of the missionary influence was acknowledged by the union panel as a part of the ecumenical history. The Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant negotiations continued the prior efforts of the various missionary groups.(157)

The union, however, did not proceed due to the realisation that union did not have the support of the majority of the church members.<158) - 47 -

GHANA

Historical Development of Union Negotiations

The Anglican and non-episcopal protestant churches in Ghana commenced union negotiations in 1957 when the Diocese of Accra (Anglican), the Methodist Church, the Evangelical Presbyterian Church and the Presbyterian Church of Ghana formed the Ghana Church Union Committee.<159 ) This committee met on numerous occasions between 1960 and 1962 and formulated a draft scheme of union.

Before this scheme could be implemented, however, the composition of the Church Union Committee varied. As a result of discussions between 1963 and 1965 the African Methodist Episcopal Church of Ghana and the Mennonite Church of Ghana joined the committee.<160) The introduction of the Methodist Episcopal Church to the scheme created a situation similar to that which existed in North India when an episcopal church which was not within the historic episcopate was actively involved in the quest for a united church.

Unlike the Indian experience, but similar to the Nigerian experience, there had been no prior union of non-episcopal Protestant Churches. Thus the Methodist (non-episcopal) and Presbyterian Churches were involved as independent churches. The Congregational Church was not a party to the discussions.(161) - 48 -

In 1963 the Ghana Church Union Committee published a basis for union which stressed that " •.• there is no question of achieving union by one church simply absorbing the others, with its tradition imposed on the rest". (162) This statement appears to be an assurance which enabled the smaller churches to enter the discussions without the fear of absorption or inferiority. The impact of this was that one church would be unable to ensure the retention of a tradition unless the tradition could be shown to be necessary or at least of benefit to the united church.

While this assurance should not be taken at face value, the belief is supported by the Union Committee's plea that the laity examine the "approach to unity" in such a manner as to avoid any emotional reaction. The laity and the clergy were requested, " ••• to look beyond names and titles that may be used in an unfamiliar way and try to see the realities (163) behind them".

The acceptance of the title of Bishop, presbyter or an equivalent description, was not the vital issue. The most important factor was the role of the person holding that office in the church. In the united church it would then be possible to identify the role even if the new title was unfamiliar. - 49 -

Basis for Union

As in the Indian sub-continent, so the committee in Ghana considered the provisions of the Lambeth Quadrilateral during the course of their discussions. The draft scheme was based on the schemes for union in South India, North India and Ceylon.(164) This combin­ ation of schemes provided a wide source of opinion to be considered and also ensured that the various comments made by the Lambeth Conferences as regards the deficiencies in the South India scheme could be dealt with prior to the formation of the united church.

The only element of the Lambeth Quadrilateral which could not be readily satisfied was the item calling for a ministry recognised by all.(165 ) The ultimate solution in Ghana was for a unified ministry in which each minister would be free to officiate in any Parish of the United Church. The unified ministry was to be achieved by a service of unification similar to that of the "North India Scheme".

The service of unification was not considered re-ordination, neither was it to be II identified with any existing Rite of Ordination".(166) The service was to involve the reception of clergy and the laying on of hands.(167) In this form, however, it was open to the criticism that as it was of a similar format to an - 50 - ordination service, especially as it contained the laying on of hands with prayer, it sought to confer additional authority on the ministry and thus implied that prior ordinations had been deficient. As occurred in Nigeria(168) this criticism was overcome by stating that the service was not to be interpreted as an ordination service.

An advance in the mutual recognition of ministries was made by a decision of the Anglican Bishop of the Diocese of Accra. He directed that

11 ••• Anglican priests and laymen may, with permission of the Bishop, receive communion from a minister of another church with which it has agreed to seek union, or at gatherings specifically arranged for the promotion of church union". ( 169)

This pronouncement follows the 1968 Lambeth Resolution (Number 47) which recommended that "Reciprocal Acts of Intercommunion" be permitted where churches " ..• seek unity in a way which includes agreement on apostolic faith and order, and where that agreement to seek unity has found expression, whether in a covenant to unite or in some other appropriate form". (170) This resolution was carried by 341 votes to 87 votes.

Liturgy

Another innovation which favourably influenced the ecumenical discussions was the decision to develop - 51 - a new liturgy rather than allow the maintenance of the forms existing prior to union.(171 ) This followed the North India approach, the belief being that a "new" church required a "new" liturgy. This new liturgy would become a further visible sign of union and enable congregations to overcome the prejudices caused by unfamiliarity with forms of worship.

This liturgical movement, however, created problems within the Anglican Communion. The enforced uniformity meant that the Anglican Church in Ghana would lose a visible liturgical link with the world-wide Anglican communion when union proceeded. This difficulty could have been overcome if the negotiating churches had permitted the Anglicans as well as the other churches to retain their respective orders of service with the provision that in the Anglican case the New Liturgy was "for use together with the Book of Common Prayer 1662 11 .(172) There is no record of such a proposition being acceptable.

In 1968 the Lambeth Conference recognised the value of the Ghana unification scheme.(173) The conference believed that the rights of the Anglicans were preserved and the non-episcopal churches joining in union would be able to anticipate inter-communion with the Anglican communion.

Despite this acceptance, the Anglican Synod in Ghana - 52 - rejected the Basis of Union in 1970. The reason for this was that Anglicans, especially the congregation~ were concerned that "unity (meant) uniformity". ( 174) To overcome the problem, created by an ill-informed laity, the years 1973 to 1975 were allocated as a period of education and preparation. This involved specific education campaigns to demonstrate the reasons for union to the laity who were not actively involved in the negotiations.(175 )

This period was also to be used to fulfil the legal requirements in the drafting of a constitution for the uniting church.

Relationship Between Church Weakness and Union

In view of this problem of congregational acceptance it is now necessary to consider the "weakness hypothesis" as it relates to Ghana. In the period 1918 to 1955 the total Christian Community in Ghana increased from 161,776 to 382,075.(176 ) In 1960, three years after the commencement of negotiations, the official census showed the distribution of religious groups as Christians 42.8% Traditional Religions 38.2% Muslim 12.0% No religion 7.0% ( 177) The Christian Community was divided principally into - 53 -

Anglican, Roman Catholic, Methodist and Presbyterian churches.<178)

These proportions, even allowing for the Roman Catholic content, tend to support Wilson's hypothesis that the Churches are inclined to unite when they are weak rather than when they are strong. ( 179) While the 42.8 per cent of the population who are Christians represent different denominations so the traditional religions also include various groups. Thus it does not provide a united opposition to christian denominat­ ionalism.

Just as the figures illustrate a growth in number of adherents, so there has been a growth in the number of missionaries. Between 1918 and 1955 the total number of non-episcopal protestant missionaries increased from sixteen to eighty-two <180) while the ordained pastors increased from one hundred and two to one hundred and seventy-six.<181 ).

Political Influences

In Ghana the quest for Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant Union was only beginning as the quest for political independence was ending. Ghana became independent on 6th March 1957 (182) while the ecumenical committee was not formed until 1957. It is not possible, however, - 54 - to dismiss the influence of the independence movement. The struggle for independence commenced in 1947 with the United Gold Coast Convention <183) and so the attitude of many church members in 1957 would have been to seek a church organisation which could readily be identified with an independent Ghana.

Conclusion

The analysis indicates that the Ghana situation exhibits similar characteristics as .that of India except for the criteria of weakness and prior non-episcopal unions. As was indicated (184) there was an independent presbyterian church involved in the negotiations as well as two independent methodist churches, one episcopal and the other non-episcopal.

As in Nigeria and India the Lambeth Quadrilateral provided the basis for discussions with the unification of the ministry being the most difficult problem to solve. The Church of North India Scheme was finally adopted as the scheme most likely to be generally accepted. (185 )

The Church in Ghana also followed the North Indian example and proposed the adoption of a new liturgy. This seems to have been an idea which, while allegedly being of benefit to the union movement caused dissension in Ghana and may have been a basis for the Anglican charge - 55 - that the aim was not only to unif,y the church but also to make it uniform.(186)

It was mistrust in this issue which provided the reason for failure of the Anglican and Non-episcopal protestant union. Failure in Ghana stemmed not from the political influence as occurred in Nigeria, but from the failure of the Anglican laity to be fully committed to the union movement. This is illustrated by the belief that "unity (may have meant) un'.iformity 11 .C 1s7 ) This, however, may not have meant total lack of commi t·M ent, merely lack of commitMent to the scheme in its present form. - 56 -

KENYA AND TANZANIA

In Kenya and Tanzania the churches involved in ecumenical discussions were the Anglican Province of East Africa, the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Tanzania, the Methodist Church of Kenya, the Moravian Provinces in Tanganyika and the Presbyterian Churches in East Africa. The aim of the churches was organic union.(188 )

Relationship Between Church Weakness and Union

As in the other countries considered, the churches are part of a larger environment and so it is necessary to consider the strength of the churches and the relationship between strength or weakness and the ecumenical movement.

Between 1914 and 1959 the population of Tanzania doubled and" .. proportionally the number of Christians

mounted more steeply11 .< 1s9 ) In 1962/63 the Christian Community represented approximately 10.2 per cent of the total 1963 population.<19o) Of this figure the Anglican Church claimed 0.53 per cent as communicant members and 0.93 per cent as non-communicant Anglicans. The Lutheran Church claimed 1.7 per cent as communicants and 3 per cent as members of their community. The respective percentages for the Moravian Church were 0.27 per cent and 0.71 per cent.<191 ) No statistics could be located for the 1962 - 57 - membership of the Presbyterian Church, In 1968, however, the World Christian Handbook showed the Presbyterian Church as having a membership of 300.(192)

The situation in Kenya for the same period (1962/3) shows the Anglican Church as the church with the most number of adherents. In 1962/3, 0.3 per cent of the 1963 population were communicants and 2.2 per cent of the population were Anglican adherents. The Presbyterian and Methodist Churches claimed adherents of 0.5 per cent and 0.12 per cent of the 1963 population respectively.(193)

Unlike the Anglican Church in India, the Anglican Church in Tanzania is weaker than one of the non-episcopal Protestant negotiating churches. In both Kenya and Tanzania, however, the Anglican and non-episcopal Protest­ ant Churches are stronger than the negotiating churches in India. As the Kenyan and Tanzanian Churches have commenced negotiations the "Wilson Hypothesis" is supported to the extent that the churches being weak have commenced negotiations. As they have not united the "Wilson Hypothesis" may still be valid for the churches may not have yet reached the level of weakness which provokes union.

Before any general conclusion may be considered, it is necessary to consider the other factors previously identified as possible influences on Anglican and non- - 58 - episcopal Protestant negotiations. They were related to the political situation, the basis adopted for the union discussion, the prior union of the non-episcopal Protest­ ant Churches and the missionary base of the church.

Political Situation

In these two countries the negotiations for political independence and the quest for union between the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestants coincided. Tanganyika became an independent nation in June 1963,(194) but on 25th April 1964 combined with Zanzibar and Pembra to form a united Tanzania.(195 ) Kenya became independent on 12th December 1963(196) after many years of strife which extended from 1952 when a state of Emergency was declared following the Mau Mau uprising.(197)

In this environment the churches attempted to pursue discussions but the negotiations were unsettled for two reasons. The first reason was ecclesiastical and related to the formation of the East Africa province of the Anglican Church in 1958.(198) This caused a re-organisation of the negotiating committees even thov~h the Anglican Church had only experienced a structural change. The new Province was autonomous thus benefiting the union movement in the region.

The second reason for concern was secular and related to the political uncertainty which followed - 59 - the creation of Tanzania on 25th April 1964. The political change caused the negotiating churches to be divided, one section representing churches in Kenya, the other representing churches in Tanzania. In fact, the situation is similar to that existing in Nigeria when secession in 1967 caused divisions.(199)

This uncertainty was intensified when, in 1972, the Presbyterian Church of East Africa decided to withdraw from the negotiations. One of the reasons given was that "The development of the political situation in East Africa has the effect of rendering suspect and superficial any enterprise that ( ) transcends national frontiers". 200

As a result of this the union negotiations proceed­ ed but with separate United Churches planned for Kenya and Tanzania. Negotiations in Tanzania ceased in "the early seventies 11 .C 2o1 )

Basis for Ecumenical Discussions

The churches aimed for organic union, and, as occurred in India, Ghana and Nigeria, adopted the Lambeth Quadrilateral as the guide. To effect a satisfactory scheme it was decided to defer a choice between the South India or North India plans and to establish three working committees.(202 ) These committees met between 1963 and 1965. Their terms of - 60 - reference related to forms of "Liturgy, Worship and Christian Initiation"; "The Ministry and its unification" and finally the problems of "theological terminology which resulted from translation of the Bible and liturgy from English to Swahili 11 .C 2o3 )

In 1965 an Interim Basis of Union proposed that the Anglican, Methodist and Presbyterian Churches in Kenya and Tanzania unite. Although this recommendation was accepted by the Methodist and Presbyterian conferences it was rejected by the Anglican Church. That church considered that " •.• all five Churches should move forward together under the guidance of the Holy Spirit rather than at this stage giving immediate consideration to the possibility of the union of the three churches only". (204)

This indicates that the Anglican Church viewed union as a total commitment and was not prepared to proceed in a union which excluded The Lutheran and Moravian Churches.

Conclusion

It has been demonstrated that the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant Churches in Kenya and Tanzania were weak.( 205 ) In this circumstance the commencement of union negotiations supported that part of the "Wilson Hypothesis" which related church union to church weakness. - 61 -

The important factor is, however, not the commencement of negotiations but the success of the negotiations and the resultant union. In Kenya and Tanzania the churches were stronger than the churches in India. Thus they may have been weak enough to commence union negotiations but not weak enough to unite.

Secondly, Kenya and Tanzania had not experienced prior union of non-episcopal Protestant Churches. As a result the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches were represented as independent parties at the negotiations. This is the opposite to the situation of India. In Kenya and Tanzania there was no congregational church concerne d in. the ecumenica. 1 d.1scuss1ons. . (206)

The Churches in Kenya and Tanzania, as in India, accepted the Lambeth Quadrilateral as a basis for the union discussions. As indicated, however, the var1ous sections of the Lambeth Quadrilateral were considered separately and so union was delayed.<207 ) The delay arose mainly from the discussions surrounding the liturgy rather than the unification of the ministry.

Fourthly, as in India, there had been a recent missionary base for the Churches in Kenya and Tanzania. Although full details are not available, Jn 1965 and 1975,

Kenya had 188 foreign Anglican missionaries working in local churches. In Tanzania there were 162 Anglican - 62 - representatives in 1965 and 160 in 1975_(2os)

Finally, although the ecumenical movement did not coincide with the independence movement as it did in South India it commenced the year after Independence. This latter situation is similar to the negotiations in North India which commenced in 1947, the year of India's independence.

In view of the presence of the above factors, it is necessary to consider the reasons for failure of the movement in Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Tanzania to determine if any similarities exist. In Ghana, the union was deferred because the Anglicans considered that uniformity may be forced upon them. In Nigeria, as well as Kenya and Tanzania, the ecumenical progress was arrested by the political factors, especially division of the countries. In Nigeria secession between East and West forced indefinite postponement of the discussions. In Kenya and Tanzania, however, the split resulted in two separate countries with the result that parallel discussions continued until 1970-72 when those in Tanzania ceased. - 63 -

UNITED KINGDOM

In the United Kingdom there have been various discussions with regard to Union proposals between Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestants. These discussions were, however, between the Church of England and individual Protestant Churches. The negotiations commenced were those between the Church of England and the Methodist Church (1955), and the Presbyterian Church (1957).<209 ) As well as these, there were preparatory talks between representatives of the Congregational Union of Scotland and the Church of Scotland. (1959-71); the Church of England, Church of Scotland, Presbyterian Church of England and the Episcopal Church in Scotland; the Church of Ireland, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland and the Methodist Church in Ireland; and finally the Church of Wales and the Methodist Church.< 21 o)

While there were discussions between various denominations it was the negotiations between the Church of England and the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches in England which provided a guide to the conduct of the various ecumenical proceedings. Accordingly it is proposed to consider the relevant aspects of the Methodist and Presbyterian negotiations with the Church of England to determine what factors in the United Kingdom influenced the success or failure of the Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant attempts at union. Where appropriate the - 64 -

opinions of the other churches involved in the various discussions listed above will be considered.

Relationship Between Church Weakness and Union

In the examination of the ecumenical progress in India and certain African countries, the suggestion that "organisations amalgamate when they are weak rather than when they are strong" was considered.(211 ) While the prior examinations indicate that this hypothesis may be valid it was considered in relation to England to determine its validity or otherwise in that country.

For the purposes of an examination of the relationship between the success or failure of union and the strength or weakness of the church in society statist­ ical information was collated in three classifications. These classifications were for the Anglican Church, the Methodist Church and the total non-episcopal Protestant churches in the United Kingdom.

The statistical information for these church groups in respect of the years 1947, 1953, 1955, 1956, 1958, 1963 and 1970 are listed in Table 2. These years were chosen because they were the years in which the Methodist Church and the Church of England negotiating committees either met or reported to their respective Conferences or Convocations. The statistics for 1970 - 65 - represent the latest available data. While the Church of England conducted negotiations with other non-episcopal Protestant churches during this period, the years chosen also give a representative guide to those churches.

In the United Kingdom between 1947 and 1970 both the Church of England and the Non-episcopal Protestant Churches experienced a decline in membership. The Church of England membership fell by 14.4 per cent, the Methodist Church by 14.9 per cent, while total Non-episcopal Protestant churches (including the Methodists) experienced a decline in membership of 13.1 per cent.<212 ) The decline in congregations occurred despite a rise in the years 1953 to 1956.(213) In addition to these figures the data analysed indicated that in 1947 57.8 per cent of the Church of England members listed on the Parish Electoral Rolls attended Easter Communion.<214) In 1970 the percentage was 63.7 per cent, a decline from the peak of 77.2 per cent in 1962. <215 )

The information is derived from different sources, some of which may be based on clerical estimates. An example of this is the data for the Parish Electoral Rolls.<216 )

The rise from 57.8 per cent to 63. 7 per cent - 66 - between 1947 and 1962 may be a guide only. It is measured at the Easter period and so would include the "nominal" church members who attend communion at Christmas and Easter only. The important factor, however, is whether or not nominal adherents express or hold definite attitudes in respect of Church Union and whether they are able to influence the decisions concerning union.

The fall in membership illustrated does not, in itself, reflect a need for the churches to unite. All the churches have a relatively large number of adherents even "'iHOVGH the congregations are declining. Church union may be signalled if the weakness of the church in society occurred at the same time as a decline in the congregations. A guide to the strength or weakness of the church in society is provided by the relationship between marriages celebrated in Churches and those celebrated at civil ceremonies.<217 )

In England and Wales the change in the relationship between civil weddings and church weddings was marked. In 1934 53.5 per cent of the total marriages conducted were celebrated by the Church of England while 28.37 per cent were civil ceremonies. In 1972 the respective percentages were 36.49 per cent for the Church of England and 45 • 5 5 per cent f or civi. . 1 marriages. . ( 218) A simi . . 1 ar decline is shown for all Non-episcopal Protestant de­ nominations.<219) - 67 -

These statistics are a further illustration of the decline in the importance of the church in society. The hypothesis outlined by Bryan Wilson relates to the church as an organisation within a total environment. It is thus necessary to consider whether the churches are maintaining their position as an organisation within society despite the signs of weakness already illustrated. The analysis in Table 2 shows that the church membership as a proportion of the population, of 15 years of age and ove½ in Great Britain is declining.

In 1946 the Church of England counted 8.08 per cent of the population as its membership. In 1970 the percentage was 6.20 per cent. If the Church of England, Methodist and Episcopal Church in Scotland had united the decline in the joint membership between 1947 and 1970 would have been 2.43 per cent.(220 ) However, the united church in 1970 would have had a membership which represented 7.79 per cent of the population, a proportion greater than the Church of England proportion in 1953 (7.66 per cent).(221 )

A church union between the Anglican and non­ episcopal Protestant churches would thus have resulted in an identifiable body of-witness to the Christian Faith despite a decline in the membership of the individual churches. - 68 -

The Church of England is shown to be a large church which is shrinking. However, the Episcopal Church in Scotland and the Methodist Church are small churches which are becoming weaker.

In view of the weakness and continuing decline there would be a valid reason for the churches to unite if the "Wilson Hypothesis" was accurate. While the Churches have negotiated, no Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant union has resulted. In the following sections of this paper I will endeavour to ascertain whether there are other factors which have prevented union. If no other factors exist it may be that the Church of England is not yet weak enough to unite. For example, in India, where union was successful, Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestants represented 1.3 per cent of the population in 196/.22~h the United Kingdom the negotiating churches represented 8.92 per cent in 1962.<223)

Basis for Union

In an attempt to determine what factors may have prevented Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant union it was necessary to examine the union negotiations and the proposed basis for union. As was indicated in the Indian context the Lambeth Quadrilateral was originally proposed as a basis for any union.<224) - 69 -

The Lambeth Quadrilateral was still the proposed base when in 1946 the then Archbishop of Canterbury recommended that the Anglican church re-open union discussions with non-episcopal churches.(225 ) Despite initial enthusiasm progress was slow. In 1953 the non­ episcopal Methodist Church, after decision at the 1953 Methodist Conference, indicated it was prepared to consider consultation with the Church of England with a view to achieving intercommunion.(226 ) The aim was not to achieve full union but merely a change which would allow greater co-operation between the Anglican and Methodist churches.(227)

The Methodist Conference believed that intercommunion would occur when the authorities of both churches recognised the validity of the others ministry and allowed members of one church to receive communion from the clergy of the other.(228 ) While this maintains the spirit of the fourth item of the Lambeth Quadrilateral, a ministry recognised by all, it would require a change in Anglican attitude for it to succeed. The major problem is the belief by the Anglican communion that episcopal ordination is part of the Christian heritage and a sign of a valid ministry.(229 )

Consultation between the churches, however, could not proceed until the Church of England responded to a Methodist request. This request sought an assurance on - 70 - three conditions which related to divisions within the Christian Church, the attitude to be adopted concerning the episcopacy and the effect of negotiations on the relationship with other churches. The Methodist Church required agreement:

11 a) That the Church of England acknowledged that our divisions are within the Christian Body which is throughout in a state of schism.

b) That the same liberty of interpretation of the nature of episcopacy and of priesthood would be accorded to the Methodist Church as prevails in the Church of England.

c) That the Methodist Church would be free to preserve the relations of inter­ communion and fellowship with other no~-episcopal Churches which it now (230 ) enJoys. 11

The Anglican Committee charged with replying indicated that:

"a) The Committees hesitate to use the precise words of this stipulation, because of the theological ambiguities attaching to the word "schism", but would regard all discussions between the Methodist Church, and the Church of England as taking place within the Body of Christ.

b) The members of the Joint Committees are agreed that for the purpose of intercommunion there must be the same liberty and limitation of interpretation of the nature of episcopacy and priesthood as the formularies and - 71 -

practice of the Church of England allow, alike in positive statement and in absence of precise definition. Before any steps were taken to extend the episcopate to a Free Church, the Church of England would need to be assured that the office and functions of a priest in the Church of God would be safeguarded in its ordinal and practice.

c) The committees agreed that the third stipulation concerning inter-communion with other bodies does not of itself raise an insuperable barrier to fruitful discussions with the Methodists. Yet the nature and extent of these 'relations of intercommunion and fellowship' must be an important subject in any such discussions. On the side of the Church of England ~~:~ipiJ~e0 ~u~~s~~!ia~o0 ~~e~a~~~uarded". (231 )

These statements appear legalistic and capable of causing further divisions. The first item indicated that the differences which existed between the churches were related to the churches' assessment of the present situation. The Methodists acknowledged that there were divisions to be overcome while the Church of England, in regarding ambiguities of the word 'schism' sought to avoid such an acknowledgement. If, as the Church of England Committee admitted, the discussions were to take - 72 - place"··· within the body of Christ" invisible or spiritual union already existed. This interpretation of the divisions meant that the Church of England would enter negotiations seeking a structural solution so the churches may reflect the invisible unity.

Item (b) of the Methodist request sought two things, first an acknowleugement from the Church of England that there were differences within the Church of England and secondly that the same latitude of interpretation would be permitted in a united church.

The Anglican response, however, was guarded. While admitting that these differences existed the Church of England declined to allow automatic extension of this situation to any "new" church. This suggests that the Church of England interpreted the proposal for a united church literally. Thus any divisions within the negotiating churches were also to be reconciled.

The Church of England introduced a further complication into the proceedings with the requirement that the" .•• office and functions of a priest in the Church of God ... " be safeguarded in its ordinal and practice. (232) This statement was unclear. If the Church of England was, by it, acknowledging that the Church of God was the body of all believers then the varying ordination practices, which differed because of - 73 - their relationship to the episcopate, are of little import. Doubt also existed concerning the phrase" ••• its ordinal and practice ... 11 <233) especially whether it referred to the ordinal and practice of the Church of God or the ordinal and practice of the Church of England.

Thus the background to the negotiations is one of legalism and an apparent willingness to concentrate on the factors which divide the churches rather than on the factors upon which agreement is possible. The aim also appears to be the establishment of guidelines for any negotiations almost as though there was an element of doubt concerning the motives of parties to the discussions.

In Africa and India the churches have adopted a different approach. In those countries the emphasis was on the common belief in the universality of Christ.<234 ) Schemes for union then became means for implementing this common belief.

Church union negotiations, however, are conducted in an atmosphere influenced by the attitudes of the Church representativ0s. Thus it is necessary to examine the environmental elements to determine their influence, if any, on the possibilities for union between the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant Churches. - 74 -

In 1946 when Archbishop Fisher renewed the appeal for Christian union he" ... confessed to a feeling that there was a certain reluctance to carry on with the work of unity". (235 )

While some church leaders believed that union should await further theological research the Archbishop believed

11 ••• that the real difficulty lay in the fact that the way ahead had been conceived in constitutional terms by acceptance of which c236) they become one".

The constitutional approach allows the churches to agree on the need for union and then to resolve their differences. To replace this the Archbishop envisaged a growing towards "that full communion with one another, which already in their separation they have with Christ 11 .C 237 ) If this latter approach was not adopted Dr. Fisher believed the union negotiations would become deadlocked. He thus proposed that

11 in the reunited church of the future there must be provision for episcopacy, for a Council of Presbyters, and for the Congregation of the Faithful, each Church should try to take into itself these characteristics of a fully authentic Ecclesia 11 • (238)

The Churches of South and North India and the negotiating committees in the African countries examined have followed the spirit of the Archbishop's approach. In the case of South India the question of the - 75 -

Episcopate was, as indicated, (239 ) solved by mutual agreement on the thirty year period. In the United Kingdom the Anglican and Methodist response came in the form of the 1958 interim report of the joint committee which outlined a proposal for intercommunion.C24o)

In 1963 a report of the joint Anglican Methodist Committee suggested that there was" .• an urgent need for (the) churches to come ... together 11 ( 241 ) The same passage continued with an implication that there was a growing mood, both in the committees and the churches generally, to move towards union. No source was quoted nor example given to illustrate this contention. The committee did not explain the "urgent need". This, however, may have referred to the decline in congregations which were experienced by all churches at this time.

In 1965 further negotiations were held in an attempt to determine a basis for union. The aim was to establish intercommunion between the Anglican and Methodist Churches to allow the congregations to "grow together and learn to achieve the final goal of unity 11 ~ 242 ) Thus the churches had changed from a non-committed approach in 1956 to a search in 1965 for the condition which would fulfil Archbishop Fisher's intentions for union.

The Committee discussed doctrine and procedure but could not reach agreement on the fourth item of the - 76 -

Lambeth Quadrilateral or even agree on the way a ministry recognised by all could be established.<243) The 1965 report suggested that the Methodist Church adopt a form of episcopate, <244 ) as it was represented in the Church of England. In turn the Church of England was to adopt a form of the Presbyterian system thus approaching the

" ... fully authentic Ecclesia ... 11 ,<245 ) envisaged by the Archbishop of Canterbury. While such action may have facilitated union it implied that the Methodist Church should accept an office the validity of which it had previously questioned.

The proposed union was to be preceded by a period of intercommunion.<246 ) This period was to be made possible by a Service of Reconciliation. This Service provided for the unification of the ministry of the participating churches. However, it was considered by some, the dissentient committee members in particular, as "re-ordination" and implied that the prior ministry of the Methodist Church was in part deficient.<247 )

The Service of Reconciliation was not presented as a form of ordination service but merely a way in which the members of the churches and their ministries could be seen to be acceptable to each others congregations. It was an attempt to satisfy the provisions of the Lambeth Quadrilateral. - 77 -

Mistrust of the motive behind the Service of Reconciliation could be indicative of a belief that the ecumenical movement was an instrument of Anglican Imperialism.< 246) Professor Henderson believed that the Anglican Church would absorb the other churches, especially in the United Kingdom where the Anglican Church was the largest of the Protestant churches. To determine whether there is any foundation for this belief an examination of the Service of Reconciliation is necessary.

The Service of Reconciliation commenced with the declaration of Intention and Act of Thanksgiving and Penitence.<249 ) This declaration outlined the attitude and purpose of the churches in their joint endeavour. The service then continued with a shortened form of the Litany and Suffrages as they are contained in the Service for Ordination of Deacons in the Anglican Book of Common Prayer.<25o) The first section concludes with the Lord's Prayer.

The second section relates to the Reception of the people and Ministers by the Church of England and the Methodist Church. By this act the Methodist ministers are received into the Church of England and the Church of England clergy are received into the Methodist Church. The rubric states however, "Then shall the Presiding Minister lay his hands on the head of each ( ) Bishop and Priest in silence ... " 251 - 78 -

This rubric raised two points. First, no provision was made for the reception of those Church of England clergy ordained Deacon but not yet ordained priest. This was no doubt a procedural matter and easily rectified. The second matter represented a change in the Methodist position. Prior to the negotiations the Methodists had believed that no special authority was conveyed by the laying on of hands with prayer. However, in the Service of Reconciliation, and therefore possibly in any revised ordination service, they accept a unified approach to the ministry by this form.

The Service of Reconciliation concluded with a Service of Holy Communion and the rubric indicated that the service was to be in the form provided in the Book of Common Prayer. Thus except for the actual prayers for reception of church members and clergy, the service was markedly similar to Anglican form. This could be an illustration of the influence of the larger church. It lends weight to the argument of Anglican Imperialism but is insufficient to prove that argument. In rebuttal the Anglicans could argue that the founders of Methodism had not provided for the exclusion of Anglican forms of worship but actually encouraged their use.( 252)

However, as some Methodists could not see what they were gaining from the amalgamation they came to - 79 - view it as an administrative merger.(253 ) By the adoption of this attitude they overlooked one of the reasons which prompted the original ecumenical discussions, namely the presentation of a united church to the world

11 ••• that the world may believe 11 .C 254 ) Such a purpose does not require that one be dominant or both be equal providers of the components. The ultimate unity is the important factor.

Despite the problems, negotiations continued with the result that Anglican attitudes to union were tested at the General Synod held in July 1978. The resolution achieved a majority in all houses, the vote being "38 - 6 of the bishops, 161 - 55 of the clergy and 168 - 31 of the laity11 .C 255 ) As a result the Church of England will continue union negotiations not only with the Methodist Church, but also with the United Reform (Presbyterian and Congregational) Church, the Moravian Church and the Churches of Christ.(256 )

The synod also listed the various propositions to be discussed by those involved in the negotiations. They basically reflect the topics of earlier negotiations and include church membership, especially the acceptance . . (257) by one church of anothers congregations and intercommunion. It is noted, however, that

11 Anglican Catholic support •.. was helped by detailed amendments safeguarding the historic episcopate ,258) - 80 -

The concept of the mutual acceptance of ministries was rejected (259 ) and this may adversely affect the discussions related to the mutual acceptance of congreg­ ations.

Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant Negotiations in Scotland

To determine whether the problems illustrated were peculiar to the Anglican/Methodist situation, an examination of certain Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant discussions in Scotland is necessary.

Although the Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant churches have not united in Scotland the first publication of the negotiating panels was released in 1957 after three years of consultation.(260 ) The churches involved were the Church of England, the Church of Scotland, the Presbyterian Church of England and the Episcopal Church in Scotland.(261 ) The "Bishops' Report" was not, however, favourably received. The only church to accept it was the Episcopal Church in Scotland. The other churches resolved to continue negotiations.(262 )

The Church of Scotland rejected the "Bishops' Report" because the statements it contained were interpreted as casting doubt on the effectiveness and authority of its ministry.(263) This is a particularly - 81 - sensitive topic for it constitutes a reflection on the whole Church of Scotland. This is more serious when considered in conjunction with the Church of Scotland Declaration Articles. These Articles give the church the "inherent right" <264) to govern its affairs which would include the validation of its ministry. This also implies that the Church of Scotland has the power to declare the ministries of other churches deficient. This declaration, if expressed, may prove a barrier to union.

Further discussions were held in 1962. These consultations were" ... designed not to work out a plan of union 11 .< 265 ) They were intended as a means of solving the differences between churches as a prelude to the commencement of negotiations leading to union. These problems were initially four in number. They related to the definition of unity, the "validity" of the ministry, the Holy Communion and the episcopate. The Church of England arranged for the inclusion of three additional topics - the nature of the priest, the role of the laity and the "relations between church, state and society11 .< 266 )

As the discussions were meant to be a continuing forum it was intended to deal with only two items at a time. The first two selected were the meaning of unity and the nature of the ministry. It was only in the former - 82 - that a consensus was reached.(267 ) In 1963 the churches agreed that "uniformity was necessary to manifest unity 11 C268 ) although no agreement could be achieved on the degree of uniformity required. The churches did agree on the uniform acceptance of the Scriptures and the Creeds, (269 ) the former as necessary for salvation and the latter as the statements of belief.

The problem concerning the nature of the ministry was not resolved. The Anglican Church affirmed the necessity of Episcopal ordination and this proved unacceptable.C27o) Although varlous reports were published no advance ensued and in 1972 the interim report released by the Multi-lateral Church Convention Committee in Scotland emphasised that

11 ••• if there is to be any possibility of recovering our lost unity it must be on the basis of agreement on the fundamental Christian beliefs." (271)

The problem then becomes one of obtaining agreement on the" .•• fundamental Christian beliefs".

These discussions between the Anglicans and Presbyterians were not viewed with favour by all observers. It was argued by Professor Henderson of the Church of Scotland that the meetings were held against the orders of the General Assembly and that the committees were composed of pro-union members.(272 ) - 83 -

Professor Henderson's major objections, however, appear to be influenced by Scottish Nationalism. It has already been shown that he views the ecumenical movement as a form of Anglican imperialism.<273) He develops this theme by criticising the exclusiveness of the office of bishop. This criticism becomes almost an emotional attack which aims at maintaining the separation of England and Scotland.

Specifically he states that the

11 ••• institutional narcissism which is a feature of Englishness is expressed in the fact that bishops in the Church of England are drawn from institutions which Englishmen romanticise most, the public schools and the universities of Oxford and (274) Cambridge 11 •

To avoid the problems Professor Henderson suggests a period of twenty-five years which would be free of Anglican Presbyterian negotiation.<275 ) Such a period could be used to rediscover the 11 ••• sacred in

Christianity 11 ,<276 ) and remove the bitterness caused by the weakening of the faith by continual negotiating.

However, a further use of the twenty-five year period would be to explore union between the Catholic Church and the Church of Scotland where the differences are primarily theological. The result could be 11 ••• more socially valuable than anything to be achieved by negotiation with the Episcopalians 11 .< 277) - 84 -

This examination of the Scottish situation confirms the indications given by the Anglican-Methodist Conversations in England. In both situations, which are representative of the other Anglican-Non-episcopal protestant discussions, there appears to be an element of mistrust, a rigidity of attitude and intolerance. As a result agreement cannot be reached on the vital issue of a united ministry or in fact on the necessity and basis for union.

It was illustrated earlier that these problems had been overcome in India, (278 ) and regions of Africa~279 ) The solutions were such that in India union occurred, while in the African countries considered union was deferred for political reasons or to enable greater consideration of aspects other than the basis for unity and the united ministry.C25o) In view of this it is necessary to ascertain why the entrenched attitudes prevent union in the United Kingdom and yet union progresses in other regions.

Missionary Influence

The first difference relates to church history. In India and Africa it was illustrated that the Christian church was only a comparatively recent introduction to those countries.(281 ) The missionary bodies which presented Christianity to these nations were funded and - 85 - staffed primarily from the "established" Christian countries. Thus in India and Africa Christian history and ideas usually date from approximately the seventeenth century. In this comparatively short time there has not been the development of inflexible attitudes nor a belief within the church that a particular denomination was the one "true" religion. The principle of comity in mission <282 ) also weakened the tendency for the develop­ ment of such attitudes.

The situation in the United Kingdom is quite different. There has been a long history of Christian Witness, the Anglican Church commencing the succession of Archbishops of Canterbury with the appointment of Augustine in 597AD.(283 ) However, it has been suggested that the first Christian missionaries arrived in England in AD36 when Joseph of Arimathea was presented with a gift of land (twelve hides, approximately 1920 acres - one hide for each disciple).<284)

While the latter contention cannot be verified it indicates that an attempt is made to link the church in the United Kingdom to the events in Jerusalem at the beginning of the Christian Era. Thus centuries of tradition and firmly held belief may be regarded by the churches with a shorter history as a barrier to full and frank discussion on the basis for union. - 86 -

Political Situation

The second difference between India, Africa and the United Kingdom relates to the political situation. In India, Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya and Tanzania political Independence occurred in close proximity to the discussions for union between the Anglicans and Non-episcopal Protestants.(285 ) In the United Kingdom however the situation had been relatively stable. Although there were movements for Welsh and Scottish nationalism the constitutional monarchy had given a continuity of govern­ ment. Thus the United Kingdom did not experience the political and social readjustment which followed the grant of political independence to the other countries. Because of this it avoided the attempts to show that all organisations, including the churches should be representative of the "new" nation and be fully independent.

Additional Problem in the United Kingdom

An additional problem in the United Kingdom is caused by the relationship between Church and State.(286 ) This involvement is not only reflected in the Church of England bishops officiating at the Coronation, which is a visible sign, but also in the lesser known but no less controversial issue of the appointment of bishops by the Crown. It is argued (287 ) that such secular appointment of church officers is objectionable to some of the non- - 87 - episcopal churches and so would have to be varied in a "United Church".

The procedure to enable such a variation to be effected would no doubt provoke comment in the Parliament that the British traditional institution, the Church, was being destroyed. The debate would become emotional and perhaps result in politicians who had no strong religious feeling, or even incomplete knowledge of the motives for union voting against the enabling legislation. If the legislation received assent it would create an institution" ... serving the state but over which (the state) had no contro1 11 .< 288 )

Prior Union of Non-episcopal Protestant Churches

In the United Kingdom there had been no union of the non-episcopal Protestant churches across denominational lines prior to the commencement of negot­ iations between the Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestant churches. In India such unions commenced as early es 1908 with the formation of the South India United Church~289 ) In the United Kingdom the Congregational Church in England and Wales and the Presbyterian Church of England did not unite to form the United Reformed Church until 1972.<29o) Thus the existence of the independent non­ episcopal churches until 1972 meant that there were separate negotiations for union between the Church of - 88 -

England and the independent churches. As transcon­ fessional union was the aim separate agreements proved a barrie~ One church may agree to union if the terms of union did not prejudice union with a third church. For example, Anglicans and Methodist may not unite if the terms of union would prejudice union negotiations between the Anglican and Roman Catholic CHVRCH~s

A similar conflict arose when the Church of England conducted negotiations at world level at the same time as holding discussions at regional level. For example, between 1970 and 1972 there were discussions between the Anglican and Lutheran churches.< 291 ) The primary aim was to derive an agreed statement which would provide an acceptable basis ''for mutual recognition and intercommunion" <292 ) at world level. These conversations are divided, as were the Anglican-Presbyterian conversations, into topic areas.<293 ) Draft documents will eventually be submitted to the Churches for debate and decision.

As well as these conversations the Anglicans are also exploring the possibility of dialogue with the Roman Catholic Church. This approach follows the decisions of the Second Vatican Council and the "Common Declaration on 24th March 1966 (by) the Pope and the Archbishop

(of Canterbury) 11 .(294 )

Although the discussions were viewed with hope - 89 ..

the 1968 Lambeth conference also realised and fo:anally incorporated in their report that the International negotiations

" ••• should be conducted with due regard to the multiplicity of conversations also in progress with other churches .• , " ( 29 5)

'11he implication of this is that if churches are negotiating for union at an international level then the international discussions may overshadow the regional debate. For example in England the United

Reformed Church or the Methodist Church may seek a compromise or acknowledgement on matters of principle. Any agreement reached, however, may be regarded with suspicion if one party suspects that the local agreement will interfere with the international development of church union. As far as I can ascertain this has not yet been tested, although the Lambeth Conference, as indicated, regarded it as a valid consideration.

conclusion

'11he factor that the negotiations in India and the United Kingdom had in common was the willingness of the churches to use the Lambeth

Quadrilateral as a basis for discussions. In the United Kingdom the negotiating churches had nGt reached the level of weakness of the

Christian Church in India. - 90 -

Unlike the Indian situation mistrust and doubt of the motives of those involved in the negotiations seems to have characterised the discussions. The difficulty concerning attitude is indicated by the seeming need that any "new" church will be in a form recognisable as a derivative of the churches which unite.

Although the analysis has supported the "Wilson Hypothesis" as regards commencement cf negotiations union has not occurred and so the Hypothesis has not been proven. The other factors present during the Indian negotiations were not present in the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom did not experience union of non­ episcopal Protestant churches, missionary activity or unstable political development prior to or during the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant negotiations. - 91 -

AUSTRALIA

While no formal Anglican-Non-episcopal Protestant union discussions were held in Australia since 1945 there has always been an interest in the church union movement. As early as 1913 the "Anglican, Brethren, Baptist, Church of Christ, Congregationalist, Methodist, Presbyterian" Churches and the Society of Friends held a Congress on Union of Churches.<296 )

At that time" the four main difficulties recognised were: 1) The Anglican view of Orders and of the Continuity of the Church; 2) The doctrine of "Believers' Baptism" held by the Baptists and the Churches of Christ. 3) The conflict between episcopal and congregational forms of polity, and 4) The different traditions and cultural heritages of the several churches •.. " (297)

Despite this early interest a major barrier to Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant Union was the absence of a national constitution for the Church of England in Australia. Such a constitution was not adopted until 1961.(298 ) Until that time each Australian diocese was autonomous and any proposals found acceptable as a basis for union in one diocese would need to be the - 92 - subject of specific agreement and assent in every other diocese. Since 1961 the constitutional barrier has been removed and the General Synod could, if it wished, encourage ecumenical discussions. However, the general synod is required to meet only every four to six years,<299 ) and while any canon of the general synod applies to the various dioceses there are certain provisions whereby acceptance need not be automatic.< 3oo)

Despite this seeming disadvantage there have been, since 1962, at least "17 resolutions and 2 canons .•• passed on ecumenical matters 11 .< 301 ) These enactments include the formation of the Missionary and Ecumenical Council in 1966 and the authorisation to clergy in 1973 to admit " to Holy Communion •.. baptised communicants of other Churches professing the Apostolic Faith".< 302 )

In 1966 the then Anglican Primate of Australia, considering the non-episcopal negotiations in progress asked " ... if it would be helpful or acceptable to the Presbyterian Church and the other churches if the Anglicans would ( ) seek involvement in the negotiations". 303 · The request was declined.

The request followed the publication in 1964 of the document - "The Church - Its Nature, Function and Ordering - Together with a Proposed Basis of Union~ It contained the basis of union of the Congregational, - 93 -

Methodist and Presbyterian Churches in Australia. Because of this it was viewed by some Anglicans as a guide to any union negotiations in which they may be involved.

Basis for Union

Anglicans in Australia viewed the non-episcopal proposals against the background of the Lambeth Quadrilateral as restated in 1920 and re-affirmed as a basis for union, at least by implication, in the ecumenical discussion of General Synod.(3o4 ) The proposals were found wanting, especially as regards the unification of the ministry. The proposed basis for union contained " ••• a move away from episcopacy and the threefold order of ministry ••• (which] will make union with the Anglican Church - or any other church whose order is built around ( ) the historic episcopate more difficult". 305 Bishop Rayner indicates that the Anglicans view of the episcopate was reaffirmed in 1961 in the Fundamental Declaration which prefacesthcconstitution of the Church of England in Australia and so represents the current view and not merely a traditional attitude. While Anglican reaction has not been tested in formal negotiations it appears that the problem of developing a ministry mutually recognised by all would be a problem in Australia just as it is in the United Kingdom, particularly since Presbyterians dropped the proposals for bishops in presbytery. As the negotiating churches in Australia experience the same religious attitudes concerning the episcopate it is necessary to consider in what other respects Australia is similar to India, the country of successful unions.

Relationship Between Church Weakness and Union

The first criteria considered was that related to the strength of the church. In the period 1950 to 1966 the proportion of the population identifying themselves as Anglican fell from 35.30 per cent to 33.11 per cent. (306) The respective figures for the Non-episcopal

Protestant denominations indicated a decline from 25.31 per cent to

23.86 per cent of population. (307) In 1971 the Anglican Church counted 31 per cent of the population as adherents while the Non.-episcopal

Protestants 19.3 per cent. (308)

Although full details of the 1976 Census have not been rele•Qsed the statistics available illustrate a continuing decline in church membership. In 1976 Anglicans represented 27.7 per cent of the population,

Methodists 7.3 per cent and Presbyterians 6.6 per cent. No separate figure is available for Congregationalists. (309)

These statistics indicate that the churches are theoretically strong organisations in society and although - 95 - suffering a decline are stronger than the Christian denominations in India. This strength is confirmed by the data related to the marriages celebrated in Churches. For example, in 1968 the Anglican clergy celebrated 27.6 per cent of marriages, the non-episcopal Protestant clergy 25 per cent and civil celebrants 10.6 per cent.<310)

These statistics support Wilson's hypothesis. Both the Anglican and total non-episcopal Protestant congregations are strong and would be less likely to unite than if they were weak. In India in 1961 the number of Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestants as a percentage of the population was 1 .3/1 .5 per cent, <311 ) and union occurred. In the United Kingdom in 1970 the Church of England represented 6.20 per cent of population< 312 ) and the non-episcopal negotiating churches 1.92 per cent.< 313) In the United Kingdom negotiations had commenced but had not been successfully completed.

In 1971, when the Methodist, Presbyterian and Congregational Churches were negotiating for union they represented respectively 8.6, 8.1 and 0.5 per cent of the pop.ulation.( 314) Thus individually they were weaker than the Anglican Church but the Uniting Church (Methodist, Presbyterian and Congregational) could be considered as half the size of the Anglican Church. The United non­ episcopal Church was also larger than the non-episcopal churches in the United Kingdom and India. - 96 -

Missionary Influence

Australia, like the United Kingdom, but unlike India, did not rely on missionary activity for the introduction of Christianity. Instead

11 ••• it came as a chaplaincy in the convict colony of New ( 315 ) South Wales". For approximately two hundred years from that time the Church of England continued with dependence on the Church in England until the adoption of the 1961 Constitution.

Political Environment

As a result of the manner of foundation of government in Australia the political situation has not been the subject of intense independence movements such as existed in India and Africa. Instead Federation, in 1901, was a development of the State government structure, the people of the various states "humbly relying on the blessing of Almighty God, •.• agreed to unite in ( 6 ) one indissoluble Federal Government". 31

Thus Australia did not experience the violent upheaval which characterised the independence movements in Africa and India and during which the various groups within the countries sought to establish organisational structures which could be readily identified with the newly emerging nation. - 97 -

Conclusion

Australia did not experience any of the factors which were present in the India situation. Church membership of the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches was strong (31 per cent of population and 19.3 per cent respectively in 1971). However, until 1961 the barrier to any union in Australia involving Anglicans was the absence of a national constitution for the Church of England in Australia.( 317 ) Despite this barrier the

Australian situation lends support to B. Wilson 1 s hypothesis that organisations are more likely to unite when they are weak rather than when they are strong. - 98 -

NEW ZEALAND

In 1953 church union negotiations commenced in New Zealand between the Anglican, Presbyterian, Methodist and Congregational Churches.< 318 ) This represented an expansion of the negotiations which commenced in 1940 when the Presbyterian, Methodist and Congregational churches began the quest for union.< 319 ) In 1957 a vote was taken to determine the general attitudes to union. The result indicated union should proceed. Sixty-four per cent of the Presbyterian membership voted, and of those voting seventy-five per cent agreed to continue discussions. Of the other churches between seventy- one and seventy eight per cent voted and there was greater than seventy-five per cent agreement that the churches should unite.< 320)

The representatives of the Diocese of Nelson, an evangelical diocese, expressed concern in 1964. That diocese wanted the negotiations to ensure that any possible union with the Church of Rome was not endangered. To do this the diocesan authorities suggested that a carefully worded Statement of Faith be adopted.( 321 ) Discussion continued on the basis of the Lambeth Quadrilat­ era1.<322)

In 1972 a further vote was taken to gauge opinion and this resulted in all churches having more than fifty - 99 - per cent acceptance of the union proposals. The Methodist Church had the highest acceptance rate - eighty-six per cent.< 323)

However in 1976 the Anglican Church Synod resolved that it could not proceed to union at that time.< 324 ) The Anglican Church still intended to pursue union with the non-episcopal Protestant Churches but three of the seven Anglican Dioceses voted against the scheme of union~ 325 ) The Dioceses which voted against acceptance of the Plan for Union were the Dioceses of Nelson, Wellington and Dunedin.

In a pastoral letter in 1976 the stated reason for non-acceptance of the Plan for Union was given as insufficient support from the Church membership.< 326 ) Negotiations were to continue and during the period of negotiations the concept of Co-operating and Union Parishe~ commenced in 1974 was to continue.< 327 ) This latter concept encourages the sharing of facilities and personnel to provide a more effective ministry and encourage congregational acceptance of the union procedures.

At its General Synod in April 1978 the Anglican Church approved entry " ... into the Covenant between the (negotiating Churches) and (authorised) ( 328 ) the Primate to sign on behalf of the Church". - 100 -

As a result of this, approval was also given to allow a bill 11 ••• to Amend the Preface to the Ordinal". ( 329 ) This latter Bill incorporates the Service of Unification.C33o)

In view of this substantial advance towards organic union the New Zealand situation was examined to determine whether the four factors present in the Indian situation also existed in New Zealand. These factors related to the strength of the church, the political situation, the missionary base of the church and whether there had been prior union of non-episcopal Protestant churches.

Relationship Between Church Weakness and Union

As indicated ( 331 ) the strength of the Church in each country was considered to determine whether there was any correlation between the strength or weakness of the church and the success of union negotiations.

The Official Government Census statistics show that those who acknowledged themselves as Anglicans fell from 34.59 per cent of the population in 1961 to 31 .29 per cent of the population in 1971.(332 ) The non-episcopal Protestant churches experienced a fall in the same period. In 1961 31 .8 per cent of the population claimed membership of the non-episcopal protestant negotiating churches while in 1971 the percentage was 28.35.( 333) - 101 -

The Official Census Statistics show the Churches to be strong. However this opinion is not held by the Churches. In 1977, for the purposes of sharing the administrative costs of the Joint Commission on Church Union, the total membership of the negotiating churches was estimated at 204,240 or 6.48 per cent of the population.< 334 ) The Anglican Church was the strongest with 3.08 per cent of the population. The strongest non­ episcopal Protestant Church was the Pfi.i:ssyTERHIN Church with 2.5 per cent of the population.<335 ) The other negotiating churches repres&nted less than one per cent of the population.

The membership statistics provided by the Churches are more reliable for the purposes of this study than the official Census data. The Church data includes regular church attenders and not the nominal adherents who>for Census purposes,nominate themselves as members of a particular denomination. The latter group would not be as interested in Church affairs as regular parishioners and so less likely to vote in referenda for church union. This is confirmed by the voting details for the 1972 referendum. The number of voters approximated the 1977 church membership estimates rather than the official Census data for 1971 _(336 )

The statistical analysis shows that the negotiating Churches in New Zealand are stronger than the Churches in India at the time of union in that country. However, - 102 - the New Zealand Churches are weaker than the Census data suggests and this weakness (6.48 per cent of population) supports the "Wilson Hypothesis"" Although organic union has not occurred the Churches have moved to a position of mutual co-operation and entered a Covenant for union.

Prior Union of Non-episcopal Protestant Churches.

The non-episcopal Protestant churches in New Zealand had not united prior to the commencement of negotiations with the Anglican Church. Negotiations between the Methodist, Presbyterian and Congregational Churches commenced in 1940.(337 ) Before union, however, it was decided to begin discussions with the Anglican Church and these began in 1953_C 33s) Although the non-episcopal Protestant union had not been completed prior to the commencement of the Anglican/Non-episcopal Protestant discussions there had been thirteen years experience in the method of negotiation as well as knowledge of the arguments for and against union.

Missionary Influence

Christianity was introduced to New Zealand by early settlers who were primarily of British origin. Unlike Australia, New Zealand was not a penal colony and so the early settlers established their settlements and their - 103 - churches rather thaQ the church being introduced as a chaplaincy. The early settlers were predominantly Anglican and Presbyterian, the former settling mainly in Christchurch and the latter settling in the regions of Dunedin, which city they formed.( 339 ) As indicated in the statistical analysis given above the Anglican and Presbyterian churches are still the largest of the Protestant denominations. New Zealand did not experience the determined attempt by missionaries to establish the churches. Although the missions were established for the Maori people there was not the competition in New Zealand that there was in India. Because of this the missionary impact on the ecumenical movement in New Zealand may have been of less importance than in India.

The New Zealand situation, however, resembles the Indian in one respect. This relates to the influence of John Mott. As indicated in the examination of the Indian situation, he was actively involved in the Student Christian Movement.C 34o) He visited New Zealand on at least two occasions. On one of these he was associated with the Student Christian Movement but in 1926 he aided the formation of the National Missionary Council of New Zealand.( 341 ) Mott visited New Zealand on other occasions and the organisations with which he was associated were the foundations of the ecumenical movement in that country. - 104 -

Political Environment

The other aspect to be considered is the relationship between the political situation and the ecumenical movement. New Zealand, like Australia, has had a continuous association with the British Commonwealth. Its government, based on the Westminster system, has been continuous. Unlike India, New Zealand has not been the subject of an intense struggle for independence. Thus the quest for national identity was not a factor which influenced the negotiating churches.

Conclusion

In New Zealand,Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant negotiations commenced but union was deferred following lack of support in certain Anglican Dioceses.<342 ) This difficulty has now been overcome and union is proceeding.< 343)

The New Zealand scene does not show the same factors existing as were present in India. There was no political independence movement active during the course of negot­ iations or shortly before it, and there had been no prior union of non-episcopal protestant churches even though negotiations between them had commenced.< 344)

New Zealand had likewise not experienced the miss­ ionary activity which was present in India. Even though - 105 - the missionaries were present there was not the struggle to convert a country to Christianity. The missionaries' influence, apart from those working with the Maori tribes, was with the immigrant settlers who had come from countries where denominational separation was present.

The New Zealand statistical analysis supports the "Wilson Hypothesis". The Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestants are larger than the United Churches in India and Union has not occurred. They are, however, weak in relation to the society in which they exist and have commenced negotiations and agreed on vital issues, such as the unification of the ministry and the future methods of ordination. - 106 -

CONCLUSION

In this paper the negotiations between Anglicans and Non-episcopal Protestants since World War Two were examined. The examination was conducted to determine whether portion of the hypothesis proposed by Bryan Wilson was supported. The particular hypothesis tested was " ... that amalgamations and alliance occur when institutions are weak ( 345 ) rather than when they are strong •.. ".

However, two further aspects of the ecumenical negotiations in the various countries considered were examined. Firstly, an attempt was made to determine the factors which supported union in India, the region of the only successful Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant unions. Secondly, the various negotiations were examined to determine whether the churches in countries which exhibited more than one of the "Indian Factors" was more likely to unite than the church in a country where only one factor was present.

Of the countries considered seven have Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant churches which represent a small proportion of the total population. These countries are India, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, Ghana, Great Britain and Sri Lanka. India was the only region considered in which union of Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant ...- 107 ....

churches occurred. In India the proportion of these churches to the total population was 1 per cent in 1970.

'!he only country where membership of the negotiating churches was a smaller proportion of the population than in India was Sri Lanka.

There, in 1971, the Anglicans and Non-episcopal Protestants represented

0.45 per cent and o.26 per cent of the population respectively.

In all other countries the Anglican and Non-episcopal Protestant churches represent a larger proportion of the population than the equivalent church in India. In Australia the Anglican and Non....episcopal

Protestant churches are stronger than they were in India. In Australia in 1971 31 per cent of the population were Anglicans and 19.3 per cent were Non-episcopal Protestant. (346)

In all countries except Australia the Anglicans and non-episcopal

Protestants have conducted union negotiations. In India the negotiations were successful and in Sri Lanka union would have been complete except for legal action. In all countries other than India and Sri Lanka the church membership is a larger proportion of the population than in

India. In these countries the negotiations have not been successful.

As union has occurred in the weakest countries the "Wilson Hypothesis" is supported. Further weight is added to this support when Australia is considered. Australia has the strongest church membership and no

Anglican/non-episcopal Protestant negotiations have commenced. - 108 -

Thus the analysis has supported that portion of the "Wilson Hypothesis" considered namely " ... that amalgamations and alliance occur when institutions are weak ( 347 ) rather than when they are strong".

In India a factor which aided the union of the churches was the missionary foundation of the church and the recent missionary presence in India.C 34s) For all the countries considered, except Australia and New Zealand, the Christian Church was a result of missionary activity. The United Kingdom, however, did not experience the recent missionary activity with the intensity of the African countries considered in this study.(349 ) New Zealand, likewise, was a moderate missionary recipient.C 35o)

The only country in which Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant union negotiations were not commenced was Australia. Thus the missionary movement has been associated with all countries in which union negotiations occurred. However, the Anglican church in Australia did not have a National Constitution until 1961 ( 351 ) and so separate negotiations would have been necessary for each diocese. The churches in other countries did not experience this problem.

A third factor which occurred in the Indian region and which may have influenced the union movement was the union of non-episcopal churches prior to the commencement - 109 - of negotiations with the Anglican Church. The only countries to experience a prior union were India and Sri Lanka. In New Zealand the negotiations between non­ episcopal churches had commenced but before they were complete the Anglican church was invited to join.(352 ) As the churches in other countries, except Australia, have commenced union discussions and have not experienced prior union of the non-eipscopal protestant churches such prior unions are a supporting factor but not a causal factor for the commencement of negotiations.

In Australia the non-episcopal churches negotiated a union but the Anglican church was not a party to the discussions. The Indian experience suggests that Anglican/Non-episcopal union occurs approximately 15 years after the non-episcopal union.( 35 3)

The fourth factor considered was the influence of political independence movements on ecumenical movement. India commenced independence negotiations at approximately the same time as the first Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant negotiations commenced. In 1947 when India became independent and the Church of South India was formed the negotiations which led to the formation of the Church of North India began.( 354 ) Of the countries examined only three, Great Britain, Australia and New Zealand did not experience independence struggles. The - 110 - correlation which appears is that churches in countries which have experienced political independence struggles have progressed further towards union than the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant churches in countries where there was no active independence movement.

The next matter considered was the basis for union. In all countries the Lambeth Quadrilateral, as it was restated in 1920, formed the basis for any discussions between Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestants. In most cases agreement could be reached on the Statement of Faith and the Creeds but only in India could final agreement be reached on the formation of a ministry capable of recognition by all. The various attitudes to the historic episcopate were the main problem. These att~tudes were reflected in the proposals for the liturgy for the Unification of the Ministry. In most cases any service which provided or seemed to provide re-ordination of the clergy was regarded as holding prior ordination to be deficient and thus the Churches would not be entering union as equals. One church would be correct and the other, whose ministry was considered deficient, may be regarded as being a ''true" church from the time of union only. The scheme which proved most acceptable to the Lambeth Conferences was that adopted by the Church of North India. This scheme provided for the unification of the ministries from the commencement of a united church but with an acknowledgement that all prior ministries - 111 - were valid and blessed by God. The churches which have reached an agreement on the ministry have moved closer to union than those which have not.

The other factors which were noted as barriers to union in various countries related to the attitude of the laity, the number of negotiations in progress at any one time and the limited delaying influence of political revolution.

The importance of laity acceptance of any proposal was illustrated in Nigeria, Ghana and Sri Lanka. In each case the influence was reflected in different ways. In Nigeria the political activity caused the Church leaders to assess laity knowledge of the purposes of union with the result that they were found not to fully comprehend its impact. As the unity movement may proceed only as fast as the laity wish, ( 355 ) it is necessary for the negotiating committees to inform the laity as fully as possible. If this is not done any vote would reflect attitudes and perhaps prejudice, and not be based on all available facts.

The negative influence of multiple negotiations is best illustrated by the situation in the United Kingdom. There the Church of England is negotiating with the non­ episcopal Protestant churches individually. This causes each committee to proceed slowly and consider the effect - 112 - of its actions on the other discussions. If, however, all the churches were represented on the one committee duplication of agreement would be avoided and each church may reach a greater understanding of the other's attitudes. In the United Kingdom the Church of England has not restricted itself to local negotiations. Discussions between it and the Church of Rome as well as non-episcopal Protestant churches on a world level have been commenced. This has a further slowing effect on action for unity as the local non-episcopal churches may not wish to unite with a church locally if international discussions may call into question local agreements on church doctrine.

The next matter to be determined was the presence of the various factors in each country. Theoretically the more factors which are present during the Anglican and non-episcopal Protestant church negotiations the greater is the probability that union will ensue.

In India, which is the only country to experience union all factors were present. The only other country to experience this was Sri Lanka. There the church was weaker than in India, it had experienced both independence and a negotiating church which was the result of a prior non-episcopal union. There were, however, still independent Methodist and Presbyterian churches. The church in Sri Lanka also had a missionary foundation. As well as the presence of these factors the churches had solved the - 113 - problem of the unification of the ministry. They should have united. However, the union was deferred because of action in the secular courts to determine the validity of votes at a referendum for union.(356 )

The only churches to experience five factors were those in Nigeria. These were weakness, missionary foundation, political independence, the Lambeth Quadrilateral as a base for discussion and solution of the problems concerning unification of the ministry. The Anglican and non- episcopal Protestants were, however, not as weak as they were in India. Unity did not proceed because the laity had not been kept fully informed. ( 357 )

The Churches in Kenya and Tanzania were not as weak as the church in India but they had a missionary foundation and were in countries which had gained political independence. While they based their deliberations on the provisions of the Lambeth Quadrilateral the political disturbance after independence resulted in the Churches in Kenya and Tanzania seeking separate union. Ghana Churches experienced the same factors as Kenya and Tanzania but in that country Anglicans rejected union.

In Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia the only factors the Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestant churches had in common with those churches in India was the use of the Lambeth Quadrilateral as a basis for discussion. ""'114 ..,.

In Great Britain and New Zealand the churches were stronger than the churches in India but weaker than the churches in Australia. (358)

The examination of the ecumenical negotiations between Anglicans and non-episcopal Protestants since World War Two indicated the influence of certain non-theological factors. SOURCE MATERIAL 1. Wilson Bryan Religion in Secular Society Penguin Edition 1969 p.168 2. Ibid. 3. Williams T. India - A Seething Sub-Continent in Hoke D. (ed) The Church in Asia. Chicago: The Moody Press 1975 p.220 4. Bettinson H. (ed) Documents of the Christian Church London: Oxford University Press 1975 - Second Edition p.330 5. Ibid 6. Matthews B. The Church Takes Root in India New York: Friendship Press 1938 p .174 7. Ibid 8. Ibid 9. Appendix I 10. Lambeth Conference 1958 The Encyclical Letter from the Bishops together with The Resolutions and Reports London: S.P.C.K. and Seabury Press 1958 p.2.22 11. Appendix I 12. Howe J. The Lambeth Conference 1978 - Preparatory Information London: C.I.O. Publishing 1978 p .39 13. Lambeth Conference 1958 The Encyclical Letter op.cit. p.2.22 14. Bettinson H. (ed) op.cit. p. 331 15. Lambeth Conference 1958 op.cit. p.2.25 16. Lambeth Conference 1958 op.cit. p.2.24 17. Newbigin J.E.L. The Reunion of the Church - A Defence of the South India Scheme London: SCM Press Ltd 1960 p.107

18. Bettinson H. (ed) op.cit. p.331 19. Ibid 20. Church of South India - Basis of Union 1946 Section 11. Reprinted in Bettinson H. (ed) op.cit. p.332 21. Church of South India - op.cit. p.333 22. Ibid 23. Ibid 24. Lawrence J. The Hard Facts of Unity London: SCM Press Ltd 1961 p.96 25. Newbigin J.E.L. op.cit. p.107 26. Eliott T.S. Reunion by Destruction - Reflections on a Scheme for Church Union in South India London: Vacher & Sons Ltd. p.3 27. Good J. (Rev.) The Church of England and the Ecumenical Movement. Cork: U.P. 1961 p.135 28. Neill S. The Church and Christian Union - The Bampton Lectures for 1954 London: Oxford University Press 1968 p.362 29. Church of South India Constitution - Section II:21 reprinted in Bettinson H.(ed) Documents of the Christian Church op.cit. p.332-3 30. Bell G.K.A.(ed) Documents on Christian Unity 1920-1930 Selection London: O.U.P. 1955 p.122 - Statement of the Thirty­ three Ministers of the Anglican and South India United Churcb at Tranquebar May 1st & 2nd 1919 31. Ibid 32. Spear P. India - The Political History in Wint G. (ed) Asia Handbook Penguin Books 1969 p.28 33. Spear P. op.cit. p.29 34. Bell G.K.A. (ed) Documents on Christian Unity 1920-30 Selection op.cit. p.122 35. The Covenant of the League of Nations - Preamble reprinted in Synder L.L.(ed) Fifty Major Documents of the Twentieth Century New York:Van Nostrand Reinhold Coy. p. 31 36. Bell G.K.A.(ed) Documents on Christian Unity 1920-30 Selection op.cit. p.122 37. Hoke D.(ed) op.cit. p.220 38. Hollis M.(Bishop) Mission Unity and Truth: A Study of Confessional Families and the Church in Asia London:Lutterworth Press 1967 p.52 39. Table I 40. Good J. (Rev.) Op • Cit • p • 1 40 41 . Eliott T.S. Reunion by Destruction op.cit. p.2 42. Wilson B. Religion in Secular Society op.cit. p.152 43. Table I 44. Ibid 45. Ibid 46. Ibid 47. Hoke D. ( ed) op.cit. p.686 48. Ibid 49. Ibid 50. Ibid 51 • Hoke D. ( ed) op.cit. p.238 52. Ibid 5 3. Ibid 54. Latourette K.S. Christianity in a Revolutionary Age Vol.5 Exeter:The Paternoster Press 1970 p. 315 55. Eliott T.S. op.cit.pp.576 56. Forman C.W.(ed) Christianity in the non-Western World Englewood Cliffs,NJ: Prentice Hall Inc. 1967 p.138 57. Newbigin J.E.L.(Bishop) The Reunion of the Church - A Defence of the South India Scheme London: SCM Press Ltd 1960 p .105 58. Ibid 59. Ibid 60. Above p.4

61 . Newbigin J.E.L. Op • C it . p . 18 3

62. Newbigin J.E.L. Op . C it . p . 11 63. Latourette K.S. Christianity in a Revolutionary Age Vol.5: Paternoster Press 1962 p.316 64. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.313 65. Ibid 66. Latourette K.S. op.cit. pp.319 and 323 67. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.323 68. Ibid 69. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.319 70. Ibid

71. Rouse Ruth & Neill S.C. A History of the Ecumenical Movement 1517-1948 London:S.P.C.K.1967 p.604 72. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p. 319 73. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.324 74. Above pp.15-17 75. Above p.7 76. Above p.20 77. Above pp.13-14 78. Above pp.7-8 79. Above p .11 80. Above p.9 81. Lambeth Conference 1958 - Report op.cit. p.2:30

82. Rouse Ruth & Neill S.C. op.cit. p.479 83. Above pp.11-12 84. Above p.15 85. Matthews R. op.cit. p.175 86. The Ecumenical Review - Val.XVI No.4 July 1964 p.419 Geneva:World Council of Churches p.419 87. Ibid 88. Ibid 89. Appendix I 90. The Ecumenical Review - Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.419 Geneva:World Council of Churches 91. Hollis M. op.cit. p.46 92. The Ecumenical Review - Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.420 93. Hoke D. (ed) op.cit. p.686 94. Above p .18 95. Above p.7 & 25 96. Above p .9 & 27 97. Above p.9 & 26 98. Above p .10 99. Above p.27 100.Above pp.11 & 25 101.Ceylon Negotiating Committee - Scheme of Union in Ceylon 3rd Revision 1955 as amended 1963 Madras:Christian Literature Society p.(iii) 102.Newbigin J.E.L. op.cit. p.xix 103.Ceylon Negotiating Committee op.cit.p.16 104.Lambeth Conference 1958 - Report London:S.P.C.K. 1958 Resolution 23 p .136 105.The Ecumenical Review Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.407 106.Ibid 107.Ibid 108.Secretary, Negotiating Committee for Church Union in Ceylon "Some Questions & Answers on the Scheme of Church Union in Ceylon". 3rd Edition 1955 as amended 1963 Colombo:City Press 1963 p.14 109.Ibid

110.Rouse Ruth & Neill S.C. op.cit. p.477 111 .Hoke D. ( ed) op.cit. p.595 112.Hoke D. ( ed) op.cit. p.602 113 .Hoke D. ( ed) op.cit. p.596 114.Latourette op.cit. p. 335 115.Hoke D. (ed) op.cit. p.596 116.Hoke D. ( ed) op.cit. p.595 117.Pakeman S.A. Ceylon London:Ernest Benn Ltd 1964 p.165 118.Pakeman S.A. op.cit. p.120 119.Pakeman S.A. op. ci t. p.126 120.Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.334 121.Ibid 122.Hoke D.(ed) op.cit. p.605

123.Hoke D.(ed) op.cit. p.594 & 605 124.Letter dated 12.3.79 from Ven.J.L.H. Amerasekera, Secretary for Church Union Negotiation in Ceylon to H.E. Quelch 125.Ibid 126.Ibid 127.Ibid 128.Ibid 129.Above p.33 130. Above p.29 1 31 . Above p. 34 132. Above p.34 133. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.410 134. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.411 135. Neill S. A History of Christian Missions Penguin Books 1973 Edition p.554 136. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Vol.XX No.3 1968 p.269 137. Ibid 138. Ibid 139. Goodall N. Ecumenical Progress - A Decade of Change in the Ecumenical Movement 1961-71 London:0xford University Press 1972 p .142 140. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Vol.XXVI No.2 1974 p.306 141. Ibid 142. Anglican Consultative Council 1978 Lambeth Conference Preparatory Information London: C.I.0. Publishing 1978 p.94 143. Lambeth Conference 1958 op.cit. Resolution p.31-34 & Report p.1 .38 144. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.411 145. Ibid 146. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.416 147. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.417 148. Wilson B. op.cit. p.168 149. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.486 150. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.487 151. Ibid 152. Ibid 153. Above p .16 154. Hoke D.(ed) op.cit. p.686 155. Above p .39 156. Above p .41 157. Above p.39 158. Above p.41 159. The Ecumenical Review Val.XVI No.4 July 1964 Geneva: World Council of Churches p.407 160. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Vol.XX No.3 1968 p.266 161. Ibid 162. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.408 163. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.408 164 Ibid 165. Ibid 166. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.5 1964 p.488 167. Ibid 168. Above p.42 169. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Vol.XX No.3 1968 p.266 170. 1968 Lambeth Conference Report Resolution No.47 p.42 171. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Vol.XX No.3 1968 p.266 172. An Australian Prayer Book 1978 preface p.7 173. 1968 Lambeth Conference Report op.cit. p.132 174. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Vol.XXIV No.3 1972 p.4 175. Ibid 176. Morrison D.G. Black Africa - A Comparative ¥§9~bg?~3 New York: The Free Press 177. Europa Publications Ltd. Africa South of the Sahara London:Staples Printers Ltd. 1973 p.385 178. Ibid 179. Wilson Bryan op.cit. p.168 180.Europa Publications Ltd. op.cit. p.385 181. Ibid 182. Austin D. Politics in Ghana 1946-60 London:0xford University Press 1964 p.355 183. Austin D. op.cit. p.52 184. Above p.47 185. Above p.49 186. Above p.50 187. Above p.52 188. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. 1964 p.4 189. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.475

190. Coxill H.W. & Grubb Sir K.(eds) World Christian Handbook London: Lutterworth Press 1968 p.93 191. Ibid 192. Ibid 193. Ibid 194. Europa Publications Ltd. Africa South of the Sahara op.cit. p.450

195. Gale Research Coy. Countries of the World & their Leaders Michigan:Book Tower 1978 p.574 196. Ibid 197. Lonsdale D. Kenya Recent History p.431· 198. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. 1969 p.409 199. Above p.40 200. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. 1964 p.308 201. Letter dated 28th February 1979 from Rev. Mbwana Provincial Secretary Church of the Province of Tanzania to H.E. Quelch 202. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 1964 p.409 203. Ibid 204. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. 1968 p.267 205. Above p.53 206. Above p.56 207. Above p.60 208. Anglican Consultative Council The 1978 Lambeth Conference 1978 Preparatory Information London: C.I.O. Publishing 1978 p.34 209. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 p.428/30 210. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 p.432 211. Wilson B. op.cit. p.,168 212. Table 2 213. Ibid 214. Ibid 215. Currie R. et.al. Churches and Churchgoers Patterns of Church Growth in The British Isles since 1700 Oxford: Clarendon Press 1977 p .129 216. Currie R. et.al. op.cit. p.130 Note 2 217. Currie R. et.al. Op • Cit . p • 1 00 218. Currie R. et.al. op.cit. p.223 Tables H 1-5 (expressed as percentage). 219. Table 2 220. Ibid 221. Ibid 222. Hoke D. (ed) op.cit. p.686 223. Table 2 224. Above p.8 225. Carpenter E. Cantaur: The Archbishops in their Office London:Cassell 1971 p.503 226. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report London: C.I.O. 1963 p.7 227. Ibid 228. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report op.cit. p.9 229. Book of Common Prayer 1662 The Preface to the Service of Ordination 230. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York and the Conference of the Methodist Church London:Church Information Office and the Epworth Press 1963 p.7 231. Ibid 232. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report Op • Cit . p • 1 8 233. Ibid 234. Above pp.9-12 235. Carpenter E. op.cit. p.503 236. Ibid 237. Carpenter E. ( ed) The Archbishop Speaks - 1956 p.68 cited in Carpenter E - Cantaur - The Archbishops in their Offices op.cit. p.503 238. Ibid 239. Above p.9 240. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report op.cit. p.10 241. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report op. ci t. p .11 242. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report - op.cit. p.11 243. Ibid 244. Lawrence J. The Hard Facts of Unity London:SCM Press Ltd.1961 p.90 245. Above p.74 246. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report - op.cit. p.35 247. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report - op.cit. p. 90 248. Henderson I. Power Without Glory. A Study in Ecumenical Politics London:Hutchinson 1967 p.103 249. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report - op.cit. p.47 250. Book of Common Prayer - 1662 Service for the Ordination of Deacons 251. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report - op.cit. p.43 252. The Deed of Declaration 1784 and the Plan of Pacification, 1795 outlining the Organisation of the Methodist Church, reprinted in Bettenson H. (ed) Documents of the Christian Church 2nd Edition London:Oxford University Press 1975 p.256/7 253. Conversations between the Church of England and the Methodist Church - A Report - p.57 254. St John Chapter 17 Verse 20 255. Church Scene July 1978 p.1 256. Ibid 257. Ibid 258. Ibid 259. Ibid 260. The Ecumenical Review - op.cit. Val.XVI No.4 July 1964 p.430 261. Above p.63 262. The Ecumenical Review - Val.XVI No.4 p.430 Geneva:World Council of Churches 263. The Ecumenical Review - Val.XVI No.4 p.431 Geneva:World Council of Churches 264. Bettinson H.(ed) op.cit. p.326 265. The Ecumenical Review - Val.XVI No.4 op.cit. p.431 266. Ibid 267. Ibid 268. Ibid 269. Ibid 270. The Ecumenical Review op.cit. 1968 p.278 271. The Commission for Multilateral Church Negotiations Multilateral Church Conversation in Scotland Interim Report April 1972 Published at Edinburgh St. Andrews Press 1972 p.vii 272. Henderson I. op.cit. pp.124/5 273. Above p.77 274. Henderson I. op.cit. p.151 275. Henderson I. op.cit. p.177 276. Henderson I. op.cit. p.178 277. Henderson I. op.cit. p.179 278. Above p.12/13 279. Above p.55 280. Above p.62 281. Above pp.20,35 282. Above p.21 283. Carpenter E. Cantaur. The Archbishops in their Offices - op.cit. pp.1 and 546 284. Jowett G.F. The Drama of the Lost Disciples London:Covenant Publishing Co. Ltd. 1970 p.72

285. Above pp.14,34,41 & 59 286. Kent J. The Age of Disunity London:Epworth Press 1966 p.158 287. Ibid 288. Edwards D.L.(ed) Religion and Change London:Hodder & Stoughton 1969 p.97 289. Above p.6 290. The Ecumenical Review Vol.XXVI No.2 1974 Geneva: World Council of Churches p.316

291. Ehrenstrom N. & Gassman G. - Confessions in Dialogue Geneva:World Council of Churches 1972 p.11 292. The Lambeth Conference 1958 - Report op.cit. p .136 293. Ehrenstrom N. & Gassman G. op.cit. p .15 294. Ehrenstrom N. & Gassman G. op.cit. p .16 295. The Lambeth Conference 1968 - Report op.cit. p .136 296. Garnsey D. Anglicans Unity and the Uniting Church in Australia Melbourne:G.B.R.E. 1976 p.3 297. Ibid 298. Church of England Constitution Act 1961 - Act No.16 1961 (NSW) 299. Church of England Constitution Act 1961 op.cit. Section 23(a) 300. Church of England Constitution Act 1961 op.cit. Section 30 301. Garnsey D. op.cit. p.6 302. Ibid 303. U idam C. Union and Renewal - A Historical and Ecumenical Survey of Three Churches in Australia 9915vp~30 NSW:F.D.C. Group NSW 304. Garnsey D. op.cit. p.7 305. Rayner K. (Rt.Rev.) An Anglican Response to the Proposed Basis of Union (of the Uniting Church) unpublished paper 306. Commonwealth of Australia - Yearbook 1969 Canberra:Bureau of Statistics 1969 p .136 307. Ibid 308. Lucy R.J.M. Pieces of Politics Melbourne:The Macmillan Co. of Australia Pty.Ltd.1975 p.343 309. Sydney Morning Herald 23rd June 1979 p.23 Comment by A. Gill 310. Commonwealth of Australia - Yearbook 1969 op.cit. p.168 311. Table 1 312. Table 2 313. Table 2 314. Lucy R. (ed) op.cit. p.343 315. Garnsey D. op.cit. p.1 316. Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act Preamble 9.7.1900 317. Above p.91 318. Morrell W.P. The Anglican Church in New Zealand A History Dunedin:Mcindoe 1973 p.233 319. The Ecumenical Review - op.cit. 1964 p.424 320. Morrell W.P. op.cit. p.233 321. Morrell W.P. op.cit. p.236 322. The Ecumenical Review - op.cit. 1974 p.314 323. Garnsey D. op.cit. Appendix IX 324. Ibid 325. Garnsey D. op.cit. p.xv 326. Garnsey D. op.cit. Appendix IX 327. The Joint Commission on Church Union In New Zealand efillr§fi~~r~ei~.f~72Negotiating Wellington:N.P.1972 p.9 328. The Joint Commission on Church Union in New Zealand 14th Report to the Negotiating Churches Sept. 1978 Wellington:N.P. p.5 329. Ibid 330. Ibid 331. Above p.4 332. Table 3 333. Ibid 334. Table 4 335. Table 4 336. Ibid 337. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.255 338. Above p.98 339. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.255 340. Latourette K.S. op.cit. p.256 341. Ibid 342. Above p.99 343. Ibid 344. Above p.98 345. Wilson B. op.cit. p.168 346. Above p.94 347. Wilson B. op.cit. p.168 348. Above p.20 349. Above p.84 350. Above p .102 351 . Above p.91 352. Above p.98 353. Above p.26 354. Above p.25 355. Above p.40 356. Above p.36 357. Above p.40 358. Above p.65 as

in

195·1

01

.17 .61

25

25

27.38 25.13

of 20.29

-13.

1670.71 Change

1961-1951

Adherents

Adherents

%

as

37

79

Press.

1961

2.44 0 1.

0.74 0.46

10.70

83.50

of

India

Popuiation

Religion

%

of

as

35

Population

Population.

1951 0.05

0.45 2. 1.74 0.52

9.91

84.98

and

of

1941

Philadelphia:

Population

Religion

%

Government

IIA,

1A,

78.

and

and

1961

Part Part

Adherents

and

1941

439,234,771

3256036

1961

1611935 7845915 2027281

46940799

10728086

Missions.

303575474

Adherents

in

1961

of

Vol.1 Vol.1

pp.77 General

INDIA

-

-

and

1221

1945,

180823

1951 1961

1951

1618406 Outline 1848224 6219134

1951

8392038 Adherents

35414284

366526866

Adhere~1ts

Registrar An

Press

for

for

:

India

India

J.

of of

1941

318,660,580 361,088,090

Delhi

1941

6300000

5500000

92000000

255000000 Adherents

Census Census

Statistics

Statistics

Aberley

New

Muhlenberg

(1)

(2)

1

Year

Religion

Population

TABLE

Others

Christian Hindu

Sikhs

Muslim

Buddhists

Jains

(i)

(ii)

Sources: 1700

on

as%

w

since

and

Population

.53

pp.65&66.

7.52 7.66

7.00 7 6.20 8.08

of

Electoral

Number Rolls

Isles

1959

&

Churches

op.cit.,

1957

Roll

British

et.al.

of

of

of

Day

the

w

R.

et.al.,

66.41 a% 74.87 71.10 57.82

in 77.27

63.75

R.

p.129.

Communicants

as Number Easter

Electoral

average

Currie

is

Growth

-

1977,

Currie

on

of

.407

of (2)

-

Roll

14

&

L~2

Press,

below.

-·

Statistics

(1)

-430,738

Persons Parish

Number Electoral

Rolls. 2,989,704 2,922,627 2,915,946 2,894,710

2,558,966 2,793,191

(2)

Patterns

Electoral -

KINGDOM

Statistics

for

England

Column

Clarendon

as

of

of

Day

Parish

UNITED

5.635

~22

97,434

-

-

1,728,940

2,167,503 1,941,000 2,073,369 2,158,521 Oxford:

Churchgoers 1,631,506 Population

Sourc~s:

Source 1958

Church

Communicants

Number Easter

(3)

( 1 ) 1 (

(2)

of

years

11.55%

Britain

15

w

4,270,000

36,981,000

age.

38,152,000 38,452,000 38,710,000 39,848,000

41,251,000

Between

Between

Sources:

(A)

Population

over of Great

and

and

and

as%

1947

1947 1956

1953

1958 1962 1970

TABLE/

Year

Difference 1947

1970

Notes of

1970 1947

Difference TABLE 2 (B) UNITED KINGDOM METHODIST CHURCH STATISTICS Population of Methodist Membership Great Britain Church as Year over 15 yrs of Membership Percentage Age. (U .K.) of Po12ulation 1947 36,981,000 681,717 1 .84 1953 38,152,000 683,880 1. 79 1956 38,452,000 683,691 1. 78 1958 38,710,000 679,682 1. 75 1962 39,848,000 665,051 1 .67 1970 41,251,000 571,883 1. 39

Difference Between 1970 and 1947 4,270,000 -109 ,834 Difference Between 1970 and 1947 as% of 1947. 11.55% -16.11%

Sources: (1) Population Statistics - Currie R. et.al., op.cit. pp.65 & 66. (2) Methodist Church Membership Statistics - Currie R. et.al., op.cit. p.144. Table A3. TABLE 2 (C) UNITED KINGDOM EPISCOPAL CHURCH OF SCOTLAND STATISTICS Population of Membership of Membership as Year Great Britain Episcopal Percentage of over 15 yrs. Church of Population. of Age. Scotland

1947 36,981,000 108,844 0.29

1953 38,152,000 106,112 0.28

1956 38,452,000 106,069 0.27

1958 38,710,000 107,344 0.27

1962 39,848,000 97,894 0.25

1970 41,251,000 85,816 0.21

Difference Between 1970 and 1947 4,270,000 -23,028 Difference Between 1970 and 1947 as% of 1947 11.55% -21.15%

Sources: (1) Population Statistics - Currie R. et.al.,op.cit. pp.65 & 66. (2 Church Membership Statistics - Currie R. et., op.cit p.129 (Table A1). TABLE 3 NEW ZEALAND

1961 1966 1971 Member-Members Member-Members Mem er-Members ship as% of ship as% of ship as% of Popul- Popul- Popul- ation ation ation Anglican 835,434 34.59 901,701 34.32 895,839 31 .29 Presby- terian 539,459 22.34 582,976 22 .19 583,701 20.39 Method- ist 173,838 7.20 186,260 7.09 · 182,727 6.38 Prates- tant (Unde- 45,100 1.87 46,090 1. 75 37,475 1 . 31 fined) Congreg- ational 9,377 0 .39 12,101 0.46 7,704 0.27

Total Non- Episcopal 31 .8 31 .49 28.35 Protestants

Population as at 18.4.1961 - 2,414,984 22.3.1966 - 2,626,919 22.3.1971 - 2,862,631

Sources: (1) Church Membership Statistics for 1961, 1966 and 1971 from New Zealand Official Yearbook 1977 Edition. Wellington: Department of Statistics p.81 (2) Population Statistics provided by Mrs. Boles, Librarian, New Zealand Consul General's Office, Sydney to H.E. Quelch on 23.4.1979. TABLE 4 NEW ZEALAND Church Membership Statistics 1977.

Membership Church Member­ ship as% of Population Anglican (average of Christmas and Easter Communi­ cants. 114,000 and 80,000). 97,000 3.08 Presbyterian 78,697 2.50 Methodist 25,615 0.81 Churches of Christ 2,508 0.08 Congregational 420 0.01

204,240 6.48

Population as at 31.12.1977 excluding Cook Islands, Nive and Tokelau was 3,151 , 900.

Sources: (1) Church Membership Statistics : Table contained in the Thirteenth Report to the Negotiating Churches of the Joint Commission on Church Union in New Zealand. Wellington J.V.C.C. September 1977,p.12. (2) Population Statistics for 1977 provided by the Office of the Consul General for New Zealand to H.E. Quelch on 18.8.1979. TABLE 5 NEW ZEALAND Summary of Voting This summary of the voting in the referendums held in August and September 1972 is based on the reports furnished to the Churches. Anglican Total Valid Votes For Against Parishioners 61,438 58.06% 41 .94% (In the vicinity of 80% of those who enrolled for the referendum) Clergy in Active Ministry 565 53 .98% 46.02% Other clergy (including retired) 101 47.52% 52.48% Bishops 10 7 3 Retired Bishops 2 1 1 Associated Churches of Christ Total Valid Votes For Against 2647 1445 55% 1202 45% (90.3% of the eligible membership voted) Of the 43 churches participating, 24 had a majority in favour and 19 a majority against. Congregational Total Valid Votes For Against 335 182 54% 153 46% (76% of the members voted) Methodist Total Valid Votes For Against .... 23012 19782 86% 3230 14% (76.6% of the membership voted) Presbyterian Total Valid Votes For Against Communicants 74423 51707 69.4% 22716 30.5% Adherents 5078 3711 73.1% 1367 26.9%

:Z9501 55418 69.:Z22 24082 ~ (82.6% of the communicants and 61% of the adherents voted).

Source: The Joint Committee on Church Union in New Zealand. Eleventh Report to the Negotiating Churches. Wellington: September 1975 - pages 10 - 11. APPENDIX I

The Lambeth Quadrilateral

1. In 1888 the Lambeth Conference following the lead of the American Church meeting in General Convention in Chicago, proposed four points which, they suggested, should be preserved in any agreement for union between the Churches. They were stated as follows: (i) The Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments as 'containing all things necessary to salvation', and as being the rule and ultimate standard faith. (ii) The Apostles' Creed, as the baptismal symbol; and the Nicene Creed, as a sufficient statement of the Christian faith. (iii) The two Sacraments ordained by Christ Himself - Baptism and the Supper of the Lord - ministered with unfailing use of Christ's words of institution, and of the elements ordained by Him. (iv) The Historic Episcopate, locally adapted in the methods of its administration to the ·varying needs of the nations and peoples called of God into the Unity of the Church.

2. At Lambeth in 1920 these points were revised, and in the "Appeal to all Christian People" they appear in the following form: We believe that the visible unity of the Church will be found to involve the whole-hearted acceptance of: APPENDIX I (Cont.)

The Holy Scriptures, as the record of God's Revelation of Himself to man, and as being the rule and ultimate standard of faith; and the Creed, commonly called the Nicene, as the sufficient statement of the Christian Faith, and either it or the Apostles' Creed as the Baptismal confession of belief. The divinely instituted Sacraments of Baptism and the Holy Communion, as expressing for all the corporate life of the whole fellowship in and with Christ: A Ministry acknowledged by every part of the Church as possessing not only the inward call of the Spirit, but also the commission of Christ and the authority of the whole body.

****************

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BROWN R.M. & SCOTT D.H. (Eds) The Challenge to Reunion London: McGraw Hill Book Co. 1963 BAYNE S.F. (ed) Ceylon North India & Pakistan - A Study in Ecumenical Decision London: S.P.C.K. 1960 CAMERON E.D. (Bishop) Evangelicals and the World Church of Churches Sydney: Anglican Information Office 1976 CARPENTER E. CANTAUR The Archbishops in their office London: Cassell 1971 CONGAR Y. Dialogue Between Christians - Catholic Contributions to Ecumenism London and Dublin Geoffrey Chapman 1966

CURRIER.; GILBERT A.; & HORSLEY L. Churches and Churchgoers Patterns of Church Growth in the British Isles since 1700 Oxford: Clarendon Press 1977 CUTLER D.R. (ed) The Religious Situation: 1969 Boston: Beacon Press 1969 CHURCH OF SOUTH INDIA The Book of Common Worship London: Oxford University Press 1963 CHITWOOD B.J. What the Church Needs New - A Plan for Renewal New Jersey: Flemming N Revell Coy. 1973 DESAI R. Christianity in Africa as seen by Africans Denver: Alan Swallow 1962 DODD C.H.; CRAGG G.R.; ELLUL J. Social and Cultural Factors in Church Divisions London: SCM Press Ltd. 1952 ECUMENICAL REVIEW, The Vol.XVI No.4 July 1964 Vol.XX No.3 July 1968 Vol.XXI No.4 October 1969 Geneva: World Council of Churches JOURNAL OF ECUMENICAL STUDIES Temple University Volumes: 1976 EDWARDS D.L. (ed) Religion and Change London: Hodder and Stoughton 1969 EHRENSTROM N. and GASSMANN G. Confessions in Dialogue. A Survey of Bilateral Conversations among World Confessional Families 1962-1971 Geneva: World Council of Churches 1972 ELIOTT T.S. Reunion by Destruction. Reflections on a Scheme for Church Union in South India London: Vacher and Sons Ltd. (N.D.) FAITH and ORDER COMMISSION, WORLD COUNCIL OF CHURCHES Towards an Ecumenical Consensus on Baptism, the Eucharist and the Ministry Geneva: World Council of Churches 1977 Faith and Order Paper No.84 FAITH and ORDER COMMISSION on - Paper No.72 Uniting in Hope - Reports and Documents from the Meeting of the Faith and Order Commission 23rd July - 5th August 1974 University of Ghana, Legon Geneva: World Council of Churches 1975 FASHOLE - LUKE E.W. The Quest for African Christian Theologies in Stransky and Anderson p.135 Mission Trends No.3: Toronto Paulist Press 1976 FEY H.E. 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Christian Marriage in Africa - Being a Report commissioned by the Archbishops of Capetown, Central Africa, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda London: S.P.C.K. 1973 HEDEGARD D. Ecumenism and the Bible - 2nd Edition London: The Banner of Truth Trust 1964 HENDERSON I. Power Without Glory A Study in Ecumenical Politics London: Hutchinson 1967 HENDERSON J.L. (ed) Since 1945 Aspects of Contemporary World History London: Methuen & Co. Ltd. 1966 HOKE D.E. The Church in Asia Chicago: The Moojy Press 1975 HUDSON Darril The Ecumenical Movement in World Affairs London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson 1969 HILL M. (ed) A Sociological Yearbook of Religion in Britain Vol.4 London: S.C.M. Press Ltd. 1971 HILLER N.H. Communality as a Dimension of Ecumenical Negativism Review of Religious Research - Winter 1971 Vol.12 No.2 pp.111-114 Kansas: Religious Research Association Mennonite Press. 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