INFORMATION TO USERS

This dissertation was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted.

The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction.

1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity.

2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame.

3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand comer of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again - beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete.

4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. Silver prints of "photographs" may be ordered at additional charge by writing the Order Department, giving the catalog number, title, author and specific pages you wish reproduced.

University Microfilms 300 North Zoab Rood Ann Arbor. Mtehfean w o t A Xarox Education Company r , : i 73-13,236

SANOW, Michael Lewis, 1945- A CASE STUDY OF RACE RELATIONS AMONG STUDENTS IN A TRANSITIONAL HIGH SCHOOL.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1972 Sociology, race question

University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan i 4

© 1973

MICHAEL LMIS SANOh

all R ia rrs reserved

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. A CASE STUDY OP RACE RELATIONS AMONG STUDENTS IN A TRANSITIONAL HIGH SCHOOL

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By Michael Lewis Sanow, B.A., M.A.

******

The Ohio State University 1972

Approved hy

Adviser Department of Sociology PLEASE NOTE:

Some pages may have

indistinct print.

Filmed as received.

University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In the early stages of this research project several i people were quite helpful. Tom XcCullough's advice as well as that of Dr. William Wayson helped me make the necessary contacts for a research site. Throughout the entire project the support and cooperation of Kr, Eugene Shrimpton, the principal of Woodward High School, was a major factor in the successful completion of this study. Kany teachers as well as students not only were helpful but contributed to the success of the project because of their friendliness. In addition, Sandra Hobson and Joan Nicholas of the SCEDS office at Woodward High School were very helpful in providing information and statistics on the community, June Elizabeth Dill and Carol Anne Killer helped me through­ out the project. Their assistance and patience are greatly appreciated. I also want to thank my adviser, Dr. Ronald G. Corwin, for his guidance during the research. Dr, John F. Cuber and Dr. Enrico L. Quarantelli*s critical comments during the study and on the drafts were helpful. Dr. Luvem L. Cunningham provided valuable criticism and I appreciate his participation at my oral defense. ii This research was supported by a U. S. Office of Education graduate trainee ship ir. the Sociology of Education# The encouragement, support and love of my parents through- i out my graduate career has made this project and my life more meaningful. I dedicate this dissertation to them#

iii VITA

Born: September 11, 19^5 Rochester, New York Education! B.A. University of Rochester Rochester, New York June, 1967 Major in History Minor in Political Science

M.A. northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts June 1969 Major in Sociology Ph.D. Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio December, 1972 Major in Sociology Minor in Social Anthropology Professional Experience!

1967-1968 Substitute Teacher of Social Studies Eoston Public Schools 1968-1969 Research Assistant for N.I.M.H. Project, "Educational Experiences of Non-College Youth" Northeastern University, Boston, Massachusetts 1969-1972 Graduate Traineeship in the Sociology of Edu­ cation Sponsored by the U.S. Office of Educa­ tion, Dr. Ronald G. Corwin, Program Director Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 1970-1971 Part-time Teaching Associate, Department of Sociology, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio iv Pro fa snlorV-1 Sociotie;*; American Sociological Association Eastern Sociological Association ■ Ite.ior Areas of Interest! Sociological Theory - Classical and Contemporary Sociology of Education Race and Ethnic Relations Participant-Observation Research Symbolic Interactionism

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page A C K NO V/LED G EMENTS...... ii

VITA...... iv l i s t o f Ta b l e s ...... viii

LIST OF FIGURES...... X Chapter I. AN INTRODUCTION TO THE RESEARCH PROBLEM.. 1 II. A SUMMARY OF PERTINENT LITERATURE...... 1? III. THE SETTING...... ,.....,..,.....,.,.,. 52 IV. A DISCUSSION OF THE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY. 91 V. A HISTORY OF CHANGING SOCIAL INTERACTION AT V/OOD.VARD HIGH SCHOOL...... 129 VI. CHANGING PARTICIPATION OF STUDENTS IN EXTRACURRICULAR ACTIVITIES...... 150 VII. TENSIONS IN THE SCHOOL AND THEIR EFFECT ON BLACK-WHITE RELATIONS...... 168 VIII. THE FACULTY AND RACE RELATIONS...... 182 IX, ASPECTS OF POSITIVE BLACK-WHITE INTER­ ACTIONS...... 7... 19^ X. CONCLUSIONS...... 228

vi TABLE OF COLTENTS, Continued Page AFFEliDIX A ...... 248 B ...... 257 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 26l

vii 1 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page 1 Years of School Completed by Persons Years Old and Over For U.S. Larch, 1970... 19 2 Per cent of Persons 20 Yearn Old and Over Who Lad Completed a Given Level of School By Age and Race, for the United States,.,. 21 3 Total Population in Cincinnati Area 1950- 1970...... 53

k Metropolitan Population Change by Race and Residence, by Lumber and Per cent, Cincin­ nati and Hamilton County 19A0-19&5...... 55 5 Racial Distribution of Cincinnati Public School Enrollment by Number and Per cent, 1950-1970...... 57 6 Average Daily membership for the School in Woodv;ard High School District, 1965- 1966 to 1970-71...... 63 7 Average Daily Membership Woodward High School 1960-1971...... 71 8 Estimated Per cent Black Pupils Wood­ ward High School and Cincinnati School System...... 72 9A Three Year Memberships, Per cent and Num­ ber of Negro Pupils by Schools 1969-70 through 1971-72...... 73 93 Approximate Changing Percentage of Black Students in Elementary Schools...... 7^

vi• 11 « * LIST CF CAELLS, Continued Table Page 10A Staff Composition of v/oodward Junior- Senior High School (1966-1967) ...... 89 10ii Teachers and Staff at V/oodward High School 1971-72...... 89

IOC Staff at Woodward High School in 1966- 1967 and in 1971-1972...... 90 ICE According to Staff Characteristics Com­ piled for fear 1970-71...... 90 11A Seniors Interviewed ...... 96 H E Average Years at Woodward for Seniors Interviewed...... 96 11C Academic Status of Seniors Interviewed.,. 96 12 Juniors and Sophomores Interviewed 99 13 Total Students Interviewed...... 99 14 Residential District - Elementary Feeder School of Those Interviewed...... 99 15 Background of Staff Interviewed...... 100 16 Changing Participation in Extracurricular Activity...... 139

17 Summary of Data in Table 1 6...... 149 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page 1 Elementary School Divisions in Wood­ ward High School District 6l

2 Mean Score on Stanford Achievement 6th Grade Language Elementary Schools in Woodward High School Area, 1965-66 to 1969-70 ...... 65 3 Per cent of Students Passing Examina­ tion to Enter College Preparatory High School - Elementary Schools in V/oodward High School Area 1965-66 to 1969-70..... 66

A liean Score on Stanford Achievement, 6th Grade Arithmetic Applications, Elementary Schools in Woodward High School Atten­ dance Area 1965-66 to 1969-70...... 67 5 Per cent of Negro Membership in Elemen­ tary Schools in the V/oodward High School Attendance Area, 1965-66 to 1969-70..... 69

6 Population ter Acre 1970...... 75

7 Per cent Change Population 1960-1070.... 76

8 Per cent Negro Population...... 77 9 Per cent Change Negro Population 1960- 1970...... 78

x Chapter One

a :; introduction to the research problem

In the j t two decades the racial composition of many public schools in the United btatec has changed, There are several reasons for these changes, V,:hile black Americano have migrated fron rural to urban

areas as veil as fron the South to the forth, white

Americans have emigrated to suburban areas. The neighborhood charges result In similar changes in the school district. In addition, school segregation has become an important political issue. This has also had a great impact on changes in the black-white ratio of students in many public schools, As a result of these events, many public schools have undergone a transition from totally white to com­ pletely black school populations. This transition is ofton a difficult period for students in these situa­ tions, for they frequently meet age peers from a dif­ ferent racial -group for the first time. The problems of adjusting, coping and learning to live with the Filmed as received without page(s)

UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS, Certain essential dimensions of the situation, such as a change in involvement in most activities from white students to slack students, an increasing apathy among white students for all school related activities, intimidations and fear of white students and faculty for blacks and an effort on the part of school functior.airic-D to conciliate black demands often to .the neglect of whites, are discussed in the findings. The resultant passive tolerance of each group for the others is described and the potential of this stance and certain interactions for positive communi­ cation in the future is then discussed. An understand­ ing of the positive as well as negative aspects of this school situation, may at least suggest possibilities for future improvement of communication in interracial school settings as well as other social arenas.

Definitions It is appropriate first to discuss the concepts of segregation, desegregation, for they are basic to the understanding of this problem. Segregation may be thought of as a process or state in which people are separated or set apart. This may be expressed in the form of discrimination or k in physical or spatial separation.1 Shibutani and Kwan note that although sometimes segregation is forced by external hostility (e. g. the American Negro) the voluntary formation of ethnic islands by immigrants and other minorities is most often the case. For the black man in America, segregation occurs and has oc­ cur cd in education, housing, religious institutions, public facilities and in most other areas. Desegregation may also bo thought of as a process and may occur through natural as well as deliberate moans. It refers to the "removal of formal barriers within a society, both legal and social, that are pre­ mised upon racial or ethnic membership. Integregation is more encompassing than mere "removal". It is a situation in v/hich there is not only the removal of formal barriers but the removal of implicit attitudinal and prejudicial barriers. Clark describes desegregation as an "objective, social, legal and political process" and integration as a

1James W. Vander Zanden, American Minority Rela­ tions (New York* The Ronald Press Co7, 1966), p. 229. 2Tamotsu Shibutani and Kian M. Kwan, Ethnic Strat- g^ArriA'lD* A Cr.^-arativc Approach (New Yorki The iiac- nillan Co., 196o), p. ^Vander Zanden, American Minority Relations.p. 10, 5 "subjective, psychological and attitudinal process."**' Hauser sees integration characterized by "social interaction, effective communication and sharing in activities that fill one's life"5 "integration implies an openness of society and a leveling of all barriers to association, other than those based on ability, taste and personal preference,"^ minority groups often have integration as their prii.rry goal. Arriving at this goal might necessitate the very denial of one's group identity. However, I do not believe that into-ration requires the destruc­ tion of one':; ethnic identity as assimilation might. Instead it refers to a certain openness in society which may demand massive attitudinal changes among the members of all groups in the society. Desegregation, especially for the black man for whom segregation has been so pervasive in our society,

^Kenneth 3. Clark, "Desegregation! The Role of the Social Sciences", Teachers College Record. LXII (Oct., I960), p. 16. ^Philip II. Hauser, "Demographic Factors in the Integration of the Negro", in The American fiegro. ed. by Talcott larsor.s and Kenneth B. Clark (Bostom Houghton Mifflin Co., 1966), p. 71, ^Oscar Kandlin, "The Goals of Integration", in The Am?gTlgJlTTdL'i, ed . by Tnlcott Farsons and Kenneth B. Clark (bostons Houghton Mifflin Co., 1966) p, 66l, is the first step towards rase hi ng this 30a 1 , However, desegregation may possibly occur without being seen or

contrived as a 3tea towards the goal of integration. It should be stressed that the end goal of integration ac: - not r.:-ce: _arily demand a forosakirg of all group institutions, but allows that one nay enter other,

e a a a a 1 ly mm /; r i ay, ins tit v. tic na without fear of re­ prisal .

»' -• 1 * r’. h in 1 “ “ v" f 1 ‘''1

In many societies, children of different ninority groups are educated in different facilities (e.g., French Canada). In the Cnited States not only blacks tat many Catholics, as uoll as other groups, are edu- cat::? sepwratr._y fror. other children. For Catholics separate soheels are an example of voluntary segrega­ tion, whereas historically for the black man separate schools are an example of forced segregation, In the South until ISM'1-, 2- dual school system with separate schools for blacks and whites existed by statute. This form of ”de jure" (leval) segregation v:as sup- - ported by the norms of southern culture. School seg­ regation in both the North and South is still volun­ tary because residential patterns, as v/cll as other factors pertaining to school assignments, result in schools being in fact segregated. This form of "de facto" segregation is presently a major problem in the issue of desegregation of schools. Whether segregation of schools is de jure or de facto, the outlook of those involved in segregated schools.is different from those in non-segregated schools. This is often the result of the fact that students, in their informal contacts learn from one another many distinctive values. However, as Shibu­ tani and Kwan note, even when children of different ethnic categories attend the same schools, what they o derive from their experience may be quite different. In a setting where one group is segregated in separate schools or by classrooms within a school or treated as inferior in a mixed classroom, the members of the group nay develop a rather dim outlook. This will affect their level of motivation as well as their degree of alienation fron the rest of society. Frazier notes that the distinctive cultural back­ ground of blacks becomes intensified when they are segregated. As a result they learn that when they

^Shibutani and Kwan, Ethnic Stratification, p. 286. QIbid. 8 complete their education, they may net expect the o reward of improved economic status,J This occurs because the score gated rcncols that accompany their secret"ted environment V.rvo placed a limit on their participation in American culture" and "have been the means of maintaining the social subordination of the

. „ . .10 Do 'no arc The - - a .nr c? m m us interior, '■ Kenneth Clark contends that the continuance of cegremated scherIs is harmful. He believes a racially ' . • :r •: .nhocl inpcros upon white chilur ;n aha :mm . ita; !:■ a .citifying burden cA p?my : pro ■ i a: iuj i -::, irrational fears and hatreds cl people a’ho are diifejp- e nt, and a A i s tor toimage o f t; mans elves. Ke continuesi Any c helo *• i a~ lly, ra a: a 1 ly ~ a a: ated schools at this mnviod cf .m ■ricau «. no world his- to ry is an a:;achro r: cn \ahic h our nation can- net afford.-^'

Deserro mat ion dr. Education Irwin Kate defines educational desegregation as a "politico-legal concept referring to the elimination of

^E, Franklin Frazier, The No~ro in the United States (New Yorki The Macmillan Co., 1957)A P.

10Ibid,, p. ^ 9. ^Clark, "Desegregation", p. 1?.

12Ibid. 11 racial separation within school systems." J He notes that this definition has been broadened in recent years to include "reduce!-s. cf racial clustering due to fac- 1 i* tors other than legal segregation," The type cf desegregation that has taken place is often very Unite;.. j, school nay te considered deseg- ro utsd if \ -:o . criicr:.: arc allowed to attend. This form of leh -which is quite typical, is truly distant fron. the ideal of integration in v/hich every solocl v/o It ho cqv.'/ly open and in balance racially with the overall esci:tel cr connunity ratio. A "trar/'iticra!" is different in a certain sense frcci a "desegregate::" school. A transitional school is uerally considered to he an all v/hite school in the process of becoming an all ils-ck school. In contrast a desegregated school nay te characterized by a stable interracial student body, In this case study the school's process of transi­ tion has been a gradual one, The students who are the

^irv/in Katz, "Factors Influencing Negro Perform­ ance in the Desegregated 3ctool", in Social Class. Race ard Prvo'-jg1 c~?>al ed. by Martin Deutsch, Arthur A. Jensen an.; Irv/in Katz (New York: Holt, Rune- hart, and V.’inston, 1963), p. 255. Ibid. 10 focus of this study havs lived through a period of racial changes but the change is. far fron complete. For this reason many of their experiences are possibly similar to students in other desegregated schools in our society and therefore they are important to under­ stand as an example of this type of situation.

One o-f the basic values in American society is the worth of the individual, r.long with this is the notion that equal opportunity exists for everyone to rise and "make it" in this society. This held true to a certain degree for most immigrants, who upon arrival in America usually occupied the lowest strata in soci­ ety. The fact that many of these white immigrants have entered the mainstream of society contrasts to black Americans who have not been allowed access to most avenues of advancement. Fquality in most spheres of life has not been a reality for blacks. Hard work and education have been the supposed means of achieving success and equality in America, Therefore the black man naturally looked to education for an opportunity to "make it". u Silberman notesi As the one institution with which every Negro comes into intensive and pro­ longed contact, the public school offers the greatest opportunity to break down the cultural barrier that helps block the Negro's advances into the mainstream of American life.*5 Senator Edward Kennedy emphasized in calling for new desegregation legislation, that if the American Negro is going to have any faith in our society's in­ stitutions, he must have faith in the schools. He said i Without equal education the American Negro will never obtain the full citizen­ ship which is his birthright ... I believe because of racial imbalance in the public schools, many a Negro child today is being denied this opportunity. And once it is denied him, the harmful effects in most , cases can never be completely overcome,1C> Iiany black parents have defined equal educational opportunity as the route to the achievement of a better life for their children, "They equate desegregated ed­ ucation with improved education and see both as pro-

1^charles E. Silberman, Crisis in Black and White (New York* Random House, 19o4), p. 249.

^Edv/ard m , Kennedy, "The Case for New Desegrega­ tion Legislation", Integrated Education. IV (June- July, 1966), p. 41. viding access to the American dream of economic pros- perity coupled with respect. 17 ' Blacks often assume, justifiably so, that white city administrators will give preferential treatment to white schools and thus they believe that high edu­ cation standards will come to their children only with 18 the integration of these schools. Duster notes, in his discussion of the schools in Riverside, California, that the black parents rose to action on the issue of desegregation of the schools as they never had on any other issue. This is probably not rare, for the issue of better education relates directly and immediately to the possibility of advancement in the society as a whole. They look to education as a means of a better future for their children and this is their primary concern. ^ One black parent articulated this concern* "Having a white child sit next to my Negro child is no

^Raymond W. Mack, ed,, Our Children’s BurdemDe- segregation in nine American Communities (New York* Random House, 1968), p. *4*52.

l8Ibid., p. 1*55. *^Troy Duster, "Violence and Civic Responsibility* Combination of 'Fear' and 'Right'", in Our Children's Burden, ed, by Raymond W, Mack (New York* Random House, 1968), p. 9. 13 guarantee that nine will learn, but it is a guarantee that he will be taught,"20 As a contrast, two comments by white parents illustrate their feeling on this issue. One woman said, "We have the right to discriminate. We've earned it. This is America, not Red Country, where the state tells you what to do and think." 21 Another argued, "The schools are not a social reform agency. They are in the business of teaching children how to read and write." 22 These cries of white parents have become part of a very familiar rhetoric in recent years.

Education and Integration Education may have a double effect in facilitating integration. It not only helps give blacks access to better residential areas by improving their earning power and socioeconomic status, but also it modifies the black person's way of life to a pattern more con­ sistent and less apt to conflict with white middle 23 class patterns. J

20Silbernan, Crisis in Black and White, p. 301. 21 Duster, "Violence and Civic Responsibility,p. 2?, 22Ibid., p. 35. ^Hauser, "Demographic Factors", p. 92. 14 However, this idea of a modification of life style into middle class patterns is becoming an undesirable goal for many blacks in recent years, Stokely Car­ michael speaks about these feelings* Integration speaks to the problems of blackness in a despicable way. As a goal, it has been based upon the complete accep­ tance of the fact that in orde;r to have a decent house or education, blacks must move into a white school. This reinforces, among both black and white, the idea that "white" is automatically better and "black" is by definition, inferior. This is why integra­ tion is a subterfuge for the maintainance of white supremacy. E, Franklin Frazier minimizes the potential of desegregation in progressing towards integration in expressing his belief in the unlikelihood that insti­ tutions and associations which "are rooted in the Negro community and serve its cultural needs will disappear in the foreseeable future as a result of desegrega­ tion."25

2^Henry Steele Comnager, The Struggle for Racial Equality (New York: Harper and R o w , 196?), p. 25o.

25e. Franklin Frazier, "The Negro Middle Class and Desegregation", Social Problems. IV (April, 1957). p. 297. 15 Education and Democracy Education as an institution is an essential force in the socialization of the children of American soci­ ety. If democracy and brotherhood are more than the espoused ideals of our society, but the reality, one might expect that this basic institution would reflect these ideals. Philip Hauser lists three criteria which he believes are a test of whether the U.S. is an open and democratic society. They arei 1) It must become evident that desegregation has been achieved, 2) It must be demonstrated that equality of opportunity has been established. 3) It must be shown that integration of the Negro is possible. Our distance from these ideals has provoked my desire to explore the dynamics of social interaction in schools which are desegregated or have a racially mixed student population. Although the majority of schools in the United States still are predominantly racially segregated, understanding the aspects of racial commu­ nication in mixed situations could be of value as more desegregation occurs.

^Hauser, "Demographic Factors", p. 100, 16 Raymond liack comments that in America we have deemed desegregation too difficult a social process to be dealt with by realtors, bankers, clergymen and com­ munity leaders, and have assigned the task to child- 27 ren. 1 This being the reality, it is truly important to further explore the social dynamics of these situa­ tions , The goal of this research is to explore further the one dimension, that of social relationships among students. This is an important aspect of a multifac­ eted and significant societal problem. Certain other aspects of this situation have been discussed in the sociological and psychological literature. A discus­ sion of these in the next chapter will serve as a very relevant background for this particular study.

^Kack, Our Childrens Burden, p, ^59. Chapter Two

A SUMMARY OF PERTINENT LITERATURE

In order to proceed with a discussion of the find­ ings of this study it is important to appreciate the research that has been done on this subject. In this chapter I will review the statistics on educational achievement of blacks and whites in the United States, the literature on the effects of school desegregation on students and the literature concerning the influence of interracial contacts on the social experiences of adolescents.

Educational Statistics The redistribution of black Americans between 1910 and the present from the South to the North and West and from rural to urban metropolitan areas has influenced the emergence of "integration" as a politi­ cal as well as economic and social issue. In 1910 almost one in three blacks ten years and older in the United States was illiterate. This was ten times as

17 IB great as native whites,*

3y 1970 the average black fourteen years or over

had completed 10,2 years of school as compared to the average white who had completed 12.1 years. (See Table

1 for further break down of these figures by sex and white and non-white.) In i960 black school enrollment had risen to 93

per cent. This is only 3 per cent below whites for

that year.2 By 1970 black students comprised 15 per

cent (6 ,712,789 out of *j4,910,^21) of the total enroll- ment in public elementary and secondary schools. According to Current Population Reports there were significant gains in the educational attainment of the population during the decade of the 196o*s. These gains occurred for, both whites and blacks. The percent of white persons 25 years old and over with at least a high school education increased from **-3 per cent in i960 to 57 per cent in 1970. The compar­ able gain for Negroes was from 20 per cent to 3^ per cent. For white adults,'the

^Hauser, "Demographic Factors", p. 79.

2Ibid., p. 80. •^U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Civil Rights, Directory of Public Elementary and Secondary Schools (Y/ashington, D.C.i Government Printing Office, 19^1), VII, p. 1. .19 Table 1 Years of School Completed by Persons 14 Years Old and Over For U. S., March 1970. MEDIAN SCHOOL YEARS COMPLETED

Total kale Female White White White XSiai Male Z.epals Female 14 years and over 12.1 12.1 12.1 12.1 12.1 12.1 21 years and over 12.2 12.2 12.2 12.3 12.3 12.3 25 years and over 12.2 12.2 12.1 12,2 12.2 12.2

Negro + Negro Male Negro Female Others + Others + Others 14 years & over 10.4 10.2 10.5 21 years & over 10.6 10.4 10.7 25 years & over 10.1 9.8 10.3

Ne^ro Total Negro Male Negro. Female 14 years and over 10.2 10.0 10.4 21 years and over 10.4 10.2 10.6 25 years and over 9.9 9.6 10,2

Sourcei From Table 1 - pp. 11-15 of Current'Popula­ tion Reports Population Characteristics. U.S. Dept, of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Series P-20, No. 207, November 30, 1970. "Educational Attain­ ment", March, 1970, pp. 1-15. 20 proportion who had completed one year or more of college increased from 1? per cent in i960 to 22 per cent in 1970. The com­ parable gain for Negroes was from 7 per cent to 10 per cent. Among the younger age group, persons 20 to- 2A years old, the proportion with at least a high school education increased for whites from 67 per cent in I960 to 83 per cent in 1970. The comparable gain for Negroes was from A0 per cent to 65 per cent. The proportion of this younger age group with some college increased from 25 per cent to 39 per cent for whites and from 11 per cent to 23 per cent for Negroes. (See Table 2) Blacks still lag behind whites in formal educa­ tional accomplishmentsj yet these figures do reflect a definite quantitative improvement. Nevertheless quan­ titative improvements do not necessarily indicate qual­ itative improvements. It is these aspects that I believe are particularly important to consider in ap­ preciating the vast discrepancies in the educational experiences of black and white children in our society.

Effects of Desegregation on Academic Achievement Although the findings in the Coleman Report (Equality of Educational Opportunity. 1966) demon-

k U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Cen­ sus, Current Population Reports; "Educational Attain­ ment" ('.fashington, D. C.i Government Printing Office, 1970), p. 1. Table 2 Percent of Persons 20 Years Old and Over Who Had Completed a Given Level of School, by Age and Race, for the United States* 1970 and I960

1970 I960 All All Age and Level Completed Races Y/hite Negro Races White Negro 20 to 24 YEARS OLD Less than 4 years of high school 19.5 17.3 35.0 36.4 33.4 59.7 4 years of high school or more 80.5 82.7 65.1 63.6 66.6 40.3 1 year of college or more 37.5 39.4 22.6 23.7 25.3 10.8 25 YEARS OLD AND OVER Less than 4 years of high school 44,8 4 2.6 66.3 58.9 56.8 79.9 4 years of high school or more 55.2 57.4 33.7 41.1 43.2 20.1 1 year of college or more 21.1 22.3 10.3 16.5 i ? A 7.2 4 years of college or more 11.0 11.6 4.5 7.7 8.1 3.1

Source* Prom Current Population Reports* Population Characteristics, p. 2, 22 strate that there has been some school desegregation since 195^, they indicate that the majority of blacks still attend schools that are entirely or almost com­ pletely segregated. As a result, most schools can still be considered white or non-white. The results of this 1966 study show that about 80 per cent of all white children attend schools that are

90 to 100 per cent whitet while about 65 per cent of black students attend schools in which over 90 per cent of the students are black. The data also illustrate definite discrepancies between white and non-white schools in such areas as facilities and curricular and extracurricular programs that might influence pupils' achievement, in qualifications of teachers and in gen­ eral achievement levels. Although the gaps are not always large, the white schools are inevitably better. In general, variations in facilities and curricula of schools accounted for relatively little variation in pupil achievement insofar as this is measured by standard tests. Teacher quality showed a stronger relationship. But perhaps most important was the strong relation between pupils' achievement and the educational backgrounds and aspirations of other stu­ dents in school. The report notes that "if a minority a 23 pupil from a hone without much educational strength is put with classmates with strong educational backgrounds, his achievement is likely to increase."^ The desegregated school conveys a sense of ability to influence one's destiny and for this reason this sense of control is the single best indicator of aca­ demic achievement. The individual is sensitive to the cues of his environment and is motivated to learn only when he believes his actions can influence the course of his life. Desegregation in a sense symbolizes a lifting of the opportunity ceiling and that a person will be judged on his own merits and, therefore, that he can control (or at least affect) his own destiny. Thus Coleman stresses how important attending school with white peers can be in influencing one's future hopes and therefore one's motivation and achievement. Arnold Rose believes that only one technique has been found to bring black pupil’s educational perform­ ance up to the level of the average whitei "This is to place him in a school where the majority of children

5James S, Coleman et, al., Equality of Educa­ tional Opportunity (Washington, D,C,» Government Printing Office, 19^6), p. 22, 2k are white.In a white school the expectations of higher performance contrast to the low expectations in a black school, in which there is an understanding that the society outside considers them inferior and as a result the children tend to drag each other down, Rose's comments reiterate the Coleman conclusions about the importance of peer influence. Rose concludes that if there is distribution on an approximately egal­ itarian basis, the system may be able to overcome the handicaps of inferior educational performance, Frank Stallings’ study of the immediate effects of integration on the scholastic achievement in the Louisville public schools notes how many adults feared integrating schools because they believed that integra­ tion would be accompanied by a lowering of standards in the formerly all white schools. Due to the time limi­ tation of his study, he found it more realistic to see if changes in motivation rather than achievement oc­ curred .

^Arnold M. Rose, "School Desegregation* A Sociol­ ogist's View", in Affirmative School Integration, ed. by Herbert Hill and Malcolm Feeley (Beverly Hills, Calif,* Sage Publications, 1968), p. 139. 7Ibid. 25 Stallings thought that motivation could be more 8 easily measured because of its immediate impact. He concludes that integration ha3 influenced black pupils and black teachers by providing them with motivation. The safest generalisation he feels he can draw from the study is that integration need not adversely affect the scholas­ tic achievement of white pupils and it can favor­ ably affect that of Negro pupils," He concludes that the study offers reassurance to those who fear the immediate effect of integration must automatic­ ally lower the level of achievement.10 Hentoff notes in The New Equality that in addition to this fear of devaluation of scholastic standards, white middle class parents, upon the threat of trans­ fer of black pupils, sometimes become suddenly solici­ tous about the immigrants' spiritual welfare. This is based on the belief that a "culturally deprived" black placed alongside middle class white children will be

®Frank H. Stallings, "A Study of the Immediate Effects of Integration on Scholastic Achievement in The Louisville Public Schools", Journal of Negro Edu­ cation. XXVIII (Fall, 1959), p. ^Ibid., p. Ulj-3. 10Ibid., p. W*. 26 further damaged psychologically hy the reali­ zation of how much farther behind he is than they and also by their hostility because he is both 'different* and 'dumb' . H Stallings and Katz both discuss the importance of the teacher's role in a '.’esegregating situation. Katz sees the white teacher as a possible social threat to the black child. However, friendliness and approval on the part of white teachers could help motivate the black child by increasing the degree of incentive for scholastic success. This is based on the assumption that white teachers are more prestigious than black teachers, and the prospect of winning their approval is 1 ^ more attractive.-1*' At the same time, given the "prestige and power of the white majority group," rejection of black students by white teachers "should tend to elicit emotional re­ sponses (fear,, anger, humiliation) that are detrimental 1 *3 to intellectual functioning." J One of the arguments now being raised by many blacks is that their children need black teachers who can relate to their cultural experience as no white

* I H N a t Hentoff, The New Equality (New Yorki Viking Press, 196*0, p. 13^. l2Katz, "Factors Influencing Negro Performance", P. 257 13ibid., p. 283. 27 teacher or white person can. In addition, seeing a black man who has "made it" in society could also represent a favorable model for children. There are other social-psychological dimensions that affect black performance in desegregated schools. Katz discusses decline in scholastic motivation that occurs if a black newcomer perceives the standards of excellence in a desegregated school to be substantially higher than those he encountered previously, since the lii likelihood of attaining them seems low. However, Katz also provides additional evidence of the beneficial results of desegregation. He discusses a large sample of metropolitan and rural communities which revealed that as the proportion of white pupils in school increased, black students’ scores on achieve­ ment tests tend to rise. He commentsi Much of the apparent beneficial effect of having a high proportion of white class­ mates comes not from racial composition per se, but from the high educational quality that's, on the average, found among white students.^ There also seems to be a relation between social

1^Ibid., p. 258. ^ibid., p. 261. 28 1 6 acceptance and academic success. Often the black child has a feeling of intellec­ tual inferiority. This is based not so much on exper­ ience, but reflects "an emotional accomodation to the demeaning role in American culture that has been im­ posed on blacks by dominant whites."1^ Yet, if accep­ tance by white peers and adults does exist, this may facilitate the black child's ability to learn and moti­ vate him to adhere to white standards of academic per­ formance.1^ Katz concludes by referring to a desegre­ gated experience as likely double-edged in the sense that failure will be more devastating and success more rewarding than similar experiences in a segregated 1Q school. 7 In a psper on the psychiatric dimensions of deseg­ regation of Southern schools, Robert Coles discusses the pressures that black children meet in entering de­ segregated schools, ’which are different from the

l6Ibid,, p. 265. 17ibid., p. 267. ^Ibid,, p. 263. 19Ibid., p. 285. 29 pressure-s in a segregated school. In entering a deseg­ regated school they are less vulnorar.lc in the some that they have learned fror. their earliest years techniques and meth­ ods of dealing v.itn their position in society and its consequences for then in their daily lives.... for them to e.o".r a conogregated school m y bo m m , hut it c f forr, tii■"r.i certain hopes a.h cp;.r vur.iti. . for for a -... erhion of self, ’ hb h ccj'.t- r. 'if!: cih:r ; 'roots that ray have mem:: to rr i rottenly hard but also futile and less fulfilling Cole emphasizes that desegregation varies from one school to the next and v.hr.a thr white child experiences in a desegregates clas croon v.'ill depend upon the Negro child in that rccm, the particular white child, and hev; he sees the particular Negro child, and most important, what actually happens, in the room, bev.veen the Negro child and his v/nite classmates and teachers. Psychologists feel that desegregation in the ele­ mentary school has a greater chance of succeeding with fewer antagonisms than might occur in the high schools. Young children play together, lacking the friendliness and antagonisms that are often expressed in ideas and

20Rohert Coles, "fhe Desegregation of Southern Schools i n hove hie. trie Study", in Dos mm- ration; Docu- nor.tr? nm Com- ntari m , od . by Hubert Humphrey (New Y o r : a ho r. as i . C rowel 1 Co., 1" If), p , 205 . 21Itid ., p. 212. 30 o? activities of teenagers. Therefore, if a minimal desegregation program is being initiated it might be better to start v.’itk the first grades. Coles empha­ sizes that, even with external stress, young children of both races seen able to learn without any physical or emotional injury or collapse, r i1 ■ e r. r ' a s o ra; 1 c i k ; i v 1 .~ ~ ■■' t h c alt hi a rid a functionin': school It is important to consider peer influence in an­ alyzing the ncadr.-.ic charges in ' desegregated’' situa­ tions. In add itleu, us discussed eocvo, the psycholog­ ical factors of children reacting in a learning environ­ ment in which their peers corns from very different backgrounds has varied ratifications.

One's peer grcup eyerie an especially strong in­ fluence during the adolescent years, Gottlieb and Ram­ sey comment that there is a heavy concentration of interaction, shared values and normative control among adolescent peers, and fewer such contacts and conmon- 2k alities between adolescents and adults. The adoles-

22Ibid.t p. 2 13.

23Ibid., p. 226. pi. David Gottlieb and Charles E, Ramsey, The_Amer- i can h i w^-wit (k'cmovxod, 111.: The Dorsey Press Inc., 19ok), g, 2j0. 31 cent peer group is rot only supportive in struggles with adult authority, but it also acts as an insulator against the frustrations and anxieties in the shift 26 iron adolescence to adulthood. J Turner sees as the nest fundamental aspect of youth society - culture its "simulation of an extended primary group society.'* he comments that "as the child leaves the small neighborhood-based elementary school where he spent the entire day with a small number of peers and a single teacher and enters the large, imper­ sonal and heterogeneous high school, he is forced to cope for the first time with a genuine Gesellschaft." Ke suggests that at this point the "youth culture emer­ ges out of the children's efforts to reinstate a pri- nary-group system of identities and relations and con­ trols in the context of constantly shifting peer assoc- 27 iations," Turner sees the cultivation of certain special youth interests as the factor contributing to peer solidarity. Yet he believes that the extent of peer

25lbidi, p. 196. 2 6 Ralph K. Turner, "Youth Subculture", in See id - orv of hdneh-Mon; A of Rov'tr.^:-, ed. by Ronald P., •?aval’;o fltacco, ill. 1 R. ji. Peacock,Publishers, 1966), P. 457 2?:bid., p. 463. 32 rivalry artu'cn.lcn is often underestimated and the "youth-adult tension is more a consequence of youth

. M l 7 - - *■-’!’ ,- ^ “„2b r~ < ,1* t >*. «. • ' t, * » U . * * - v C *J ‘s. ^ h* - ' VH1 #

He su"tests that youth subculture is a segmental pattern rather than a comprehensive way of life and the

cv.i..:o v . .. : 1 : . y_a;l :.rr;v.lture first ■. . „ . .... , : . ' • imposed upon him \ j ovler p :":, sir' only svt-.nvouently cotins to ir.cfrporeto elements into his c-.n value sys- mrt ycath oo r.ot rcpuire an inner con­ viction corn: t; ;rhino in • ;pr, lo their exter­

nal con'orui'L- , fur: ..r believe:' that the r.cer culture does not penetrate deeply enough. to require that solidarity take precedence ever pursuits relate-:1 to long range success coals. This view rvrcests the importance of appreciat- in ~ !V;e inf 1 a: no r f cue':; ; c: r culture, without negat- inc the r.u.ch greater influence one's family and neigh­ borhood background exerts on a person's life style and values.

2 -Ibid., p. b70.

^I'cid ., p. ^?2 . ^^for example see v.'lll in m H. Seve 11 and Michael J. Amor, "Mei ihherhcrd Cor.tcrh and College Plans", ;,V’'u v ‘•' jc_Cc : ioj ryj y ;__v, 7.1/J. (Acril, 1966), r.l h-: 33 Colem.-'. :.: P r Vra.-: for high school students,

social life is much rer: important than their academic

lire and tinc reer -roup acceptance is usually based on thoir social abilities, popularity within the school setting ir.'r- -1: •'r vi cl tie possession of attributes such as faohionnbl: cl;. thing, proper grooming, athletic

rkill, cost a- sici; c; - car, persona-1 Icons ana finan- ciii.i statu-;, i-orul; iy is rcrely related to academic

P Q -" '■ (* ’ "‘' -t, ^ J‘ • I1

"Goo- : o art concentration upon studies are sc-v-ii iy too ahri rl or. r...rity as ... acquiescence an;! cor.for.aity to ult constraint." In contrast, "so­ cial affaire, extracurricular activities and athletics, ... rr-c affaire of own, activities in which they can carry cut perialvc activitieson their own. ,.32 Coleman notes how adults often tend not to realize the importance of having a good personality, or ... "being friendly" or "being nice to the other kids," in adolescent cultures. He compares the person-oriented existence of adolescence to the cold impersonality of

.Jamv? c. feleven, i-va Adolescent -Society (New York > 7ree rear, 1f ; 1). Jnv! ; 7. 7; \ ;, TP 1 a 1 Climates in Hirh rcho2.gl ( ' v ~ t 7 , i, Government rrinting Office, r. *1 . .■ U- t • , J-i * 34 33 the world in which many adults live. J In an earlier case study of the social system of one high school, Gordon discusses the attributes of * male and female status and prestige. The boys’ cul­ ture conferred the most prestige upon the athlete and the "most approved social type was the 'big wheel' which combined the values of athletic prowess with conformity* to variously approved patterns of behavior in dress dating and recreational pursuits." v/hale social participation among girls was "integrated around the much valued position of Yearbook Queen, within which were incorporated the patterns of approved dress, school service, democratic personality, leader- 3 5 ship ability and puritan morals."*" In every school students associate with peers with whom they share certain values or interests. Cliques and subcultures are normally found in most schools but they are varied in nature depending on the type of school and the students' backgrounds. iatricia Sexton sees cliquishness "encouraged by school policy and

33lbid., ?. 21. 34C , V.'ayne Gordon, The Social S»rtcm of the Kirh School i /i Studv in the Sociolom.'/ of .■'.doletcer.ee (Glen- coo, 111.j The free rrees, 1957)7'?• 22.

35ibid. extracurricular and by the school's failure to pronote activities ir. which heterogeneous groups of

• ■ 3^ youths psrticiiate, ' J ' She comments that "in the secondary school Amer­ ican youth from various strata confront each other for the first, and of von the la;,t tine. This comment relates vo lumor’s ass or ole n that although subcultures exist atony students, their influence rn their lives could possibly be ever on"etc rated. Thus in any study cf fdescents it is important to atpreeinto the potnti.‘ 1 1 r.f 1 v.enot of peer gro up pressures. .'hile the influence of these pressures should net be minimized, wo should recognize that they are not the sol? factor influencing adolescent behavior,

The l.ffvct..of If'yr^ao. dor.tact Stuart Cook notes that one of the "clearest find­ ings of studies of the relation between intergroup con­ tact and attitude change is that, while individuals rather quickly come to accept and even approve of as­ sociation with members of another social group in

3ci ati’icia Cmvo be.'ton, The American Schoolt A rf Cf f’ l.h:'" ff f , _ ^ d'd j_f^ C v. : r i c ’ o o d Cliffs, N , J. i F re n- t:ce rk-ii, 1 ), r.. 9 ^. 36 situations cf the type where they have experienced such association, this approval is not likely to be generalized to other situations unless the individuals have quite close personal relationships with raen'oers 88 of the otnor group."'' In discussing a study of trar.sitional schools •JO , * • ' * y ■■■, r- ' * • -s' ■■•pi" - 4 '" " * , *" " T ^ w ^ . . _pi_ y i t 4 . 4 yi »••!■. WV • » V U u v < ■ • W 1 p- -■ « t V ^ U ' -■ . ^ W' ^ *-*V ‘J 4 • | ^ V » J* notes tin t in r.o^.t sibuntlens, "although relations be- t' u-en white and I-a pro sard .*ntu within the schools are r.atier-of-fset and n u friz, rly, the tv:o groups go he their ov.n vr pa out'-id' of. rwjhr.sl. " ' he conclur 'S thst ’tine will tell. . .whether over a period of years school desegregation will gradually extend ic desegregation in other areas of living, but there see.as no reason to -1 c x sect o.n i .nr.d ia13 s'*■■ c c ?■ ing 0 har.g s. "

3-Stuart V/. Cook, 1 Desegrcgatiom A Psychological Analysis’', in Rewhirrs .in tile_gocial Psychology of Edu­ cation . -d • by ■ h. Chester' Jr. ar.d U . L. Goge (Bos- t n v. « 1 1 tfrt ", r-3 f o r . /*> V T -.-S ^ 1 Cf "1 \ n i i, i V s.- * 1 . - \ ^ * - * . * _* - - - -W _ i » w | 9 J. y . J / f t r J- »

3iRobin n. ..’illiar.s Jr. and liar gars t W, Ryan, n.cho.a ? :-■ i n 'iYar.s i th w r ■ Cr:.::.u.nlty_ Pvr-crienccc in Deseg- h i ':--t ,•- (Chapel hill, h . C.i ihs University of iiorth Carolina. Press, 195^ J, PP. 35“^S, ^Cook, '’Desegregation; A Psychological Analysis’1, ?. ^2. Jp * " -Ibid . Walter Goodman, in an article about a school sys­ tem that has been "desegregated” for twenty years, comments on this school system's efforts as reflecting the "somewhat tattered belief of integration minded people that only by living together can we learn to live together, and that that goal is worth a price, if k2 indeed there is one.” Although the statements of Cook and Goodman re­ flect a certain, perhaps realistic, pessimism, I believe it is useful to .examine the processes of social interaction that evolve within and perhaps as a result of the school setting.

The Effect of Interracial Contact in High Schools Gordon divides the high school into three subsys­ tems : 1) The -formal organisation of the school which prescribes learning achievement, 2) The system of student organizations usually referred to as extracurricular activities, 3) The network of interpersonal relationships defined by friendship choices. 3

^2\7alter Goodman, "Busing for Integration is Work­ ing Well in Central ? School District - Knock Wood", New York Times Magazine, April 9, 1972, pp. 31^* ^Gordon, The Social System of the Hip:h School. P. 36. He believes all three areas combined influence the behavior and status of schools within the school. The latter two spheres are of particular interest to three studies relevant to the present research. In comparison of inter-ethnic relations of stu­ dents in two high schools in the same city, Lundberg and Dickson found that ethnocentrism in both the major­ ity and the minorities increased with the size of the out-group. The results of comparing the friendship choices in these two schools led them to this conclu­ sion. They found proportionately less inter-ethnic choosing by members of the majority group in the high school where the relative size of minority groups was kk large. They comment.that this relationship is probably not linear and probably depends on some critical ratio or saturation point rather than constant increments. The researchers conclude from this that "the hypothesis that racial and ethnic prejudice can be reduced merely increasing the exposure of members of each group to each other (as determined by mere numbers of each group) is undoubtedly much too simple a formula,

^George A. Lundberg and Leonore Dickson, "Inter­ ethnic Relations in a High School Population", American Journal of Sociology. LVIII (July, 1952), p. 3. *+5lbid. , p. 4. 39 Nancy St, John, in a study confirming the Lund­ berg and Dickson results, also comments that there is "no assurance that mixed high schools necessarily fos- U-6 ter friendships between Negroes and whites," St, John attempted to discover whether "integrated high schools promote informal interracial association and encourage Negroes to participate fully in the formal peer culture of the schoolby gathering data in two long-integrated Northern high schools which were both one-sixth black. St. John found a definite difference by race in the type of activity students participated in. She focused on juniors in the two schools and found blacks belonging to musical and dramatic clubs more often, to athletic teams as often and to governmental, social and service organizations only slightly less often than whites. Blacks were conspicuouslyabsent from academic K Q clubs and population boards. In analyzing the sociometric choices of juniors, the data upheld the following hypothesesi

^Nancy h'oyt St. John, "DeFacto Segregation and Interracial Association in High Schools", Sociology of Education. XXXVII (Summer, 19^), p. 326. ^7Ibid,, p. 327. ^eIbid,, p. 3 3 2 . 4 0

1) That both Negro and white high school students would show preference for members of their own race... 2) That Negroes would show decreasing self-pref­ erence according to whether relationship is weekend, lunch, or work companionship or leadership... 3) That Negroes would show greater self-pref­ erence than white students in choices of both companions and leaders... 4) That the differences between Negro and white self-preference would be greater in choices, for companions than in choices for leaders?1* These findings confirmed those of Lundberg and Dickson that all monorities were somewhat more ethno­ centric in the school in which they were a smaller pro­ portion of the population. Although interracial association in formal stu­ dent activities appears frequently, St. John notes the frequency of informal clique associations across racial lines. The researcher comments that a sociometric analysis of the data shows whites more ready to choose blacks than blacks are to choose whites as friends.^ St. John concludes that the racial separation is very nearly as great as in the Lundberg and Dickson study of thirteen years earlier, She ponders "how

^Ibid., pp. 334-36 5°lbid., p. 338. 1*1 prolonged and how equal in status, contact must be if it is to result in interracial friendship.M-^ Gottlieb and Ten Houten further confirm the re­ sults of Lundberg and Dickson and St. John. In using sociometric data to examine interracial friendship, they too find that blacks show higher self preference than whites. They studied three Northern urban high schools at different stages of racial transition in order to examine the processes that occur when the stu­ dent establishment is confronted by an incoming group. The first school was 4,3 per cent black, the second was 46.9 psr cent black and in the third school 99 per cent of the students were black. Gottlieb and Ten Houten determined the degree to which students are integrated within the social setting of the school by looking at extracurricular involve­ ment.^ The data they collected reflects a departure on the part of the ■hi+e population and an increased involvement on the part of the black students. They

^ibid., p. 343. 52»phey do not deny that other factors may further determine the degree of integration, but focus on ex­ tracurricular involvement in this study. 53The schools they selected were all located in the inner city in order tc minimize the social class differences betv/een blacks and whites. emphasize that as the racial change takes place, "the withdrawl of whites from the system is hardly undiffer­ entiated mass exodust on the contrary, definite struc­ ture appears in the changes in roles and functions of

Negroes and whites in the high school social system,"^

Black and white students develop distinct social systems, and racial segregation is maintained by these two separate social systems. Gottlieb and Ten Houten describe this process as a result of their examination of the three schools: * A. In situations where there is an already established social system of white students, the incoming Negro group will enter first into those activities which call for a minimum of social or unstructured interpersonal contact between the races. That initial participation within the school will be limited to those activities which are not perceived as pres­ tige-giving by the white majority or the Negro minority.

B. as the proportion of Negro youth within a school increases and they become a sizeable segment of the population, two separate social systems will emerge. In this case, clearer distinctions will appear between the races with respect to the type of activity in which the student is involved and the prestige at­ tributed to those engaged in the activity.

C. When there has been a total changeover in the population and the Negro youths constitute

^^David Gottlieb and 'barren D. Ten Houten, "Racial Composition and the Social Systems of Three High Schools", Journal of Marriage and the Family, XXVII (May, 1965), P. 206. * 3 the social system, their concentration in certain activities will decline. In addition, they will show greater variation in the kinds of activities which they perceive as giving one prestige v;ith his peers, In this case, their behavior within the school will not be too different from any other group of adoles- ee cents of similar backgrounds and high schools, (i.e. less concentration in specific activities and a more even diffusion in all activities within the school).

They further suggest that "the level of commit­ ment to their high school varies directly with the proportion of students in the school who are of their own race."^ In the school with b6 per cent black stu­ dents, there was least discrepancy in feelings of com­ mitment between blacks and whites. The researchers believe this lack of difference might be explained by the existence of two social systems, with both groups feeling less racial pressure than in the other schools,

Gottlieb and Ten Houten comment that although their data supports the proposition that significant alterations in black and white relations would occur as the racial composition changed, their study was of only three schools within a single city and other factors <7 within a school might produce very different results.

55Ibid., pp. 206-7,

56Ibid.( p. 210.

57Ibid.t p. 212. w In his discussion of a school system that has been functioning as a racially mixed system for twenty years, Goodman describes a fairly positive situation in the high school. As he sees iti ...high school life in Greenburgh is not a mat­ ter of black or white for most students. Soi much is taken for granted here that is unavail­ able elsewhere. There are countless casual interracial contacts, there are collaborative efforts for specific causes, there are a few close friendships and many friendly interludes* there is identification with Woodlands and so with one another, and there is the great fact of having gone to school from kindergarten on­ ward. The thoroughgoing nonparticipants of both races are mostly youths who would have difficulties in any school. This description is written by a parent and a long-time and highly involved community member, commit­ ted to integration. It lacks systematic data to illus­ trate but yet it may still be a fairly realistic por­ trayal of that situation. I would point out further that this is a high school that is part of a totally integrated system and that the youngsters have known each other throughout their school careers. Nancy St. John, in her study discussed above, attempted to look at the effect of segregated elementary school experiences on friendship

^Goodman, "Busing for Integration", p. 10^. H choices in high school but found her evidence showing no significance. \ The studies of Lundberg and Dickson, St. John and Gottlieb and Ten Kouten are of situations, similar in many respects to that of Woodward High School. Therefore their conclusions are of primary importance for this study. They have used more quantitative measures to consider *some of the same dimensions of concern in this research, The present study utilizes qualitative data and attempts to fill in or suggest some of the gaps in their studies.

Dating in Adolescence Gottlieb and Ramsey emphasize the importance of the development of an awareness of the opposite sex in the adolescent period. They comment on how the public school facilitates heterosexual association in leisure time activities through much of its extracurricular activities. 59 In discussing dating, they describe the first dating pattern in early adolescence as based on clique activities involving youth who have known each other from early childhood. At this stage the emphasis is

^Gottlieb and Ramsey. The American Adolescent, p. 253. k6 not so much on personal attributes of the individual as on previous social interaction and activity interests. However, once group-centered dating activities have changed to those involving two members of the op­ posite sex as a social unit, concern with the personal characteristics and attributes of the potential part­ ners becomes greater. At this time the characteristics that Coleman discusses, mentioned above, become import­ ant. This aspect of adolescent activity is important to consider in gaining a full understanding of the stu­ dents' lives. Therefore in viewing interracial contact this area is potentially important to consider.

Interracial Dating Physical appearance is one of the most important attributes that enter into dating choices. The skin color of a potential dating partner can be an important trait to consider especially if it has a certain stigma for one's social group or larger society. In terms of the types of interaction that may occur between black and white adolescents, interracial dating may be the most intense form of interaction that occurs. In a study by Petroni et. al,^, their recorded discussions with students in a desegregated high school reveal a definite preoccupation with matters related to interracial dating, though they found it to be "rela­ tively rare." They comment that "few topics demon­ strate the pressures related to the intermixing of races so v:ell as does this issue". These pressures not only come from one's peers but also from teachers, school officials, parents and community members. reer group pressure especially affects the amount of interracial dating that occurs. For the dating couple, the loss of most friends leaves them alone or with only a few friends that are supportive. In addi­ tion, the implication that the relationship is mainly one that exists for sex is directly associated with others' negative feelings about interracial dating. As a result, girls are less free to date across racial lines because their reputations are at stake, In their study, no incident of a white boy dating a black girl was noted. This conforms to the general

^°Frank A, Petroni, Ernest A. Hirsch, and C. Lil­ lian Petroni, Two. Four. 3ix. Eight. V/hen You Gonna In­ tegrate? (New York: Liveright, 1970) ^Irv/in Katz, Conflict and Harmony in an Adoles­ cent Interracial Grouu~TNew York: Hew York University Press, 1955) 4 8 pattern in interracial dating in which the male is almost always black and the female is white. Once a girl does date across racial lines or even is seen with black males she is considered unacceptable to whites. Thus the white female’s decision to have close contact with black males may seriously affect her social stand- ing in the white world. This is a heavy price to pay and may be a main reason for the small amount of inter­ racial dating, Petroni also notes that the black males who par­ ticipate in interracial dating are usually of high status, such as athletes, in the school. Often because of the black girls' competition for these high status males, tension may arise between the two groups of girls.. , 62 Irwin Katz's study of race relations among adoles­ cents in a voluntary organization contrasts to the Pe* troni study of a school which is an involuntary organi­ zation. In the group Katz studied, in which the major­ ity were dedicated to the improvement of race relations and in which informal social interaction existed among blacks and whites frequently, there existed some basic

62Ibid,, p. 252. 4 9 inhibitions and barriers in regard to cross sex friend- 61 ship and dating relations) This study demonstrates that even among the most "liberal" group of adolescents, interracial dating be­ comes a crucial issue and limits the degree of natural closeness that could evolve among the group members. Although the adolescents are perhaps forced into this position because of family and community pressures, the crucial nature of this issue and its relation to group dynamics cannot be overlooked, In the present research some of the thoughts of Petroni are relevant to consider when viewing this aspect of interracial contact at Woodward High School,

Further Comments from the Petroni Study In considering further some of the dimensions of race relations among adolescents, Petroni et, al. note that students' comments about racial problems demon­ strate that adolescents are primarily self-centered and racial problems concern them minimally. They are most concerned with trying to find out more about what and who they are and where they are going in life. In addition, the views of these adolescents often are of the nature of an all-or-nothing commitment and they ^3Frank A. Petroni, "Teen-age Interracial Dating", Transaction. VIII (Dept., 1971). 50 usually find it difficult to compromise their views. The research for this study was done by separating ► the students into several groups according to their reputation, such as black elite, black militant, white racist, hippie and white conservative, They then had group discussions v/ith representatives of each group, focusing on race relations in the school. They empha­ size that* they divided students into these subgroups in order to demonstrate the existence of various views and in hopes of exploding the myth that classification of people into simply black and white is sufficient. The researchers noted the tendency of students to refer to members of the other race as "they" as if all blacks and all whites were identical. That white students are not alone in their tendency to see an entire race in a poorly dif­ ferentiated fashion can be seen when blacks tend to speak of the black community as though it were a homogeneous mass. In this way, blacks tend to wipe out the individual differences in their own race, "‘Vhitey", of course, is a symbol with no three-dimentional personality at all.^4. The authors emphasize; ...the denying of individuality involves perhaps one of the most basic problems, in race relations - people tend to neglect the truism that groups are made up of individuals, with individual attitudes, wishes, feelings, behavior patterns and so on, When adolescents and others speak of ’’they", the people to whom they make reference are made into a thing; they are

^Petroni, et.al., Two. Four. Six. Eight, p, 255. 51 demeaningly objectified and lose their char­ acter as persons. Referring to individuals of another race as "they" is a symptom, rather than a.cause - a symptom of the need to de­ grade.6'

I found this a particularly interesting comment and some further thoughts about this in my findings indi­ cate its pertinence for understanding interracial con­ tacts in most areas of our society, In conclusion, the four studies of Lundberg and Dickson, St, John, Gottlieb and Ten Houten and Petroni were concerned v/ith very similar problems to the pres­ ent research. This study will then proceed from their conclusions. In describing the same type of situation with more qualitative findings, this study makes a further contribution to the literature concerned with social relationships among students in an interracial school situation,

65Ibid. Chapter Three

THE SETTING

The City During its 180 years, Cincinnati has served as a gateway for migrations. It has been described as "a Northern city with a Southern exposure."* Cincinnati entered the period of its most rapid growth after 1830, and achieved the peak of its regional and national power bstween 1840 and i860. The downtown area is presently undergoing a revitalisation program and the riverfront is again the scene of much activity. In 1950, the' Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area had a population of over 904,000 with 504,000 in the city of Cincinnati and 400,000 in the surrounding suburban area. By 1970 there were 452,000 people in the city and 921,000 in the surrounding suburban area. Over the two decades, the city of Cincinnati had a 10 per cent decline in population while surrounding

suburban areas had a 130 per cent increase (Table 3).

1Williams and Ryan, Schools in Transition.. p. 36. 52 Table 3 Total Population in Cincinnati Area 1950 - 1970

Area 1950 i960 1970

Cincinnati SMSA 904,402 1,071,624 1,373,225 Cincinnati City 503.998 502,550 452,524 Suburban Area too.000 569,074 920,701 Sourcet U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census, Census of Population Historically, the city has experienced racial con­ flicts. As early as 1829 racial disturbances occured when attempts to enforce the controversial Ohio "Black Laws" resulted in violence and death. More racial problems occured in I836 and 1862, This led to pro­ longed periods of disorder and tension. The first "modern day" race riot in Cincinnati history occured in 1967 in the southern most tip of the Woodward area. This required the National Guard to re­ store order. The following year another riot began in the same vicinity following memorial services for Dr. Martin Luther King. Many incidents have occurred since then including the shooting of three youths, the shoot­ ing of a fireman, and the fire bombing of a Jewish Synagogue converted into a black community center. In addition a statue of Abraham Lincoln standing at Ach Junior High School in nearby Avondale was defaced and 5** a flag burning incident occurred recently. The Woodward area has been the scene of frequent violence and police confrontation. The city of Cincinnati, 12 per cent black in 19^0, had become 26 per cent black by 19^5. Surrounding Ham­ ilton County remained about 5 per cent black (Table *0. This occurred even though there was a 10 per cent loss in city population between 1950 and 1970. There has been a disproportionate increase in the black popula­ tion between the city and the surrounding county. This racial change is typical of that in many urban areas. Migrants to the central city tend to be of average or low status, many of them poorly educated rural workers, while migrants to the suburbs are apt to be middle class families. The net effect of the tendency of cities to lose more high status people to the suburbs than they gain is a lowered social class level in the central city and a raised social class level in the suburbs. Herriot and St, John emphasize the importance of the fact that the population redis­ tribution between city and suburb is normally as much 2 on the basis of social class as race.

^Robert E. Kerriot and Nancy Hoyt St. John, Social Class ar.d the Urban School; The Impact of Pupil Back­ ground on Teachers and Principals (New Yorki John Wiley and Sons, inc.), p. 2. 55 Table 4 Metropolitan Population Change by Race and Residence, by dumber and Per Cent, Cincinnati and Hamilton County (outside Cincinnati), 19^0-1965.

IVhite Black Year County City County City 1940 156,979 400,593 8,651 55,000 (94.8) (87.9) (5.2) (12.1) 1950 272,879 425,313 11.965 78,685 (93.8) (84.4) (4 . 2) (15.6) I960 346,602 392,868 14,989 109,682 (95.3) (78.2) (4.2) (21.8)

1965 355.165 370,442 16,983 127,558 (95.5) (74.4) (4.5) (25.6)

Sourcei "Education and Race", Task Force Report, 1968, (Board of Education, Cincinnati) Fromi Appli­ cation for Continuation Grant School Community Evaluation and Development System. PL 91-230 Title if3- June 28, 1971, Board of Education of the City School District of the City of Cin­ cinnati, A3-A5, The School System When the social class composition of a city shifts, the schools reflect these changes. "As the rural poor crowd into the cities and became the urban poor and as the middle class families move out from the center, the social class level of the central schools falls."^ The Cincinnati Public School District includes the city itself and areas incorporated in six other municipalities had five townships. In the district there are seventy-six elementary, sixteen junior high and seven high schools, as well as a number of special schools. The average daily membership (ADM) in the Cincin­ nati Public Schools peaked during 19&5 and ^as slowly declined since. The January 1, 1965 ADM was 88,010. On January 1, 1971, the ADM was 82,182, a decrease of 6.6 per cent. The racial composition of the public schools changed considerably between 1950 and 1970. Over the two decades the white enrollment decreased from 77 per cent to 55 per cent and the black enrollment increased from Zy per cent to ^5 per cent (Table 5)*

3lbid., p. 3 57 Table 5* Racial Distribution of Cincinnati Public School Enrollment by Number and Fer cent* 1950-1970

White Negro Year Number Per cent Number Per cent 1950 A4.052 77 13,178' 23 I960 52,926 68 2k,k89 32 1965 52,899 60 595 ^0 1970 U6,06U 55 37,953 ^5 Sourcei "Education and Race", Task Force Report, 1968 and "Report to Civil Rights Commission"* 1070-71.

The average academ5_c achievement in the Cincinnati Public Schools is believed to have declined in certain achools which have experienced a rapid influx of stu­ dents new to the system. Pupils attending schools in the upper middle class sections of the city perform as well as children from similar backgrounds in other com­ munities. Children attending schools in lower class sections of the city perform much more poorlyt but their performance is comparable with that of children in other cities who have similar home backgrounds. The 1967-68 achievement tests at grades two, four, five, and eight show median scores below the grade equivalent b at all grades in every subject reported.

k From Application for Continuation Grant School- Community Evaluation and Development System, A7-A8. 58 In the Cincinnati School System there is one pub­ lic high school (v/alnut Hills High School) that re­ quires a special admissions exan to enter at the begin­ ning of the seventh grade. This "college preparatory" high school tends to enroll a large percentage of the more academically "capable”. The situation results in each of the other high schools losing a large percent­ age of the students in their district who are likely to perform well academically. Thus a regular high school may not fit the prototype of a comprehensive high school as a result of a loss of the element. Not all students elect to attend this school for various reasons, The more capable and usually middle class black students often attend V/alnut Hills High School, while the remaining, possibly below average ability, blacks attend the other high schools in Cincinnati and are frequently placed in the lowest academic levels. This situation contrasts to Cairo, Illinois, where schools were in the process of desegregation. Stuart W. Cook reports that because of a variety of community pres­ sures, middle and upper class black children remained in segregated schools and only children of the lowest socioeconomic group enrolled in the formerly white schools,

* * 5 9 The black students that attend most high schools in Cincinnati, except for Walnut Hills, tend to have similar backgrounds to those in Cairo who enroll in the ’ formerly white schools. Many of these black students

* in Cairo were below average in intellectual ability, had poor records in the black schools(and) they tended because of this selective process to con­ firm the white stereotypes that Negroes are lasy and stupid,5 A similar stereotyping very likely occurs in the Cin­ cinnati schools. It is important to appreciate that the Cincinnati School System has a tradition of commitment to "inte­ grated" education. However, the approach to reaching this.goal has been a slow and gradual one.^

The Woodward School District A discussion of the Woodward High School area with background on its feeder schools follows. This is in­ cluded here to illustrate the diversity of neighbor- * hoods which comprise this district. I believe this in­ formation is essential in developing a clearer under­ standing of the school setting examined in this study.

^Cook, "Desegregation! A Psychological Analysis", pp. <*5-6. ^Williams and Ryan.Schools in Transition, p. 35-<*8. 60 The Woodward area occupies a roughly boot-shaped area in the northeastern part of the Cincinnati school system. Golf Manor, Amberly (both in Losantiville Elementary School District) and Silverton are three independent municipal!xies outside of the limits of the city of Cincinnati, but within the Woodward district. There are eleven elementary schools in the Wood- 7 ward High School attendance district. One elementary school district (Burtcn) is split between two junior high school districts with approximately one-third entering a Woodward feeder junior high. One school (Swifton Primary) offers kindergarten through fourth grade only. One of the elementary schools (Burton) was opened in 196.6, There are two junior high schools (Shroder and Crest Hills). Crest Hills was opened in the fall of 1970. There is one senior high school, Woodward. The population of the Woodward High School dis­ trict approached 80,000 in i9 6 0 . There were over 5,000 blacks in the district, with the majority living

*

^Bond Hill, Burton, Carthage, Hartwell, Kennedy Heights, Losantiville. North Avondale, Pleasant Ridge, Hoselawn, Silverton, and Swifton Primary- 6 l in the southernmost portion. In I960, most black peo­ ple in this area lived in the North Avondale and Burton Elementary School districts (Figure 1) By 1970 the population had grown to 116,700 and the number of blacks had increased to 3^,800. This is an increase from 6 per cent black to 29 per cent black. Blacks by then comprised a large percentage of the areas of Bond Hill, Kennedy Heights, and Silverton. The average daily membership in the elementary schools in the Woodward district exceeded 7,000 in

1965-6 6 . The number increased to over 8,000 in 1967- 68 but declined to less than 7,200 in 1970-71. Over the five year period 1965-70, the Bond Hill and Kennedy Heights schools increased by a small amountt Pleasant Ridge and Hartwell each had a 9 per cent decrease j Roselawn, Silverton, Losantiville, and Carthage had from 1** to 22 per cent decreases (Table Six). The increases occurred in areas with growing black concentrations, while the decreases occurred in predom­ inantly white areas. This may indicate an out-migra­ tion of whites with children of school age or an in­ crease in white parents' enrollment of their children in non-public schools or schools outside the Cincin­ nati district. This has occurred often because of the racial fears of parents, Figure 1

— LJ

E le mentary S chool D i v i s i o n *

V/ooowaR© H igh S c h o o l D i s t r i c t Table 6 Average Daily Membership for the Schools in the Woodward High School District, 1965-66 to 1970-71

School 1965-66 1966-67 1967-68 1968-69 1969-70 1970-71

Bond Hill Elementary 684 784 742 756 68 6 697 Burton Elementary* 757 880 877 869 784 Carthage Elementary 427 462 424 382 361 334 Hartwell Elementary 689 763 754 723 643 624 Kennedy Elementary 798 82 5 799 815 810 821 Losantiville Elementary 699 72? 722 680 625 560 North Avondale Elementary 1,287 991 962 957 892 891 Pleasant Ridge Elementary 1,107 1,09** 1,136 1,053 1.007 1,011 Roselawn Elementary M 3 448 455 4i6 395 357 Silverton Elementary 657 642 648 600 565 541 Swifton Frimary 313 449 496 4?8 523 552 SUB-TOTAL 7,070 7,902 8,018 7,737 7,376 7,241 Shroder Junior High 903 864 865 787 832 812 Woodward Junior High 1.319 1,410 1,408 1,382 1,360 ♦* 981 SU3-T0TAL 2,222 2.271* 2,273 2,169 2,191 1,793 Woodward Senior High 1,971 1,093 1,974 1,875 1,820 **2,393 TOTAL 11,263 12,215 12,265 11,781 11,388 11,328 ♦In part or in total in district ♦♦7th and 8th grades at Crest Hills Jr. High; 9th grade at Woodward High There is a great deal of variability in academic achievement among the elementary schools in the Wood­ ward area. The difference in mean scores between the highest and lowest schools in the sixth grade language section of the Stanford Achievement Test ranged from three to five grades over the past five years (Figure 2). Differences in the mean scores on the Stanford Achievement ’'Sixth Grade Arithmetic Applications" were significant but not as great (Figure 3). The number of sixth grade students passing the entrance examina­ tion for the college preparatory high school varied among Woodward feeder schools from a low of 5 per cent to a high of 65 per cent (Figure *0. The importance of mentioning these disparities is the three schools (Pleasant Ridge, Losantiville, and Roselawn), all predominantly white, have maintained the highest level of academic achievement over a five year period. While Kennedy Heights and Bond Hill, two areas with an increasing in-migration of black people, exper­ ienced drops in 1969-70 in sixth grade Language section of those tests and in the number of students passing examinations to the college preparatory high school. The significance of the difference in the number of students passing the admissions exam for Walnut Hills High School is that this school not only serves as a HU 1969-70 \ \ \ \ dale . * \ + NA NA ' 1968-69 L=North Avon­ L=North K=Kennedy BH= Bond Hill 1967-68 . +NA 1966-67 Fleasant Ridge,Roselawn +NA Elementary Schools Woodward in High SchoolArea, 1965-66 to 1969-70 1965-66 -■) Burton Mean Score on Stanford Achievement; 6th Grade Language

Z 3. Carthage, 3. Silverton, Hartwell 2. Kennedy, 2. Bond Hill k. 1. Losantiville, 1. 3 . 0 5 o 7/?

Figure Figure Kean Score (Grade Equivalent Figure J Fer cent of Students Passing Examination to Enter College Preparatory High School Elementary Schools in Woodward High School Area, 1965-66 to 1969-70.

rt» C2)

4— 4-

2 0 cHr) -U d>>- 1. Losantiville, Fleasant Ridge, Roselawn 2, Bond Kill, Kennedy j. Hartwell, North Avondale, Silverton it' Carthage 5. Burton v^' ------O 1965-66 1966-67 1967-68 1968-69 1969-70 • Os -O a 7 . 0 5.o 3.0 H 4 .0 ■ X X NA 1969-70 th Gradeth Arithmetic Applications, 6 X NA 1967-68 1968-69 1966-67 ville, ville, Roselawn 1965-66 2. Bond Hill, 2. Kennedy NA * NorthAvondale *3* Carthage, Silverton, *3* Hartwell ' 1, Pleasant 1, Ridge, Losanti- ' , Burton to to 1969-70. Elementary Schools in Woodward the HighSchool Attendance AREA 1965-66 Mean Score on Stanford Achievement; > b LO 3.C 5 4 , 0 4-.0- Mean Score (Grade Equivalents) Figure 6 8 "brain drain" but also serves as an easy exit for many white students. The elementary schools in the Woodward attendance area have enrollments ranging from totally white to totally black. Burton Elementary, opened in 1968, was 100 per cent black at the time and has remained the same. North Avondale has held a stable 76 per cent since 1965-66, In the same period of time, Silverton and Kennedy Heights have increased from about 56 per cent to 76 per cent and Bond Hill increased 4 per cent to per cent. Bond Hill further increased to 5^ per cent in the following year. If the trend continues, Bond Hill could have a totally black enrollment in five years. Pleasant Ridge and Hartwell have had a slight increase but remain less than 8 per cent black. Carthage, Losantiville, and Roselawn have very few black students (Figure 5). Among the Woodward feeder elementary schools, the highest rate of transfer out of the city schools oc­ curred in two of the "white" schools. This illustrates the out-migration of white people from this district. The result is an increasing percentage of blacks in the area. North Avondale was the only elementary school able to maintain anything approaching a steady ratio of (i) Hartwell e, Roselawne, ant Ridge, ant Ridge, .age.Losanti- .age.Losanti- --- vii; . Cart!.; Cart!.; . 6 1968-69 1967-68 Hill Bond 3. 3. Silverton, Kennedy Plead; 5. h, . NorthAvpndale . . Burton . ! 1 2 High School Attendance Area, 1965-66 to 1969-70. * ' 2 0 6.0 4-0 Per Cent Figure Figure 5 Per Cent of Negro Membership Elementaryin Schools in Woodward the 70 black-white enrollment. In general, schools of one race tended to stay that way and schools with a large mixture of blacks and whites tended to become black □ schools. (See tables that indicate changing racial « enrollment at Woodward and feeder schools - Tables 7,

8 , 9, 9A, 93). The districts diversity in terms of ethnic, re­ ligious and socioeconomic class is a major reason for the existence of two federal projects (ESEA Title III) at Woodward. The School Community Evaluation and Development System (SCEDS), whose goal is to develop a model sub­ system in the Woodward High School area, was the result of the recommendation of the “Cincinnati Task Force on Education and Race", (1968), At that time, they recom­ mended the Woodward area because it "represented the best balance among racial, ethnic, economic and relig­ ious groups in the Cincinnati Public Schools.” The application for a Title III ESEA Grant was submitted

May 1 3 , 1970. The project will begin its third year in the fall of 1 9 7 2 . According to the "Woodward High School Profile, 1971-72", the

®From SCEDS Grant Application, A1-A3. Table 7 AVERAGE DAILY MEMBERSHIP WOODWARD HIGH SCHOOL 1960-1971

S 2 N I 0 R J UNIO R - - , TOTAL TOTAL EST # EST % TOTAL EST # EST % TOTAL EST § EST % YEAR ADM NEGRO NEGRO ADM NEGRO NEGRO ADM NEGRO NEGRO 1960-61 1,733 64 3.67 1,172 64 5.49 2,910 128 3.16 1963-64 1,921 173 9.00 * 1,241 181 14.58 3,162 354 11.19 1964-65 2,08? 246 11.79 1,250 262 20.96 3.337 508 14.92 1965“66 1,993 353 17.71 1,303 336 25.79 3,296 689 20.90 1966-67 2,120 477 22.50 1,42? 443 31.04 3.54? 920 25.93 1967-68 2.051 569 27.74 1,406 508 36.13 3,457 1.077 31.15 1968-69 1,958 637 32.53 1,354 614 42.35 3,312 1,251 37.77 1969-70 1,830 729 39.84 1,348 718 53.26 3.178 1,449 45.53 1970-71 2,400 I.161 48.38 1971-72 2,347 1,273 54.24

ADM - Average Daily Membership Woodward High School Table 8 ESTIMATED PERCENT BLACK ?UFILS WOODWARD H.S. AND CINCINNATI SCHOOL SYSTEM TOTAL-ALL T O T A L Sr.H.S. + TOTAL-ALL Y'OODWARD VOCATION­ WOODWARD SHRODER CRESTLINE JUNIOR 7/OODWARD YEAR Sr.H.S. AL H.S. Jr.H.S. Jr.H.S. Jr.H.S. H.SCHOOLS Jr. + Sr. SYSTEM

• 1960-61 3.67 5.49 6.33 3.16 1963-64 9.00 27.85 14.58 15.26 36.60 11.19 37.14 1964-65 11.79 29.81 20.96 20.32 39.35 14.92 37.51 1965-66 17.71 33.54 25.79 26.76 41.81 20.90 39.54 1966-67 22.50 35.80 31.04 29.49 42.90 25.93 40,64 1967-68 27.74 37.82 36.13 33.99 43.60 31.15 41.43 1968-69 32.53 41 .55 42.35 38.58 44.52 37.77 42.96 1969-70 39.84 43,66 53.26 46.66 45.79 45.53 43.61 1970-71 48.38 50.62 60.04 45.00 (app) 1971-72 54.24 58.50 61.86

*>3ro Table 9A THREE YEAR MEMBERSHIPS, PERCENT, AND NUMBER OF NEGRO PUPILS, BY SCHOOLS, 1969-70 through 1971-72 ______1969-70______1970-71______1971-72______Est. Est. Est” Est. Est. Es’ti Total No. of % of Total No. of % of Total No. of of Oct.31 Black Black Oct.2 Black Black Oct.4 Black Black School______I960 ___ Pupils Pupils 1970 Pupils Pupils 1971 Pupils Pupil a SENIOR HIGH SCHOOL Woodward 1,830 729 ,39.84 2,400 1,161 48.38 2,347 1,273 54.24 JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOLS Crest Hills -- 976 586 60.04 931 576 61,86 Woodward a 1,348 718 53.26 ----- — ------Shroder 853 398 4 6,66 812 411 50.62 841 492 58.50 2,201 l,ll6 50.20 1,788 997 55.76 1,772 1,668 59.71 ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS Bond Hill 667 318 47.68 698 377 54.01 66 2 406 61.33 Burton 828 828 100.00 812 812 100.00 715 712 99.58 Carthage 360 0 0.00 333 0 0.00 3 03 1 .33 Hartwell 645 53 8.22 624 65 10.42 636 89 13.99 Kennedy 81b 626 76.90 822 675 82.12 785 66? 84.97 Losantiville 631 b .63 557 3 .54 502 12 2.39 North Avondale 896 688 76.79 867 644 74.28 784 599 76.40 Pleasant Ridge 1,012 85 8.40 1,002 69 6.89 925 73 7.89 Roselawn 394 b 1.02 362 3 0.83 323' 8 2.48 Silverton 568 432 76.06 539 4l4 ?6,8l 541 426 78.74 Swifton Primary 497 200 40.24 549 240 43.72 546 260 47.62 7.312 3.238 44.28 7,165 3,302 1*6.08 67722 3,235 **8.39 aJunior high (7-8) pupils assigned to the new Crest Hills Junior High School begin­ ning September 1970, ^3 Division of Research, Statistics, and Information Cincinnati Public Schools W November 2b, 1971 Table 9B APPROXIMATE CHANGING PERCENTAGE OF BLACK STUDENTS IN ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS

KENNEDY YEAR BURTON BOND HILL CARTHAGE HARTWELL HEIGHTS LOSANTIVILLE

1950 0 0 3.16 1.35 — i960 0 0 6.35 15.91 0 1963 0.16 1.30 5.34 33.76 0 1964 0.59 0.90 4.55 39.81 0.54 1965 3.67 0 4.19 50.50 0.28 1966 9.83 3.90 i2.3i 56. 55 1.25 1967 21.90 0 6.60 62.89 1.11 1968 33.07 0 7.36 68.05 0.8? 1969 100.00 47.68 0 8,22 76.90 O .63 1970 100.00 54.01 0 10.42 82,12 0.54 1971 99.58 61.33 0.33 13.99 84.97 2.39

iof.t h rLEASANT SWIFTON YEAR AVONDALE RIDGE ROSELAWN SILVERTON PRIMARY

1950 0.55 .41 0 — — I960 28.53 0-31 0 - 1.25 1963 71.98 0.09 0 38.23 5.05 1964 74.36 0.68 0 43.23 3.66 1965 78.06 2.09 0.24 52.62 3.58 1966 73.65 2.6l 2.33 61.34 8.76 1967 74.95 4.69 1.77 67.43 14.63 1968 74 .£7 5.43 1.41 71.24 22.64 1969 76.79 8.40 1.02 76.06 40.24 1970 74.28 6.89 0.83 76.81 43.72 1971 7 6 .40 7.89 2.48 78.?4 47.62 Note* Information not collected prior to 1950 or between 1951 and i960 Source* Figures compiled by Division of Research, Statistics and Information - Cincinnati Public Schools Figure 6

'POPULATION 'PEft AC«E W H O Figure 7

"PERCENT Ch a n g e WUUTION IRbO - |qqo Figure 8

'PERCENT NEG*0 ?0?UUTIOM 1970 HMOVIEU

i C ^ W W v v Lo s a m i v i u e / y y v ^ / \ > C.ARTHAGE SllVEfJfTON L ^ : 'P leasan KEN NEW 3 'tttDGE W v * SW1FT0N \ v^! VWAW /VSj

w w

Less than 10% fc0% 70 90% □ »07. to 39% O e* 90% wMOROALE 30% TO S9%

Source : U S - C ensus W*Wocs)wmu> High S chool "Button 7 8 .

Z/ZL.

‘ X X 3 1I K K K R* ,X ' Z 2t ■ I*\kX K x *KX iu !x

□ OS s \ * \

o 9 5t- uJ M — f i o o 5 , S -7L tf 3 ’ 0£ < O p. O Ul X ui o -® fr« 7 9 purpose of the SCEDS project is to create a system which relates staff, pupils and resi­ dents of school communities cooperatively in evaluation (feed back) and program develop­ ment (feed forward) activities at the local level. The organ?, sat ion and strategies of the project are designed to produce a change in the school community climate from one of conflict, alienation, and disinterest, to one of cooperation, commitment and involvement.9 The other federal project will begin its second \ year in September, 1972. It established a Student . Leadership Training Center within Woodward High School. A main goal of this center is to encourage the diverse students in the school to become involved with "know­ how" (knowledge of group techniques, etc.) in aspects of the school. The expressed purpose cf this project is: To design, test modify, implement and disseminate a student leadership training model. The project has two major thrusts taking place simultaneously: 1) the oper­ ation cf a center in a pilot of experimental inode and 2) the formulation of the training, activities, management, and evaluation system of the training model for replication by others. The organization and strategies of the project were selected to l) enhance the leadership capabilities of the administrators, faculty, student body and community and 2) enable the students through their leaders to share v/ith others the power and responsi­ bilities of shewing their own destiny and that of a large society.-0

^From Woodward "High School Profile, 1971-1972". 10Ibid, There was a commitment from the greater Woodward community to work on racial problems after the 1968 disturbances. At the time the Organization of Y/ood- ward High School Communities {OWHSC) formed with two or three representatives from each school. This organ­ ization was a loose federation with the goal of doing something for Woodward, It established volunteer pro­ grams to get adults involved in the schools. This group was especially concerned with urging the Cincin­ nati school system to proceed with integration of the schools. Those at the forefront of this issue were mostly white liberals from North Avondale, Bond Hill and Kennedy Heights and certain middle class blacks. Out of this organization the idea for a model sub­ system originated. Eventually the SCEDS project dis­ cussed above evolved from this idea. When members of OWHSC went to the Board of Education with their ideas the Board asked them who they represented. The members returned to their communities and held town meetings to decipher the feelings of those they hoped to represent. The focus of concerns at these meetings was much more on educational innovations than on integration. When the SCEDS project began in the fall of 1970 the main goal was an evaluation of the Woodward 8 1 community. In the beginning the focus was on racial integration. This eventually changed to a concern for quality education for all people and now the concern is more with local school-community decision making. In 1971-1972 the principals of the Woodward area recommended that interracial experiences should be a goal for all schools. This commitment to programs of racial interchange is not necessarily a commitment to integrated education. The principals' recommendation may fairly accurately portray the feelings of their particular communities. In general during the past few years there have not been many pressures from the black community. The types of pressures that have come from the black com­ munity usually have been in terms of encouraging the white community to understand why the blacks' children behave in certain ways. Although black groups may talk antagonistically, they have not used pressure tactics to get their demands. In fact in the past few years they have used verbal protestations rather than con­ frontation tactics. When black leaders have talked about their educa­ tional concerns, they have emphasized the need for breaking up racial isolation in schools. No blacks 83 have attempted to push whites out of an area. To a certain degree there has been agreement between inner city blacks and whites against the school leadership. So in the past few years, since the major riots, confrontations in the city have been minimized and although there has not been any major break throughs in interrac5.al communication, there have been definite attempts by some of thoce remaining in the Woodward community to encourage interracial experiences.

The Charges at Yfoodvrard High School In the 1960-61 school year there were an esti­ mated one hundred twenty-eight black students attend­ ing Woodward High School. This was an estimated 3-16 per cent of the total student body. In contrast is the figure of 5^.2^ per cent, eleven years later (see Tables 7 and 8). The school was predominantly white middle class (a large percentage Jewish). The remain­ ing whites at the school row come as much from working class and Appalachian backgrounds as middle class Jew­ ish and Protestant families. These last tv-o groups have changed from a majority to a small minority, Although many of these families still remain in thr feeder schools, they now opt to send their children to Y/alnut Hills, which is less convenient than Woodward. Several years ago this did not seem necessary since Woodward had as good an aca­ demic reputation as Walnut Hills and was more conven­ ient. * The fear of Woodward’s academic decline with its increase of black students may have been part of an excuse for their own racial fears or prejudices. Some residents of the Woodward area moved to suburban dis­ tricts far away from the threat of blacks in their schools or in their neighborhoods. Others, whose children did not qualify for Walnut Hills, remain in their neighborhoods but send their children to private or suburban schools for which they pay tuition.

Among the wealthier sections of Pleasant Ridge,

Losantiville, and Roselawn, the largest percentage of students of all the feeder schools, pass the Walnut

Hills tests, as noted above. In addition, the white parents in these sections can afford to send their children to other schools and thus these feeder dis­ tricts ' representation at Woodward decreases yearly.

Many of these parents have been quite adamant in their resistance to busing, and have expressed an unwilling­ ness to support busing under any conditions. Although there perhaps was not as great an out­ migration (on account of Walnut Hills) as is typical in 84 urban areas undergoing racial change, some neighbor­ hoods* racial composition,as noted earlier, has sig­ nificantly changed. Many of the remaining whites are poorer working class (especially residents of Hart­ well and Carthage) who are normally the last to leave a neighborhood undergoing racial change because they can least afford to make the move.

Some .white students passed the Walnut Hills test but opted to attend Woodward for convenience. Others, although few, chose Woodward because of their families* commitment to "integration".

As far as blacks, the resistance to Woodward has been minimal. In fact, some students who passed the

"Walnut Hills Test" and attended that school, changed to Woodward to be with their neighborhood friends or in a "blacker" school,

As a result of this change, Woodward's scholastic situation has also shifted. Many of the white college preparatory students are no longer at Woodward, while many black students from the district who passed the

Walnut Hills tests often opted to attend that school.

Although there are some black "academic" students at

Woodward, the majority that are in the "academic" tract are white and the number in that tract is much less ■ than it was several years ago. Therefore, the "general" and "basic" tracts have expanded. Although there are whites in the "general" tract, there are more blacks, and in the "basic" tract, which is the lowest academic rung, there are few whites.

In addition, the whites in "general" and "basic" tend to come from the Hartwell-Carthage area, are of working class origins and have a high dropout rate - perhaps even higher than black students. Thus, these two lower tracts expanded in size in recent years as more blacks came to Woodward, and the segregation of blacks and whites academically is almost complete.

There is also an advanced standing academic class that is quite small and in which few or no blacks are included. These students get the "best" teachers, are quite studious, and exist as a small clique of isolated white intellectuals. The other "academic" students are generally mediocre in ability and motivation, although the majority have college plans. Many students in the

"general" level also plan to attend college. But their being tracked as "general" results in low expectations on the part of many teachers and counselors, expecta­ tions which are often illegitimate. These students then enter college with a weak background and have many difficulties due to their high school experience. 86 Since the majority of students in "general" as well as "basic" are blacks, this adds a stigma to the racial stigma that they already possess. This separa­ tion, which often may be useful for academic success for different types of students serves, as I have already alluded to above, as a mechanism for stereo­ typing and separating blacks and whites. Thus, in addition to the fact that most students live in segregated neighborhoods and never met fellow students of the other racial group until they came to Woodward or one of the junior high feeder schools, many still do not meet students in classroom situations except for physical education or homeroom. Even though Woodward does have lower income whites and blacks, it is one of two high schools in Cincinnati ineligible for federal funds because the percentage of families on some form of assistance is insufficient. Woodward's staff is a conglomeration of people of various ages and backgrounds. The faculty has been fairly stablej 59 per cent of the present faculty were at Woodward in the school year, 1966-1 967. In the school year 1971-1972, there were eighty-two teachers, seven counselors and six administrators. This total of ninety-five included fourteen blacks, which is 15 per cent of the entire staff. This is an increase from 87 4.5 per cent in 196?, but a small one compared to the increase in the number of black students. Of the four that were not teachers, three were on the counseling staff, one as coordinator of Guidance Services, and one was assistant principal. Only four of the fourteen were males (See Tables 10A, 10B, IOC, and 10D for fur­ ther breakdown.) The principal for the past three years was a white male, who previously was a teacher and an assistant principal at Woodward. He has resigned and a new prin­ cipal, a black male will be at Woodward in the fall. This man was at one time an assistant principal at Woodward and will be the first black principal at the school. Certain other staff characteristics compiled by the Cincinnati Public School's Office of Education and Research for the year 1970-1971 add to a description of the faculty. Out of the entire staff 77 per cent have a Master's degree or better, while the remaining 23 per cent have at least a B. A. The teachers have an aver­ age of twelve years teaching experience, ten years being the average number of years in the Cincinnati Public Schools. The average age of the faculty was thirty-five years. Women comprised 42 per cent of the 88 staff. Thus there was a slight decrease to 39 per cent in 1971-1972, On the other hand 13 per cent of the staff was black, which compares to a rise to 15 per cent for the school year 1971-1972, In conclusion the consideration in this chapter of the city, the school system, the Woodward school dis­ trict and Woodward High School and the changes they have undergone, with particular reference to racial changes, serves as an essential background for the dis­ cussion that follows. The diversity in the Woodward area is an important factor, in addition to racial bar­ riers, in inhibiting inter and intra-community cooper­ ation, The resistance of the communities within the Woodward district, especially the white ones, to efforts to promote integration is an important factor that should not be disregarded as the discussion pro­ ceeds. 8 9 Table 10A Staff Composition of Woodward Junior-Senior High School (1966-1967) White White Black Black Total Male Female Male. Female

Teachers 59 61 1 3 124 Counseling Staff 3 2 1 6 Principals 3 (Principal 1 4 and 2 Assts.) Staff Total 65 63 2 4 134 (48.5#) (47.0#) (1.6#) (2.9#) White-Black Percentages 95.5# 4.5# (128) (6) Male-Female Percentages 50# 50# (67) (6?) Sourcei Figures from the 196? Woodward High School Yearbook.

Table 10B Teachers and Staff at Woodward High School 1971-1972 82 teachers 48 WM 24 WF 2 BM 8 BF 7 counseling staff lw WM 3 WF 1 BM 2 BF 1 SL director 1 WM 5 principals 4 WM(3 Assts) 1 BM

95 Staff Total 54 WM 2? WF 4 BM 10 BF Percent of Total 56.8 WM 28.4 WF 4.3 BM 10.5 BF White/Black 85# 15# (81) white (1*0 black Male/Female 6l# 39# (58) male (37 ) female Source) Figures from 1971-1972 Woodward High School Staff Directory. 90

Table 10C Staff at Woodward High School in 1966-196? and in 1971-1972 White White Black Black Total ______Male Female Male Female______Number same for both years 3^ 19 0 3 56 Total Staff for 1971-1972 5^ 2? U 10 95 Percentage of total 1971-1972 staff same for both years 63# ?0# 0# 30# 59# Source 1 Figures arrived by comparing sources for ' Tables A and B.

Table 10D According to Staff Characteristics compiled for the year 1970-71

1) 77# - Staff Members with an M.A, or better. 2) 23# - School Staff having only a B.A. 3) 12 - Average number of years teachers have taught regardless of school district

*0 10 - Average number of years in the Cincinnati Public Schools

5) 39 - Average age of teachers and principals in school recorded to nearest whole number

6) 1970 - 1971 Female (cf. 39#) Black3 13# (cf, 15#) Sourcet Figures obtained from the Board of Education Research Office. Chapter Four

A DISCUSSION OF THE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

In this chapter I will discuss the methodological procedures of this study. In the first section I will explain how I became involved in the school as a parti­ cipant observer. Then I will describe the interviews from which I derived the major portion of my findings discussed in the following chapters. An explanation of the analysis will clarify how I arrived at certain conclusions. In the concluding section I will discuss the basic assumptions of symbolic interactionism and the significance of this perspective in influencing the methodology.

Earlv Stages of the Research From the outset of the research I was determined to meet students and never be defined as a school functionary. My dress was always casual and in the early weeks of my exploration I avoided conversations with teachers or administrators. My role was never officially defined for the faculty; each time I entered 91 92 a classroom or other situation, I would explain that I was working on my dissertation in sociology with an interest in the experiences of being a student at Wood­ ward. To the students I was often vague, at first saying I was a visitor. However, if they probed fur­ ther I told them of my interest in their experiences as students and that I was from the Ohio State Univer­ sity. I never mentioned to anyone except Mr. Shrimpton, the Principal, and Mr. Doerger, the twelfth grade assistant principal, that my main interest was race relations, I felt that this was too controversial an issue to chance mentioning. Throughout my research I geared my observations to the racial aspects of situa­ tions. For instance, I noted the racial composition of participants in different situations. In addition, I considered in which situations interracial communica­ tion occurred and the content of these interactions. I never forced the topic of race unless I felt comfort­ able enough in a particular situation. For the first five weeks, beginning January 9» 1972, I visited as many different classes as possible- from all levels of English to Art, Home Economics, Stu­ dent Leadership, Health, Science and Social Studies. I explained to each teacher that Mr. Shrimpton had given 93 me permission to sit in on classes and only a few found my presence bothersome. In fact, several times teachers who did not want me in their rooms spoke to Mr. Shrimp- ton. He advised me as to which teachers to avoid or approach more tactfully. Mr. Shrimpton always remained reassuring whenever minor problems arose and his sup­ port minimized many problems. During these first few weeks I took extensive descriptive notes of my observations. In addition.to attending classes, I met and talked to students in the halls and attended a variety of activities. For instance, during the year I went to the Christmas Con­ cert, Black History Week rehearsals and Show, Human Relations Committee meetings, Faculty Meetings, Student and Class Council meetings, dramatic productions, bas­ ketball games, club meetings such as AFS and French Club, a senior class dance, the Senior Prom, and Parent- Faculty meetings. My objective throughout was to meet as many students as possible and to gain a well rounded picture of life at Woodward High School, The next four weeks I sat in on several senior classes of “Social and Economic Problems" and "Black Culture". Since both classes have many open discussions I not only broadened my acquaintances, but I also 9* learned about the feelings of seniors on a variety of issues.

Interviewing After this I began the second stage of inspection by conducting personal interviews. The senior class has 535 students and I felt that a good sample for . interviewing would be 10 per cent. Originally I hoped to select half of the students from lists of the most active students or those that were leaders in the dif­ ferent cliques in the school, I asked seven staff members to suggest names for this list. The other half I decided to select randomly, I did this by pick ing every tenth name on a list of all seniors with the exception of the leaders, I had a list of eighty-five names and each of these seniors recieved a letter explaining that they had been selected to be a part of the research project and in order to participate I needed their parent's signature. This was done because the senior class principal said that they had had problems with parents before and by doing this we could protect them and me from the outset. About twenty students showed no . ’ * interest in participating for a variety of reasons. Most of these were blacks and had been selected 95 randomly. Nevertheless, those interviewed consisted of a good cross section,

1 Eventually I interviewed fifty-six seniors, slightly over 10 per cent of the class. Twenty-eight of these (half of the group) were from the leader lists and the other half came from the random list. This enabled me to get an excellent cross section of black, white, male, and female students of all academic levels, from all neighborhoods, and with varying degrees of involvement in school activities. To insure this, I discussed the list with Mr. Doerger, The sample included an equal number of males and females, but six more whites than blacks. This proportion is fairly accurate for the senior class. The average student interviewed attended Y/oodward for four and four-tenths years and twenty-nine of the students had been at Wood­ ward for at least four years. Table 11A, 11B,; 11C describe in more detail. These fifty-six interviews each lasted about forty-five minutes. In these sessions I endeavored to have as informal a discussion as possible with each student. I took notes throughout the discussion, but this rarely seemed to inhibit our conversations. There were certain general questions I asked, These appear in the Appendix B. Because of the general nature of the 9 6 Table 11A SENIORS INTERVIEWED

MA.&E FEMALE TO?4L_ BUCK 23.25$ 21.5% ^ .75$ (13) (12) (25) WHITE 26.85$ 28.5$ 55.3^ (15) (16) (3D TOTAL 50.05$ 50.05$ 100.05$ (28) (28) (56)

Table 11B AVERAGE YEARS AT WOODWARD FOR SENIORS INTERVIEWED Years at Black Black White White Woodward Male Female Male Female Total 6 6 5 5 9 25 5 1 1 2 k 1 1 2 3 3 7 8 7 25 2 l 1 1 1 1 TOTAL 13 12 15 16 ~ ~ w

Table 11C ACADEMIC STATUS OP SENIORS INTERVIEWED I. TRACT Advanced Standing... 7 Academic ...... 33- General ..... 16 Basic ...... 2 i s II. CLASS RANK Top 1 0 # ...... 15 Top Third ...... 30 Raddle Third ...... 13 Bottom Third ...... 9? questions, there was much variety in the focus of indi­ vidual interviews. The main theme in discussions was the problems and changes, personal and general, that the student experienced at Woodward. In the discussions I never forced the racial issue, waiting for them to discuss it where they felt it rele­ vant. However, if the student did not eventually men­ tion black-white relations I would probe further and eventually introduce this issue into the discussion. Sometimes, more frequently with black students, this was difficult and the topic was not discussed exten­ sively, I would suggest that the reason for this is the gap that existed between us as a white interviewer and a black interviewee inhibited the rapport necessary for discussing interracial relations with ease. Never­ theless, both on this issue and in the entire discus­ sion I was generally pleased with the seeming openness of the students during these conversations. I also had hoped to broaden my sample and talk with as many underclassmen as possible, using the same interview format. However, making arrangements with fifty-six seniors was often difficult and little time remained. I also felt it important to talk with as many staff members as possible. As a result I completed only ten interviews of underclassmen, four sophomores 98 and six juniors. These students were all active in school activities and were students I know from a variety of situations and with whom I had established some rapport. All the interviews were very open and frank. Table 12 details these students' backgrounds. My concern about the faculty's view of the changes at Woodward resulted in spending the remainder of the school year and the first week of the summer vacation interviewing them, A total of thirty-four staff mem­ bers, including 29 per cent of all the teachers, 57 per cent of the counseling staff, the director of the Stu­ dent Leadership Center, the four assistant principals and the principal were interviewed. The sample was 21 per cent black, as compared to the school's total of 15 per cent, and 4l per cent female, as compared to the school's total of 39 per cent. The average number of years at Woodward for the teachers interviewed was nine and the average for the non-teaching staff was six. The average of the entire group was eight. Table 15 further describes the char­ acteristics of those interviewed. It also contains the subjects taught by the teachers interviewed and the activities with which they were associated. The sample was fairly representative, although there were no busi­ ness or physical education teachers. Mr, Shrimpton Table 12 JUNIORS AND SOPHOMORES Table 13 TOTAL STUDENTS INTERVIEWED INTERVIEWED

MALE FEMALE TOTAL MALE FEMALE TOTAL

BLACK 20.0^ 20.0?S 40.035 BLACK 22.736 21.235 43.935 (2) (2) w (15) (14) (29)

WHITE 30.035 30.0?5 60,055 //HITE 27.335 28.6% 56.135 (3) (3) (6) (18) (19) (37) TOTAL 50.035 50.035 100.035 TOTAL 50.035 50.035 100.036 (5) (5) (1 0 ) (33) (33) (66)

Table 14 RESIDENTIAL DISTRICT - ELEMENTARY FEEDER SCHOOL OF THOSE INTERVIEWED CLASS______RESIDENTIAL AREA______Burton & 3ond Kennedy Losant- Pleasant Rose- N. Avon Hill Hartwell ££§., iville__ Ridge lawn Silverlon Total SENIOR 11 12 4 6 4 10 6 3 56 SOPH. & JUNIOR 1 1 2 3 2 1 10

TOTAL 12 13 4 8 4 13 8 4 86

VO 100 Tahle 15 BACKGROUND OF STAFF INTERVIEWED Position Race and Sex Zk Teachers 13WM 7WF 1J-BF b Counseling Staff 2WF IBM 1BF 1 SL Director 1WH 5 Principals IBM

3^ 18WM 9WF 2BM 5BF Percent of Total of those interviewed

White - 79# (27V/) Black - 21# ( 7B) Male - 59# (20M) Female - in# (l^F) Percentage of Total Staff Interviewed Teachers - 29# of all teachers

~ Counseling Staff - 57# of all counseling staff

100# of all Administrators

- 36# of the total staff

Total Includes 7 English Teachers 5 Social Studies Teachers 3 Science Teachers 2 Math Teachers (1 part time) 2 Student Leadership (1 part time) 1 Health Teacher 1 Drafting Teacher 1 Home Economics Teacher 1 Art Teacher 1 Music Teacher 1 Foreign Language Teacher 101 Table 15 Continued

Average Years of Those Interviewed at Woodward

Teachers 9 years Non-teaching Staff (C+A) 6 years Average All 8 years

Activities of Those Interviewed

2 WF Showcase, Black History Week 1 WM Yearbook Advisor 1 BF Drill Team Advisor 3 WM 12th, 11th, and 10th Grade Advisors 1 WM Stage Crew Advisor 1 WM Dramatic Activities Coordinator, Newspaper Advisor, Speech and Debate Team Advisor 1 WM Graduation Coordinator 1 WM Advisor to all musical Activities 1 BF Black History Assembly Coordinator 102 indicated that he believed the list included faculty of a wide variety of viewpoints and levels of experience. The total number of interviews I completed was

1 0 0 , The school consisted of approximately 2,^00 stu­ dents and a staff of 1 0 0 , therefore, my interviews in­ cluded approximately k per cent of the total school community. However, the total is more representative of the faculty than students, for over one-third of the faculty was interviewed as compared to only 10 per cent of all seniors or approximately 3 per cent of all stu­ dents. Unfortunately I did not have time to talk to as many non-seniors as I had hoped. This was because of my original decision that seniors would have been around the school longer and probably could discuss their experiences more articulately. Table 13 and

Table 1^ further detail the background of the entire sample.

Other Aspects of the Research I also had one discussion with a former teacher of "Social and Economic Problems" who is now working on a Ph, D, in Sociology, to see how he viewed Woodward High School of three years ago, In addition, I had a group discussion with five white seniors in a "Social and Economics Problems" class about a variety 103 of school problems. A couple of them had been inter­ ested in my research and I thought this would be a good chance to see how a group of students reacted to some of rtxy ideas. Time limitations, however, prohibited more of these discussions. At one time I had hoped to gather more complete data on teachers' backgrounds in order to form a com­ plete description of the Woodward High School faculty. I usually asked teachers to fill out this form at the end of their interview, however near the end of the research I decided to leave the form in the remaining teachers' mailboxes. Out of the forty-five forms left in the boxes, only five were returned to my mailbox. In addition, I told the faculty in a letter that if possible I would like to talk to as many of them as possible. Only two responded to this request. In the end I recieved only fifty-five out of ninety-five forms. It did not seem practical to spend much more time seeking out teachers to fill out the form. There­ fore I do not feel the percentage of returns is ade­ quate to generalize further about the staff beyond the characteristics cited in Chapter Three. The resistance of staff members to filling out this form, which asked for their birthplace, education, teaching experience, and education and occupation of 10U spouse and their parents was one minor problem. It may indicate the staff's desire for privacy or their feel­ ing of being overstudied or in some cases just a gen­ eral hostility to researchers. As I have mentioned earlier, certain teachers did not want me sitting in on their classes, and some were unwilling to participate in an interview and contrived a number of excuses. One student told me about a teacher who felt that I was going to write a devastat­ ing report about Woodward, Some teachers, I learned from other reports as well as from their actions toward me, felt intimidated by my presence. It is interesting that this attitude developed although I had never talked to half of the teachers and few were aware of what I had been doing at the school. In general, the teachers that I met were coopera­ tive, cordial, and offered little real resistance. Some teachers acted insulted that I did not visit their classes more oftenj others came to tell me the latest gossip and one constantly filled my mailbox with notes and examples of her students’ written work. In the last weeks, as I interviewed the staff, I kept in contact on a casual basis with the sixty-six students I had interviewed. I tried to attend as many year-end activities as possible - the major dramatic production (Showcase), the Senior Prom, Class Day, and graduation. I also sat in with students as they plan­ ned a year-end Student Council Workshop. I had estab­ lished rapport with many more students by May and found it easier to be with them without being suspect. Most students knew I was doing a study, but few if any knew my main concern was black-white relations. Although I could very easily walk into most places where students congregated, there were some places in the school where I felt uncomfortable. One was a stairwell frequented mostly by blacks for smoking and shooting craps. Another was in the basement where alot of younger blacks gather. This personal uncomfortable- ness prohibited my gaining any degree of empathy with these students. It was easier for me to approach a group of white students, whether I knew them or not, than it was for me to approach a group of blacks. This relates to my own background of being white and having had few close contacts with black people, Often I intuitively felt that it would be better to stay away from some students than to chance a potential negative interaction. The "greaser" type whites were usually unapproachable also. This was again as much because of my own lack of self 106 confidence, as it was my awareness that I should be . more cautious among certain groups that might be look- t ing for a chance to start trouble. As I had mentioned earlier, I dressed casually. I also wore my hair shorter than usual and shaved my beard. I did this to prevent being labled as a ,’freak,, or ’’militant" by students or faculty. I-*y goal was to appear as neutral as possible. Often students ques­ tioned whether I was a student or a student teacher, but I usually did not seem to threaten them by hanging around. Some students thought I might be an undercover narcotics agent. In general most students I came in contact with either trusted me or did not seem to care who I was. Since I had decided early in my research to remain unconnected with the faculty, I never went into the faculty lounges or the faculty lunchroom until the end of the year. Sometimes faculty members questioned why I ate in the students' cafeteria rather than with them. I felt that in my efforts to remain neutral and to emphasize the students that it was important for students not to associate me with the staff. Even towards the end of the year when I knew several faculty members well, I felt uncomfortable in faculty lounges. I may have forfeited in certain respects by my decision, but with my limited time and definite focus, it was necessary to set boundaries, sometimes purely on the basis of intuitive criteria. The cooperation of the principal and his willing­ ness to help me out of difficulties contributed greatly to the smooth functioning of the research. With easy access to most situations I believe I developed a broad appreciation of the diversity of people and problems at Woodward. Also access to necessary school records as well as to the aid of people in the SCEDS (School Com­ munity Evaluation and Development Center) office at Woodward, contributed to the quantitative data and the information about the community which I needed to draw a complete picture of the school.

Analysis of the Data In the early stages of exploration I spent a few hours every day writing descriptive accounts of my observations. During these early weeks of observation I attempted to be as flexible as possible in order to get a full appreciation of the situation. As I focused in on areas of importance to the situation, I often re­ read my notes. This helped me to become more objective in deciding what were meaningful aspects of the school experience for students. 108 As I began focusing my attention, I developed an open-ended interview, I hoped that this format would allow a certain degree of continued flexibility. Throughout the interviewing I added or deleted ques­ tions that seemed significant or insignificant within the context of the interview. This depended often on the rapport I had with the student. At other times my own intuitive feelings entered into a decision of the topics to discuss. Certain aspects began to seem sig­ nificant to students, as I bacame more familiar with their sentiments through these discussions. In both the student and faculty interviews my general focus was their experiences, their problems, and the changes they had experienced while they were at Woodward. During this stage of the research, however, I was consciously focusing on certain basic dimensions of the racial situation that seemed significant. The data I collected through these one hundred interviews serves as the basis of my findings. The 600 pages of descriptive notes from my obser­ vations throughout the research are supplementary data. They add significantly to an appreciation of the situa­ tion but provide data that are too "soft" for serious scrutiny. This is largely because the notes are a com­ bination of my observations and feelings and cover a broad range of aspects of life at Woodward. In reading over the interviews I decided on cate- * gories into which I could separate the data. This decision was made on the basis of the recurrence of certain specific topics. I then noted on each of the interviews these categories where they were applicable. The following categories and their subdivisions were usedt 1) A - Attitudes toward administration and coun­ selors a. Asc - attitudes of students to counselors b. Ate - attitudes of teachers to counselors c. Asp - attitudes of students to principals d. Atp - attitudes of teachers to principals 2) B - Specific comments on close friends a. Interracial dating 3) C - Changes at Woodward k) D - Dicipline a. D1 - freedom, laxity b. Dsk - skipping

5 ) E - comments about the school a, El - academically - SI - Student Leadership Program b. E2 - generally

6 ) F - Future at Woodward 7) G - Gains from being at Woodward a. G+ - positive gains b, G— — losses 110

8 ) X - Involvement in anything pertinent to school activities a. J - comments on particular groups b. M - school spirit c. X - comments on one's personalinvolvement 9) 0 - Public opinion or image of Woodward, the school's reputation 10) P - Definition of a specific situation as a problem 11) R - Anything related to black-white relations in general 12) S - Teachers attitudes about students a, Sa - academically b, Sb - racial comments c , Sc - changes in students d, Sd - general Many of these categories overlapped, Each quote or comment was then cut out of the interview and placed on file cards marked with the designation of the par­ ticular categories and an interviewee identification number. After sorting these 1600 cards according to their categories, I read through each pile of notes, defining more specifically the commonalities in each division. I then decided to concentrate only on the data that were marked "R", In doing this I set more workable limits, since a large portion of the data were super­ fluous to race relations. These cards were then separated into subcategories such as RP-race defined as a problem, RC-racial changes, Ill RI-involvement related to race, and RAsp-attitudes of students about the administration and its relation to the racial situation, I added to this all the cards marked "I", for the discussion of involvement in school activities was an important area and these data would contribute to one of the major areas of my considera­ tion in this study. After inspecting the data focusing on these divi­ sions, there seemed to be several categories necessary to drawing a valid picture of the racial situation. These crossed over the major categories already estab­ lished. As a result I resorted the cards into several main divisions. 1 Fear and Intimidations

2 Fighting and Other Racial Tension

3 Racial Compatibility 4 Comments on Gains and Losses Attributed to being a Student at Woodward Comments that Blacks and Whites are all the same because both are Human 6 Apathy and the reasons for it ? Comments on the Future of Black-White Rela­ tions at Woodward 8 Comments on "Black Culture", "Black Literal ture", and "Social and Economic Problems" courses

9 Comments on Student Leadership Center 112

10) Woodward High School's Reputation

11) The Administration’s and Teacher's Effect on, Racial Problems

12) Teachers' Problems related to Race

I decided that these twelve areas would be the focus of my discussion, I made this decision largely because these areas were the ones most frequently dis­ cussed in relation to race relations. This occurred because these were significant to students and faculty at Woodward.

I then separated each of these twelve categories according to the three groups: black students, white students and staff. Although it is unfair to simplis- tically divide students along racial lines, I felt my sample was too small to divide further into subgroups or cliques. So though neither black students nor white students consists of a homogeneous group, for the pur­ poses of this study comparisons are made between black students and white students and the faculty, or between all students and the faculty. This not only seemed to be the most feasible way to handle the data; but since I was confident that the sample was fairly repre­ sentative of a cross section of cliques, it appeared to be the optimal method for analysis. 113

I then considered the specific aspects of those twelve categories that were most frequently discussed.

Percentages expressing particular views were calculated on the basis of the total number of each of the three t groups interviewed and on the basis of the overall total sample. Some issues had fairly high percentages, which indicated that these shared views were quite sig­ nificant to the situation. Other issues were mentioned much less frequently. The percentage of those discussing a particular aspect meaningful to them may have been as small as 20 or 30 per cent. Yet I felt that these small percentages were significant in illustrating that some, even if a small minority of those interviewed, shared a particular viewpoint. On the one hand, its significance may be that so few felt this aspect was important that it had little relevance to the situation. On the other hand, it may be important to consider because a certain per­ centage expressed this view indicating that at least - for some it is very relevant for the situation. In order to illustrate the views expressed by a certain percentage of interviewees, I re-read their comments. In doing this I searched for commonalities in the expression of a particular view. Each quote eventually selected is than as representative and 114 articulate of the topic under discussion. I have at­ tempted throughout my discussion to select quotes that transmit as much as possible the language and senti­ ments of those interviewed. Through their words, the aspects important to this situation are clarified for the reader. Altogether the discussion contains ninety-seven quotes for illustration of various points. Compared to the sample, Jvhich was 66 per cent student and 3*+ f per cent staff, the quotes were 6l per cent student comments and 39 per cent staff comments. A larger percentage (68 per cent or twenty-three out of thirty- four) of the staff was quoted than students. The total of students quoted was 60 per cent of the entire stu­ dent sample or forty out of the sixty-six interviewed. This represented 59 per cent (twenty-two out of thirty- seven) of the white students and 62 per cent (eighteen out of twenty-nine) of the black students. Sixty-three interviewees were quoted at least once. This represents 63 per cent of the entire sample.

Out of the ninety-seven quotes, 65 per cent were from different interviewees. This large number of those in the sample quoted is indicative not only of a repre­ sentative selection of quotes, but also of an attempt

I ' * 115 to bring out the flavor of many varied individual interviews in illustrating certain commonalities, On account of the smallness of the total sample and the nature of data collection, quantification of the data is difficult. However, by using percentages and quoting individuals on their experiences and senti­ ments, one succeeds in a lucid qualitative description of the setting. This type of depiction is essential to under­ standing the processes of social interaction and inter­ racial communication and their meaning for the partici­ pants in the situation. It results in a more descrip­ tive and detailed understanding than is presented in the studies of Lundberg and Dickson, St, John and Gott­ lieb and Ten Houten, discussed in Chapter Two,

Theoretical Assumptions of Svnbolic Interactionism and its Methodological Implications At this time a discussion of the origins of my research approach will be considered. In the early stages of my research plans, the theoretical notions of symbolic interactionism stimulated the direction of my thoughts. As I became involved in the research set­ ting, these assumptions defined the manner in which I viewed a variety of situations. 116 This orientation's methodological implications influenced the manner in which 1 collected the data. It also supported my commitment to avoiding the pre- formulation of specific hypotheses about the nature of 4 interracial communication in the particular situation under investigation. My primary focus was on inter­ actions between black and white students, and so other aspects of the school setting as well as extraneous influences were only considered secondarily. External influences are irrelevant to consider within the frame- r work of symbolic interactionism. Symbolic interactionism as a perspective developed in America around the turn of the century in the writ­ ings of such men as George Herbert Mead, Charles Horton 1 Cooley and W. I. Thomas, Mind. Self, and Society, the posthumously published volume by Mead, provides a com­ prehensive formulation of the basic theoretical presup­ positions. More recent articulation of these notions

^George Herbert Mead, Mind. Self and Society (Chi­ cago: The University of Chicago Press, 1 9 3 M ( Charles h'orton Cooley, Human Nature and the Social Order (New York: Schocken Books, Inc., 196^): W. I. Thomas, On Social Organization and Social Personality (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press', 19^6) 117 appear in the work of Everett C. Hughes, Herbert Blumer 2 and Erving Goffman among many others. A , Basic Assumptions of Symbolic Interactionism

Herbert Blumer summarizes what he considers the three most important premises of symbolic interac- * tionism. - Human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them,,. The meaning of such things is derived from or arises out of the social interac­ tion that one has with one's fellows.., These meanings are handled in, and mod­ ified through, an interpretive process used by the person in dealing with the things he encounters,3 Symbolic interactionism views man as an actor con­ stantly interpreting and defining what is meaningful to

Everett C, Hughes, Men and Their Work (Glencoe, 111.i The Free Press, 1958); Herbert Blumer, Symbolic Interactionism (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.i Prentice Hall, 1969)• Erving G0 ffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Garden City, N, Y.i Doubleday, 1959). For further discussion of this perspective see also* Jerome G. Manis and Bernard N. Meltzer, eds,, Symbolic Interaction (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1967) and Arnold M. Rose, Human Behavior and Social Process (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1962). ^Herbert Blumer, "The Methodological Position of Symbolic Interactionism", in Symbolic Interactionism (Englewood Cliffs, M. J.t Prentice Hall, 19^9), p . 2. 118 him in light of those others with whom he interacts. A person who acts as any other person in a group would act in a particular situation does so because of a sharing of certain basic understandings. Symbolic interactionism stresses behavior, and "assumes that human behavior is to be understood as a process in which the person shapes and controls his conduct by taking into account the expectations of ' II others with whom he interacts," The variety of forms of human behavior that exist reflect the diversity of social interactions in different situations. This school of thought views society as active, ever emergent and changing and it views social action as central to an understanding of man and group exper­ ience. Interaction is a focal point of observation and consideration when looking at a particular social arena. Attempts to understand a situation in other terms (such as looking at the influence of external forces) ignores the essential dynamics of group life. Using this framework to understand group processes and definitions, one becomes committed to the impor­ tance of observation and experiencing as a valid ap;-: proach to understanding social life.

^Howard S. Becker, et. al., Bovs in White (Chicago* The University of Chicago Press, 1961), p. 19. 119 B. The Methodological Stance of.. Symbolic Interac­ tionism Symbolic interactionism's methodological stance has traditionally been one of direct examination of the empirical social world. A large volume and variety of "participant observation" studies testify to the valid­ ity of its theoretical notions.^ Blumer emphasizes that "no theorizing however ingenious and no observance of scientific protocol how­ ever meticulous, are substitutes for developing a fa­ miliarity with what is actually going on in the sphere- of life under study."^ He continuesi The task of scientific study is to lift the veils that cover the area of group life that one proposes to study. The veils are not lifted by substituting in whatever degree, preformed images for first hand knowledge. The veils are lifted by getting close to the area and by digging deep into it through care­ ful study. Schemes of methodology that do not

^FbT* further discussion of participant observation research seet Buford H, Junker, Field Work (Chicago* The University of Chicago Press, i9 6 0 ) and George J. McCall and J. L. Simmons, Issues in Participant Obser­ vation (Reading, Mass.* Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1969V. For examples of research see Howard S. Becker, et. al.. Bovs in White* Herbert J, Cans. The Urban Villag­ ers (New Yorki The Free Press, 1962)1 Erving Goffman, Asvlums (Garden City, N. Y.i Doubleday, 1961)1 Elliot Liebow, Tally’s Corner (Boston* Little Brown and Co., 1967) and 7/illiam Foote Whyte, Street Corner Society (Chicago* The University of Chicago Press, 19*0)* ^Herbert Blumer, "The Methodological Position", P. 39. 120 encourage or allow this betray the cardinal principal of respecting the nature of one's empirical world.? For a symbolic interactionist, reality exists only in a world capable of observation, study and analysis. To understand this reality one must look to the par­ ticular situation. Likewise it follows from this orientation's stress on the varied nature of interac­ tive processes and social life that one must examine the peculiarities of each situation for verification of one’s notions about it. As a result of this theoretical orientation, one finds that many of the traditional methods of social science research (such as adhering to strict scientific protocol, engaging in replication of research studies, relying on the testing of hypotheses and using opera­ tional procedures) do not provide the necessary empiri­ cal validation. These methods provide data which are often the result of approaching the social arena from afar. In addition, other theoretical frameworks impose a des­ cription of society which may result in an interpre­ tation quite different from that gained with the per­ spective of symbolic interactionism.

?Ibid. 121 Direct observation contrasts to other types of research in which the researcher often does not have the first hand acquaintance with the sphere of social life that he proposes to study* Preformulating hypo­ theses of a specific nature often results in contra­ dicting the real nature of the situation. As a result the data collected may misrepresent the social reality. Blumer describes two modes of inquiry which char­ acterize the type of empirical research under discus­ sion. He refers to these as "exploration" and "inspec­ tion" . Exploration is a flexible procedure that allows the researcher to form a close and comprehensive pic­ ture of a sphere of social life often unfamiliar to him. At the same time, it is a "means of developing and sharpening his inquiry so that his problem, his directions of inquiry, data, analytical relations, and interpretations arise out of, and remain grounded in, Q the empirical life under study." One begins with a broad focus and as one explores, the inquiry proceeds and the researcher sharpens his focus and articulates hypotheses to test.

8Ibid., p. 40. 122 The goal is to develop as comprehensive and accu­ rate a picture of the area of study as is possible. The picture provides the scholar with a secure bearing so that he knows that the ques­ tions he asks of the empirical area are mean­ ingful and relevant to it, that the kinds of data he seeks are significant in terms of the empirical world, and that the leads he follows are faithful to his nature.° The second stage of inspection is characterized by an intensive, careful and flexible examination of the empirical content of the elements that are used for purposes of analysis. In addition, one sharply scru­ tinizes tha nature of relationships between such ele­ ments . Blumer states that "as a procedure, inspection consists of examining the given analytical element by approaching it in a variety of different ways, viewing it from different angles, asking many different ques­ tions of it, and returning to its scrutiny from the standpoint of such questions."*0 The procedure is different from the typical mode of inquiry in sociol­ ogy and psychology. Instead of operationalizing the analytical elements for data collection, this method seeks to identify the nature of the analytical element

^Ibid., p. ^2,

10Ibid,, p. kk. 123 by an intense scrutiny of its instances in the empiri­ cal world. These two aspects of exploration and inspection, or depiction and analysis, are two necessary compo­ nents of a direct examination of the empirical social world. Although they contrast to more rigid methodo­ logical procedures, they are nonetheless scientific in their goal of direct examination in an attempt to ar­ rive at an understanding of social reality. C . Implications of the Theoretical Framework for Procedural Techniques Certain important aspects of this theoretical framework are useful to discuss in terms of their im­ plications for procedural techniques. The contention that people act on the basis of the meaning of their objects necessitates identifying the objects that comprise the world of an individual or a collectivity. In order to do this, one needs to place oneself in the position of the individual or the col­ lectivity. The body of relevant data secured this way is not in the typical form yielded by standard research procedures but consists often of detailed descriptive accounts. These data are collected by means of partici­ pation with and observation of the group in various aspects of their social life. Through this procedure 12^ one attempts to gain a strong degree of empathy and understanding for what is happening and what has mean­ ing for the members of the group. Secondly, symbolic interactionism sees group life as a process in which people, as they meet in different situations, indicate lines of action to each other and interpret the indications made by others. This view necessitates seeing the given sphere of life under study as a moving process in which the participants are defining and interpreting each others actions. In addition, one must recognize that these notions about social interaction allow that individuals may respond to each others' actions in a diversity of ways. Thus, approaching an area of study with one particular theo­ retical framework that restricts the research to cer­ tain forms of behavior may avoid other forms that are as or even more characteristic of the empirical real­ ity, The result could be a very narrow picture of the situation. Another important notion of symbolic interaction­ ism is that social interaction consists of the individ­ ual and collective activities of the people who are engaged in the interaction. Social action is consi­ dered the primary matter of interest for social science. 125 Understanding social action must be in terms of the actor. For according to symbolic interactionism, the actor has a primary role in interpreting others' . actions and constructing his actions in varying situa­ tions, Thus we study social action in its process of formation rather than looking to antecedent conditions for answers. Fourthly, when studying large scale organizations and networks, we see these as progressing, emergent and formative networks and interlinkages of social inter­ action. Blumer emphasized that we cannot afford to ignore the process of interaction between people which is responsible for sustaining organizations as well as affecting them in other ways.11 A quote from Blumer points out the importance of empathy and involvement in order to understand society within this perspective. Insofar as sociologists or students of human society are concerned with the behav­ ior of acting units, the position of symbolic interaction requires the student to catch the process of interpretation through which they construct their actions. This process is not to be caught merely by turning to conditions which are antecedent to the process. Such antecedent conditions are helpful in under­ standing the process insofar as they enter into it, but,,.they do not constitute the

“ ibid., p. 59. 126 process. Nor can one catch the process merely by inferring its nature from the overt action which is its product. To catch the process, the student must take the role of the acting unit whose behavior he is studying. Since the interpretation is being made by the act­ ing unit in terms of objects designated and appraised, meanings acquired, and decisions made, the process has to be seen from the standpoint of the acting unit.., To try to catch the interpretive process by remaining aloof as a so-called "objective" observer and refusing to take the role of the acting unit is to risk the worst kind of subjectivism - the objective observer is likely to fill in the process of interpretation with his own surmises in place of catching the process as it occurs in the experiences of the acting unit which uses it.*2 In proceeding with the research for this study, I first began by exploring the many aspects of social interaction. The data I collected consisted of long- detailed descriptive accounts. My goal throughout was to achieve as much empathy with the students as pos­ sible, by attempting to place myself in their situa­ tion. As I proceeded from exploration to inspection, I resisted approaching the situation with a preformu- lated set of hypotheses. Rather than looking to ante­ cedent conditions, I examined the elements that seemed important to this situation.

^Herbert Blumer, "Society as Symbolic Interac­ tion", in Symbolic Interactionism. p. 86. 127 In the process of interviewing I developed tenta­ tive hypotheses. In this stage of more systematic analysis I conducted one hundred open-ended interviews, testing and revising my ideas as I proceeded, This intensive scrutiny provides the majority of the data that is used in the findings of this study. It is important to emphasize that although in a previous section I discuss the theoretical notions of symbolic interactionism, I do not further utilize these assumptions in my findings. These premises served as a foundation for my thinking about the way I viewed the school situation. Yet the methodological implications discussed above were more important to this study than the theoretical notions. In this study symbolic interactionism is used as a methodological tool rather than a theoretical per­ spective to be further tested with the particular findings. Although this is so I cannot deemphasize the essential role of these ideas in my early thinking as well as during the duration of the research. The following chapters detail these findings and provide valid conclusions in accordance with the pro­ cedures discussed. It is often difficult to quantify data that is of a more qualitative nature. Thus many 128 conclusions are tentative or can only be suggested *. without hard data to support then. Yet I believe the techniques outlined in this chapter have minimized my drawing tentative conclusions and do advance from the research results of earlier related studies. Chapter Five

A HISTORY OF CHANGING SOCIAL INTERACTION AT WOODWARD HIGH SCHOOL

In considering the aspects of interracial commun­ ication and interaction among students at Woodward High School, I will first discuss the changes in rela­ tionships during the transitional years. The change in racial composition of Woodward has been a gradual one. (See Table 7 in Chapter Three). Eight years ago only 11 per cent of the students were black and in 1966-1967, the first year for the seniors who have at­ tended Woodward six years, the school was approximately 26 per cent, or one-fourth black. By the school year in which the research was done, the average daily mem­ bership of blacks had risen from one-fourth to over one-half (approximately per cent), toy understanding of the changes in black-white relations during this slow transition is the result of interviews with stu­ dents and faculty members who experienced these changes. In the beginning there was very little communica­ tion between blacks and whites. Each group had certain

129

►

1 130 stereotypes of the others, for few blacks and whites had grown up together. As a result certain fears existed. Since the blacks were in the minority they tended to "keep their place'*, as black men have learned to do historically in America. Contact was minimal and only blacks who were athletically oriented or pursuing white values interacted with whites and participated in school activities. As more blacks and whites came into contact, the racial lines became more clearly drawn. Blacks partic­ ipated in a limited range of activities. In 1967, 86 per cent of blacks participating in activities were either involved in athletics or musical activities. Blacks and whites generally remained in their separate cliques. In addition to little cooperation and joint involvement in activities, few interracial friendships existed. In 1967 and 1968, administrators and teachers en­ couraged blacks to become involved and meet whites, but due to resistance on the part of both races, little involvement occurred. Many of the traditional activi­ ties of the school, such as Showcase, Homecoming, and Senior Prom reflected an image of an all white school.

But in reality the school by 1968 was approaching one- third black. 131 As the number of black students increased, so did their assertiveness, Whites also became more willing to allow certain token blacks to participate* In 19^7 there was one black cheerleader out of eighteen, and 22 per cent of student council members were black. There were no black students on the yearbook staff and only a couple black students worked on the school news­ paper . The assasination of Kartin Luther King Jr. in April of 1968 resulted in violent reactions by blacks through­ out the nation, At Woodward High School the princi- . pal's unwillingness to fly the flag at half-mast and to comply with other demands of the black students result­ ed in a sit-in, with some sympathetic whites partici­ pating, This sit-in, however, did not remain peaceful, for many of the protestors crossed the street to a shopping center and damaged a large amount of property. This time was a high point in tensions at Woodward. Many whites stayed away from school, out of fear, for several days. The intimidating nature of these activ­ ities left a definite impact on whites and influenced the hostile feelings that existed between blacks and whites. Although this was Woodward's major "riot",, in the following few years gang fights between blacks and 132 whites did occur. In addition, some blacks as well as whites intimidated other students. The fear of fights and the physical attacking and intimidation of indi­ viduals affected white students' interest and involve­ ment in the school. As I have noted earlier, the out­ migration of whites occurred for various reasons and as whites moved out of Woodward either physically or spiritually, blacks further asserted themselves. Besides these physical confrontations, black stu­ dents began to participate in a variety of activities and demand their representation on various decision making groups. For the past three years, Black His­ tory Week has given many black students who did not normally participate in Showcase or other dramatic activities an opportunity to display their talents. Few whites, however, showed any interest in attending these shows and the cultural exchange has been minimal. Many of the demands of the black students for equal representation on committees or for such things as having black nominees for Homecoming or From Queen were gradually accepted without much difficulty. The administration did not want to chance another distur­ bance or gang fight and the whites did not seem to care or want to resist anymore. Fewer middle and upper middle income whites attend Woodward and many of the whites that remain are of working class backgrounds. Studies indicate lower rates of involvement in formal associations among lower-class Americans compared to middle and upper class Americans.1 As the percentage of lower or work­ ing class white students has increased at Woodward, overall involvement in school functions by whites has decreased. This non-involvement may be a reflection in the children of the low rates of parental involve­ ment in formal associations. Many of these whites not only do not relate to Woodward High School academic­ ally, but they find the extracurricular activities ir­ relevant to their life style. And so race is but one factor contributing to their apathy or disinterest. Often they are bent on causing trouble and feel great hostility towards middle class whites (especially Jewish) and blacks. The whites at Woodward let the blacks rise to power (Student Council and Class Councils are almost totally black in leadership and participation), and have lost any real commitment they might have had to

1Harold M. Hodges Jr., Social Stratification r Class in America (Cambridge, Mass.i Schenkman Publish­ ing Company, Inc., 1964), p. 104. the school. Black pressures and white fears led to whites opting for non-involverr.ent as the easiest way « of coping with the changes. Athletics and Student Gov­ ernment are now dominated by blacks. While orchestral groups are dominated by blacks, the choruses still are not proportionate to the overall population (e.g. Senior choir and Sophomore Choir are 41 per cent black compared to blacks comprising 54 per cent of the entire student body). The Ensemble, which is a highly selec­ tive choral group, is still very much dominated by whites (78 per cent). This disproportion may reflect more the proclivity of the choral director than it does the inclination of black students, White students con­ tinue to dominate many of the more academically orient­ ed groups as well as literary publications and lan­ guage groups. Some activities seem to reflect an attempt by the advisers to balance racially. For instance, sixteen girls tried out for cheerleading, twelve of whom were black, but the final squad for the 1972-73 year con­ sists of five .black members out of eight, or about 62 per cent. This is fairly proportional to the projected number of total students for the forthcoming year. 135 Showcase, the annual variety show, in which the major­ ity who tried out were black also had almost equal - participation by blacks and whites. Very few whites attend athletic activities. The drill team that performs at these events now compli:- ments the almost all black teams, in contrast to five years ago when it was 100 per cent white. However, the majorettes, who also perform, have remained almost all white, The situation of separate white and black activi­ ties may reflect an adviser's rapport with black stu­ dents, as well as the fact that certain activities relate more to the different interests of black and white students, I would suggest in further confirma­ tion of the Gottlieb and Ten Houten Study that there are two separate social systems that exist at Woodward. The dichotomization in terms of activities relates as much to group interests as it does to the fact that blacks and whites live within separate social worlds. It is perhaps oversimplifying to describe the situation purely.in terms of black and white. There are many cliques or subgroups within each racial group and there are some cliques that do have one or two mem­ bers from the other group. These cliques, often 136 originating in the different neighborhoods or feeder elementary school areas, have varied interests, as

i reflected in their participation in particular activ­ ities. An example is the yearbook staff, which is almost all white, academically oriented, and Jewish. Nevertheless, the various cliques are almost entirely black or white in membership. Many organizations that existed five years ago are now either defunct or have decreased significantly in size. Out of the seventy groups that existed in 1 967, eighteen no longer exist and another nine are practic­ ally non-functioning. This accounts for 39 per cent of the groups. As can be seen in the appended list, twen­ ty organizations have decreased significantly in par­ ticipation, A total of thirty-eight organizations are either defunct or much smaller in size. This accounts for per cent of the organizations that existed in 1967. The sharp decrease in involvement which these figures indicate is the result of many factors. In addition to the recession of whites into the background, many black students do not relate to either academical­ ly related activities or traditionally white cultural 13? activities. And so the numerical increase of black students has contributed to the overall decrease in involvement in many activities. Although there are more formal associations that are numerically dominated by whites, these organiza­ tions are often small and practically non-functioning. The mere numerical comparison (thirty-two vs twenty- six) belies the qualitative nature of the involvement.

* The situation now is one in which there is still much distrust by both blacks and whites of each other's motives. Blacks who live in a society in which they have been traditionally disfavored naturally distrust white students and staff who represent this society. The whites distrust blacks because of certain fears inculcated by their parents as well as real anxieties from the intimidations of the few. 3oth whites and blacks seem a bit ambivalent about relating to each other. Most would rather avoid the racial issue and live within their separate worlds, liuch of the outward tension seems to have disappeared! fewer intimidations and gang fights occur. Yet there is an underlying tension. Although there is an appar­ ent tacit approval of others, a certain distance is maintained. The situation seems quiet and it* indeed is compared to the past several years. This is largely because there is no natural communication occurring t among groups, Personal contacts are rare and passive acceptance is the predominant mode of relating. In the following discussion I will utilize my data to describe more explicitly the dimensions of this situation. This qualitative analysis to approaching the same questions that Lundberg and Dickson, St, John and Gottlieb and Ten Houten dealt with, should further contribute to an understanding of the dynamics of inter­ racial relations within a school setting. 139 Table 16 CHAifflXNTr PARTICIPATION I?? EXTRACURRICULAR ACTIVITIES* A. Changing Percentages of Black-White Enrollment at V/ood’.vard 0 Year tfhilfS Black 1966-1967 ?4£ 26# 1970-1971 52% w * 1971-1972 k6% 5 ^

B. Activities I. ATHLETICS (a) Dominated by 31acks in 1971 or 1972

Grouo Year White Black lES-tal 1. Football 1967 50% (24) 50% (2 5 ) 49 1971 26% (12) 74T& (35) 47 1972 17% (8) 837S (38) 46 2. Football 1967 l>5% (15) 55% (18) 33 (Reserves) 1971 8% (2) 82% (22) 24 3 . Football . (Freshman) 1971 19% (7) 81% (3 0 ) 37 4. Basketball 1967 U-2% (5) 58% (7) 12 1971 22% (2) 78% (6) 8 1972 11% (1) 89% (8) 9

5. Basketball 1967 69% (1 1 ) 31# (5) 16 (Reserves) 1971 8% (1) 92# (12) 13 1972 18% (2) 8275 (9) 11

6, Wrestling 196? h8% (14) 52% (15) 29 1971 20% (4) 805* (1 6 ) 20 1972 13% (2) 87# (13) 15 a. The racial estimates for this table are approximate figures arrived at from the examination of yearbook pic­ tures , b. See Table 8 in Chapter Three. 140

Group Tear White PXacK Total 7. Baseball 1967 8555 (U) 15* (2) 13 1971 4o# (4) 60* (6) 10 1972 3555 (6) 65* (11) 17 8. Track 1967 39# (15) 61* (2 3 ) 38 1971 33# (12) 67* (24) 36 1972 1355 (4) 87* (27) 31

9. Girls Track 1967 — ------1971 18* (3) 82* (14) 17 1972 16* (3) 84* (1 6 ) 19 10. Modern Dance 1967 50* (20) 50* (20) 40 1971 — 100* (7) 7 1972 - — — — — — (b) Dominated by Whites in 1971 or 1972 Group Year White Total 1. Cross Country 1967 47# (7) 53# (8) 15 1971 6??5 (1*0 33# (7) 21 1972 8355 (5) 17# (1) 6

2. Tennis 1967 10055 (8) — 8 1971 10055 (8) — 8 1972 7555 (9) 25# (3) 12

3. Swimming 1967 10055 (17) ^ * 17 1971 825S (14) 18* (3 ) 17 1972 — — - — —

4. Girls Swim 1967 100* (3 7 ) 37 Team 1971 90* (9) 1055 (1) 10 1972 95* (18) 5# (1) 19 (c) Other activitiesi proportional to school 's pop ulation in 1972

1. Golf 1967 93* (13) 7# (1) 14 1971 60* (3 ) 4055 (2) 5 1972 50* (2) 50# (2) 4 141

Group X sac Mils. Black 3£taJL (d) Defunct activities in 1971 or 1972

1. Swimming 1967 100# (17) — ■- 17 1971 82# (14) 18# (3) 17 OO 2. Gymnastics 1967 (5) 17# (1) 6 3. Modern Dance 1967 503s (20) 50# (20) 40 1971 --■- 100# (7) 7 4. GAA 1967 44# (4) 56# (5) 9 (Officers) 1971 15# (3) 85# (17) 20

II. SUPPORTIVE ATHLETICS (a) Dominated by Blacks in 1971 or 1972 1. Drill Team 1967 100# (21) — 21 1971 6# (2 ) 94# (34) 36 1972 — 100# (18) 18 2. GAA 196? 44# (4) 56# (5) 9 1971 15# (3) 85# (17) 20 1972

3 . Attendance at Games - dominated by blacks from observation 4. Pep club (WBSS) 196? 100# (5) — 5 1971 1972 33# (1) 67# (2 ) 3 (b) Dominated by Whites in 1971 or 1972

1. Majorettes 196? 100# (18) — - 18 1971 100# (5) — 5 1972 86# (6) 14# (l) 7 (c) Other activities proportional to school’s pop­ ulation in 1972 1. Cheerleaders 1967 94# (17) 6# (l) 18 1971 70# (14) 30# (6) 20 1972 60# (6) 40# (4) 10 (Majority who tried out for 1973 were black) Group Year White Black l£i*l III. MUSICAL GROUPS (a) Dominated by Blacks in 1971 or 1972

1. Girl's Glee 1967 79* (33) 21* (9) 42 1971 62* (8) 38* (5) 13 1972 30/5 (l4) 70* (34) 48 2. Boy's Glee 1967 80* (19) 20* (5) 24 1971 48* (12) 52* (13) 25 1972 27/5 (6) 73* (16) 22

3. Orchestra 1967 78* (3 8 ) 22* (1 1 ) 49 1971 4l* (1 6 ) 59* (23) 39 1972 38* (ID 62* (18) 29 4. Band (Mardtting 1967 77* (49) 23* (15) 64 and Senior) 1971 31* (15) 69* (34) 49 .Marching Band 1972 30* (29) 70* (70) 99 Senior Band 1972 3055 (13) 70* (31) 44 (b) Dominated by Whites in 1971 or 1972

1. Ensemble 1967 83* (30) 17* (6 ) 36 1971 69* (25) 31* (11) 36 1972 58* (2 2 ) 42* (1 6 ) 38 2 . Senior Choir 1967 82*(l44) 18* (7 ) 151 1971 60* (6 3 ) 40* (42) 105 1972 59* (58) 41* (40) 98 3. Sophomore Choir 1967 77* (81) 23* (25) 106 1971 61* (28) 39* (13) 46 1972 59* (29) 41* (2 0 ) 49

Freshman Choir 1967 _ —— ...... _ 1971 52* (29) 48* (27) 56 1972 56* (27) 44* (2 1 ) 48 (d) Defunct activities in 1971

1. Music Masters 1967 85* (28) 15* (5) 33 143 Group Xgar White filafifc l a i&l IV, THEATRICAL GROUPS (a) Dominated by Blacks in 1971 or 1972 1, Black History 1* 99*(Involvement) Week Program 5* 95*(Attendance) (b) Dominated by Whites in 1971 or 1972

1, Drama Club 1967 93* (93) 7* (9) 102 1971 90* (56) 10* (6) 62 (Theatre Guild) 1972 87* (52) 13* (8) 60 2, Stage*Crew 1967 76* (1 6 ) 24* 21 1971 82* (25) 18* (6) 31 1972 85* (23) 15* (4) 27 (c) Other activities proportional to school's population in 1972 1, Showcase 196? 80* 20* (estimate from pictures) 1972 48*(110) 52*(120) 230 (Includes all participants in the show and those who worked behind the scenes - writers, make-up, stage crew) (d) Defunct activities in 1971 or 1972 1. Senior Class 196? 100* (18) -— 18 Players V . STUDENT GOVERNMENT (a) Dominated by Blacks in 1971 or 1972 1. Student Council 1967 77.3*(68) 22.7*(20) 88 1971 35* (23 65* (42) 65 (Workwhop) 1972 30* (23) 70* (53) 76 (Exec, Board) 1972 — 100* (7) 7 2, Senior Class 1967 — — Council 1971 — -- 1972 40* (8) 60* (12) 20 Group Year White Black 3. Junior Class 196? — — Council 1971 1972 31JS (5) 6955 (11) l*. Sophomore Class 19^7 -- -- Council 1971 “ — 1972 20# (2) 80# (8)

5 . FreshmanClass 1967 — * — Council 1971 -- 1972 13# (2) 87# (1*0 6. Senior Class 1972 25# (1) 75# (3) Council Officers VI. ACADEMIC GROUPS (a) Dominated by Blacks in 1971 or 1972

1, Debate team 1967 67# (16) 33# (8) 1971 87# (7) 13# (1) 1972 29# (2) 71# (5) by Whites in 1971 or 1972 1. Honor Society 1967 100# (77) 1971 94# (50) 6# (3) 1972 80# (48) 20# (12)

2. COWA 1967 88# (22) 12# (3) 1971 63# (5) 39# (3) 1972 3 . Speech Club 1967 71# (5) 29# (2) 1971 87# (7) 13# (1) 1972 70# (9) 30# (4) 4. AFS 1967 90# 1971 90# ‘is?-’ 10# "(1) 1972 89# (8) 11# (1) 5. It's Academic 1967 Team 1971 - 1972 100# ” (6) 1^5 Gx£U£ Xga£ White fila£)£ Total (d) Defunct activities in 1971 or 1972

1 . COWA (Confer- 196? 88# (22) 12# (3 ) 25 ence on World 1971 63# (5 ) >9# (3) 8 Affairs)

2, Intercultural 196? 56# (5) ****# (*0 9 Council

VII. LITERARY PUBLICATIONS (b) Dominated by Whites in 1971 or 1972

1• Oracle 1967 100# (21) - - 21 1971 100# (8) 8 1972 -* “ ——

2. Woodward 1967 100# (2 2 ) __ 22 Treasurers - 1971 87# (20) 13# (3) 23 (yearbook) 1972 79# (15) 21# W 19 3. Bulldog Barks 1967 (Nev/spaper) 1971 78# (18) 22# (5) 23 1972 8U# (21) 16# (3) zk (d) Defunct activities in 1971 or 1972

1. Oracle 1967 100# (21) 21 1971 100# (8) 8

VIII. SERVICE GROUPS (b) Dominated by Whites in 1971 or 1972

1. Hi-Y 1967 93# (38) 7# (3) 1971 100# (18) 18 1972 100# (3) 3 2. Key Club 1967 98# (5*0 2# (1) 55 1971 100# (17) 17 1972 75# (12) 25# W 16 146 Group Xear White Black Total 3. WFAE 1967 90# (9) 10# (1) 10 1971 86# (1 2 ) 14# (2 ) 14 1972 81# (13) 1956 (3) 16 (d) Defunct activities in 1971 or 1972 1. Big Sisters 1967 85#(100) 15# (18) 118

2. 3ig Brothers 196? 84# (6 1 ) 16# (12) 73

3. Group 65 196? 97# (28) 3# (1) 29

IX. AIDES (a) Dominated by Blacks in 1971 or 1972 1. Clerical 196? 94# (16) 6# (1) 17 1971 56# (10) 44# (8) 18 1972 40# (10) 60# (15) 25 (b) Dominated by Whites in 1971 or 1972

1. Library Aides 196? 86# (18) 1 4# (3) 21 1971 89# (8 ) 11# (1 ) 9 1972 100# (7) — 7

2. Bookroom Aides 196? *— -- 1971 20# (1 ) 80# (k ) 5 1972 75# (3) 25# (1) k 3. Visual Aides 1967 -- -- 1971 62# (1 1 ) 38# (?) 18 1971 67# (10 ) 33# (15) 25 (d) Defunct activities in 1971 or 1972

1. Lunchroom Aides 1967 15# (k ) 85# (23) 27

X . LANGUAGES (b) Dominated by Whites in 1971 or 1972

1. German Club 1967 91# (40) 9# (4) kk 1971 77# (20) 23# (6) 26 1972 65# (24) 35# (13) 37 14?

Group Xsaj: U&Ueft BJLftfiH 2. French Club 196? 86# (54) 14# (9) 63 1971 76# (27) 24# (9) 36 1972 63# (27) 37# (16) 43

3. Spanish Club 1967 100# (5 6 ) — 56 1971 75# (39) 2595 (1 3 ) 52 1972 63# (12) 37# W 16 (c) Other activities proportional to school's population in 1972

1. Latin Club 1967 100# (4?) — 47 1971 54# (20) 46# (17) 37 1972 44# (12) 56# (15) 2? XI. BUSINESS AND OCCUPATIONAL CLUBS (a) Dominated by Blacks in 1971 or 1972 1. OOEAC 1967 1971 32# (8) 68# (17) 25 1972 33% (6) 67# (12) 18 (c) Other activities proportional to school's population in 1972 1. DECA 1967 97# (62) 7% (5) 67 1971 67# (20) 33# (10) 30 1972 47# (1 6 ) 53# (18) 34 (d) Defunct activities in 1971 or 1972

1. FBLA 1967 77# (33) 23# (10) 43

2 . FTA 1967 93# (6 2 ) 7# (5) 67 3. Health Careers 196? 86# (25) 14# (4) 29

XII. MISCELLANEOUS GROUPS (a) Dominated by Blacks in 1971 or 1972 1. Dances - attendance (average) was 90# black 2. Prom - attendance (approximately) was 75# black 3. Rock Concert - attendance (approximately) was 90% black (b) Dominated by Whites in 1971 or 1972 group ¥ear White gjacjs l2*Sl 1. Art League 1967 1 0055 (6 ) — 6 1971 80>5 (8) 20% (2) 10 1972 - Defunct -

2. Art Club 1967 93/* (51) ?% (2) 53 1971 W (8) 56?5 (10) 18 1972 (7) k6$ (6) 13

3 . Photography 196? 91/* (10) 955 (1) 11 Club 1971 1972 75?* (6) 25/ (2) 8 (d) Defunct activities in 1971 or 1972 1. Equestrian Club 196? 100/S (13) 13 2. Radio Club 196? 100?5 (6) 6 149

Table 1? SUMMARY OF,DATA IN TABLE 16 1. In 1967 - ?0 organizations existed

1 2. In 1972 - a. 27 organizations defunct or small and almost no function 27/70 - 39 per cent decrease b. 18 - defunct (varied except athletic and musical)

20 - decreased significantly in size

38 = 38/70 = 54 per cent decrease

3 . In 1972 - 32 dominated by whites (13 have decreased in size from 196?) 26 dominated by blacks (4 have decreased in size from 1 9 6 7 ) 4 proportional to school black and white ratio (4 decreased in size from 1967)

4. 1967a - 383 total blacks involved = 16# 1953 total whites involved = 84# 2335 Black.students 146/383 - athletics = 39#

5. 19?2a - a. 721 total blacks involved - 51# 682 total whites involved - 49# l403

b. 1403/2336 = 60# - total involvement in 1972 is 60# of that of 1967 (when school had approximately 1,000 more students).

aThe total figures were arrived at from adding all the numbers in the individual total column of the above total. Obviously many students were in­ volved in more than one activity. This is import* ant to consider in analyzing these figures. Chapter Six

CHANGING PARTICIPATION OF STUDENTS IN EXTRACURRICULAR ACTIVITIES

The Situation In the previous chapter I discussed how Woodward's change in population has resulted in a change in parti­ cipation in activities. More activities are black oriented than white oriented and there is a definite separation of interests along racial lines. Neverthe­ less there are still some formal activities in which blacks and whites work side by side, but these are few and often contrived. Extracurricular activities could provide many opportunities for interracial experiences and friendships. In this chapter I will more expli­ citly describe the changes in extracurricular involve­ ment. An understanding of this important aspect of social interaction at Woodward will further clarify the nature of interracial relationships that exist. One black male student discussed this change in participation! Now you rarely see any whites come out for football or dances; the only ones who come out are those that are close to blacks. I don't 150 151 know why whites don’t come out. I don’t have anything against whites...whites might not come out because they might be mad. We didn’t tell whites not to run for school of­ fices. we just wanted to get ahead. . (BM P21A-6)

Another senior black male commented on the change to a more accepted attitude on the part of white stu­ dents! It seemed it gradually moved up that way. Blacks wanted to do something and get in­ volved, Whites were accepting,..blacks want to do something by themselvesj whites are respecting them. (BPi P18A-U)

One teacher who had been a class adviser discussed the shift in the power structure at Woodward: School is much less the center of stu­ dents' lives...I think that's a big differ­ ence. There's been a shift in the power structure from white to black. When I was a class sponsor in 1965 we knocked ourselves out to get blacks in. It was kind of a struggle. That class put up the first black queen nominee. Now it’s the opposite, blacks are trying to get whites involved and the whites abdicate,..its almost impossible to have equal involvement. (WM S72-11)

*The letters and numbers at the end of each quote identify the interviewee. The following are used for identification: B - Black, W - Whitei M - Male, F - Female* P - Pupil, S - Staff; ;/ - interviewee number; A, B, H, K, P, R, S, etc. - elementary school district; - years at Woodward. 1 5 2 One class advisor at the time of this research commented on black "activism" and white passivity in relation to participation in student government.

Researcheri "Why is Student Council almost all black?" Teacheri "Oh, the blacks are all partici­ pating by and large and are being elected to top student body jobs because by and large blacks are the activists at Wood­ ward ,"

* Researcher* "What about the white kids?" Teacheri "They have all become passive and extremely unaggressive, almost as though they feel that they really can't compete with the rigorous efforts of blacks. They are withdrawing* they don't attend dances...Therefore this is reduc­ ing any potential conflicts." (WMS 74-3)

Another teacher discussed the change in student in­ volvement in terms of the school now being a "black school",

We are now a black school. The things that turn on the WASP community don't turn on the black community. For example,,.Our activities that were so popular several years ago, many are now defunct...Our proms, drama, showcase - all of these are suffering or are almost out of existence... The irony of the last two years is there is no support; no one comes to see football and other teams and others find it hard to get support...The num­ ber of organizations are all down, others are not doing anything; we seem to be just going through the motions." (WMS 69-11) 153 Many faculty do not seem to realize that black students may have different cultural values and inter­ ests than whites. They may decry the decrease in school involvement without appreciating that black students as well as the different type of white stu­ dents now at Woodward have very different interests than the traditional ones that white middle class stu­ dents of the past had.

The Increasing Apathy Towards School Activities The decrease or lack of school spirit and enthus­ iasm for school activities bothers students and staff alike. I discussed this topic with eighty-four out of the one hundred interviewed. From this sample, 72 per cent believed school spirit was declining and felt that the majority of students have a non-caring attitude about the school. White students, more than the two other groups, discussed this disinterest. Eighty-four per cent (thirty out of thirty-seven) described their peers as

apathetic or lacking interest, compared to 38 per cent or eleven out of twenty-nine black students. Black saw apathy as a problem much less often and usually when they discussed it, it was in terms of whites be­

ing more apathetic. Of the staff interviewed, 60 per 15^ cent or twenty out of thirty-four commented on a defi­ nite increase in the non-caring attitude among students, especially white. A teacher who has been at Woodward since the pres­ ent building opened talked about the change he has seen in student participation.

There was a time when these not involved were the outgroups. Today it seems those involved are the outgroup. Being involved is not the thing to do. (WMS 8?-l8)

Woodward for many students, is no longer a place for social activities. Another teacher at the school since its opening commented, "Kids don't see high school as a place where they can enjoy things." (WMS 77-18) Pride in the school is a factor in influencing school spirit. Twenty-six per cent of the students and staff interviewed discussed the negative reputa­ tion that Woodward has in the community. Twenty- four per cent of these interviewed felt this was a problem. One student relates this to the lack of school spiriti

Researcher* "Is there any school spirit?" Student* "No, probably little...I guess people are sort of embarrassed to say 155

they go to Woodward. A long time ago people were proud of it. They were the ones that had spirit, A long time ago you always saw the good things about Woodward in the paper." (WMF 42P-4)

The prevalence of so much apathy makes it very difficult to recruit students to different activities, One teacher described the difficulties she had trying to get students involved*

I think mainly the change at Woodward is that students don't seem to care, they don't want to be involved in anything...I try to tell girls they need to feel they belong to something and make friends. All the girls do is look at me as if I'm crazy." (WFS 78-14)

In their efforts to get their peers involved, stu­ dents involved in activities expressed frustrations similar to those of this teacher. A Student Council leader articulated his feelings on the situation*

Everybody is kind of apathetic nowj for some odd reason they don't care. I guess they feel they don’t like the situation, so they i don't give thanks to the school by helping. They don't feel obligated. This is why Student Council helps the school. It's supposed to be a reward to the school, so it gives dances. But when the bell rings, people just want to go home. (BM P38 B-6) 156 A girl who had heen active on the school newspaper expressed her frustrations*

I don’t think anyone is very involved. You have to be a very masochistic person. I was news editor of Bulldog Barks, No one reads the paper. If you are in a play, no one comes. I think it's just a general downfall.. ..I’d say 90 per cent, no matter what race, don't give a damn, Not only is there no rec­ ognition, but you get adverse recognition. Kids laugh at the paper, they throw it on the floor and stamp on it. That’s very bad for your ego. (WF P54 R-6 )

Race as a Factor Inhibiting White Involvement and Encouraging Black Involvement Those interviewed discussed several reasons for this disinterest. Forty-four per cent of all the interviewees mentioned race as an important factor in these changes. Several comments on reasons for non-involvement in relation to race depict the situation. I asked one white male senior*

Researcher* "Has school participation changed?" Student* "White participation is definitely down, black is up. This can be seen by attendance at dances and in extracurricu­ lar activities." Researcher* "Why?" Student* "A lot of white kids see the blacks taking over and they don't want any part of it." (UM P49 s-6 ) 157 A black male senior describes the situation simi­ larly*

"I think the black person is just now taking hold of things happening in school, like school politics. For the white person this doesn't have appeal anymore. They have other things to do." (HM P53 A-6 )

One teacher agrees with this student that blacks and whites have different interests and this is the reason for the non-involvement among white students*

Researcher* "Y/hy do whites stay out of activ­ ities?" Teacher* Take for instance, sports are pre­ dominantly black, so whites have no real reason to participate. They feel black people excel at sports anyway. As for dances, they feel blacks have talent, that it's a natural thing as far as dance. They don't participate because they feel black kids will make fun of them dancing, (BF S81-?)

At the dances and sports events attended by this researcher, only a handful of white students were present. I particularly remember one white student and his sister sitting alone for the entire evening in the corner of the gymnasium floor, staring at the black students dancing. They never became involved or were asked by others to dance. 158 One male teacher, active in school extracurricular activities for fifteen years, suggested that the change i in the power structure is almost complete*

I think to a large extent whitey has stamped this as a black school. Blacks are finally assuming this as their own, (WM S89-15)

Many white students tend to stay away from activi­ ties out of fear of non acceptance, A junior active in dramatics commented*

When black kids start getting in activi­ ties that are mostly white, for some reason, white kids find it harder to be accepted by black kids, so they drop out. I think white kids are more self-conscious. (WM P59-R2)

Another white student reflected this self-con­ sciousness. He talked about dances being "out" for whites and his preference for listening to music. Yet when I asked him why he didn't attend the rock festi­ val in the school's football field, he saidi

"I'd rather pay some money and see some good groups than go to something like that, where there's going to be a lot of black peo­ ple, There, I'm going to be in the minority. I'll be a token thing there. Because I know there won't be that many white people for one thing." (WM P50 H-3) 1 5 9 Black students also are still self-conscious and would rather attend activities when they know other blacks will be there. One girl said*

As for activities, I think before any black person 301ns anything, they'll ask if only white people are there. Alot of my friends do that. I think that is a problem, they want to have a majority be black. (BF P*K> S-3)

However, this self-consciousness seems to have decreased for blacks. Now blacks find it much easier to become involved because they know that most of these at dances, games and other activities will be black. One very active white male senior commented on the black students' commaraderie that allows for this ease*

Black people are soul brothers. They've found a spirit, They are all the same. As long as they are the same, you can't touch them. They say 'I've got friends. There are other blacks in school to back me up.' It's true, they do. So they get involved... It's easy to get involved because they have other people. As long as they've got the idea 'I'm a soul brother*, no one can hurt them. Because they are together, it gives them superhuman power. White people don't have it. They don't trust people a- round them. (WM ?k6 P-3)

His referral to blacks as "they" as many whites do, is interesting to note in light of the comment, made by 160

Petroni,discussed in Chapter Two, of whites referring to blacks as if they were members of a "homogeneous mass". Recalling the earlier comment by a teacher that blacks are now trying to get whites involved, reversal of the situation a few years ago, a black female spoke about black students' futile efforts regarding the

Homecoming Dancei

We tried to get white kids to come to Homecoming. There was a black band and a white band, but that didn't work out. There were maybe ten white couples there. (BF P35 K-3)

Black students are willing to expend just so much effort to convince apathetic whites to participate, especially since they still find instances in which they see themselves as victims of some kind of preju­ dice. I asked one teacheri

Researcher: "Why are white kids shying away from involvement?" 2 Teacheri The white kids definitely feel they are taking over. For example, the elec­ tion for prom queen. If a white wins, its viewed as prejudice. It's almost as if a black kid has to win everything for things to stay calm. That's not true always, but often there are clamors of discontent when blacks don't win a contest, (WM S 85-3)

2Note the use of they to refer to all blacks. l6l One senior, who spent six years at Woodward, sees an emphasis on black involvement to the neglect of • whites as the reaction of the school to these claims of prejudice. She describes why whites no longer caret

There is very little discrimination against black kids in activities anymore. In fact, it's almost swung to the opposite. For so long, blacks thought they couldn't get in activities, V.'hite kids have always had it. So much emphasis is now on trying to get black kids interested in things. It makes the white students not care anymore, they feel left out. (WF P29 P-6 )

The Importance of Friendship Grouts Race is not the sole factor that influences par­ ticipation in extracurricular activities. There are many subgroups or cliques at Woodv/ard. Many of these have their origins in specific neighborhoods while some cross over neighborhood districts reflecting certain values or interests. Students from Hartwell and Carthage generally come from working class families, often Appalaichan in ori­ gin. Their interests in school academically and socially are minimal. Students from Silverton and Ken­ nedy Heights come from middle income black families and their involvement tends to be greater than students from some of the poorer areas within Bond Hill and 162

Avondale. In the senior class, however, blacks from

North Avondale and Bond Hill controlled the student government positions.

Some of the brighter white academic students come from the Jewish sections of Roselawn and Golf Manor

(in Losantiville) and the predominantly upper middle class Christian area of Pleasant Ridge. One clique of these students is only involved in Woodward academ­ ically. Others fill the ranks of such prestigious groups as the Woodward Ensemble,

There are blacks from Avondale and blacks from

Kennedy Heights who associate in gangs and have been involved in intra-racial fights. Some whites from

Hartwell and Carthage, who are sometimes referred to as "greasers", are also preoccupied with physical ac­ tivities and racing their automobiles.

The white "hippies" come from middle class Jewish and non-Jewish families and are uninterested in school except as a social meeting place. Their interests are more in drugs and music than they are in Woodward High

School.

There are others that do not fall in any of these categories. At Woodward there are various bases for cliques including neighborhood, social class and 1 6 3 interests. The above mentioned subgroups suggest the

diversity that exists within Woodward,

Several comments by students suggest the impor- • tance of these friendship groups in influencing involve­

ment, One junior, active in cheerleading and stage

crew, said that people do not associate with others

becauset *

I think its just the security of being with your friends. It's nice to have a sense of belonging to some place.

Researchers "Does this cliquishness affect the non-involvement?"

Yes, I think it does. It's also why some­ one gets involved. (WF P66B-5)

One black senior commented on how friends influ­

ence one's involvement!

Everyone says nobody can make you do any­ thing. I don't have to follow the crowd. The majority do what your friends do. If your friends are into studying, then you will prob­ ably get into studying. Or if your friends are into robbing banks, then you might be into that. So friends do play a really important part in your activities, unless you want to break away. Then it turns into a brief hi and good-bye thing. Most of my friends are in­ volved. Their parents are into just about the same thing too. This is truly how it is... birds of a feather flock together. (BM P38 3-6) 16b Several interviewees commented on how students prefer to return to their own neighborhoods where they are within more comfortable and homogeneous surround­ ings >

At Woodward there’s such a wide variety of people. People have nothing in common with each other. After school they naturally like to go back to their own surroundings. People generally don't like to associate with people they do not know. Here you get such a cross- section. (WM P46 P-3)

Teacher Apathy The changes in the student population also affect­ ed changes in the faculty's attitudes. I-.ost of the faculty is white (85 per cent) and 59 per cent of the faculty has been at Woodward for at least six years. The transition to a school of over 50 per cent black and less academically inclined students has been a difficult one. In discussing the increase in disci­ plinary problems in schoolt one administrator commented that i

A large percentage of the staff has been at Woodward over five years and has been ac­ customed to dealing with white students who are more study conscious and have problems that are more of a middle class nature. Whereas now the staff is dealing with black students who in many instances are hostile to the educational system for sundry reasons. 165 This is combined with the fact that the bel­ ligerence of these students has caused the staff to be somewhat reluctant to discipline or possibly be antagonistic to black stu­ dents. (BM S96-1)

For many of the teachers the cultural gap is too great, and consequently many of them have given up at­ tempting to confront the variety of new problems. At the same time, there are some faculty who are extremely dedicated to facing the situation seriously. However, even for many of them the struggles of social communi­ cation often seem insurmountable and their efforts seem to be unappreciated. One student discussed teachers' non-involvement in terms of the racial issue*

As far as teachers, they are afraid to get involved as far as racial problems. Teachers are afraid of getting mixed up in any issue, because they are afraid it will become racial, (WMP 51F-3)

This may be the predominant reason for teacher non-involvement or apathy, but yet few would probably admit that the gap between them and the "new" Woodward students is too much for them to fill. Only 11 per cent, or seven out of sixty-six stu­ dents talked about teacher apathy as a problem. 166 Teachers, hov/ever, seemed to feel that they and their

colleagues have changed greatly in their involvement

over the past several years. Eighteen out of thirty-

four, or 53 per cent of these interviewed, discussed this with me.

One administrator discussed why he felt teachers are much less involved in extracurricular activitiesi

Researcher) *’V/hy are teachers not involved in activities?"

Administrator: They feel overworked in the classroom, They feel people do not ap­ preciate their efforts and they feel that other people are getting away easy.

Teachers assume that all they have to do is do their job in the class­ room. They don't have to say hello to anybody, and when school is out, they can get the hell out. (WM S99-l*0

Lack of appreciation is an important reason for teacher non-involvement. A teacher told of her frus­ trations with one group and her desire to be rid of its responsibility.

I'd like to completely pitch it next year. It doesn't seem what we do ever is good. I've had these kids let me down so much that I'd really like to have nothing to do with it. They have a very egotistic attitude. They say 'Why should I do something if it's not for me?', I ended up doing all the planning. I can only count on two kids. (WF S88-6) 167 As the racial composition of Woodward changed, there were many physical confrontations intra-racially as well as interracially. Along with many white stu­ dents many teachers decided to become less involved in extracurricular activities. The frustrations and added responsibilities were not worth the efforti

I was tremendously involved. It stopped being as much fun. It became police work at the "time when there were racial problems. I felt the faculty was being put in an admin­ istrative position. If you came to a dance, you had to handle a riot. (WM S72-11)

In this chapter I have discussed the important effect the racial changes have had on students* in­ volvement as well as teachers' interest in extracur­ ricular aspects of life at Woodward. The fears and intimidations that accompanied these changes have had a major impact in affecting the nature of extracurric­ ular activities. These are so important to this sit­ uation that in the next chapter I will discuss their effect on all aspects of racial relationships. Chapter Seven

TENSIONS IN THE SCHOOL AND THEIR EFFECT ON BLACK-WHITE RELATIONS

In this chapter I will discuss the tensions that have characterized Woodward High School during the transitional years, for they were a basic cause of the negative relationships among black and white students.

Fear and Intimidation Fear and intimidation have been integral parts of daily life at Woodward High School for the past several years. Of those interviewed 54 per cent discussed this aspect of the black-white interactions while 73 per cent (twenty-seven out of thirty-nine)of the white stu­ dents discussed fear, only 24 per cent (seven out of twenty-nine) black students saw this as a problem, A significant percentage of the staff (59 per cent or twenty out of thirty-four) believed that intimidations contributed to the poor communication between black and white students. One white student expressed her feelings and fears on black-white relations, yet she still feels 168 1 6 9 integration is the solution!

I feel there’s a definite hate of black and white people that comes from both sides. During periods of stress I've been attacked in small physical ways by black students for no apparent reason. We've had talks with black and white students to discuss problems. My conclusion was that I really feel black students are just as ingrained with preju­ dice to whites as whites are to blacks, I feel the solution is still to keep integrated schools. Even though it's scary. X find I'm really afraid most of the times in the bath­ rooms and the halls, (WP P29 P-6)

A black, academically inclined student, with many white friends, is often referred to as a "Tom” by other blacks. She discussed the subtle intimidation she feels in trying to be herself*

White people are afraid from their past experiences. What's interesting is the prob­ lem for a kid who wants to be herself - I won't say necessarily *be an integrationist', I couldn't say I hate a person just because they are white. It takes more courage to be yourself in this school than anything else, because you can be physically destroyed, I have lots of friends who are white. Some people will be walking with whites and move away from the whites they are with when they see blacks. (BF P64 S-2)

Students* fears have persisted because of past in­ timidations, even though these incidents are less 170 frequent now. One teacher commented on the impossi­ bility of rationalizing this situation with her stu­ dents, when their experiences have left such an impact on their feelings.

A lot of seniors have had unpleasant ex­ periences with blacks in school. For example, a girl was going up the stairs and someone put his hand up her dress. How can kids with these experiences not find it difficult to discuss race relations sociologically or psy­ chologically? A lot of kids have had unpleas­ ant experiences, but how do you as a teacher get around it? (WF S71-3)

In addition to the inability to discuss these fears in any terms other than emotional ones, an ad­ ministrator discussed his difficulties in getting white students to disclose who their attacker wasi

White kids are scared to death. If they fight back they know they are going to be beat up. I get these problems all the time. Kids come in and complain about being attacked, then I ask them to identify, and they say 'I'm not sure.' (WM S9^-l)

These fears have contributed significantly to the decrease in extracurricular participation of white students. Although only 29 per cent, or a few less than one-third of those interviewed, mentioned fear as 171 influenced non-involvement, it seems to be an impor­ tant factor in this situation. One white girl explains why she is afraid to stay after school*

I don't like to stay after school late. Like most of the time you wind up walking^ through the halls alone* like doing that is for the birds. (WF 16 F-3)

During our discussion, a black girl, who fre­ quently attends social activities at Woodward, expressed her feelings that whites often do not par­ ticipate because they are afraid of what might happen to them i

At dances the majority are black...I come because I like to dance. I think white kids don't come because they think something might happen after the dance - especially when it’s at night. (BF P56 A-6)

A white female described the transition to white passivity and the reasons why she is afraid.

It's kind of a personal feeling I have. For a while, black people were always saying 'we're not in this organization, we're not in this group'. Now it's not total, but the transition is to black power. White kids have become passive, almost every activity is dominated by blacks...I feel not only embarrassed but I'd feel afraid to go to . some of the dances. 172 Researcheri "Why?" I don't want to say I'm prejudiced or say I ’m not prejudiced - I can’t stand arrogance in anybody and I ’ve never got along with cliques. There's a lot of black people in cliques, white people too. This is a personal feeling. With black people in control it's still the same cliquey-type thing. It’s al­ ways bugged met I guess because I never mixed in a clique. That's why I'd be embarrassed if I was the only white with blacks. If I knew them it would be fine. I've been in a big crowdt anyone can turn ugly. I wouldn't want that to happen. That's why I’d be afraid. (WP Fh8 B-3)

Her thoughts once more demonstrate the importance of cliques in influencing students’ social lives and school activities, and an unwillingness to attend activities without one's friends, A class council advisor saw fear as a primary factor in white non-participation. He related this to the cultural differences that exist between blacks and whites.

Researcheri "Do blacks go out and try to get whites to participate?" Teacheri No. Why they (whites) are not coming out is hard to say. They feel threatened., old stories that parents have about black kids jumping whites because the black kids come from a different background, they think they will jump them. It does happen. Then a white kid finally comes over to some blacks and a black kid will jump him. This leaves a mark and causes the kids to stay away. 173 The blacks are loud, boisterous, constantly kidding and jiving. They come from a culture where they will smack a guy in the eye, just to see what he will do. It's not necessarily hate. White kids don't dig this. There's this segment in each group, white and black,

I think it's just a difference in culture. The white kids feel a little threatened phys­ ically as well as socially.

The parents are shut off to the school. They feel there are all motherfuckers here. When the children go here, they feel their language, their mannerisms are different. They say our kids shouldn’t be subjected to it. (WM S?6 -3)

His comment notes the additional factor of parental influence on involvement. The parents' role certainly should not be minimized. One administrator responded to my questioning as to whether he thought fear was a factor in white passivityi

I think fear at home has something to do with it in terms of parents not wanting their kids to come to a dance or a football game, The idea is planted in their head. By the same token, we'll have black parents who do not want their kids here, I don't think kids fear each otherj it’s more fear of parents for kids. (WM S91 -5)

In Chapter Three I discussed the out-migration of many white families and the decision of others to send their children to Walnut Hills High School or a private school instead of Woodward, These changes are expressions of the racial fears of many white parents. The fears of white parents whose children remained at Woodward are not necessarily less than those of parents who opted to send their children to another school. But a variety cf circumstances, often economic, have contributed to their not moving from the district. Therefore it is important not to minimize the influence of these fears on the children. Fear, whether it is a result of a personal experience or the result of paren­ tal fears, is an important dimension influencing the degree of participation and types of interactions for many students, black as well as white.

Aspects of Overt Hostility Most of my discussions of tension and interracial fighting were with students. These are essential to consider because of their effect in instilling fears, that have persisted through the years for many white students. Eighty-four per cent of white students and

60 per cent of black students, or 73 per cent of all students, mentioned fighting and other types of inter­ racial tensions as an important problem. I only dis- discussed this aspect of black-white relations with 30 per cent of the school's staff. A total of 58 per cent 175 of the entire sample discussing this aspect is cer- tainly sufficient for an understanding of these tensions.

One white senior who had been at Woodward for six years discussed her fears in relation to all the fight­ ing in the building;

There is the problem of so much violence all around, I don't know how to deal with that. You go dov/n the hall, they're fighting. You're afraid but don't want to act afraid. You try to make excuses about the fighting to yourself, (WF 23R -6 )

Referring to black students as "they", another senior complained about the beating and assaults;

Student; "They start getting restless." Researcher; "Who is they?" Student; The black kids. Why, I don't know. Maybe they just like to fight. It’s not that I'm just pointing a finger at them.. ..maybe I am. It's true they are the ones that are causing the trouble. Last year just plain black kids beat­ ing up white kids. Not fights but assaults. To see that happening to my friends, I be­ gan to think blacks were subhuman. (WM P9 K-3)

Another student also sees black students as being very physical and discussed how their beating on people 176 alienates hint

I don't like to be around a group contin- , ually beating on each other. My general impression of blacks is they freeze up around whites...When X freeze up I imagine people in groups I am with freeze. I see this hap­ pening to a lot of blacks and whites. When they are with the others they freeze up. (WM Pk6 P-3)

This "freezing up" demonstrates the fear or uncom­ fortable feeling that many whites and blacks have about each other. As a result, the majority of students tend to hold their feelings and tensions within themselves,

I think as far as racial tension goes, most kids wear a mask: they keep it bottled up. I think that many whites try to justify any prejudices that might appear. I'm one of them. (WM P59

In an assignment for English class, one white underclassman expressed a deep hostility to blacks which appears to be a direct result of the physical attacks and beatings he and his classmates have exper­ ienced.

I have had my fill of integration. I must honestly admit that I can't look at the topic objectively. The main reason is that I'm pre­ judiced. In my defense, I might add that I did not come to Woodward prejudiced but that Woodward (or rather seme of its outstanding students) made me this way. Last year, on my 1 7 7

birthday yet, I got knocked out by some black blankety-blank. I didn't even know the guy, I didn't see the punch coningj he hit me from behind. Later that year I saw my friends - about five - get jumped by more of the under­ privileged blacks - twenty-five or thirty - and get beaten up so bad that two of my friends wound up in the hospital. And this year, while walking my girlfriend to a class ’(I no longer felt it was safe for her to walk by herself) some S.O.B. slugged me in the back of the head. How can you fight back when there are hundreds of them around you? I want segregation, I want to be with white people. I've never been jumped by white people.,,I never owned any slave, nor did my great-grandfather...Ho young black has ever felt the hardships of slavery. The blacks to­ day have it better than they ever did, but they are still not satisfied. Everywhere I turn it's "Give me a nickel, man..This paper is written from an extremely prejudiced point of view. But the niggers have made me this way and nobody else, (Y/MP)

This discussion illustrates the intense emotion­ ality that one teacher referred to when commenting on the difficulty of discussing racial issues objectively with students who had experienced intimidations and assaults (see page 1?0 ). - Overt racial confrontations now are no longer as predominant as they were in the past several years. As a result, when most students discussed these con­ frontations they referred to them in the past tense. Their impact on students' feelings as portrayed in the statement above was significant. Yet most students 178 interviewed agreed that fewer assaults or fights occur occurred during the 1971-72 school year. In addition, most of the fighting that occurs now is intraracial rather than interracial and is more fre­ quently between black groups from different neighbor­ hoods, One black senior discusses this change from black-white confrontations to black-black fightingi

Well, last year there was a lot of prob­ lems with whites and blacks and between black neighborhoods there were a lot of fights. This year there's been maybe two fights be­ tween black neighborhoods that I know of here at the school, I haven’t heard anything about racial confrontations. (BMF52B-2)

A white senior agrees that there hasn't been as much fighting this year, but still sees black-white relations as very negative.

Studenti Well, I think that the black and white situation isn't good. I don’t think it's tolerable, I think something should be done. That’s definitely a problem. There are white kids who hate blacks, blacks who hate whites just be­ cause of color. They fight, there's vio­ lence, riots. I don't think that’s good. I don’t think there is any valid reason behind what's going on. Researcheri Has amount of fighting changed? Studenti There hasn't been as much fighting this year.

f 1 7 9 Researcheri Why? Studenti I don't know...Maybe they are just getting tired, I don't think there's less prejudice anymore. Lately I haven't seen hoods from Carthage and Hartwell hanging around the parking lot. I don't know, maybe they are just learning to get along or maybe it's just underground for awhile. (WMP J*9H-6)

I do not have data to confirm this, but it appears that overt tension has lessened in the eyes of seniors perhaps more than underclassmen. Many seniors think they have grown out of this immature stage of racial confrontation. One commentedi

I have yet to see a white kid jump a black kid. So far this year it's been pretty good. Seniors handle the situation differently than underclassmen. On the whole they've grown out of it-picking fights, doing trivial things, saying "hey, boy"... The senior class is not united, but peace­ ful and very segregated. Black kids have black friends and white kids have white friends. (WFP1P-3)

A black female, active in senior class council, also articulated the same feeling*

Studenti There haven't been too many fights this year. I'm surprised to see that. Researcher* Why? 180 Studenti I don't know. I guess they've grown upi they're starting to see just how silly they are. There was fighting against whites, not whites, hut hillbillies. Then they (blacks) started to mess with white people. Black girls are bad too. They were bothering the white girls in the bathrooms. Now the blacks and whites are giving each other dope, and are selling it to each other. That really brought them together. Now there is more associating this year. (BFP^?B-3)

This black student felt that there is more posi­ tive associating than the white female quoted before her. Another black student also agreed with her* al­ though he did not discuss drugs as the reason for blacks and whites coming together.

Racial tension has really cooled down in the past year, because everybody has been work­ ing real close together, on different things ... real close. (BMP52B-2)

He talked about their efforts in Student Council. Although he admitted that most of the participants were black students, he still felt there were much more positive relationships among students. I-noted a gen­ eral tendency on the part of black students to discuss the present more positively than whites. I believe 181 this reflects the fact that they have become the majority group in terms of power and status as well as « numerically. One administrator was perhaps more realistic about why tensions at the school had decreased. He commented that tensions have lessened, primarily because white students are so withdrawn, (WMS91-5) Thus, intimidations both subtle and overt, have contributed significantly to the negative relationships between blacks and whites at Woodward. While tensions are still prevalent, they are often more subtle or at least physical in nature. The situation is more posi­ tive than in the past few years because of these changes, yet there are still definite gaps inhibiting communication. Chapter Eight t

THE FACULTY AND RACE RELATIONS

The administrator's and teachers' reaction to and their way of handling racial problems has contributed to the present situation. In this chapter I will dis­ cuss certain important aspects of the faculty's response during this transitional period. In Chapter Three the figures on faculty composi­ tion indicate that a very small percentage are black. Although the number of black faculty members increased from ^.5 per cent in 1966-196? to 15 per cent in 1971- 19?2 , in comparison to the student enrollment change from 26 per cent black to 5^ per cent black over the same period of time, this change has not significantly altered the make-up of the faculty. Earlier I discussed the increasing disinterest and non-enthusiasm for extracurricular activities in the student body, In commenting on this change among stu­ dents, I also noted the faculty's non-involvement in this area. This response to the changes in the school

182 183 Is important to reemphasize in appreciating the facul­ ty's role in affecting interracial communication. t Although my data on the teachers' reactions to the changes and racial problems is limited, I believe the comments in the interviews and my daily observations allow for some valid but tentative generalizations. Since I did not have one particular question in the interviews on how the staff handled racial problems, most of the comments on this matter were in the con­ text of general discussions. Of those interviewed, 16 per cent felt that the administration handled the racial situation well and the administration's stance probably contributed to a lessening of racial trouble. Fourteen per cent of the black students (four out of twenty-nine) and 1^ per cent of the white students (five out of thirty-seven) expressed this feeling, while 21 per cent (seven out of thirty-four) of the faculty saw the administrations' role as an important one in keeping the situation stabalized, I asked one teacher why he felt tensions had les­ sened, He replied*

I think that results primarily from Mr, Shrimpton (the Principal) and his approach to race relations ax Woodward, He has made an 184 attempt to bring the students together to talk about their grievances, and to allow students to work out their own solutions to problems under faculty guidance, t Primarily, I think the reason for the de­ crease in racial problems is the effort of Mr, Shrimpton and the faculty to come to grips with the problems on more than just an individual level, (WMS74-3)

Another teacher commented on students feeling bad about Mr, Shrimpton's decision to leave Woodward and how they defended him because of his willingness to meet with students and to discuss problemsi

Researcher* Has the administration had a role in lessening tensions? Teacher* I think this year Mr, Shrimpton's influence has filtered down quite a bit, because I know some of the kids, both black and white, are concerned that he's leaving. I've heard kids who've had con­ tact with him that put down the others who talk against him and come to his de­ fense. One of the main comments is one could go into Shrimpton's office and talk to him and he would listen, (WFS81-4)

The sentiments of one black student demonstrates the rapport the principal was able to establish with some students*

Shrimpton is a guy trying to satisfy what people want. He's as far down to earth as a white principal can be. He goes as far as he 185 can to satisfy everybody. On a large scale a majority really digs the guy. They wouldn't have it any other way. (BMP38B-6 ) *

While Mr. Shrimpton may have this support from the black students, some white students and' white faculty members seem to feel that the administration definitely shows favoritism towards blacks. Although only per cent (fourteen out of one-hundred) expressed this in interviews, it is the sentiment of many and it is to a certain degree a valid accusation. One teacher felt that this was a factor in affecting white non-involve- menti

There is a great feeling among the white students and faculty that there's a great deal of favoritism! whatever the blacks yell for they will get. It's sort of a reverse prejudice. (WMS82-11)

He felt that the solution to the controversy over the prom band (see Chapter Nine, pp. 209-11) was one of many examples of the administration giving into black pressure. In discussing white non-involvement,. one student mentioned the controversy of the Homecoming Dance con­ cerning the selection of queen candidates. He felt that the administration catered to blacks and he related this to white apathy1 186

On the Homecoming Dance, the administration sucked to blacks, just so there wouldn’t be trouble. Whites are tired of losing and being told they are bad. They just don’t care anymore,, and I don’t blame them. (WM P9 K-3)

One white student wrote in an essay for his Eng­ lish class of racial fighting and other problems. He felt that the faculty's "leniency" and fear of blacks would allow these hostilities to continuei

I believe the matter of discipline stems from fright. I believe the administrators to be scared of the blacks, and afraid to enforce the punishment deserved. This school year has been pretty good as far as the jumpings are concerned. The blacks haven’t acted up too much. I can recall only a couple of iso­ lated incidents. But last year I really boiled when I and a few of my friends were jumped on the ground floor and one friend had four broken ribs and the other had a broken jaw, I was fortunate that I wasn’t hurt badly, but when I told the administrator, he said, "All right. Go to class".

I couldn't go to class because my friend with the jaw was off somewhere and I didn't even know if he was alive. So I skipped the rest of the day, trying to find him. Well, I finally found out he was in the hospital,

At a meeting Shrimpton said to get wit­ nesses. Friends and I pointed out about twelve of them. Nothing was done. One friend's parents even prosecuted, when to the law, but nothing ever happened.

I believe the only way to stop niggers from beating the shit out of kids is to enforce reg­ ulations. Because last year my brother and I had two or three hundred kids in the back 187 parking lot and were going to do some of our own enforcement. Some of the black kids had guns and knives, and about eight police cars pulled up. So we just held off for a while but that was the proudest day of my life, seeing our race can fight back too and not be panicked and take all that crap. I think that’s the reason there wasn’t any mugging this year. If niggers know we'll fight back, then the school may be all right some day. Until the all out rumble, I believe that nig­ gers will still take advantage of the leniency of the faculty. As for prejudiced, I am. Some niggers can be really nice and I believe 80 per cent to be really good. Then the 20 per cent begin acting up, the rest chime in also. So, what's the use? (WMP)

He implies that blacks have stopped mugging out of fear that the whites would retaliate. However, mug­ gings and intimidations still do occur. As I mentioned earlier, intraracial fighting as opposed to inter­ racial fighting is more common, probably largely be­ cause white students are more careful and passive. Also, with the increase of blacks numerically, there are more blacks with whom to fight and since blacks have already gained control of the school, they no longer need to intimidate whites. This student, how­ ever, still believes the blacks take advantage of the faculty's softness. A white student talked about certain teachers let­ ting blacks behave in a way in which they would never 188 permit whitest

k few teachers let black kids jump over chairs in the lunchroom - I've seen that. What if I started jumping over chairs in the lunchroom? I ’d be kicked out pretty fast, while this kid is running along doing any­ thing he wants to. You know that bothers me a little bit. But that's just one instance. Generally I think it's pretty good around here about the whole thing. Everybody is pretty equal. It seems to me. There are just a few cases where whites are actually discriminated against a little bit. (WMP50H-3)

Although this student discussed this example of favoritism towards blacks, he did not feel that there was much discrimination by teachers. In fact, in the sixty-six student interviews conducted, only eleven

(or 1? per cent) commented about teachers being pre­ judiced. Most of these comments were about teachers being prejudiced toward blacks, but some were about teachers' negative treatment of "long-hairs" and "greasers". Only four ( or 1^ per cent) of the black students interviewed felt that the administration was anti-black. Again, I never directly asked questions concerning teacher prejudicesj the comments were usually made within the discussion of students' per­ sonal problems. 189 In reply to my query about the leniency towards black students, one administrator admittedi

In this school you tend to excuse certain things you shouldn’t on the basis of race. One hears kids say certain behavior is okay in the ghetto and one overhears whites say this is okay because they should learn black culture. But there are certain things of the ghetto that are unacceptable in school. (WMA9^-1)

The head administrator believed that many deci­ sions had racial implications or at least racial under­ tones, He saw race as an "overwhelming problem". This necessitated an overcautiousness for fear of accusa­ tions of discrimination by both blacks and whites. His commitment to stabilizing race relations took precedence over educational problems. The following quote illustrates his philosophy on discipline and how it relates to his approach to the handling of race relations at Woodwardi

H o o k at this stage of race relations and I think that we can gain more from the soft approach rather than from the hard approach. I'm not saying that in two or three years that I might not tighten up, But school cannot be operated like an army. My goal is to create an avenue for racial reconciliation. If we can get over the big hump, which to me is race, then eventually we can get on to learning. 190 Again, the hard line approach would not be tolerated. I doubt that any principal at an all black school can do that. (WMS99-1*0

Another administrator felt that while blacks have been encouraged, whites feel that they have been pushed aside and now the staff must convince whites that they care about them too»

If someone could convince white kids that we are interested...black kids know that we are interested. The white kids don't know that anymore. We spend years and thousands of man-hours developing ideas to convince blacks that we are part of the community. But at the same time we have white kids here and our efforts for blacks have not gone un­ noticed. Perhaps we need similar programs to con­ vince whites that we are interested in them too. I wish that we could just have pro­ grams for students. We will not get to that point in a short while. (WMS98-18)

One staff member admitted that often it is dif­ ficult for a white to decide what to accept in black students and as a result, often will "let things go by". She discussed the increasing frustrations she had felti

I feel an increasing pressure each year. I don't know if it is Woodward or society, I and all my friends feel drained at the end of the year. Noise, hostility in the halls, 191 you have to decide what to accept and what not.,.Everyone is a little island) they do not support each other. That's the way it evolved, I think we whites in the school with all the black students, for whatever reason, it may he fear, don't know what we should expect and what we shouldn't. We let things go by with black students we wouldn’t let whites do. We're not becoming involved out of fear, not because we don't want to be involved. There are not too many people who would admit it. (WFS92-10)

Again fear appears as a reason why teachers stay unin­ volved. Another staff member also admitted the diffi­ culties he has in relating to black students and for that reason he tries harder than he might with white studentst

I'm more careful with black students. It's harder for me to communicate with black kids. It's harder for me to know where they are com­ ing from. If that becomes favoritism, I don't know. I'd probably do the same thing with an Appalachian. To some extent there is overcompensation by the administration. Whether they do it in dis­ ciplining I do not know. (WMS100-1)

Since Woodward has a diversity of students, the majority of teachers not only have problems relating to black students, some also commented on the diffi­ culties in relating to students of Appalachian 1 9 2 background. Their nonorientation to education is per­ haps a major reason for teachers difficulties with these i students, who are mostly residents of the Hartwell-Car- thage areas. A staff member's description of them pro­ vides some insight into understanding these studentsi

I see them mostly as floaters. They don't rock the boat, Some have a real definite problem trying to get a handle on education. Most of them are not educationally oriented. They are apathetic about Woodward...The Ap­ palachian whites are the most deprived at Woodward because they are least threatening as a group. (BMS97-*0

Many of teachers are turned off, to these Appa­ lachian whites, as well as black students, and feel they are too old to change. One staff member discussed these feelingsi

Everytime you turn around and talk to a teacher they comment on the good old days. You never hear what is happening now that is good. With teachers I don't think it is just a generation gap. vhat's too facile an expla­ nation, These people did communicate with kids. Now all of their spirit is gon^. You talk to them and they say the system i- ing on them* , (WMS100-1J

But there are others who try, often with much difficulty, to adjust to the changing student population and bridge the cultural gaps* Two white teachers who worked on the Black History Week program, while the majority of black staff members did not participate, spoke about the hostility of some black students and the threatening notes they received telling them to stay away because they were white. An experience such as this could very well alienate the few teachers who have shown interest by their involvement and may affect other teachers' willingness to participate in extra­ curricular activities. Thus for faculty members, as for many students, fear and intimidation is an essential factor affecting their involvement in the school. In addition, the dif­ ficulties that arise because of the potential charges of favoritism and the cultural barriers that often exist are important aspects that influence interracial com­ munication at Woodward, Chapter Nine

ASPECTS OF POSITIVE BUCK-WHITE INTERACTIONS

In the preceding chapters the description of changing patterns of racial interaction at Woodward High School, has depicted a situation characterized by various negative forms of communication and inhib­ itors to racial exchange, However, the situation is not entirely dismal. Presently I will discuss some of the more positive types of interracial interaction and communication that are occurring. Because of the separation of blacks and whites in most extracurricular activities, there is little opportunity for interracial cooperation. In general, if an organization or activity is dominated either by blacks or whites, those in the minority tend to recede into the background. In certain activities, however, participants from the minority group may be some of the most involved participants. This was true .of the Stu­ dent Council in which a few v/hites faithfully attend meetings and worked on projects,

1 9 ^ 1 9 5 Since Student Council is viewed by most students as a black organization, the involved whites are viewed by other whites as "freaks" or "nigger-lovers", They often are loners or have few white friends, so they have minimal influence in inducing other whites to par­ ticipate. Similarly, whites active in athletics are usually in the minority and their participation may encourage a few whites to attend a game. These few, however, will usually be limited to the white athlete's personal friends. The majority of those who attend are black students supporting a black team. The individual black or white student who does participate in an activity because of a personal inter­ est and not because of their friends will often develop some contacts with those from the other racial group and may even develop very close friendships. These students are the exception, for as has been noted earlier, peer groups have a very powerful influence on adolescents and as a result whites and blacks live in different so­ cial worlds. Those that do participate without regard to their racial peer group are often outcasts. Many are truly "marginal" persons for their acceptance by both their own racial group and the other is often limited. 196 A student involved in school activities discussed fairly realistically the situation! * Although we have all these different back­ grounds of people, it's very seldom that they meet each other and get along. That would be almost unthinkable sins for some people. How could they think of associating with people from different backgrounds? (WM P28 B—6 )

Feelings on Changes in Interracial Compatabi11tv I discussed black-white compatability with ninety- three out of the one hundred persons interviewed,

Sixty-two of these interviewees or 66 per cent of those who discussed inter-group compatability believed there was more compatability among groups at the present time than in the past. The percentages of black students and white students agreeing on this assessment of relation­

ships was almost equal (70 per cent of the white stu­ dents and 72 per cent of the black students). It is important in discussing these figures to appreciate that this view was largely that of seniors at

the school, since they composed 85 per cent of the total number of students interviewed. It is true that black- white relations at Woodward have improved in certain respects. Yet these seniors' assessment may also have been influenced by their having learned to either cope 197 with or ignore their fellow students. I would hypothe­ size that younger students might not feel as positively about race relations since they haven't yet grown accustomed to certain negative experiences. The faculty's opinion on this question may offer a more realistic appraisal of the situation. A much smaller percentage (only 41 per cent) of those inter­ viewed believed this year was better than previous years. 'As I mentioned in the last chapter, fighting, especially interracial, has definitely decreased and students often cite this fact as evidence that racial tensions have lessened. The faculty does not tend to be so optimistic. Perhaps they appreciate more than the students that subtle tensions are really only different in form from the more confrontations. One student talked about the changes at Woodward in terms of a gradual decrease in open hate. Yet the situation is still far from positive in her opinion!

Studenti We haven't adjusted to integration. I don't think there’s any honest open hate like there used to be between the races. But there's still animosity, Researcheri What kind? Studenti First whites hated blacks, then blacks hated whites. Then that hate was tempered too. I guess there's resentment on both sides which isn't so bad. It can 198 be overcome with a little more time* But they are not yet able. Researcher* What do you mean? i Studenti ieople say its such a thrill to go to an integrated school, but at 2 *3 0 , whites go hone and blacks go home. V/here is the real mixing? In classes blacks sit on one side and whites on the other. When there's time for goofing off, blacks and whites separate. (WF F23 R-6 )

This student's portrayal of the separation in classes is fairly accurate, according to my observa­ tions. In addition, very few black and white students meet informally in the school corridors or in the cafe­ teria. The only ones that an observer will see social­ izing with their racial out-group are those few marginal persons I mentioned above.

Tolerance or Passive Acceptance as the Solution to fejjj-B&jQgetfrer While major interracial physical confrontations rarely occur anymore at Woodward, verbal confrontations over specific issues occur instead. Yet for most stu­ dents, a passive acceptance of others and their life styles seems to be the norm. Several comments on this way of coping with daily life at Woodward contribute to an understanding of the situation, A black student who attended Woodward for

4 199 six years described the change he's seen and how he views the presenti

When I first came here there were alot of problems among black and white students. Now it doesn't matter. It's not that they get along, but there's a tolerance. Both know each other is here to stay* so they get along or ignore each other. (BM F53 A-6)

A long time faculty member described this toler­ ance characterized by a "live and let live" mentality, especially on the part of white students:

Teacheri The biggest change that I have seen within the last year is the change in the type of relationships between the races. Researcher: "What kind of changes?" Teacher: We have moved away from a relation­ ship marked by violence. We have come into a relationship that you might call passive tolerance. There's sort of a "live and let live but I ’m not going to associate with you" attitude, especially among white students. White kids feel that the school is predominantly inter­ ested in blacks and this being true, the blacks have taken over. Their (the whites) recourse is not to boycott, just passive tolerance. They make no attempt to change it. (WM S98 - 18)

Another teacher saw this tolerance resulting be­ cause blacks are now in the numerical majority and no longer need to struggle for power: 200 I think the racial situation is better now than two years ago. I think perhaps the situa­ tion has sort of stabilized itself. Before it was a threati blacks had to prove themselves, whites had to hold the line. Now there is no line, it's been number-whipped. Blacks are the majority, they don't feel they have to prove themselves. Gradually there developed a stand­ off relationship, I think kids are really not as bad as I could imagine - kids can be awfully cruel, The last couple of years they're much more tolerant of viewpoints. At the same time there is lit­ tle interaction, (WF S75 - 13)

Her comment that tolerance does not necessarily lead to social interaction is an important one in under­ standing the present situation. For although the pres­ ent situation is not characterized by many positive interactions, it also lacks the very hostile mood of the past and this may be a good sign. Consequently some people are encouraged)

I think there's less tension in the opera­ tion of the school. People learn to get along by avoiding and not getting involved. The white kids are withdrawing. It's easier for black kids to do what they want. It doesn't bother me. This can be seen as progress, because at least there's not the outward hos­ tility. (WF S92 -10)

Another staff member expressed similar feelingsi 201 I think we've come through the worst. It seems to me racially we're in some area of reconciliation. It seems we're in the midst of the healing process. This is something positive. Somehow I don't feel the problems of the kids will be particularly a racial problem in the future. But relevance in the cur­ riculum is perhaps going to be more of a problem than struggles between blacks and whites. (WM S72 -11)

This belief that Woodward has gone through its major racial struggles may be true. However passive tolerance seems to imply that no positive communication between blacks and whites is occurring. In the next sections I will discuss some of the situations that would encourage a more positive outlook for future black-white relations,

Positive Experiences Inside the Classroom There is a great deal of segregation within the school as a result of the academic tracking. Therefore many blacks and whites rarely meet each other in class­ room situations. This year the English Department initiated a new set of mini-courses in which the tracking system was eliminated. This gave many seniors and juniors an op­ portunity for the first time to meet each other in the 202 classroom and participate in informal discussions, unlike the format in the typical classrooms. The Eng­ lish electives included courses in "Science Fiction", ' "Youth in Conflict", "Man in the Future", and "Black Literature", This thematic approach to English was experimental and proved fairly successful in the stu- d ents' evaluations. Although these courses were open to students in

* the different levels, few white students selected the sections in "Black Literature", There were also less than a handful of white students in the six sections of the twelfth grade social studies elective "Black Cul­ ture" . In addition, almost no white students attended the two Black History Week Shows, These situations are quite indicative of both the separation in the social worlds of white and black students and the white's avoidance and passive tolerance of black culture. However, the whites who did participate in these classes may have gained from this interracial experience in a way other white students could not possibly have. A teacher's comments on her experience teaching Black Literature illustrates this*

It's been my favorite course all year. Maybe the course material is shocking to some kids, I hate to be trite to say the kids are 203 enthusiastic. But they talk more about it* they (the blacks) don't come down on white kids at all. They try to help them. In other classes they come down on them more. In this class they realize the v/hite kids are in there because they want to be. (WFS67-3)

Seniors also have another Social Studies option in addition to "Black Culture" entitled "Social and Econom­ ic Problems". There are separate academic and general sections, of this course, As a result there is a racial segregation, with few blacks in the academic sections and a minority of whites in the general sections, The teacher in this course felt it was difficult to discuss social problems without relating them to racial problems. She noted, and I observed in the aca­ demic sections of this course, the white students' hos­ tility and desire to avoid discussions of black-white relations. In contrast, in the general sections which were more racially mixed very open and frank discussions concerning race often occurred. She discussed this con­ trast and the difficulties that do occur in black-white communication*

In the general classes sometimes blacks will speak out. Blacks will be hostile and white kids will clam up, When it comes to written work, the whites will be open. But they (the whites) can't be made to discuss racial problems. Academic classes are 204 different. One class is almost all white. They can't stand to get at any racial is­ sues... There are a few champions who speak against racism. They are shot down when they talk. (WFS71-3)

4 Some white students did benefit from this course in terms of understanding racial problems better. The comment of one student demonstrates this*

I think the "Social and Economic Froblems" class helped, I was not prejudiced. Then af­ ter my friends were beaten up I became preju­ diced. I began to think they (blacks) were somewhere between apes and whites. I never knew the problems of poor people. This class helped me to see some of the problems of the blacks. If it was not for this I would prob­ ably have been stoned prejudiced. (WMP9K-3)

The Student Leadership Center offered an oppor­ tunity for a diversity of students to meet in an informal classroom setting. Many of the students in each section became acquainted with students of differ­ ent social, economic and racial backgrounds. Although the representation of students in this program may not have been proportional to all groups in the school, the mixture was far greater than in the typical class. The goal of the center is the development of the students' ability to work in group endeavors. The con­ cern is not with developing leaders, but with learning 205 and working with group maintenance skills. Their motto is "turned on kids with know-how". Thus a major inter- est in this class i3 learning to work together to plan activities. As a result, a certain amount of group informality and rapport must develop in order to func­ tion well. Therefore this course offers an opportunity to break down many of the communication gaps among differ­ ent groups. Although the total number of participants is very small, the positive interactions that occur within this setting are bound to have some effect on the non-participants. Since this was the first year of the program and I did not spend much time evaluating this project, the conclusions about its effect are tentative. However, a couple positive comments on this program from interviewees will at least serve to indicate its poten­ tial. One student active in a variety of school activi­ ties besides Student Leadership commented!

It broke down a lot of barriers between different types of people. In the beginning no one in the class knew each other. - The class was so informal that you could easily get to know different people. (BMP65A-5) 206 A faculty member in discussing the general lack of communication between groups believed the leadership center was most successful in improving this situationi

I guess the biggest problem I see (at Woodward) is no sincere communication as a result of the barriers between groups, It’s kind of pseudo-integrated here, I would say the leadership class has probably attempted more than any other group to achieve integration. I would say that there’s been a fair degree of success in that group, but primarily it's a self-con­ tained group. (BMS96-1)

The fact that this project is one setting in which positive racial interaction occurs is important to ap­ preciate, Even if it is mostly self-contained, its suc­ cesses are bound to have some influence. There is a great deal of segregation in most . classrooms, and even in classes with a mixture of black and white students, the students will generally segre­ gate themselves in their work groups and informal asso­ ciations. However, black-white communication is becom­ ing more relaxed and less hostile in many situations and the comment of one teacher on the changes she has seen in the classroom situations illustrates thisi

Researcheri Are there specific situations which are better? 20? Teacher* In terms of ray own classroom, there is a more relaxed communication between black and white students; there is more genuine changed. This has definitely since I've been here, Before the blacks made jokes that were culturally oriented and the whites did not understand. That just doesn't happen anymore. I think there's a realization kind of thing hap­ pening. I think there's less demand for the kind of recognition the blacks were demanding four years ago. This would seem to indicate that they have a bit better positive image. (WFS81-4)

She discussed the much more relaxed interactions she has observed and how joking is an example of a mode of communication that no longer reflects cultural dif­ ferences. Abraham Zalenik noted in a study of a group of workers with a different ethnic backgrounds "joking was a prevalent means of controlling the tensions arising from common membership in a work group, on the one hand, and the disparate identifications with the ethnic groups whose positions in the community car-, ried marked distinctions on the other hand”. Similarly, although the relationships among students may be more relaxed, the change the teacher described may not so much be in the degree of tension as in the man­ ner in which it is expressed. Nevertheless, she did not see a change characterized by easier interactions.

*Abraham Zaleznik, "Interpersonal Relations in Organizations", in Handbook of Organizations, ed. by James G, harch (Chicago* Rand McNally and Company), P. 590. 208 The above are indications of some positive inter­ actions that are occurring within the more formal set-

* tings of the classroom.

Positive Interactions in Extracurricular Activities As discussed earlier, there is a definite differ­ ence in the type of extracurricular participation of white students and 'clack students. In individual cases there are sorae very intense interracial relationships that have occurred because of students' involvement in certain activities. But I would hypothesize that most students who participate in activities dominated by their racial out-group are friends with the partici­ pants before and not as a result of their involvement. Showcase, a yearly variety show, was the one ac­ tivity in which a fairly equal percentage of both black and white students participated. Since this production requires many hours of hard work and preparation, those involved are forced into fairly intense contact and must cooperate in order to function efficiently This pro- i duction attracts fewer student and faculty participants than in previous years and the attendance* at the per­ formances has decreased greatly. However, those that were involved seemed to have gained in terms of positive interracial experiences. 2 0 9 Until recently, Showcase was an almost all white show. This past year the majority of students that auditioned were black, yet the final company was equally distributed between blacks and whites. In addition, almost all the students in positions of authority and coordination were white. It seems that this fairly equal representation of whites and blacks not only re­ flects the predilections of the majority of judges, who were white teachers, but also a contrived effort to have a cast as representative of the entire school as pos­ sible. Stage Crew is an organization with a fairly diverse mixture of members, yet all but three are white. It’s smooth functioning demonstrates, as do other such groups as athletics, that groups that are not entirely homogeneous can function successfully at Woodward. One white senior, a white faculty advisor and an all black senior class council did most of the planning for the Senior Prom, When a white band was hired, the black majority became exceptionally perturbed and the two whites were the recipients of a barrage of racial accusations. Before they cancelled the contract with the white band, the principal insisted that a group of whites join the black students in making the decision. 210 This contrived group of blacks and whites met and selected representatives to hear tapes of the contrac­ ted white band and an available black group. When these representatives returned to the next meeting, the tension was lessened, yet whites and blacks sat on opposite sides of the room. There was some jok­ ing during the meeting which helped to assuage any ten­ sion. The result was a unanimous preference for the white band. Everyone seemed pleased and the hostility abated without any physical confrontations. The positive solution to this problem occurred not only because the administration and advisors have .* learned to be more careful in tense situations, but be­ cause students would much rather avoid any confronta­ tions. This is probably because white students believe that in any confrontation with blacks they would likely be the underdog. In addition, white students are much more acceptant of the secondary role they now have in many decision making situations. The irony of the prom incident was that the white band broke the contract and in a panic a black band was hired. Although the overall prom attendance was down from the previous year, at least one-fourth of the par­ ticipants were white. All the prom queen and princess contestants were black. 211 The only interracial interaction occurred at the prom between blacks and the few whites who are personal friends primarily with blacks. Nevertheless the dance was not a black dance as most dances and other activi-

* ties at Woodward now are. This indicates that perhaps not all white students have given up on Woodward High School. It also demonstrates that they are not afraid to participate in a social activity where black students are present. The cooperation between blacks and whites on joint efforts may often be contrived or forced on them and as one teacher saidi

For the most part, cooperation between blacks and whites is token when it comes down to the nitty gritty, (WMS82-11)

However, all contact and group interactions are not overtly hostile and there are some comfortable inter­ actions which may be a positive sign.

Positive Aspects_of Personal Contacts In this section I intend to explore some of the dimensions of friendships and personal contacts that have resulted in more positive feelings between black and white students at Woodward. 2 1 2 As 1 have commented above, tolerance and avoidance are two techniques that students use to handle the racial situation at Woodward. One white senior dis­ cussed contacts that bother her and how she believes one needs to be patient to survive*

Researcher* What does it take to get along at Woodward? Studenti A lot of patience and maybe a little bit of ignoring things. Things that are said and things that are heard. Researcher* What do you mean? Student* I don't know. Kids will say things* maybe they are racial comments. They call you "white ass", but they don't mean it racially, that bugs me. Sometimes they are seniors. They'll say things as a cliche - it becomes regular stuff. They say you white or black something. They'll say things whether they mean them or not. (WFP32H-6)

This type of negative interaction like the intimi­ dations discussed earlier are one more factor in inhi­ biting whites desires to associate with black students. There are some informal meetings that occur be­ tween black and white students, although the majority still keep in their separate cliques. One black stu­ dent described the change he sees in black-white rela­ tions and how more blacks and whites seem to be together informally* 213 The racial problem has improved a great deal. It's improved in that you don't see as many conflicts between whites and blacks. There is more of a spirit of togetherness. Segregation is somewhat less than it has been. I'm not talking about student clubs, but students themselves walking in the halls, in the park, and in the "vill" (a stairwell where students gather to smoke). (BMP3*+A-3)

Individuals have felt changes in themselves in terms of their feelings about their racial out-group. Two students commented on their feelings in discussing the changes in the racial situation, A black female said i

It's changed. When I first came here, all the blacks were together, and had little or nothing to say to each other. Any blacks that were with whites were called "Toms". Now it's different. Still some people feel strongly about things. Now it's pretty nice. I don't look at somebody in terms of their race. Everyone can be himself. Now it's pretty open. You can say what's on your mind, it used to be you were on your guard. (BFP37A-6)

She expressed her feelings that things are much more compatible between blacks and whites. This is largely because she as a black does not feel inhibited by the presence of whites as she did when she first came to Woodward. 214 A white senior quoted below discussed his change in no longer feeling inhibited by blacks.

I think people are now starting to work together instead of fighting. Before this year I never had any intimate contact with blacks. I've sat next to them. But I've never talked to them Of course I used to be extremely conservative. I'm ashamed of it now. For that reason I didn't get along with a lot of people here, at least they weren't my friends. This year I seem to hit it off with everybody, A friend intro­ duced me to several kids in Student Council, They are great people. I’ve enjoyed doing stuff with them. (WMP45L-3)

He feels that once he became open-minded and met some black students socially, he realized how he had for­ feited as a result of his earlier inhibitions toward blacks, As more white and black students find a common cultural experience in drugs, relationships and inhi­ bitions have relaxed, Two students feel that even though drugs may be potentially negative this is one area in which blacks and whites can relate*

Blacks and whites are on the same ground at least on something. They’re standing to­ gether, side by side, on one area, like dope. That's O.K. It's happening. I don't know if it's good or bad. But it's happening. (WMP50K-3) 215 liore people are accepting people as peo­ ple. People have become more mature and have made efforts to get along with others.... The reason white and black are getting together is for drugs. It's nice to have them together, but I don't think that rea­ son is very good, . (B?P^33-3)

Ky data on drug use is limited, since this was not the focus of my study. However, many students believe drugs are a factor in loosening tensions and the school is a setting in which most students make their contacts for dope. Barriers of racial inhibitions fall when one desires to make a contact for drugs. In half of the student interviews, I discussed the student's personal friends at Woodward. Eight of these thirty-three or 24 per cent mentioned having a friend­ ship with someone in their racial out-group. This figure is probably quite high for the total student body. Since it is representative of such a small sam­ ple, I doubt it should be considered seriously. The size of the sample and the nature of the data collection do not lend themselves to this question. However, my many hours of observation allow me to conclude with a high degree of validity about the rareness of interra­ cial friendships. 216 Some informal interactions and personal friend­ ships do result from the meeting of others at Woodward. I would suggest, however, that little in the school encourages this. Most associations result either be­ cause people are willing to exceed the normal bounda­ ries or find it worthwhile for certain utilitarian purposes such as contacting for drugs.

Interracial Dating Although I had originally conceived of interracial dating as a topic I could pursue in this project, other topics seemed more important as I proceeded in the re­ search. I did discuss interracial dating with several students and although my data on this is insufficient to generalize, there are certain comments that add to an understanding of the social interactions between black and white students at Woodward. Interracial dating may signify a breakdown of racial inhibitions to a greater extent than what occurs with interracial friendships. One black senior dis­ cussed the improvements in black-white relations at Woodward. She told me about a white girl who dated a black guy. The girl had to hide this from her mother because she said her mother had told her not to go near 217

"niggers". “Niggers" were bad. This student felt that a significant part of the change in race relations at Woodward was a reflection of this mentalityi

White students are beginning to reject what Koiama said, that blacks are poisonous. There is still a thin line of separation be­ tween blacks and whites. But it's nothing like it used to be. Kids are finding that they can work together and have the same kind of thoughts.... (BPP^K-6 )

Thus she believed that the mutual understandings of blacks and whites are resulting in the setting aside of many racial inhibitions and encouraging relation­ ships, llore interracial dating is occurring, but it is still not accepted among the majority of students. One of the reasons is that it may not be worth risking the problems that one could potentially confront. A black female student discussed thisi

Student* A big problem is blacks and whites going together, Teachers in the halls say things to them. Some teachers will make a big deal and come to you in secret and ask you why you are going out with that person. Researcheri Is there a lot of interracial dating? Student: Yes, but it's more secretive now. Not too many people know because of the way people acted. 218 Researcheri Do kids hide this from their friends also? Studenti Well, not as much as they used to. If a black girl and a white guy go out, they wouldn't speak in school because of friends and teachers. Now I guess it's getting so popular. At one time black guys would beat up a black guy who went out with a white girl. Now every­ one's getting into it. They don't hide it from friends, but they still hide it from teachers. (BFP11S-3)

Her discussion of teachers reaction to inter­ dating points out one more factor that inhibits the process of interracial communication and friendships at Woodward. While her comment that "everyone's getting into it" may reflect a minority viewpoint, it does sug­ gest that this is one more area in which black-white relations are relaxing. A black male discussed the difficulties and pres­ sures one may experience by dating interracially*

My attitude on it is you do your own thing. It takes a really strong person to get in on it, Say if you arc from Avondale and you want to rap with a white girl. You get a lot of static. First thing they’ll say is that you're a "Tom". You have to be strong and say to hell with it. Around Woodward it*s not a big thing happening. It goes on in this little group and it's sort of spreading out a bit. leople are getting into people. (BMP31A-6) 2 1 9 He confirms my earlier conclusion that inter-dating is not as widespread as the girl above implies. The pressures that one white student whose per­ sonal friends are all blacks feels, demonstrates a cer­ tain hesitancy that one must have about dating due to the realities of subtle racial tensions in the school*

I hang out in a clique that is almost all black. I'm the only white. There are times when I ought to follow up things with a par­ ticular girl in this clique,,.but I can see myself in a situation where a brother (black person) would come up to me in the hall and say "What are you doing with a black girl?" and bam knock me in the head. (WMP43-5)

As X have noted earlier, the most interracial hos­ tility exists between blacks and whites from lower in­ come neighborhoods who use physical means more often than others to communicate. One white male, very influ­ ential among the Hartwell-Carthage "greasers", discus­ ses his view on interracial dating*

I don't know. I don't like it too much. It's their life, I say let them do it.,,I wouldn't do it, I guess people have differ­ ent opinions. If someone wanted to go out with the opposite race, it's their life. I'm not going to be nosey,,.Kids dislike blacks. The majority -do I guess, I wouldn't go out with one when you get down to the nitty gri-cty. I guess a lot of peo­ ple think they were raised differently. (WMP22H-6) 220 His feelings of scepticism towards blacks are probably quite typical of his peers* In addition his attitude of "it's their life. I'm not going to be nosey", is also fairly typical of the white passive tolerance discussed earlier.

Students' Positive Feelings About Woodward At the end of each student interview, I asked them if they felt they had gained in any way by going to Woodward or if they thought they lost out in any way. Of the total sample, fifty-three out of sixty-six (or 80 per cent) felt they had gained positively by being at Woodward. A larger percentage of white students,

92 per cent (thirty-four out of thirty-seven), than black students, (nineteen out of twenty-nine or 66 per cent), talked about their school experience in positive terms. The major reason given for positive feelings about the school was the variety of people one met at Wood­ ward. Seventy-three per cent of the total sample, 81 per cent of whites compared to 62 per cent of blacks, talked about the valuable experience of attending such a heterogeneous school. This reason for feeling positively about school relates to the results of a national survey that 221 Patricia Sexton discusses. She notes that among the

teenagers in the survey, 72 per cent gave as their major concern in school "how to get along with people", while 2 only per cent listed academic achievement. The large percentage of positive feelings expressed hy the Woodward students interviewed reflects a similar con­ cern, A few comments on this feeling will illustrate more clearly what seems to be a very prevalent attitude. Most students seem to feel that the informal aspects of the school outweigh the more formal ones* One student commentedi

I think it’s a pretty good learning exper­ ience to go to Woodward, Even if you do not get a formal education I think that you have to get along with people because of the different types of people. (BFP*OB-3)

Another student expressed a similar sentiment*

1 could say I'm gaining a sort of round­ ness. Woodward is sort of a city on its own. You meet alot of different people, probably more than if you went to a different school where you have only one type of person, (BFP57-1)

Patricia Cayo Sexton, The American School (Eng­ lewood Cliffs, N.J.* Prentice-Hall, Inc., 19^7), p, 222 Students feel that because of the varied back­ grounds of their peers, their experience is invaluable in preparing them for later life. Twenty-four per cent of all students, 35 per cent white compared to 10 per cent of the black students, believed that their experience at Woodward would better prepare them for facing the outside world. One student discussed her positive feelingsi

At Woodward you get a variety of people, Amberly Village as opposed to Avondale, blacks vs, whites. This is the threshold of what is going to be out there. This is like a micro­ cosm, I think I've gained alot from the vari­ ety of people. (BFPWHC-6 )

Another student agreed with this feeling and seemed to feel, as many students did, that even if there was little real intergroup communication just being in the same building was a beneficial experience*

Researcher* Do you think you've lost by being at Woodward? Student* I don't think I've lost anything. I suppose Woodward is just like little Amer­ ica. People are thrown together and I suppose that’s good to meet people of dif­ ferent backgrounds. Researcher* Is it good just meeting different people without getting to know them? 223 Studentt It's good to meet them. You meet them but just don't get along with them. But they don't care. It's good to come in contact with people whether you are close to them or not* (WFP5P-6)

Although many students mentioned the positive ex­ perience of meeting others from diverse backgrounds* the positiveness of interracial meetings was explicitly men­ tioned less frequently. Thirty-three per cent, or twelve out of thirty-seven, of the whites discussed their positive feelings about attending school with blacks, while only twenty-two out of twenty-nine or 7 per cent of blacks talked about the beneficial exper­ ience of being at school with whites. Nevertheless, the total of 2k per cent that mentioned racial meetings positively indicates that students do not feel that the interracial experience of Woodward was a totally nega­ tive one. White students discussed how they felt their friends at all white schools had very limited apprecia­ tion of blacks and were often unable to relate to themi

I think it's good to go here, I have a friend who goes to an all white suburban school. Here you don't have to get book edu­ cation, you get life education.,.There kids don't go to school with blacks. I've seen them when they get with black kids. They don’t know what to do. They treat them like ZZk they*re beasts. I guess it’s hard if you're brought up with whites. Here you get a gen­ eral education, there’s a little bit of every­ thing around this place. Just like the rest of the world...It's kind of corny but it's true.’ (WFP6P-3)

* One girl talked about her personal growth at Woodward in terms of getting to know black studentsi

1 think I've gained not so much through education, because the school is average. We lived in another city until I was in the eighth grade. The school was totally white. I had met one or two black people in my life. When we first came here I didn't have any black friends. At Woodward you get to see the good and bad in all races, My father can't see any good in blacks. If I stayed in Akron I probably would have felt that way. But like I say, three of my friends were black kids, (WFP3OP-3 )

Similarly a black student tells of her changing views of whites as a result of her attending school with them1

I think I’ve gained. If I went to an all black high school, I wouldn't have run into a lot of problems or changed my mind about whites. My mother told me don't associate with white people, they are big monsters, So I guess I've changed, I now associate with whites. (BFP37A-6)

Although a large percentage of students feel that Woodward has been a positive experience because of the 225 opportunity of associating with a variety of students, a much smaller percentage talk positively of their racial experience* Eighteen out of the sixty-six, or ’

2? per cent, of students express their feeling that blacks and whites are not that different and people are, or ought to be, accepted more as people regardless of their color. Two senior girls expressed these feelings in the course of their interviews*

I have black friends. They are a little different, but human like everyone else...I get really upset when other people call them animals because they're not, (WFP17B-6)

r I don't consider black or white,..There are alot of ugly people, black and white. Beauty is in the person's eyes, (BFP3A-6 )

These feelings that 27 per cent of the students expressed during our discussions indicate certain posi­ tive racial feelings that a small percentage of students share. The experience of living together in the same school has left negative imprints, but some good feel­ ings exist also. One additional comment made by a small percentage of those interviewed should be cited in relation to the

4 226 above discussion. This is the hope that there will be better black-white relations at Woodward in the future and that the present ratio remain stabilized Most o£ these comments came in reply to my questioning of what changes the interviewee would like to see in Woodward in the future. A hopeful white student expressed her fear that Woodward would become an all black school*

One thing is that I really hope the school doesn't become completely black. That would be defeating the purpose of being successfully integrated. Alot of whites are leaving. If it works out at Woodward, this could be the solution to alot of racial problems. (WFP29P-6)

A teacher expressed similar hopes*

I'd like to see Woodward in the future keep the racial balance that it has now, I think this school will become all black in five years. It would be interesting to see it stay this way and see if the communities can get together. (WMS?9-^)

One administrator in a fairly realistic appraisal of the mistrust and non-communication in the school ex­ pressed his hope for an improvement in the racial situation* 22? I would like to see better communication with the staff, students...and parents...I feel the key to racial harmony is communi­ cation. I don't feel that we need to have love affairs. X don't feel that now the dia­ logue is good, Blacks and whites do not know each other that well. There is a basic mis­ trust. We have professionals that are not sincere. (BMS96-1)

Although he is not pleased with the present sit­ uation he has not given up as many students and staff have. Twenty-one per cent (twenty-one out of one hun­ dred) expressed a certain hopefulness for better racial communication in the future. This is only one fifth of those interviewed, yet the fact that even this many ex­ pressed such a sentimant is encouraging. Fourteen out of the twenty were students. This is 21 per cent of all students interviewed or when broken down racially, 2b per cent (nine out of thirty-seven) of all whites as compared to 1? per cent (five out of twen­ ty-nine) of all blacks interviewed. Thus we have seen a variety of social interactions or sentiments that seem to suggest that the racial situ­ ation at Woodward is far from hopeless. Although these were always expressions of a small minority of those at Woodward, their positiveness does imply that Woodward has had some successes in racial interactions. CONCLUSION

The purpose of this case study had been to analyze -she processes of social interaction in a racially nixed school. Ihe main focus is the changing patterns of interaction between black and white students during the years of racial transition. “The distinctions between desegregation and integration articulated in the first chapter are important to consider. In analyzing the situation we question whether any aspects of social in­ teraction indicate progress towards the ideal of inte­ gration. At Woodward High School the transition to black dominance and control of a variety of activities occurred

as the- number of black students increased, and the white majority decreased. 'Whites and blacks met each other at Woodward, often contacting for the first time members of the other group. These contacts.were char­ acterised by apprehension and insecurity, for both

blacks and whites. Many of the original fears of blacks disappeared as they gained both numerically and in their assertive­ ness. However, many of the fears of whites grew as blacks became more threatening to their physical as well as social security. Although only a small number of blacks, usually low prestige youths, used personal aggression to intimidate whites, many more blacks in­ timidated whites by more subtle means such as their increased participation in certain social functions. Some black students may have influenced fights at these functions and whites soon began to believe that any so­ cial situation in which blacks were present was poten­

tially dangerous. As a result white students learned to expect trouble or negative social interactions whenever they would come in contact with black students. And black students similarly learned to expect that if they in­ timidated whites, the intimidations would likely serve to keep whites away. They would not have to interact with then and furthermore they could control the activ­ ity. In addition, they learned that the administration could be intimidated also and would then give in to their demands. This use of fear tactics, often in the form of subtle innuendos, allowed the black students to 2 3 0 gain control of the school, while the wHite students relinquished their power and interest. i The white students were alienated as a result of their negative interactions with blacks and by the way the school administrators seemed to show more favoritism to the blacks. So there exists a situation of passive tolerance or acceptance by whites of their minority sta­ tus; while the black students no longer bother to con­ front whites, for they now are in the majority numeri­ cally as well as being in control of the prestige activ­ ities in the school. This capsulization of the findings of this study provides us with an understanding of the changes in social interaction at 7/oodward, resulting in its evolu­ tion to the present situation of passive tolerance and accomodation. Robert Sara Park's articulation of a "race rela­ tions cycle"*, is pertinent to consider in this study. Park arrived at his conclusions through examining his­ torical and ethnographic accounts of a variety of peo­ ples. His natural history of the contact of different cultural groups consists of four stages: contact,

Robert Ezra Park, Race and Culture. (Hew York: The Free Press, 1950). 231 competition (when intensified involving conflict), ac­ commodation, and assimilation. Park commentsi

Everywhere there is competition and con­ flict; but everywhere the intimacies which participation in a common life enforces have created new accommodation, and relations which were merely formal or utilitarian have become personal and human.2

He sees this four stage process in his discussion of inter-ethnic contacts on a cross-cultural level as "pro- gressive and irreversible”. In discussing this process, Park comments on the probabilities of personal intercourse and the friend­ ships that inevitably grow out of them. He see these friendships as potentially able to cut across and eventually undermine all the barriers of racial segregation and caste by ^ which races seek to maintain their integrity. His processual view is an optimistic one if the goal is an eventual amalgamation of ethnic groups so that they lose any distinct identity. But if the goal is an integrated society, as defined in Chapter One, in which there is an openness, a leveling of all barriers

2Ibid., p. 1U9,

3lbid,, p. 150 ^Ibid. 232 to association and the removal of implicit attitudinal and prejudicial harriers, one may disagree with the desirability of this inevitable stage. The situation of the black man in America does not so simplistically fit into this model of inter­ ethnic contact. However in reflecting on the particu­ lar situation under discussion in this study, one could easily interpret what has occurred at Woodward in terms of the first three stages of Park's model. Contact between blacks and whites occurred for many for the first time and after these initial inter­ actions, gradually there ensued competition for posi­ tions of prestige. Conflicts, both physical and verbal, arose and though some still take place, generally the racial situation is one of passive acceptance. One might consider this passive acceptance as an accommoda­ tion, for blacks and whites are learning to cope with each other in their daily interactions. Along with this accommodation there seems to be a more willing acceptance of others for themselves. How­ ever there is no real reconciliation taking place. The blacks are in control and in a couple of years with the potential future changes in population, the large major­ ity of students will be black. 233 The Woodward situation suggests a different model of interracial change. This model consists of three stagesi 1) Contact or initial meeting accompanied by many preconceptions and resultant fears on the part of both groups. 2) Competition in which power struggles occur and as the numerical minority becomes the numer­ ical majority, their numbers and the fears they instill enable them to win the struggles. 3) Accommodation or passive tolerance in which the old majority learns to accept its new minority position, both in terms of control of power and status and in terms of numbers, and the new majority tolerates living with the minority. The last stage is particularly difficult for both groups. For their status within the school setting is inconsistent with their status in the overall society. Thus both groups may see their position as only tempo­ rary. The blacks may be afraid to relinquish their newly gained positions and give in to any white demands. While the whites may no longer care since they know that the situation is the reverse outside the school and their loss of prestige and power in one social arena is not worth struggling over. The implications of the changes at Woodward are meaningful if there is hope for an integrated society. For the situation in this school is the reversal of 2'jl>

several years ago. The whites now have token represen­ tation in most decision making areas and only a few are willing to enter as a minority person into most activ­ ities. A major reason for this apathy is not only peer group pressure, hut fears of earlier negative interac­ tions with black students. We may hypothesize thati 1) As the minority increases in size and uses pressure and aggression it may not only become the majority numerically, but it may become the majority in terms of power and prestige in a particular setting, even if this is incon­ sistent with its status in the overall soci­ ety. 2) The use of fear and pressure tactics in a situation in which a minority group is at­ tempting to assert itself may create such hostile feelings in the majority group that positive social interactions in the future will be unlikely. 3) Avoidance or passive acceptance by a major­ ity group, especially one that is losing its numerical strength and status, may be a po­ tential result. *0 This accommodation may lead to a situation of tolerance, which may be a positive step on the way to a reconciliation, but the intermediate stage of a low level of communication results in a passivity in the new minority group that is hard to activate. Another set of hypotheses relates to the above pointsj 1) In these situations which often require tact­ fulness and cautiousness, subtle fears and intimidations, may influence those in 235 authority to acquiesce to certain demands or pressures of the minority group. 2) Decisions may be made by those in authority as a result of the racial implications of the situation. 3) Statements and practices of persons in author­ ity, such as teachers and administrators, which favor or give in to the demands of the minority, while neglecting the majority (con­ sciously or not), may contribute to the major­ ity’s further alienation. k) Those in authority, who give in to a minority group because of the potential racial impli­ cations of a situation, may cause the majority group to be dissatisfied and alienated and, even though it belongs to the dominant seg­ ment in the overall society, it may accept a minority status in the particular setting. At Woodward as the number of blacks increased and favoritism to blacks, in many white students opinion, seemed to increase, whites see the situation as not worth their involyement, As a result, they allocate school to a small segment of their lives. Only if their friends participate or if they do not expect or fear negative interactions whenever they meet blacks, do any whites have an interest in the school as a social center. To oversimplify the situation in these terms is unfair. The basic mistrust that blacks have for whites and whites have for blacks in our society, as well as the long time relegation of black people to an inferior 236 role in our society, influence every setting in which interracial contact occurs. Students v/ho enter an involuntary situation and meet others that they have learned to stereotype in a certain way do not find it easy to participate with these others from different backgrounds. At Woodward, black and white students come from quite heterogeneous backgrounds. The students enter the school with pre­ formed opinions on every other group and the social interactions they experience often serve to reaffirm these stereotypes. These social interactions are limited, for the majority, to classroom situations. And as I have noted earlier the tracking system tends to segregate differ­ ent groups. Outside the classroom the majority are un­ willing to participate or socialise without the support of their peers from their clique. These freinds share the same stereotypes. Each time one person experiences a negative interaction with a member of an out-group, the content of this interaction reaffirms the shared expectations and beliefs of other members of one's own group, with which one is in direct personal association. In considering the positive interactions which oc­ cur at Woodward under present conditions, we may hypo­ thec ice: 237 1) Positive interactions may occur in situations in which few tensions exist, for various reas­ ons, or in situations where mutual cooperation becomes essential for smooth functioning of the group. 2) The amount of rapport the faculty menber(s) involved in an activity etc. have with dif­ ferent groups may affect the ease with which groups will cooperate. 3) In situations in which the faculty is con­ ceived of as the opposition, groups may come together to face the common enemy. 4) As individual members of a clique experience positive social interactions with individuals from another group, their experiences might alter some of their negative preconceptions, 5) A change in the conception of members of a racial out-group for an individual as a result of first hand experiences may influence his peers conceptions and their willingness to associate with the others. If this last hypothesis is true for a variety of social settings, it has important ramifications for the improvement of interracial communication. However the reality at Woodward, as in many other aroas of our society, is that most students are unwill­ ing to take the initiative. This is because of mis­ trust or general lack of interest or commitment. The students that do take the initiative, unless they pos­ sess certain attributes that give them prestige, no mat­ ter what they do, usually find themselves rejected by the majority of their peers. 7or the majority of 238 students this sacrifice of loss of esteem and the high probability of the loss of one’s friends is too much to make.

The Relevance of the Present Study to Previous Research In order to understand the basic processes of so­ cial interaction, I opted for a more qualitative ap­ proach than previous studies in this area have utilized. Three earlier studies concerned with inter-ethnic rela­ tionships in ethnically or racially mixed and transi­ tional school settings used a quantitative approach to researching the problem. Their conclusions consisted of statements supported by statistical data, A major weak­ ness in all of these studies was their explication of the process that contributed to the situations they report. This case study proceeds from the conclusions of the earlier studies. Although I do not have statistical data that would enable me to arrive at similar conclu­ sions, my many hours of observations and discussions strongly support their conclusions. In addition, the findings discussed in the above chapters add a broader appreciation to this type of situation. A main thesis of the Lundberg and Dickson study is that ethnocentrism increased among each group as the 239 size of the out-group increased.Their evidence is a comparison of friendship choices among students in two schools. Since I did not use their form of survey analysis, I cannot reach the same quantitative conclu­ sions, Nevertheless, a similar conclusion about Wood­ ward is valid. For racial ethnocentrism is the predomi­ nant patternj blacks and whites live in two different and in many ways distinct cultural and social worlds. Without the statistical data I cannot as confi­ dently affirm the same conclusions about other groups, such as Jewish students. Their number has decreased significantly at Woodward in the transitional years and many of them tend to be inclusive in their friendships. Their inclusiveness is not as simple to observe as the separation of whites and blacks. I would hypothesize that there are many Jewish . students who associate with members of an ethnic out­ group who are white, but few who associate with the larger racial out-group, This hypothesis is influenced by the situation) for many cliques and subgroups exist, some of which are ethnically based, but none that are significantly bi-racial in composition.

^George A, Lundberg and Lenore Dickson, "Inter­ ethnic Relations in a High School Population", American Journal of Sociology. LXVIII (July, 1952), 1-10. 240 Lundberg and Dickson reject the simplicity of the hypothesis that racial and ethnic prejudice can be re­ duced merely by increasing the exposure of members of each group to each other. The many negative comments throughout the discussion of my research findings surely indicate that this hypothesis is still a bit too naive and simplistic considering the reality of Wood­ ward High School, and probably most similar situations. * d Nancy St. John's study further reaffirms the findings of Lundberg and Dickson, Using sociometric data to compare interracial friendship choices at two high schools, she confirms the hypothesis that black students show greater self-preference than white stu­ dents in choices of both companions and leaders. She adds that whites seem more ready to choose blacks than blacks are to choose whites as friends. At Woodward High School, although there are few black-white friend­ ships, it appears, from five months of observation that this is also true. Even in more formal associations, there seems to be more whites, although the number is small, who would attend a predominantly black activity

^Nancy Hoyt St. John, "De Facto Segregation and Interracial Association in High Schools", Sociology of Education. XXXVII (Summer, 19o4), 326-44. 241 than blacks who would attend an activity in which the majority of participants are white students. The Gottlieb and Ten Houten study^ also confirms the above findings. They contribute further to an understanding of interracial contacts by comparing three high schools with three different ratios of black and white students. One school had very few blacks, one was about half black and half white, and the third had very few white students. Their intent was a comparison of these three high schools in order to hypothesize how a racial transition will affect student involvement and interracial friendships. They measure the affect of the transition by comparing participation in extracurricular activities. This may be valid in demonstrating certain super­ ficial differences, however I believe the approach is weak because it does not examine the nature of inter­ racial interactions. The researchers acknowledge that a longitudinal study might be more accurate in measuring racial transition, than their comparing of three schools with different black-white ratios. Although the present

?David Gottlieb and V/arren D, Ten Houten, "Racial Composition and the Social Systems of Three High Schools", Journal of Carriage and the Family, XXVII !- (May, 1965), 204-12. 242 research also lacks longitudinal data in terms of sta­ tistical comparisons of varying group participation, the table in Chapter Five does indicate the changes in stu­ dent participation from five years ago. tfe note that certain activities have become black, while others are predominantly white. To generalize from this evidence alone, that two separate social systems exist is perhaps too simplistic, Gottlieb and Ten Houten describe the school that is half black and half white in this manner. They report the existence of two distinct social systems for black and white students. Their evidence for this conclusion is the different types of activities in which blacks and whites participate and the friendship choices of each racial group. I believe their conclusion is too super­ ficial, For it is essential to understand the dynamics of the social processes involved in the transition. One might arrive at the same conclusion from the figures on student activity involvement that is tabu­ lated in this study. Yet the intent of this research is to describe the processes of social interaction that resulted in this situation. So while my data do not necessarily contradict the Gottlieb and Ten Houten 2 b } results, it attempts to expand upon it in portraying the dynamics of the situation. The importance of peer group pressure among ado­ lescents was emphasized in the literature review. In my discussion of the differential involvement of black and white students, I suggested the importance of not only race, but cliques in affecting differing rates of participation. This is a significant point in under­ standing the social interactions that occur at Woodward. The data not only reaffirm the influence of these pres­ sures, but illustrate how greatly they affect the nature of inter-group communication and processes of social interaction, Fetroni et. al., although they comment on the rarity of interracial dating, found students preoccupied with a discussion of this issue, Students seemed to feel this was an essential issue in the overall consi­ deration of race relations at their desegregated high school. In the group discussions that served as the basis of their data they emphasized aspects of black- white relations. Their investigation differed from mine in their approach to the collection of data, for I at­ tempted to be more subtle in approaching the discussion of racial interaction. This difference may account for my limited data on interracial dating. Z k k

However the reason why interracial dating is so rarely discussed by students may also relate to the fact that it is not as relevant an issue for them as it is . for the Petroni group. Intimidations, fighting, power struggles and apathy seem to be much more significant concerns in their racial interactions at Woodward. The students with whom I discussed interracial dating often expressed a blazd attitude, one of passive avoidance, similar to their general feelings about most areas of their life at Woodward. Throughout the interviews with students it was much easier for them to discuss their personal problems, than to think in terms of general problems within the school. As a result of a certain self-centerdness, that Petroni also observed in his sample, of high school stu­ dents, their concern with racial problems was minimal. In many instances I had to probe for a while until I could get them to discuss their interracial experiences. Black students in general, if they were open, more read­ ily would define a certain racial issue as a problem, without a lot of the probing that was necessary with white students. In Chapter Seven I commented that interviewees would tend to use the term "they" to refer to whites or 2 4 5 blacks as if they were a homogeneous group. Sometimes during a discussion I found myself doing this also. Often I did this on purpose to see how the interviewee would react* if he would discuss his racial out-group as a monolithic group. Yet sometimes I did this uncon­ sciously. This is indicative of my biases as well as those of students at Woodward, and of most people in our society. Thus my experience confirms the Petroni comment and further suggests its relevance in appreci­ ating the overall situation of race relations in Amer­ ica.

Ending Comments A major weakness in this study is my lack of dis­ cussions, interviews or associations with younger stu­ dents. I attribute this to both the lack of time as well as a commitment to meeting seniors that may have become too inflexible. With more of these meetings I might have been able to discuss their experiences and perhaps get some indi­ cation of the future racial situation. Perhaps these underclassmen will learn to accommodate as their older school-mates have. Their willingness to move from accommodation to reconciliation is uncertain and may be the key to interracial progress at Woodward. 2 ^ 6 Reconciliation would suggest not only further com­ munication but a potential reintegration of whites into the Woodward society, Without this reconciliation Wood­ ward can never be more than a desegregated school or a school passing through an eventual transition to an all black school. Woodward, as many other schools, is relegated the enormous responsibility of providing a model for inte­ gration of blacks and whites. As mentioned earlier Raymond Mack refers to this situation as "Our Children’s Q Burden". For the society as a whole has given its children the responsibility of solving the racial prob­ lem, the adults are unwilling to face. We can gain from this case study, of only one high school, an understanding of the processes of social in­ teraction in similar situations. Many of the same type of negative interactions may happen at similar schools and this study attempts to articulate what processes have influenced these. In addition to the many negative interactions, which are also influenced by many factors extraneous to

o Raymond W. Mack, ed,, Our Children's BurdentStud­ ios of Desegregation in Nine American Communities, (New Yorki Random Housed the school situation, there are some positive social interactions, It is these positive interactions and the processes that have influenced them that can pro­ vide more understanding of how interracial contacts can be improved in all areas of life in our society. AHEKDIX A

248 A DISCUSSION OF THE EARLY PROBLEMS OF GAINING ACCESS TO A RESEARCH SITE

In this appendix I will discuss some of the prob­ lems I had in negotiating and gaining access to a research site. The general problem of the nature of social interaction in a racially mixed high school (at least 20 per cent black) has interested me for a long time. In May of 1971» I talked briefly on the telephone with the Director of Research of the Columbus Public Schools about my interest. He suggested I write a short statement of my concerns. After the summer's interval I sent him a several page proposal. In early September, he replied to my statement with a letter* he suggested I sharpen my research procedures and notions and meet with him when this was done. I had hoped for a chance to discuss my interests with him and ascertain his receptivity to my proposal. This did not happen however, so I spent the next six weeks ■writing a more detailed research proposal.

2^9 250 After completing this proposal I took it to my advisor, Dr. Ronald G, Corwin. He suggested a reor­ ganization of the proposal before I submitted it. I shortened the body of the paper and appended the review of the literature, with these changes and his approval, I took the proposal to the Columbus Fublic Schools Research Office, While awaiting a reply, I met with several other people in the Columbus area concerning research possi­ bilities. Two members of the Southside Settlement House were quite receptive to my proposal. I felt that with their indicated willingness to cooperate I would have few problems meeting students from South High School, the school in that vicinity with a good racial mixture (about 30 per cent black). However, I decided to first wait and see how successful I would be through formal channels. This decision was made largely because the people at the Southside Setelement House and the people at the local schools have had some negative encounters resulting in a poor relation­ ship. In the interim I wrote to the Superintendent of Schools in Dayton, Ohio and two principals in Cincin­ nati, following the recommendations of several people in Columbus, 251 I then received a telephone call from a man in . the research office of the Columbus School System. He seemed optimistic and mentioned several concerns they hoped that I could clarify at a meeting. Their questions dealt with specifics of my research proced­ ures. So, before I net with them I wrote a four page statement with a more precise discussion of these points. I met with two men at the research office on No­ vember 17, 1971. They began by looking over this new statement. It seemed to clarify most of their ques­ tions. V/e talked for a while and they expressed posi­ tive feelings about this research, They commented that the Director of Research had for a long time believed that this area was an important one to explore. In my proposal I had discussed interracial dating and intimite friendship relationships as possible areas to consider. They inferred that these comments meant that I was interested in sexual relationships . and they expressed their skepticism about this topic. I told them that it was not "sex" per se which inter­ ested me but rather close, one to one, interracial friendships. I emphasised that the varied questions 252 discussed in ir.y proposal are neither all inclusive or all exclusive of those that I night consider as the research proceeds. I also expressed my hope for the cooperation not only of the research office but also of the principal during the research. We discussed the possibility of my observing a few schools in order to decide which one to choose for the ‘research. They suggested schools that fit my criteria and showed me statistics on the racial com­ position of the high schools in the system. The

schools they suggested were approximately 20 to 30 Pe** cent black. This was within the range of the percent­ age of blacks in the Columbus School System, IViy ori­ entation to a school with that proportion of black students pleased them. This was because a couple of

schools with about 60 per cent black students had racial disturbances the previous year and they thought that these situations were too uncertain for a researcher to enter. After their office approved the proposal, it would have to be approved by one of the assistant superintendents. Final approval would come from the particular high school principal. Since timing was important in doing this research, I stated that a 253 final decision within a few weeks would be imperative to the success of the project. I left them assured that they understood and appreciated my requirements and was told that they would meet with thq director soon, insuring the least possible delay. Their atti­ tude was so cordial and seemingly positive that I left feeling that the prospects of approval were good. While awaiting their final approval, I received a letter from the Director of Research of the Dayton School System and went there to discuss research pos­ sibilities with him. I met with two staff members who discussed the proposal with me and indicated that they felt the suggested research was worthwhile. Yet at that time they felt that only one school in their sys­ tem fit my criteria and that the situation there was too tenuous to chance my presence. One question of theirs was similar to that voiced by the people in Columbus. They too were apprehen­ sive about my including the area of sex. I explained that this area was not a primary interest of mine in the proposed research. It seems the anxiety of public school officials in permitting research related to race relations, exists also for the area of sex, another issue in which there is an overcautiousness because of its sensitive nature. 25^ They expressed their concern with the areas X planned to consider in my research. However, there were no possibilities of doing it in Dayton at that time. Consequently, I returned from Dayton encouraged but with a negative answer to my request. Afterwards I spoke to one of the men from the Columbus Public Schools' Research Office, He began to put off an approval. Since the director and assis­ tant superintendent were very busy, he said he was not sure when they could all meet. In our next conversa­ tion he told me that because my research proposal con­ cerned the very tense area of race relations they would have to discuss it with all the superintendents before approving it. He also indicated that if I had problems there could be negative public relations repurcussions for the school system. In each tele­ phone conversation he was more discouraging. I have yet to receive a final answer from them. In the interim, I received a letter indicating an interest in my proposal from Eugene Shrimpton, prin­ cipal of Woodward High School in Cincinnati, My first meeting with Mr. Shrimpton was on December 1, 1971. He was quite receptive to ray doing research at Wood­ ward, largely because of his conviction to seeking ■ ways to improve race relations in the school. 255 I explained to him that I would rather not have publicity since I wanted to develop contacts with stu- . dents without being connected to the administration and the staff. He understood my desired position of neutrality, which I considered necessary in order to achieve empathy with students. From the outset he agreed to the procedural techniques I planned to utilize. *1 made a bargain to provide him and the school functionaries with copies of my dissertation and expressed the hope that my perspective would be of some value to them. I then conversed with Leon Met, the director of a federally funded project at Woodward. The project encourages students' involvement in school activities and attempts to develop their skills to that they will work in group efforts in the school. The program (Student Leadership Training) sounded exciting to me since it concerned areas of interest in my proposed research. Before I left the school, I wandered through Woodward's halls. Almost all the students I saw were black. I wondered where the white students were and what implications this situation had for interracial interaction in the school, 2 5 6

In the beginning, I was not definite about do­ ing the research at Woodward. Several considerations contributed to my uncertainty. First, I still had some hopes for Columbus. Second, living in two cities seemed difficult. Third, the school had a larger percentage of black students than I had originally . envisioned studying. I returned the next week to attend a one day Student Council Workshop coordinated by the Student Leadership Center. The day was an excellent intro­ duction to Woodward High School and some of its most active students. I left with more positive feelings about doing my research there. A decisive answer from the Columbus People did not seem forthcoming. Hven if their answer was af­ firmative, I would still need to meet and convince a principal of the merits of my research. Because of the positive and open welcome I had received from Mr. Shrimpton, I decided to arrange to do my research at Woodward, APPENDIX D

257 I STUDENT INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

A . BACKGROUND 1. Name 2. Class, Age 3. Years at Woodward 6 . Parents - (Education, Occupation) 5. Siblings - (Age, Occupation) 6. School Activities 7. Future Plans 3. COMMENTS C. SCHOOL EXPERIENCE 1. What has it been like being a student at Woodward? How has your experience here affected you? (positive vs, negative) 2. V/hat class or classes stand out as the best experience? the worst experience? Why? 3. What special new courses have you taken? How do you like them? How could they be changed? Need for more? What? 4. What kind of problems have you had here? a. Do you think other kids have had similar problems? b. If you haven't had any problems, what kinds of problems have people you've known had? 5. V/hat kinds of problems has Woodward as a school had to face since you've been here? a. Have they been faced? How? How well? b. What still remains? c. How would you handle this differently? d. Do you care?

258 6, v/hat activities in school have you enjoyed being involved in? a, V/hy? What did you do? b, I've notice:; many activities all black or all white, more blacks in general involved in school activities, V/hy? How do you feel about this? c, Time of greatest compatibility between groups? 7, Who are your three closest friends at Wood­ ward? How would you describe them? (inter­ ests, values, etc.) 8, Looking back, what do you think you’ve gained from being at v/oodward? (compared to other high schools) a. What is special about 'Woodward? Is there anything special about it? b. On the other hand, what have you lost by being at V/oodward?

TEACHER INTERVIEW QUESTIONSa

Introduction During this interview we will discuss your exper­ iences at Woodward and the changes you've seen. Any general comments on the changes in the school since you've been here. Students - comments o m Problems - changes Discipline - skipping, leniency School Spirit - changes Involvement in Activities - change Black-white relations - changes Teachers Problems - students, other teachers, adminis-. trators Involvement in Extracurricular Activities 260

5. Changes in Administration Attitudes to Students Attitudes to Faculty 6, What would you like to see changed in the future?

aThese interviews varied more than students'(depend­ ing on the amount of time the teacher was available and the length of time they were at v/oodward. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Becker, Howard S.; Geer, Blanchei Hughes, Everett C.i and Strauss, Anselm L., Bovs in White; Student Culture in Medical School. Chicagoi The Univer­ sity of Chicago Press, 1961, Blumer, Herbert, Symbolic Interactionismi Perspective and Method. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.* Prentice Hall-, 1969.

Bruyn, Severyn T, The Human Perspective in Sociology 1. The Methodology of larticinant Observation. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.i Prentice Hall, Inc,, 1966, Clark, Kenneth B. "Desegregation! The Role of the Social Sciences.*’ Teachers College Record, LXII (Oct., I960), 1-17. Coleman, James S. et. al. Equality of Education Op­ portunity. U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Education, Washington, D.C.i U.S. Government Printing Office, 1966. Coleman, James S, (with assistance of Johassohn, Kurt, and Johnston, John W.C.) Social Climates in High Schools Washington! U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961. Coleman, James S, The Adolescent Society. New Yorki Free Press, 19&T.

Coles, Robert, "The Desegregation of Southern Schools 1 A Psychiatric Study." Desegregation! Documents and Commentaries. Edited by Hubert H. Humphrey. New Yorki Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 196^. "Collision Course in the High Schools." Life Magazine, May 16, 1969, pp. 23-35. Commager, Henry Steele, The Struggle for Racial Eoual- Nev/ York* Harper Torchbooks, Harper and Row,

2 6 1 262 Cook, Stuart '»•/. ’’Desegregation: A Psychological Analy­ sis." Readings in the Social Psychology of Edu­ cation. Edited by W. W. Charters Jr. and N.L. Gage. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 19&3. Cooley, Charles Horton, Human nature and the ^ocial Order. New Yorki Schocken Books, Inc., 1964. Duster, Troy. "Violence and Clinic Responsibility: Combinations of ’Fear* and ’Right”1. Our Child­ ren’s Burden: Studies of Desegregation in Nine American Communities. Edited by Raymond W. Mack. New York: Random House, 1968, Frazier, E. Franklin, The Negro in the United States. New Yorkt The MacMillan Co., 195?. Frazier, E. Franklin. "The Negro Middle Class and De­ segregation," Social Problems. IV (April, 1957), 291-301, Gans, Herbert J. The Urban Villagers. New York: The Free Press, 1962. Goffman, Erving. Asylums: Essays on the Social Situa­ tion of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. Garden City, II,Y. 1 Doubleday and Company, 1961. Goffman, Erving, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1959. Goodman, Walter. "Busing for Integration is Working Well in Central 7 School District - Knock V/ood". New York Times Magazine, April 9, 1972, pp 31f. Gordon, C, Wayne, The Social System of the High School: A Study in the Sociology of Adolescence. Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1957. Gottlieb, David, and Ramsey, Charles E. The American Adolescent. Homewood, 111.: The Dorsey Press, . Inc., 1964. Gottiief, David, and Ten Houten, Warren D, "Racial Com­ position and the Social Systems of Three High Schools" Journal of Marriage and the Family. XXVII (May, 1965), 204-12. 2 6 3

Handlin, Oscar, "The Goals of Integration," The Ameri­ can Negro. Edited by Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark. Boston* Houghton Mifflin, Co., 1966, Hauser, Philip M, "Demographic Factors in the Integra­ tion of the Negro,” The American Negro. Edited by Talcott Parsons and Kenneth B. Clark, Bostom Houghton Mifflin Co., 1966, Hentoff, Nat. The New Equality. New York* Viking Press, 196^. Herriot, Robert E., and St. John, Nancy Hoyt. Social Class and the Urban School) The Impact of Pupil Background on Teachers and Principals. New York* John Wiley and Sons, I n c 1 9 ^ , Hodges, Harold M, Jr. Social Stratification! Class in America. Cambridge, Mass. Schenkman Publishing Company, Inc., 196^. Hughes, Everett C, Men and Their Work. Glencoe, Ill.t The Free Press, 1959- Junker, Buford H, Field Work* An Introduction to the Social Sciences. Chicago* The University of Chi­ cago Press, 19^0, Katz, Irwin, Conflict and Harmony in an Adolescent Interracial Group. New York* New York University Press, 1955- Katz, Irwin, "Factors Influencing Negro Performance in the Desegregated School.” Social Class. Race and Psychological Development. Edited by Martin Deutsch, Arthur R, Jensen and Irwin Katz. New York* Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1 968, Kennedy, Edward M. "The Case for New Desegregation Legislation". Integrated Education. IV (June-July, 1966), Liebow, Elliot. Tally's Corner* A Study of Negro Streetcorner Men. Boston* Little Brown and Co., 1967. 264 Lundberg, George A., and Dickson, Leonore. "Inter­ ethnic Relations in a High-School Population." American Journal of Sociology. LXVIII (July, 1952), 1-10. Mack, Raymond V/., ed.p Our Children* s Burdeni Studies of Desegregation in Nine American Communities. New Yorki Random House, 1968. McCall, George J., and Simmons, J.L, Issues in Partici­ pant Observation! A Text and Reader. Reading, Ma Mass.i Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1 969. Manis, Jerome G., and Meltzer, Bernard N,, eds. Symbol­ ic Interaction: A Reader in Social Psychology. Bostom Allyn and Bacon, 196?.

Mead, George Herbert. Mind. Self and Sociotv 1 From the Standpoint of a Social Behaviorist. Chicago! The University of Chicago Press, 1934. Park, Robert Ezra. Race and Culture. New York* The Free Press, 1950. Petroni, Frank A. "Teen-age Interracial Dating." Transaction. VIII (Sept., 1971), 54*-9. Petroni, Frank A.j Hirsch, Ernest A,i and Petroni, C. Lillian. Two. Four. Six. Eight. When You Gonna Integrate? New York* Liveright, 1970, Rose, Arnold M, Hunan Behavior and Social Processt An Interactionist Approach. Bostom Houghton Mifflin Company, 1 962. Rose, Arnold M, "School Desegregation! A Sociologist's View," Affirmative School Integration. Edited by Herbert Hill and Malcolm Feeley. Beverly Hills, Calif,1 Sage Publications, 1968. St. John, Nancy Hoyt. "De Facto Segregation and Inter­ racial Association in High Schools." Sociology of Education. XXXVII (Summer, 1964), 326-44. Sewell, William H., and Armer, J. Michael. "Neighbor­ hood Context and College Plans." American Socio­ logical Review. XXXI (April, 19667, 159-68. 265 Sexton, Patricia Cayo, The American Schooli A Socio­ logical Analysis. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.i Pren- tice-Hall, Inc. 196?. Shibutani, Tamotsu, and Kwan, Kian M. Ethnic Stratifi­ cation: A Comparative Approach. New York* The Macmillan Co., 1965. Silberman, Charles E, Crisis in Black and White. New Yorki Random Housed 1964. Stallings, Frank H, "A Study of the Immediate Effects of Integration on Scholastic Achievement in the Louisville Public Schools,” Journal of Negro Edu- cation. XXVIII (Fall, 1959), 439-44. Thomas, W.I. On Social Organic t.i nn and Serial Personal­ ity. Chicago* The University of Chicago Press, 1966. Turner, Ralph H. "Youth Subculture." Sociology of Edu­ cation* A Book of Readings. Edited by Ronald Pi. Pavalko, Itasca, 111,: F.E. Peacock Publishers, 1968. U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Current Population Reports: Population Character­ istics Series P-20, No. 207, "Educational Attain­ ment" - March, 1970, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, November 30, 1970. U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Civil Rights, Directory of Fublic and Elementary Schools in Selected Districts: Enroll­ ment and Staff bv Racial Ethnic Groups Washing­ ton, D.C.* Government Printing Office, Fall, 1970. Vander Zanden, James W. American Minority Relations. New York: The Ronald Press.', 1966, Williams, Robin M. Jr., and Ryan, Margaret W. Schools in Transition: Community Experiences in Desegre­ gation. Chapel Hill, N.C.i The University of North Carolina Press, 195^. Zaleznik, Abraham, "Interpersonal Relations in Organi­ zations." Handbook of Organisations. Edited by James G. March. Chicago: Rand McNally and Com­ pany., 1965.