Here Is a Renewed Interest in Studying the Messianic Beliefs of the Qumran Community
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THE EARLY HISTORY OF QUMRAN'S MESSIANIC EXPECTATIONS In recent years there is a renewed interest in studying the messianic beliefs of the Qumran Community. During the nineties many new texts have been pub- lished which help to set this topic in a new and more comprehensive light1. We note, however, that a great number of unsolved questions remain concerning the texts known to the scholarly public since the very beginning of the Dead Sea Scrolls research. The exact teaching of these works has not been so far unanimously clarified. Based on the data provided by the recently published material, many scholars want to revise earlier established views on several gen- eral questions of the Qumran Community, including their messianic expecta- tions2. This essay will focus on the messianic loci of two texts, the Damascus Doc- ument and the Rule of the Community. These are the texts that have been most frequently cited in discussing the messianism of Qumran3. Generally, scholars refer to both texts to support the general Qumranic picture of the expectation of the double messiah4. Working on my doctoral dissertation on the Qumranic * This paper was written during a scholarship at K.U. Leuven provided by the Soros Foundation. I would like to thank Prof. Johan Lust for his valuable suggestions on the ear- lier form of the paper, and Beáta Tóth for the grammatical revision. 1. To mention only some major examples, see the following texts: 4Q521: E. PUECH, Qumrân Grotte 4. XVIII. Textes hébreux (4Q521-4Q528, 4Q576-4Q579) (DJD, 25), Oxford, Clarendon, 1998, pp. 1-38; 4Q246: G.J. BROOKE et al., Qumran Cave 4. XVII. Parabiblical Texts, Part 3 (DJD, 22), Oxford, Clarendon, 1996, pp. 165-184; 4Q369: J.C. VANDERKAM et al., Qumran Cave 4. VIII. Parabiblical Texts, Part 1 (DJD, 13), Oxford, Clarendon, 1994, pp. 353-362; 4Q541: E. PUECH, Fragments d'un apocryphe de Lévi et le personnage eschatologique. 4QTestLévic-d (?) et 4QAJa, in J. TREBOLLE BARRERA – L. VEGAS MONTANER (eds.), The Madrid Qumran Congress. Proceedings of the International Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Madrid 18-21 March, 1991, vol. I-II (STDJ, 11), Lei- den, Brill – Madrid, Ed. Complutense, 1992, pp. 449-501. 2. See, e.g., M.O. WISE – J.D. TABOR, The Messiah at Qumram, in BARev 18/6 (1992) 60-65; M.G. ABEGG, The Messiah at Qumran: Are We Still Seeing Double?, in DSD 2 (1995), 125-144. 3. M. BURROWS, The Dead Sea Scrolls of St. Mark’s Monastery. Vol II, Fasc. 2: Plates and Transcriptions of the Manual of Discipline, New Haven, ASOR, 1951; P. ALEXANDER – G. VERMES, Qumran Cave 4. XIX: 4QSerekh Ha-Yahad (DJD, 26), Oxford, Clarendon, 1998; J.H. CHARLESWORTH (ed.), The Dead Sea Scrolls. Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations. Vol. I. Rule of the Community and Related Documents. Vol. II: Damascus Document, War Scroll and Related Documents (The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations, 1- 2), Tübingen, Mohr; Louisville, John Knox, 1994, 1995; S. SCHECHTER, Fragments of a Zadokite Work (Fragments of Jewish Sectaries, 1), Cambridge, University Press, 1910; C. RABIN, The Zadokite Documents, Oxford, Clarendon, 1954; J.M. BAUMGARTEN, Qum- ran Cave 4. XIII: The Damascus Document (4Q266-273) (DJD, 18), Oxford, Clarendon, 1996. 4. See inter alia: J.J. COLLINS, The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and other ancient Literature (ABRL), New York, Doubleday, 1995, pp. 74-83; F. GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ – J. TREBOLLE BARRERA, The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Their Writ- 114 G. XERAVITS picture of the mediator of salvation I came to the recognition that the consen- sus on this question is not wholly acceptable. What made me further investi- gate the issue was the fact that contemporary research seems to be trying to get away from a diachronical description of the messianic expectations of the Qumran Community. The authors of the newest monographs and essays mainly concentrate on great thematic blocks, and thematic development does no longer have a central role5. Going somewhat against this tendency, this essay also looks for the place these texts have in the early history of the Com- munity itself. 1. The Problem (a) The Explicit Messianic Passages of the Damascus Document On the sheets of the Damascus Document found in the Cairo Genizah, the term ciwm occurs six times. From the point of view of this study, the first two references (CD 2,12; 5,21–6,1) are irrelevant, for these passages do not speak about eschatological persons, but rather about figures of the past who obtained their function through a ritual of anointing (the prophets, and analogously Moses). So “the anointed one” – in agreement with the usage of the Old Testa- ment – is simply their epithet6. The four other passages, however, are of crucial importance: 1. CD 12,22–13,1: [hvnc]m[e] bwvm çrs ezv eywre xqb elab jiklehme larwiv frea 7cvwm dvmy dy 2. CD 14,18-19: jeb vtpwi] rwa jitpwme wvrp ezv larwiv frea c[iwm dvmy dy ]jnvy rpkiv 3. CD 19,10-11: edqpe xqb vtlmi ela brcl vrsmi jirawnev larwiv frea ciwm avbb 4. CD 19,33–20,1: jiwnae lk fk qwmd xrab ewdce hirbb vab rwa jiice jim rabm vrvsiv vdgbiv vbwv ings, Beliefs and Practices, Leiden, Brill, 1995, pp. 177-179; E. PUECH, Messianisme, escha- tologie et résurrection dans les manuscrits de la Mer Morte, in RevQ 70 (1997) 267-271. 5. See all the works mentioned in the previous footnote. 6. Cf. K. SEYBOLD, masîaÌ, in TDOT 9, 49-53. This usage is not unfamiliar at all for the qumran writings, we can cite many similar examples of the expression, see, e.g., 1QM 11,7-8; 4Q377 2 2,4-5. 7. The reading is generally corrected for ciwm, on the analogy of the other similar ref- erences. THE EARLY HISTORY OF QUMRAN’S MESSIANIC EXPECTATIONS 115 vbhki al vbhkbv jy dvsb vbwci al 8dicie ervm 9usae jvim larwimv fream ciwm dvmy dy As a first observation, we note that all of these passages are situated in their context in a similar manner: their only role is to mark the temporal delimitation of certain ages. None of them is a messianic passage in the strict sense, however: their aim is not to speak of the messiah(s); rather, they serve as an auxiliary topic for the better understanding of another, more fundamental message of the author. In all four cases ciwm is in the singular. Those scholars who classify the Da- mascus Document among the texts that speak about two messiahs have made many attempts to prove that the author of the Document used the formal singular for some plural subjects. The attempts are mainly twofold: either palaeographical or grammatical, but, as M.G. Abegg has recently demonstrated, these approaches are both incongruent10. As for palaeography, a recently published fragment of the Damascus Document found in Cave 4 contains the same singular reading11; as for grammar, the applicability of the distributive sg. construct in this instance is fairly problematic12. The “singular” interpretation is supported by the fact that in the only locus where the person has a finite verb, and not an infinitive form (CD 14,19), the verb is clearly in the singular (in the case of the distributive sg., the plural verbal form would be correct, cf. Gn 14,10). The palaeographical and grammatical considerations thus speak in favour of a single anointed figure, just as does the evidence provided by the whole Docu- ment. In fact, in CD none of the messianic titles mentioned in the Qumran texts appear in an eschatological context13, except for this one (ciwm). In the famous midrash of Amos-Numeri (CD 7,13–8,1), however, the expressions “sceptre” (tbw) and “Prince of the Congregation” (edye aiwn) can be found in an eschato- logical context, but from a text-critical point of view, this passage shows an obvi- ous independence from the context. (The midrash is probably secondarily inserted into the Urtext of the Document.) The ciwm passages are situated in two distinct parts of the Document (part A2 and part B). A2 contains legal material, whereas B is a narrative. The only mes- sianic locus in part A1, as stated above, is an insert (CD 7,13–8,1). Moreover, it 8. Some scholars think that this word is not other than a misspelling of dci (“commu- nity”), see E. QIMRON, The Text of CDC, in M. BROSHI (ed.), The Damascus Document Reconsidered, Jerusalem, IES, 1992, p. 47. 9. The interpretation of the expression is much debated among scholars, since the verb usae, which has the meaning “to gather”, can in some cases refer to the death of a person in biblical Hebrew (and also in Qumran). On this question, consult the following paper: B.Z. WACHOLDER, Does Qumran Record the Death of the Moreh? The Meaning of he’aseph in Damascus Covenant XIX, 35, XX, 14, in RevQ 49-52 (1988) 323-330. 10. See ABEGG, The Messiah at Qumran, pp. 129-130. 11. 4Q266 10 1,12: DJD 18 (1996), 72-73, the analysis of the passage in question: M.J. BAUMGARTEN, Messianic Forgiveness of Sin in CD 14,19 (4Q266 10 I 12-13), in D.W. PARRY – E. ULRICH (eds.), The Provo International Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls. Technological Innovations, New Texts and Reformulated Issues (STDJ, 30), Leiden, Brill, 1999, 537-544. 12. Cf. P. JOÜON – T. MURAOKA, GBH § 136l; G. XERAVITS, Précisions sur le texte original et le concept messianique de CD 7,13–8,1 et 19,5-14, in RevQ 73 (1999) 47-59.