.r.�gmi Research (Private) Ltd Kath11andu: November 1, 1975

�i Research Series

Year 7 ., No. 11, Diited By Muhesh c. Regmi. ********

Contents

Page 1. Miscellu11oous Documents on· the Eheri-Mahakal i Region • • • 201 2. Notes on the Chungun arayan Inscription ••• 205 3. Some Confusions ••• 210 • I 4. Se:lected Documents of 1887 Vikrama • • • 216

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Regrni Research (Private) Ltd. Lazimpat, Kath'nandu, .

Compiled by Regmi seaRe rch (Private) Ltd. for private study m1d resenrch. Not meant far public sale or display. 201.

1 Miscellaneous Documents on the Bheri-Mahakali Regions (Abstract translations) ********* ' l. Revenue from Bajhang2

From Sardar Sha trubhanjan Malla to Bhupati Padhya, Sire Padhya, Jalo Padhya, and Tula Adhikari. We have rec eived a sum of R s 5 ,ooo f ram you, being th e revenues collectt:.. d in Bajhang. We have scrutinized the accounts, and granted you clearance. Sunday, Fal0un Badi 2, 1847 ( February 17 91) 3 2_. Remission of Kusahi-Bisahi Levys Fr om Captain Kalu Pande to Mahadev Padhya, Chakhu Padhya, and Lalmuni Pudhya Pokhry al. King Jitari Ma lla of Malebam had granted Bir ta lands t o your an cestors. A royal order had been issued reconfirming the gr.:::.nt, and remitting the Kusahi-Bisah� levy in your favor. We hereby reconfirm the grant according to th at royal order. No person shall make any claim on these land�•· Monday, Jesth.:i sudi 1, 1848 (May 1791) Camp : Mangal sen.

l • Yogi Naraharinath, Itihasa Prakasha (Light on History). : 2013 (1956), Vol. 2, No. 2. 2 · • �I P• le

3. Loe. cit.

C(?ntd. •• 202.

4 3. Collecstion of Taxes and Levi�ss

From Sardar Amar Simha Thapa to Mani Kantha Padhya. We h�reby assign (revenue from) th e Pi chhahi tax (levied in a newly-conquered area) on each homestead of Jairuira Thap�. M,,,.hadeo Padhya has obtained a royal order assigning him part of the proc eeds o� the Mudahi levy (on sluve-owsners), and also granting him eXemption fran tshe I

From King (Rnna Br1hadur Shah) to Subedar Balabhadra Upadhya. Th0 Raj a of Achh2.lll had grantedtwenty muris of lands, as well as the homesi tcs attached to these lands, as Kush Birta to s:1anka1: Padhya Neopanya of Jumla through a copper-plate inscription. We hereby reconfirm the grant, and remit the Kusahi-Bisahi levy, as provided for therein. We have receiv ed reports that you hav e confiscated that copper-pl,ate insc rip­ tion. Return it, and lest· (Shankar Padhya Neopanya) take pos­ session of the lands. Tu�sday, Shruwari Badi 8, 1850 (July 1793) 6 5. Guthi Land Endowments

From King (Rana Bahadur Shah) to Brihaspatinath Jo gi. From the time of the former Kings of that area, the servic(.;:; of the inhabitunts of Dharnigaun had been impressed for keepin<:1 the: temple of Padukasthan clean, lands and revenues in that village had been endowed as Guthi to that temple, and you had

4. Ibid, p. 2. s. lb.id, P• 2. 6. �, pp. 2-3. Contd ••• 203.

· been appointed p riest. We hereby reconfirm these endowments and a ssignments, as well .as your appointment a s priest. Per­ form the traditionalreligious functions, both ·.regular and ceremonial, wi trout any interruption, and, wi th due assurance, wish us w ell and bless us. l-q)propriate the surplus· in come. . . . and The local l�ali, and vis_iting civil military personnesl of a ll ran.ks, shall not exact forced lal:or from, plunder, or otherwise oppress the inhabitants of the village assigned to the J ogi.

Monq.::i.y, Bhadra Sudi 15, 1C52 ( September 1795) · Kantipur, th� capital. 6 6• Bitalab Birta Grant�s

From King Rana Bahadur S hah to the Br ahmans within the P ancha­ kosi areas· as mE;ntioned below:- Jagannasth l\Charya, Mahcdeo Padhya, Ranu Klianu ( ?) , Bhaudas Pa�hya Rijal, and Pashupati Padhya of Dallu. Churu Paclhya of Dangargaun. Manupadhya Nepal and supari Padhya Nepal of Dahth an, Hur­ rnyagaun.

C handu Padhya N ipal, Siru P adhya Pokhryal, Indramani Padhyc1 Pokhryal, Sadhu Padhya Lamsal, Budha Dah�.l, G angu Padhya, and Parma Padhya Rimal of Sirrigaun.

Jay abhadra l:>adhya i3hattarai, Golu Padhya Y-oirala, and Mani Kantha P adhya Bhurtyal of P atharnyaula, Bayalkot.

Shivadas Jaisi Bastakoti and Bali Padhya sapkota Kharel of .J :tisibando.

6. Ibid, pp. 3-4. Contd••• ...... r�>,· _, :· - ,....,,:� .,_., .•,,, .. - , King Jitari Malla of Malebam had grant� Bi talab Birta lands to your ancestors through stone and copp er-plate inscrip• tions with Sri Shirasthan, Sri Nabhisthan, sri Padukasthan, c1nd Sri Jwalabhairav as witnecses. We hereby reconfirm these· 9rants, which have not been confiscated by former kings, with­ in the existing boundaries, as actually possessed. by you so £;lr• Show allegiance to the iM-nali of that area in the same traditional manner as to the former kings. With due assurance, use these lands as your Bitalab Birta. Wish us well, and bless us. Friday, Mhika Bhadra Badi 13, 1852 ( ii.Ug\lst 1795) Kantipur, the capital-. 7 • Taxation . in. Jum 1 a 7 From KingR ( ana Bahadur Shah) to the Subba and the Subedar of Jumla. The priest s (pujahari), traders and Gosains of that area have sul::mitted pe titions con-plaining that traditional customs and usa:ges are not being followed. We had issued a royal order fixing the rates of taxes to be collected from traders. Collect taxes only at these rates. So far as the GUthi lands of the terrple of Sri Chanada.rrnnat are concerned, we hereby rc--confirm these endowments as scrubi­ nized. and Confirmed by the Bharadars who had been posted there previously. Tuesday, Fal gun Badi l, 185 2 ( February 1796)

( To Be Continued)

7 • Ibid, p • 4 • ********** 20s •.

x Notes on the Changunarayan Inscription By Dhanavaj'ra Bajracharya ***** **

The ins cription is contained in a stone p illar on the right s id e of the famous temple of Changunarayan, install ed · on the stone image of a torto ise. The inscription does not appear to · be complete. It is possible t hat a broken column in fro nt ot the temple once fonned a part of the pillar. This column too c6nt c1.in s some word s.

Thi.s i s the first in scr ip tion of Nepal. It contains ev i­ denc e rf.::latir1g to d a tes, names of kings, etc . It sheds l ight on th,J contelllporal.'y pol itical history, customs and usages, rel i yiou� bel ie!;:.:;, pro0russ of eJ.uc ation , etc . It is there­ f:or0•_ of sp�3cial i mp ort011ce i n under standing the history of the Licchavi period. The inscription bears the date samvat 386 . Pandit Bhagwan Lal, who first published this inscription, is of the view that this is the VikrcI11a Samvat. Fleet, however, considers t his to be the Gupta samvat. There is a gap of 376 years be­ twe.:,;n t he Vikrama and Gup ta eras. Thus, · in th e op inion of Fleet, Man.c1deva ' s year ·3s6 means 762 Vikrama ( 386+376::762) • .lccording. to Sylvain Levi, the era used in this .inscription is the L icchavi sarnvat, which started 167 years after the Vikram� e r a . Daburam -.c l harya rcga.rds the Samvat as Shaka, which com­ menced in 135 Vikrc:ima. Thus differcnt historians have put for- ward di feren t views' aoout t ne era us in L cchavi inscriptions [ . � . � � This SclITlVat ap pears to· have been used not only in t he Cha ng1.i­ narayan insc ription, but also in the inscriptio n of .526 Samvat, instal led by Shivadeva-i�shuvanna at Lele. H:>wcver,I a different Samvat app� ars to have been used after �un sh uvanna s Bungmati inscription , which is dated 29 S.cUI1v�t . larnshuvanna has thus . had con nections with l::oth eras.

�han:ivajra Bajracharya, 11 Chan gun2r ayanasthanako Manadevako .i'ibhilekh a. 11 ( Manadeva' s in scrip tion at the te nple of Changu- nart1yan) , i n L icchavi ins · of the Licc hav i p eriod)• K athmandu : Institu te of Nepal and �ian Stud ies, 2030 (1973) . Contd••• 206. . The account of Hsum::i-chuc:i.ng, the: famous Chinese traveller 1 indicates that �'imshuva.ana had died sometim e before his arrival in Nepal . Hsuan-chuang had begun his tra vel of Ind ia in 686 Vik rnrnQ, �1nd returned to China in 702 Vikrama . This broadly determines the time wh en l� shuvarma lived• .. '\m'shuvanna lived between the two samvats used during the Licchavipe riod. It is therefor e n ecessary to .establish the connection betwe en the two . If the Samvat ed us in the Changunur·cyru1 inscription is to be regarded as the Vikr�ma, as Bhagwan Lal shQ done, the Shiva­ deva-.1m shuvarma inscription ut Lele will be dc:ted 526 Vikrc1m2.. This -me .:ins that .t"irt1shuv0.rma lived 160 year s before Hsuan-chuang'' � visit. Thus this view doe:::; not correspond to Hsuan-chuang' s .-1ccount 1 which nay s that Amshuva nna had r ecently become the King of Nepal. The script used in the Ch�ngu in sc ription too does not support Bhagwcl.Il Lal's view. If the Samvat is regarded as the Vikr ;:f'lla , this would mean that Manadi..'Vcl w as a contcmporar:-; of Sarnudra Gupta, Emperor of India. But the scr ip t used in th.:.; Changun.::trayan inscription orig inated later than the one used ir. the inscription installed by samudra Gupta on. a pillar in Pr.:?.ya.; • -If, as Fleet asserts, the samvat used in the Ch angunarayr:tn inscription is to ·b� regarded ns the Gupta samvat, th� anom �ly wouhl be still' . gre z.ter. "ccording to Fleet's view, the Lele inscription would be dated 902 Vikramn (52 6+37 6=902) . If thi� Vi(!w is accepted, on ,� would have to say that the Chinese tr.:-.v ·_ J •· ler who had let out for travel to India in 686 Vikrama. had merL 1. m.:i.de a prop hesy about �"\m shuvarm a. I Levi s view al so is not cor rect. l.ccording to him , th� L(:le in scription · is dated 693 Vikrama (526+767=693)'. lw:::cordintJ t.o other inscriptions, i'.imshuvanna was still alive fifteen year;. after G93 Vikramu. I f h2 wus alive, on whut basi.s did, Hsuan- chu,:m� describe him · as a fonner king? ·:t•b,� reference s mcdc in Sumatit untra have not been questior.,._. by any one. Hence it is approp riat e to determine these d,"1tc-s on the basis of these references. i\Ccordingly, the first S,!l":-,·.-�. .... was the Shaka one, u.nd the second was th� I·kin ad�va samvat, \-;l..i.• . was introduced in 498 • ( 6 3 3 Vikrama)' . The Changunnrayan inscr i: - tion i� thus dated 521 Vikrurna (386+135=521) .

Contd ••'• 207.

Vuishnavism w2s one ...of th e cult s followed ·in Nepal during the Licchavi pcriocl. This cult had _c;:9mc .i,nto being long be fore I'·lui1 6d cv<1. T he deity of Changun arayaria occupi·cd a spec ial place ,i.f.1ong th..-� Vuishn.:i.vas. i� shuyalll!a' s- in scription at Handigaun mcnt ions P nshupati 3.r1d DolashikharaswWli (Changun arayan) as the two most prornin.;;;nt d,..d tie�, who r eceived th e major portion of £uz;1ds a llocat ed for· temples i n Nepal . Th is indic ates that · Chill1gunuray2.nd occupi�d a prom�cnt place. among the, deit ies wo rshipp.::.. ng some histori ans th.J.L ,thj ir.,ige of, Changunarayana h'ad been installed by M::::.n adcva. Bu e a comparativ e study of the in scrip tio n and the other inscription.s inst.:llcd by M.Jn�cva would show that this is not tru.:..;. i'l::n::idcva had i..'1. stalled the image of Vikranta Vishnu at P .:i..3hupct i ucross the Tila_ga.n:ga riv er, as_well as at Luzimp at. In th �::::. 0 in!Jcr iptions, l'-bn.:idcva has clearly stated that .he had or.:lcr�d tll.::: inst.:ill ation of the image to cam religious meri t fo r·· his mother. Hunadcva had installed a· shivalin9.s at Thantun­ ridranga, situ.:.. ted op the foot o� Vishnupaduka nec::.r Budhanila­ k:.mtha. Then.; too he has left an ins<;:ription '._cl early st ating �hei.t th:: Shi val inga was in�tallcd by _him. If he had t ac uall_y in st ,:-:.11.::d the image of Chungunr� the r�ign of ManadCV'a,. x _ Manadcva. hact sinply installed the im.:ige: of Gar1..lda dhwaja. ( a pillar wit]1 thQ Garuda on the top ) after ritual worship and gifts followirrn his victory ove r fcud.�1 1 overlord s •.ht_ t b.-:i.t time, i t was a cust om to i nstall the im age of Garuda to commemorate any victory over n e emies.' _ The image of Cha ngunnrayana ·1s seated on a Garuda� In-scrip­ tion s o' f the Ma ll'a period describe Changun,irayan� as "G u.t"u::lo.­ n�ray2.11a. 11 But the inscr ip tion doe:s no.t coi:itain a ny refcrcnc� to· Vishnu se<'LtL.

xitih as samshodhanaP r amana · Prc1neyg, PP • 73-74 •

Contd ••• 208.

e In thi s cont ext, it is necessary to d iscuss the t rm 11 "I:bladri" occurring in th e' · inscription. "D:>la" means "a swing� 11 In tha Newari language, this place is cci'lled ''Chang�. The Gop al a Vamshavali _ cJ1d the inscription at Changunarayana also desc ribe this place as "Changu, " wlu,ch literally means a hil l resembling a swing. This indicates that the tenns ''Dcrladri" and "Ch angu" are synonymous. Similarly, "Yupagrawa " appears to ha.ve been called "Yala" , and N·avo.griha "Gwalan.i, This gives us .an idea of the rule followed in fonner times to name places. The noted shrines in, we re usuall y located at pl'ac es which were kno"m as forest fortre ss es (Vanadurga) . Th(> shrines of , Pashupatina th, idinath ( Ch:>l;>har} and Bajrayog ini (Gwnbihar) were f orest fortresses. Witb the exception of Pashup atinath, these temples are all located on hills. The temple of Changunarayana is simil a rly_ locatedon a hill. It is wor th find ing o ut why temples were establish�d on hilltop s . The main considertition behind th e cstablishrn�1t of such temples was securit'y. Substant ial funds were of fered to wcill-known temples by both kings and commoners. It was necess'-1r-i to prevent the l�oting of temple wealth. This ·is why temples were constructc.-0. on hi ll. Even in temples located within urban settlements, weapo ns were stored for their safety. For example, one may cite the templ e of Swe ta Matsyendra located in Kathman:i-..;. · Wec:ipons such as bows arid arrows are stil l s�rcd in th� muin room of the middle storey of th e te mpl(:!. The inscription of Changun·arayana contains an account of kings from Vrish adeva to Manadt.:iv·a. It thus sheds soml: l ight on the political history of the:: Licchavi pe riod . Sp·c.>eial r�fer�ncc is made to Vr ishadeva in. the Changu­ nar ayana inscript ion, as well as in the inscription installed by Jayadc.va II at Pashupati. Tbc Pashupati ins cription of . Jaya::lcv� mentions Vrishadeva atter Jayud'-,va I, witoout any rafcrcncc to the twelve kings who reign()d during the_ int..::rv,!l. It describes him 11 Rc1jottama" ( an excellent king)'. Jayadova II ordcrc.-'d the. mentio n of only those kings wh o hcid enh anced th� glory of the Lic chavi dynasty. It is not j ust a coinc idence th at l1'11'ladeva·g ave an acoount of · Licchavi kin gs beginning from Vrishadeva, and Jayadeva al so h ad given importance to Vrishadcva. Thore1 was a sp"">eial r eason for doing so. It appec:.n:. that Vrishaieva s rule was politic ally imp ortant . 1-bwevcr, th ere is not. much evidence to sha:i light on his rule .

Contd• •• 209 .

. W!'1en Samudr agup ata establish ed a strong errp ire in India, th1..s nad an imp act on Uepal also . ,1 lthough Nepal was not then a Part of the Gupta empir e, and was only a border state (Prat­ y,-.mt a) , the Licchavis were required to. pay tributes to Samudra­ gnpta i n the interests of the ir ovm security. This is in::lic a ted by t he p illar- inscr iption installed by S3-mudragupta at Prayag. Tha inscription , which is in the �anskrit language, describes the states ad join ing the Gup ta emp ire as follows : · "The kings o" f s uch border states as Samata1: a, D awaka, Kamarup a, Nep al, and Kartripur, . pay tributes of ·all kinds to , ·. and_ o bey · th e commands of Samudragupta, thus accepting his strict laws. "

The rulers of Nepal regard ed this situation as "a .cris is ", and therefore wn of Vr ishadeva, or of his own - genius. Nor does the inscrip­ tion of Jayadeva, located at Pashupati, shecl any light in .this rE:gard . It simply states that Vrishadeva was succeeded by Shankaradeva. *********** _LTo Be Continued) 210.

. +- • X Some Con::'tus io ns By Baburam l� hary a ******

It is necessa ry to study th e circumstances' in which P rit hvi N�rayan h S ah created the state of N epol. Similar ities can be found between the character of Prithvi · Narayan Sh�h and Shiv..iJi• Both sp ent their childhood and acquired education in simil ar circumstances. Shiva ji was educated by his mother, Jij abai , and also from Dadc1j i Konc:dev. Prithvi Narayan Shah co uld 913t 1.1-, ed ucution from his father, Nara Bhup al Shah, since he was o:'.: unsound mind . The task of educating Pr ithvi Nurayan Shah fell upon his eldest st ep�mother, Chandraprabho,. She in ferred the spirit of vulour, patience and other virtues in Pr ithvi Naray;:;. Shah by telling stories from the Ramc1yana, the f,,i::ihubharata, -� .J other anc ient texts. It se ems tha t Bhanu i:.ryal later became his tutor. Prithvi Narayan Shah u sed to seek his advice in important matters. Pr ithvi tJar ayan Shah learnt the value of effici ency·. This was necessary to execute plans successful ly. King Bhaskar Hal la of Kathmandu who died. seve n years befur,_ t he birth of Prithvi Narayan Shah, was very weak. He had inv ic - some Viuslims from ac ross the border s for his sec ur ity, bec..J.u.:,· he wn� helpless befo re his courtiers and even his queens. i:iuc his minister, Jhagal Thukul, o us ted Bhaskar Malla and thcs.:: foreign Muslims, and merged Dolakha into Ka thmo.ndu by invit i:1 its childle ss _Kin g of Dol -:.kha, Mahindr a Simha, to occ up y th..: . throne of Kathmandu . The King of Bh.:iJctapur decided to contrvl t_hc route to Kuti by occu_pyin�J Sindhu'l)alchok. Maki ng this ,1:, prctcAt, Jhagal Thakul retained Sindhup alc hok under Kath1ic:111-:·.. ;md thus foiled that att(�npt• In such a .situation, King Dhu1,,v· tindro 110.lla of Bhaktapur abandoned the id ea of occupying si:,. p.:ilchok. Two year s after King Mahi ndra Simh a ' s access ion to l throne of· Katbmandu, the throne of Lalitp\.1.1.- fell vacant. 7r.c ministers of L2..litpur there:forc began to accept Hahindra Si: : as th eir Ki ng. Mahindra Simha died aft er ruling l

�\.fter the de ath of Jagaj jaya Malla, his. son, Jaya Prakash Malla, became King o f Kathmandu. In the meantime , Ik and the Naldum fort l1ith the help of Khas troops and forced the Newar troop s to retreat. The t erritories of Bhaktapur :lncreased considerably whe n Sindhupc1lchok, as well as Dolakha, came under its control. Pr ithv i Narayun shah was crown Prince at that time i n Gorkha . Keeping in ew the weakness of Kathmandu, Prit i to vi hv Narayan Shah ·beg ....n formulate p lans to wrest. Nuwakot, which adjoined Go rk ha, frori1 Kathmandu. He concluded. a treaty with Lamjung, which permitted him to occupy the e as t ern territories of Irkha. Chandra­ r l i P abha h� prov ided oral pol.itiGa educ.:it o n'_ to Prithvi Narayan Shah. It seE:ITis that J?ri thvi Narayun Shub d id not have proper educat ion. re used to recite the Chandi with great devotio n. Gorkhali scholar s use:i to tellt s or1ie$. from the R.ama yana, the Mahabharataund other ep ics. J?rithvi l� <.1rayan· Shah s_ucce a:led he in gr asp ing such or al education. bec.Quse was very talented. But h is brothers failed to do so .

Contd • •• 212 .

Prithvi Naraya n Shah knew row to use the educ at ion acquired by him at the right time. It _ was his pol icy not to opp ress his subjects, and to work according to the rieed of th e time. He was not bigoted i n religious matters. Wh en Prithvi Narayan Shah sat on the throne placed at the square i'n front of Jaya Prakash Malla ' s p a:l.ace after occupying Kathmand u in the night, Jaya Pr akash .Malla fled to Lalitp ur along with his troops. AS soon as Prithvi Ncrayan Shah rece ived this repo·rt, he sent one of his brothers as his repre sentative and led the procession of Kumari to Ha numand hoka. Prithvi Narayan Sh ah follow ed the tradition of the Malla kings by put­ ting his forehea:i on the feet of Kumari , and received Tika from he r. He did not i nsult the Kumari as the daug hter"of a Banra. I nstead, he co ntinued the tradition of worshipp ing the Kum.ari. He would not hav e e njoyed the sup port of the local people had he viol ated the tradition , and the Malla c ul tw;-e would also not have survived. it is not necessary that the son of an ·educa ted father sho uld also b� educated'. 1-bwever, the eldest son of Prithvi Narayan Shah, crown Pri nce Pratap Simh a Shah, was weil versed in' the Sanskrit language, and he was also interested in poetry. But h.G lacked political acume n . He died after only three ye ars' reign, because te had weakened himself physically and mentally by following the Tantric cult . Thanks o t the mil itary power organized by Prithvi Narayan Shah, Chi taun was co nquered from Tanahu during Pratap _Simha Shah' s re ign. PrithviNara yan Shah fuced great difficulties in educat ifllj his · so ns, because of the lack of teachers . Queen Narendra­ laxmi was unable to teach Pr at ap Simha Shah in the same manner as Chandraprabha had taught Prithvi Narayun Shah. Pratap Siml1c1 Shc1h f.:-i.iled to ac quire prac tical educatio n either because Narentl ralaxmi lack ed the time or he himself lacked. interest. P rithvi Narayan Shah was to o preoccup'i ed with war and . politic:, to give ·practical education to his sons. He errployed scholars for that purpose, who taught Pratap Simha Shah only literatur� . This may be he t reason why P rithvi Narayan Shah did not let Bahadur Shah be taught by these scholars. In .his Divya Upa:lesh, Prithvi__ Narayan Shah directed th ut Khasa and Bru.hmans f .rom the east �nd the west should not be allowed to enter the royul palac e. He may have done' · so bccau:::..: he saw that the Crown Pri nce, Pratap Simh a Shah, had dev1.;lopc,;i Contd ••• 213.

a we a k charsactser f rom hi s ood yguard , S a rdar Swarup S�mha Karki , utl _ eastserner, 2nd his precepto r , Pandi t Br aj anath , who came from the w est.

Prithvi Narayan Shah_ has alsos· deprecated the l o� in telli­ gence of thG inh2bitants o f Kathmandu , an d thse cons p iratorisal He atmo�phcrc of the p lace. hadps lanned to consstr uct h i s p a la ce at Dahac hoks. Lut he seems tos. have r eal i zed thsI is only a fter construc ting a palace in KathmGndu . Dahachok s c li mate would hc.1vc [: Uited the hill people better. P.t:ithvi Narnyan Shah also thou g ht th at if the .roy2.l palace was constr ucted in Kathmand us, mer.ber�;; of the nobility would build t hei r ho us es around it, thereb y reduc in(J the cultivated area and c aus ings·a d e clin e in foodg:c,3.in pr..:,duct ion . But no one wants· to c l imb the hi lls after once rse.siding in the plains.

. �ratap S imha Shah and hi s s uc cessors r etained th ei r capit a l in Kathmandu, ;:ind the tovm graduall y expand e d. Th e Gorkhsal is then slowly irnbibc.-

2ri thv i Uar ayan Shah's mate rnal uncl e had adv ised h im n ot to rec rui t Th::ikuris in t he army. He ther efore recruit ed only K�iu.ss, Gu.rung, a.nu Magar . . soldiers. He sent his brothers on both ·C:Lvil nnd mili tary ass ignffi'.cn ts. Prithvi Nara y an Shah had bro ught illl h is br others along wi th liim during too c onque st of K athnandu . · Bu t durin(J th e conque st of Bh uktapur, .he sent th em to Nuwakot to perform religious f unctions at the l ocal Bh agawat i·. tanple. ti? ·,,,ever, his yo un g(:st brot her, Sur a Pratap Shah , di sobeyed his orders and too k p art in th e battle of Bhaktapur. Su ra Pratap Sh ah w2.s s ubs<.:quent ly accused of firing upon the ci vi­ lian population, and p laced in dete nt ion in Gorkha. I-t::>wever; he c scapaifr om det ention and s pent t h e rest of his l ife in Dullus. Prithvi N arayan Shah fac ed great· di fficult y in con­ trolling his broth er s , but was able to util ize their services from ti me to times. He ev en appc int ed Dalajit S h ah , 9"n e of h is brothers, �s a min isters.

Co ntd ••• 214.

Con flict among royal princes culminated during the re ign of Pratap Simhh Sh ah. His youn gest uncle had gone to the wes t and disc:ippeared . But th ere were still three ot her uncles. . In ,'lddit ion# there was hi's own brother, Bahadur Shah. Pratap Sirnha Shah revealed his weak ne ss by st at.ing that it · was diffi­ cult to deal with th ese persons. Taki ng advantage of this weak­ ness, his mi ni st�rs senttr oops to arrest Bah adur Shah and ot hers. Bahud ur Sh ah, who was then mourning the death of his fath er# was arrested. Th e property of D.::ilajit Shah was co nfis­ c ated, as he had absconded. Mah::>ddam I

thut the Queen was having an affa ir with $&VaJ:i.t Rana. Bahad ur · Shr1h took advantage of this' · s ituation, · and with t he help of the male servants of the paL::i.ce, had Sarvaj it Rana execut ed ,..111d Ruj cndralaxmi impriso n ed. As a matter of fact , Queen R aj endra­ laxmi was innoc ent . I t w as a major b lunder on the part of · Bahadur Shah t o level false accusations against her. Pri thvi Nardyan S hah h ad establish ed th e rule that no Bhardar should be murdered. B ahadur Sh ah vio lated this rule <1t1d behc c1ded Survaj it Ran6.,· thereby se tt ing up t he traditio n o f ass assination of B h ardars. This tradition reached its climax durincJ t.bc rul e: of D himsen ThaPu'• Bc:ihadur Sh ah h ad beheaded S.:i..rv.:ij it R.:.ina although he was innocent. He thus cormtitted a major blunde:r by b eheading an innocent Bhardar. r-t>reover, the c ;1usc! of th8 quarrel between Bah adur Shah and Raj endralaxmi , his sister-in- l2w, was a m inor one. B.:ihadur Shah wanted to unn ex t he western st c:tes, but Rajendralaxmi . was re l uctant to be drag ged into such ,. conflict. Sh e thought that he r s on wo uld und ertake th0 task of extendin g t he front iers of the kingdom c�ftc::r he: came of age . She imp rison ed Bahadur Sh ah in order to restr ain him from unde rtaking any s uch ven t ure. She apprehe nded th.:it Bahadur Shah migh t become al l-powerful nn d �:ush her so if the a rmy was placed under his cormiand. h;yl n SaJ:Va- J J.t R::m ,:i. merely executed the o rders . of the Q ueen . He was , �hcref ore, quite innocent . At that time the Bhardars avo ided invo lvement in cru.:irrcls a rrong m embers of the royal family. in I 0They obey1.:.l wh0 evcr was power and worked · in the i nterests £ the country. l� ter impr isoning Rajendralaxmi, Dahadur Shah invadoo T:-:,nahu. lie: person.:.;.lly co mnendcd the G orkhali troop� in that c i'lmpi 2. g n. He: h ::id

Selected Documen ts of 1887 Vikrama

!2lt -'l'hek Land Gr:�:nt in Ri sing Poush sudi 13 , 1887 ( 44/173) 359 rnuris of ric� lands in Ri s ing, which had been ass igne:i to the Srinath Kampu, were allotted to local peasants on Kut­ Thek tenure on u total payment of Rs 113 and 10½ annas, ex­ cluding the levy on winter crop s , and the customary Chardarn­ Thcki levy. The pe asunts wert:: required o t provide .loans .to the .Jagi:cdars whenever asked to do so. Revenue Colleetion Contract in Sheora j Magh Badi 9 1 1807 (44/174-75) �-. con t ract for the collHction of revenue in Sheoraj, a mouja in Pyuthan district, h ad been giv en to Shiva Bux Pur i for Rs 17,004 . Reclaimed wast e larids (Kalebunjar) at two place s, which had been confiscated from Bc1labhadra Kuntvar, were joined to that mouj a, and a revenue settlement was con­ duct o:i in the Vikrama ye ar 1882 . Revenue coll ection £or th ese areas w as now given out on cont ractto Subba Dharmaraj Khatri for one year, comuencing Daisakh Badi l, 1888, for Rs 19 ,004. Of this amount, Rs 11,502 was al located for th e paym��� of salaries to the mechunics employGd at tho Py.uthan munit :� 0L. factory, ;,md the person nel of the srin ath Kampu .:nd the Shi·. "."'omp any. subba Dharmaraj Khatri \-J as .ordered to tr.:1nsmit th\.:; balance of Rs 7,502 to the Tosak.hana i n Kathnun du. SUbba Dharmaraj Khatri w as orde red n ot to coll ect un­ authorize:d payrr,E::nts f rom the peasantry, or otherw ise opp1: .:.-�_ them, thereby leading them to submit complaints to Katbrn.--�.�L . He was , in a::ldition, · ord ered to promote land r cclamation :::.r•. . settlament in the area under his jur isdiction . The sources of revenue which were included in the cc;,­ tract were as follows :-

Contd.' • • 217.

1. Mal-Sair ( lund reven ue)'. 2 • l

20. -Chak.:.chakui ( fines collected fromper sons guilty of sexual ·offenses) • · , , . ' · ._ 2 1 . ,� il an r-a ikurn (payments d ue to loc al admin ist rators and r evenue functi onaries) .

Contd••' • 218.

Revenue f ram the fol lowing so urce s. was· excluded. from the contract':-

1. · Raja-l.nka (royal levies). 2 • K.:tl.ycm-Dhan ( �uried trea su re) • : 3. Dharmadhikar ( fees paid for expiation)' . 4 . Mahant-Mandali ( levies paid to Sanyas is) • 5. F'i nes collected from perso ns guilty of murder and cow-slaughter� 6. Rahuta-Bahata (arrears .of revenue)'. 7 . Ivory, rhinoceros hide , horns of bi son (gaurigai) . �� sion of Cultivators

Magh Budi 12 1 1887 (_44/175-76) Roy al otd er to Chaudhuris of elep hant-depots ( Ha t tisar)', and local revenue func tionarie' s ( Chaudhari) Kanugoye , Mandar , Mokaddam, Gumasta, Je thraiyat ) of Birta, Jagir, and Hattisar Lmds ( i.e . l ands ass igned for elep hant-depots) in Morcu1 g district : "Previously also, an order hadbee n issued _forbid­ ding you to· d ivert cultiv ators from Mal ( i.e. lands on which taxe s accrued to th e goven.i.ment) and J agir lands to .Birta �.nd Hattisar lands. We have now received reports that cul ti­ vators go to India. during th e monsoon, but l ater return to Morang, and ac cept allotm ents of new J agir , Bi rta, and Hatti­ sar lands, at co nce ss ional rates of ta,xation (Kamsar aha) and get credit fac ilities (Dho ta Pata) from loc al functionaries (ii1,1il) and cont r,,ctors ( Thikedar) , on the pretext .tha_t the Panch(tshala revenue-co llection sy stem that has been intro­ duced in Morang does not cover newly-reclaimed ( B(;ljra,-Bita) lands . Revenue on Mal lands goes down as a result . You are hereby' . forbidden to let t he cult ivator s do so in the. _future. If you do so, you will have to· meet the loss."

Contd ••'• 219.

Con struction o f B uildings Mcigh Badi 12, 1887 { 44/l7G-77). Royr.o.1 tv t-nl l ,:,, .• '-- , a,- . '•� ;p i 1� VJ .1 l;:ilJO and transnu.t the pro- r.e t..-OS to the army. Copper Mines in Dailekh Magh Badi 12, 1887 { 44/179) A newly-discove red copp er deposit i_ n Kad ha-Simta, . part of Dail ekh whic!1 had not been as.s igned as ,Jagir to the anny, was granted o n contract { Ij arn) for on'e year commencin g Baisakh Badi 1, 1887 Vikrama, to Mahuwa Khadk.:i on payment of Rs 10 1. The amount was payr1.hJ e to Llie 'l'osnkhana in Kathmandu.

@P9.in.:tJTI�t_ 9f_ J:i,rnro_m•1.9l Magh Badi 12, 1887 (44/179-80) Royal o.rder to Bh upal Bogati and Snlibahan Bogati': "The ryots of Bogtan h'ave gone to the he ndquarters of Doti distrJ.ct to demand th at the nam� of Bhupal Bogati also be registered as Jimmawal in the Tallo-Bogtan and Upallo-Pogtan areas of · Doti district , because only the name of Sa libahan Rogati wa s so registered during the revenue settlement of 1882 Vikrama. Chautariya Pushk ar Shah has re ferred the mat ter to us. Accord­

ingly, we hereb1 y appoint 1:oth of you as Jirnmawals11 of these areas with ef feet fran the year 1887 Vikruma. Payment of Salaries Magh Badi 12, 1887 { 44/180) Dittha Kanak Singh Basnyat was ordere:i to pay Rs 300 as salary for the year 18 87 Vikrama to Garuda Dhwaj Karki, an attend�t { Baithake ) at the royal pulace, from the income made by the four Adalats during the year 1888 Vik rama.

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( s. B. Maharjan)•