Protest and Dissent
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The Boundaries of Justifiable Disobedience
The Boundaries of Justifiable Disobedience Tat Hang Henry Hung Abstract This thesis centers on the question of when, how, and how not to engage in political disobedience. It first explores the classical Rawlsian view on civil disobedience and points out its limitations with respect to the range of allowable actions and application in semi-liberal societies. It then discusses and motivates the use of “uncivil disobedience” as an alternative means of resistance, and points out two important gaps in current philosophical discussions about uncivil disobedience. Finally, it proposes and justifies a “Matching Principle”, which suggests that it is prima facie justifiable to violate a civic duty against the state in an act of resistance if one is systematically deprived of corresponding right(s) by the state or its affiliates. Thus construed, the principle provides both a set of rules about when it is appropriate to disobey in a certain way, as well as a set of rules that regulate conducts during acts of disobedience. 1 Table of Contents 1. Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 3 1.1 Background and Motivation ............................................................................................ 3 1.2 Outline and Overview of Thesis ...................................................................................... 6 2. Civil Disobedience: The “Classical Theory” ..................................................................... 8 2.1 Origins -
The Colonial Origins of Coercion in Egypt
Internal Occupation: The Colonial Origins of Coercion in Egypt Allison Spencer Hartnett, Nicholas J. Lotito, and Elizabeth R. Nugent* April 10, 2020 Abstract Robust coercive apparatuses are credited for the Middle East’s uniquely persistent authoritarianism, but little work exists analyzing their origins. In this paper, we present an original theory regarding the origins of coercive institutions in contemporary authoritarian regimes like those in the Middle East. Weargue that post-independence authoritarian coercive capabilities are shaped by pre-independence institution-building, largely dictated by the interests of colonial powers who dictated state develop- ment projects. We depart from existing general theories about the origins of coercive institutions, in which authoritarian leaders have full autonomy in constructing coercive institutions when they come to power, and in which the military is the primary source of the state’s institution. Instead, we argue that authoritarian leaders coming to power in the twentieth century, after major state building occurred, inherit states with certain pre-determined resources and capabilities, and coercive institu- tions. We support our theory with district-level census data from Egypt. Matching districts surveyed in 1897, the rst census conducted under British rule, with those from the last pre-revolution census in 1947, we nd that districts with higher levels of foreigners in the rst decades of colonial rule are more heavily policed on the eve of independence. In later drafts, we will test our hypotheses that these early allocations of the coercive apparatus persisted under post-colonial authoritarian regimes using data on arrests from 2013. *Citations are welcome but please do not distribute without express permission from the authors. -
From Clicktivism to Hacktivism: Understanding Digital Activism
Information & Organization, forthcoming 2019 1 From Clicktivism to Hacktivism: Understanding Digital Activism Jordana J. George Dorothy E. Leidner Mays Business School, Texas A&M University Baylor University ABSTRACT Digital activism provides new opportunities for social movement participants and social movement organizations (SMOs). Recent IS research has begun to touch on digital activism, defining it, exploring it, and building new theory to help understand it. This paper seeks to unpack digital activism through an exploratory literature review that provides descriptions, definitions, and categorizations. We provide a framework for digital activism by extending Milbrath’s (1965) hierarchy of political participation that divides activism into spectator, transitional, and gladiatorial activities. Using this framework, we identify ten activities of digital activism that are represented in the literature. These include digital spectator activities: clicktivism, metavoicing, assertion; digital transitional activities: e-funding, political consumerism, digital petitions, and botivism; and digital gladiatorial activities: data activism, exposure, and hacktivism. Last, we analyze the activities in terms of participants, SMOs, individuals who are targeted by the activity, and organizations that are targeted by the activity. We highlight four major implications and offer four meta-conjectures on the mechanisms of digital activism and their resulting impacts, and reveal a new construct where participants digitally organize yet lack an identifying cause, which we label connective emotion. Key Words Digital activism, social activism, political participation, social movements, connective emotion, literature review 1.0 Introduction Not long ago, activism to promote social movements was relegated to demonstrations and marches, chaining oneself to a fence, or writing to a government representative. Recruiting, organizing, and retaining participants was difficult enough to ensure that often only largest, best supported movements thrived and creating an impact often took years. -
Taking Down Trumpism from Africa: Delegitimation, Not Collaboration, Please Patrick Bond 9 Feb 2017
Taking down Trumpism from Africa: Delegitimation, not collaboration, please Patrick Bond 9 Feb 2017 In the US there are already effective Trump boycotts seeking to delegitimise his political agenda. Internationally, protesters will be out wherever he goes. And from Africa, there are sound arguments to play a catalytic role, mainly because the most serious threat to humanity and environment is Trump’s climate change denialism. Consider two contrasting strategies to deal with the latest mutation of US imperialism: we should protest Donald Trump and Trumpism at every opportunity as a way to contribute to the unity of the world’s oppressed people, and now more urgently link our intersectional struggles; or we should somehow take advantage of his presidency to promote the interests of the ‘left’ or the ‘Global South’ where there is overlap in weakening Washington’s grip (such as in questioning exploitative world trading regimes). The latter position is now rare indeed, although before the election Hillary Clinton’s commitment to militaristic neoliberalism generated so much opposition that to some, the anticipated ‘paleo-conservatism’ of an isolationist-minded Trump appeared attractive. One international analyst of great reknown, Boris Kagarlitsky, makes this same argument this week largely because Trump is questioning pro-corporate ‘free trade’ deals. But the argument for selective cooperation with Trump was best articulated in Pambazuka as part of a series of otherwise compelling reflections by the Ugandan writer and former South Centre director Yash Tandon. Tandon might re-examine the ‘space’ he can ‘seize’ with Trump, the ‘fraud’ Since more than any other individual Tandon helped make the 1999 Seattle and Cancun World Trade Organisation summits a profound disaster for world elites, I take him very seriously. -
Culture Jamming
Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank Vincent de Jong for introducing me to the intricacy of the easyCity action, and for taking the time to answer my questions along my exploration of the case. I also want to thank Robin van t’ Haar for his surprising, and unique, contribution to my investigations of the easyCity action. Rozalinda Borcila, the insights you have shared with me have been a crucial reminder of my own privilieged position – your reflections, I hope, also became a marker in what I have written. Also, I would like to thank others that somehow made my fieldwork possible, and influenced my ‘learning’ of activism and culture jamming. Of these I would especially like to thank Nina Haukeland for introducing me to the politics of activism, Kirsti Hyldmo for reminding me of the realities of exploitation, Åse Brandvold for a skilled introduction to the thoughts and tools of culture jamming, and Maria Astrup for showing me the pleasures and powers of aesthetics. Also, I would like to thank the Norwegian Adbusters Network, and the editorial groups of Vreng. To my main advisor Professor Kristian Stokke, I would like to thank you for the excellent support you have given me throughout my master studies. Your insights have been of grate value, and I cannot thank you enough for continually challenging me. Also, the feedback from Olve Krange, my second advisor, was crucial at the early stage of developing the thesis, to defining its object of inquiry, and finally when writing my conclusion. I would also like to express my appreciation to Professor Oddrun Sæther for an excellent introduction to the field of cultural studies, to Professor Matt Sparke at the University of Washington for demonstrating the intriguing complexities of political geography, and to PhD candidate Stephen Young, for proof reading and fruitful inputs at the final stage of writing. -
Understanding Persistence in the Resistance Authors: Dana R
Understanding Persistence in the Resistance Authors: Dana R. Fisher1 and Lorien Jasny2 Abstract Since Donald Trump’s Inauguration, large-scale protest events have taken place around the US, with many of the biggest events being held in Washington, DC. The streets of the nation’s capital have been flooded with people marching about a diversity of progressive issues including women’s rights, climate change, and gun violence. Although research has found that these events have mobilized a high proportion of repeat participants who come out again-and-again, limited research has focused on understanding differential participation in protest, especially during one cycle of contention. This paper, accordingly, explores the patterns among the protest participants to understand differential participation and what explains persistence in the Resistance. In it, we analyze a unique dataset collected from surveys conducted with a random sample of protest participant at the largest protest events in Washington, DC since the inauguration of Donald Trump. Our findings provide insights into repeat protesters during this cycle of contention. The paper concludes by discussion how our findings contribute to the research on differential participation and persistence. Keywords: protest, social movements, mobilization, persistence, the Resistance, 1 Department of Sociology, University of Maryland, 2112 Parren Mitchell Art-Sociology Building 3834 Campus Drive, College Park, MD 20742, [email protected] 2 Department of Politics, University of Exeter, Exeter, Devon UK EX4 4SB, [email protected] Introduction Since Donald Trump’s Inauguration, large-scale protest events have taken place around the US, with many of the biggest events being held in Washington, DC. -
10 Reasons Why Congress Should Defund ICE's Deportation Force
Boston College Law School Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School Boston College Law School Faculty Papers 1-1-2019 10 Reasons Why Congress Should Defund ICE’s Deportation Force Kari E. Hong Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/lsfp Part of the Administrative Law Commons, Immigration Law Commons, and the Law Enforcement and Corrections Commons Recommended Citation Kari E. Hong. "10 Reasons Why Congress Should Defund ICE’s Deportation Force." NYU Review of Law & Social Change Harbinger 43, (2019). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law School Faculty Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 10 REASONS WHY CONGRESS SHOULD DEFUND ICE’S DEPORTATION FORCE KARI HONG¥ Calls to abolish ICE, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency tasked with deportations, are growing.1 ICE consists of two agencies – Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), which investigates transnational criminal matters, and Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO), which deports non-citizens. The calls to abolish ICE focus on the latter, the ERO deportation force. Defenders proffer that the idea is silly,2 that abolition could harm public safety,3 or that advocates of abolition must first explain what, if anything, would replace the agency.4 Those reasons are not persuasive. -
TECHNICAL KNOW-HOW Swampscott and Quarry Reach A
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 28, 2019 2019 2019 A year in the rear-view mirror Swampscott and quarry reach a dynamite plan By Steve Krause The agreement came as the re- impacted significantly over the ITEM STAFF sult of three months worth of com- years and we want to see some ef- plaints from Swampscott residents forts made to address those con- SWAMPSCOTT — After three about the noise, the public health cerns. We have a responsibility to months of listening to abutters the citizens of this town and we are articulate their concerns about risk from the dust, and structural damage to houses. hopeful that this will be a formative Aggregate Industry’s quarry blast- discussion. We’re looking to strike a ing, a solution to the situation was “We’ve had some very construc- tive discussions with Aggregate balance that is long overdue.” reached in October. Kurt Hines, AI operations man- Industries over the restriction of Town Administrator Sean Fitz- ager, along with members of both blasts per week and the power of gerald announced that AI had the Earth Removal Advisory agree to limit quarry blasts to two those blasts,” said Fitzgerald. “The per week. residents of Swampscott have been QUARRY, A3 Murder on a hot August night in Lynn By Gayla Cawley ITEM STAFF LYNN — It was like something out of a nightmare when a friendly youth basket- TECHNICAL ball tournament in Lynn turned into a mass shooting in August. Ward 6 Councilor Fred Hogan said he heard 15-20 shots ring out as he was walk- KNOW-HOW ing up to Warren Street Playground that Saturday night. -
The Politics of Science Funding
Clemson University TigerPrints All Dissertations Dissertations August 2020 Making Pandora’s Box: The Politics of Science Funding Grant A. Allard Clemson University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_dissertations Recommended Citation Allard, Grant A., "Making Pandora’s Box: The Politics of Science Funding" (2020). All Dissertations. 2662. https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_dissertations/2662 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MAKING PANDORA’S BOX: THE POLITICS OF SCIENCE FUNDING A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of Clemson University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Policy Studies by Grant A. Allard August 2020 Accepted by: R. Andrew Hurley, Committee Chair Chad Navis Gregory Pickett Adam L. Warber ABSTRACT How do politics influence the geographic distribution of science funding? I investigate this question in the context of presidential politics. Science policy scholars endeavor to develop a systems-level understanding—using empirical data and quantitative analysis—of how governments make decisions about science. In the United States, one of the most important decisions that governments make is the allocation of federal funding from agencies such as the National Institutes of Health and National Science Foundation to researchers and universities. Science policy scholars typically explain the distribution of science funding through scientists’ or universities’ merit. I challenge these explanations’ assumption that presidential politics does not play a role. -
AFP V. Becerra
Nos. 19-251 & 19-255 IN THE Supreme Court of the United States ________________ AMERICANS FOR PROSPERITY FOUNDATION, Petitioner, v. XAVIER BECERRA, IN HIS OFFICIAL CAPACITY AS THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF CALIFORNIA, Respondent. ________________ THOMAS MORE LAW CENTER, Petitioner, v. XAVIER BECERRA, IN HIS OFFICIAL CAPACITY AS THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF CALIFORNIA, Respondent. ________________ On Writs of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ________________ AMICI CURIAE BRIEF OF THE CATO INSTITUTE, FIREARMS POLICY COALITION, HAMILTON LINCOLN LAW INSTITUTE, REASON FOUNDATION, INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS FOUNDATION, MOUNTAIN STATES LEGAL FOUNDATION, FOUNDATION FOR INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS IN EDUCATION, FIRST AMENDMENT LAWYERS ASSOCIATION, AND DKT LIBERTY PROJECT IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS _________________________________________________ Joseph G.S. Greenlee Ilya Shapiro FIREARMS POLICY Counsel of Record COALITION Trevor Burrus 1215 K St., 17th Floor Mallory Reader Sacramento, CA 95814 CATO INSTITUTE (916) 378-5785 1000 Mass. Ave., NW [email protected] Washington, DC 20001 (202) 842-0200 March 1, 2021 [email protected] Additional Counsel Listed on Signature Page i QUESTION PRESENTED NAACP v. Alabama ex rel. Patterson, 357 U.S. 449 (1958), and its progeny held that courts should apply narrow tailoring to violations of the freedom of association. Has that requirement been overruled such that the right to associate privately does not enjoy the strong protective standard that applies to other First Amendment rights, which this Court has held requires narrow tailoring regardless of the level of scrutiny? ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page QUESTION PRESENTED ........................................ i TABLE OF AUTHORITIES .................................... iv INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE .............................. 1 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ....................................................... 4 ARGUMENT ............................................................ -
Exploring Emotional Intelligence Applications to Challenging Leadership Situations and Reputational Attacks
Exploring Emotional Intelligence Applications to Challenging Leadership Situations and Reputational Attacks Claudia Fernandez, DrPH, MS, RD, LDN Food Systems Leadership Institute February, 2019 Too few people live together in Harmony… It is true…Harmony is quite under-populated. But maybe that’s because we over-rely on the hard skills Hard Skills are the standard skills Budget and finance issues Delivery of clinical treatments or technical services Measurement Accounting Product Design and Development What are the biggest challenges? Budgets Strategic Planning Issues Organizational culture problems Inability to grasp the impacts of one’s actions Inability to communicate and understand one another Leading Managing Change Conflict Building Culture Developing a Team Kouzes & Posner Emotional Intelligence What you use when the hard skills simply can’t get you there And when you’re dealing with complexity, well, that likely to be a lot of the time… Aren’t smart people successful people? Yes, but…not universally People are hired for their technical knowledge, intelligence, and other related factors People derail in their careers over relationship issues—over issues of being unable to understand others, communicate with them, build bridges and alliances So there seems to be something else at play here… EI/EQ is a genuine ability to Build bridges and alliances Mend damaged relationships Empathize Be resilient Manage impulses and stress When do you first know things are off course? Unconsciously competent Consciously competent Consciously incompetent -
Electoral Rules and Democratic Electoral Rules, and Governance Democratic Governance Edited by Mala Htun and G
Report of the Political Science, Task Force on Electoral Rules and Democratic Electoral Rules, and Governance Democratic Governance Edited by Mala Htun and G. Bingham Powell, Jr. AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE AssOCIATION n TasK FORCE REPORT, SEPTEMBER 2013 Political Science, Electoral Rules, and Democratic Governance Report of the Task Force on Electoral Rules and Democratic Governance Edited by Mala Htun and G. Bingham Powell, Jr. SEPTEMBER 2013 AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE AssOCIATION 1527 New Hampshire Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036-1206 Copyright © 2013 by the American Political Science Association. All rights reserved. ISBN: 978-1-878147-41-7 Task Force on Electoral Rules and Democratic Governance Task Force Members Mala Htun, University of New Mexico, Chair G. Bingham Powell, Jr., University of Rochester; President, APSA, 2011–12 John Carey, Dartmouth College Karen E. Ferree, University of California, San Diego Simon Hix, London School of Economics Mona Lena Krook, Rutgers University Robert G. Moser, University of Texas, Austin Shaheen Mozaffar, Bridgewater State University Andrew Rehfeld, Washington University in St. Louis Andrew Reynolds, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Ethan Scheiner, University of California, Davis Melissa Schwartzberg, Columbia University Matthew S. Shugart, University of California, Davis ii American Political Science Assocation Table of Contents TASK FORCE MEMBERS ............................................................................................................................. ii LIST OF