Chapter 1 Tracking the Origin and Evolution of Populations in Arabia

J e ff rey I. Rose and Michael D. Petraglia

Keywords Demography • Dispersals • Genetics • Holocene Arabia’s most evocative landscape features are the expansive • Paleolithic • Quaternary Environments • Refugia dune fi elds that sprawl across much of the subcontinent, fi lling the huge interior basins with heaping deposits of rust-colored sand. Juxtaposed in and around these vast wastelands are lush All this opens out a fascinating fi eld for comprehensive sub-tropical forests, defl ated gravel plains, jagged mountain research, involving several sciences, biological as well as ranges, and some 7,000 km of coastline. physiographical, which it would be richly worth while for an active prehistorian to undertake. (Caton-Thompson, 1957: 384) History of Prehistoric Research in Arabia

Introduction Paleoenvironmental researchers have discovered that climatic conditions within Arabia’s different ecological niches were far from stable over the course of the Quaternary, swinging Take a glance at any world map and it is immediately apparent between wet and dry extremes in the past 2 million years. that Arabia occupies a critical geographic position, linking During the Late Pliocene and Early Pleistocene, some Arabian Africa, Europe, and Asia. This singular point echoes across river systems carried volumes of water equivalent to the every chapter, noted by nearly every author who has contributed Nile (Thompson, 2000) . It is reasonable to suppose that these to this volume. It is odd, then, that the prehistory of such a signifi cant environmental fl uctuations had a profound effect critical corner of global real estate has languished in such on the development of early and later human populations in obscurity until now. As archaeologists begin to shed further the region. light on this relatively unknown region, the emerging picture Recent archaeological and genetic research suggests that seems to underscore what is so cartographically obvious – that human occupation in Arabia was as rich and varied over the Arabian peninsula has probably played a central role in the time as the landscapes upon which these early inhabitants dispersal of our species and closely related ancestors. dwelt. The peninsula was one of the fi rst stops for our The geographic designation ‘Arabian peninsula’ refers to incipient human ancestors expanding out of Africa. It is a the 2.5 million km2 landmass fringed by the Red Sea to the stone’s throw from East Africa, where a wealth of hominin west, Arabian Sea to the south, and Persian Gulf to the east. fossils have been unearthed (not to mention the oldest Politically, it encompasses the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the anatomically modern human remains), the earliest farming Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Republic of Yemen, the communities developed along its northern margin, and at Sultanate of Oman, the United Arab Emirates, the State of one point it was surrounded by the world’s fi rst three Qatar, the Kingdom of Bahrain, and the State of Kuwait. complex civilizations. Despite these signifi cant biological and cultural evolutionary milestones documented around J.I. Rose () Arabia, the peninsula itself has remained a virtual terra Department of Anthropology and Geography , incognita in prehistoric studies. Oxford Brookes University , Oxford , OX3 0BP , UK That is not to say the region has been ignored. Scholars e-mail: [email protected] have long speculated as to the role of Arabia in the develop- M.D. Petraglia ment of our species. Seventy-fi ve years ago, Henry Field Research Laboratory for Archaeology and the History of Art dubbed this part of the world “the cradle” of early School of Archaeology, University of Oxford, South Parks Road, Oxford, OX1 3QY, UK and suggested that “southwestern Asia, including the African e-mail: [email protected] territory, may well have nurtured the development of

M.D. Petraglia and J.I. Rose (eds.), The Evolution of Human Populations in Arabia, Vertebrate Paleobiology and , 1 DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-2719-1_1, © Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2009 2 J.I. Rose and M.D. Petraglia

Fig. 1 Photos of diverse ecosystems found throughout the Arabian peninsula

sapiens” (Field, 1932 : 426). For two decades following his Arabia across the Bab al Mandab was under consideration. presage remark, scientists and explorers such as St John Given the conclusions reached by various contributors in this Philby (1933) , Bertram Thomas (1938) , Gertrude Caton- book, it is interesting to note that Caton-Thompson (1957) Thompson (1939, 1954, 1957) , Henry Field (1951, 1955, too observed minimal evidence for demographic exchange 1956, 1958, 1960a, 1960b, 1961) , Frederick Zeuner (1954) , across the Red Sea. and Wilfred Thesiger (1959) combed the surface of the sub- A series of obstacles such as war, isolationism, and impen- continent. In nearly every case, they reported fi nding stone etrable geography signifi cantly impeded research during the tools associated with old river beds and dry lake basins, lead- latter half of the twentieth century, at which time Paleolithic ing to the conclusion that the barren interior had once been studies were more or less abandoned while rigorous fi eld- signifi cantly more conducive to supporting prehistoric hunter- work was conducted in nearby, more accessible parts of the gatherer communities. Even at this early stage, the question Levant and East Africa. Notable exceptions to this were of Pleistocene connections between East Africa and South Whalen’s surveys in Yemen and Oman (Whalen and Pease, 1 Tracking Human Populations in Arabia 3

1991 ; Whalen and Schatte, 1997 ; Whalen et al., 2002) , de research, to inform scholars in related disciplines, and to Maigret’s Italian Mission to North Yemen (de Maigret, 1981, facilitate inter-disciplinary dialogue. 1984, 1985, 1986) , the joint Yemeni-Soviet Expedition to We have organized the volume into fi ve themed parts that South Yemen (Amirkhanov, 1987, 1991, 1994, 2006) , the examine different facets and phases of Arabian prehistory. Danish Expedition to Qatar (Kapel, 1967) , and the ‘Part I: Quaternary Environments and Demographic Comprehensive Survey Project in Saudi Arabia (e.g., Adams Response’ is concerned with evaluating signals of Pleistocene et al., 1977 ; Masry, 1977 ; Zarins et al., 1979, 1980, 1981, and Holocene climate change. These chapters describe the 1982 ; Whalen et al., 1981, 1983, 1984, 1988) . Although few evolution of the landscape and the impact of climate change and infrequent, these expeditions surveyed huge tracks of on human populations in Arabia. The ensuing part, ‘Genetics land, recording a plethora of lithic scatters that underscore and Migration’ examines the phylogenetic structure of the scope of habitation throughout the region. By the close of primate populations currently living in Arabia (both humans the twentieth century, it was abundantly clear that prehistoric and baboons) in order to assess the relationship of these occupation in Arabia was extensive, yet stratifi ed and datable groups within their respective family trees. New data are Paleolithic sites continued to elude archaeologists (Petraglia used to address issues such as early human expansion and Alsharekh, 2003) . through the Arabian Corridor and different migratory A seemingly unrelated scientifi c development in the late contributions to the Arabian gene pool. Part III ‘Pleistocene 1990s had a dramatic impact on prehistoric research in Archaeology’ and Part IV ‘Holocene Prehistory’ present Arabia. While studying the phylogenetic structure of modern new archaeological fi ndings across the subcontinent, at sites human groups distributed in the , a team of ranging from the to the Neolithic periods. geneticists discovered traces of one of our species’ most These discoveries are considered within a broader regional ancient mitochondrial DNA lineages, a branch that was context and in relation to the genetic and paleoenvironmental previously thought to have its roots in Asia (Quintana-Murci records. The fi nal part discusses these new data from et al., 1999 ). The occurrence of haplogroup M markers in the perspective of a scholar who has spent nearly half a East Africa indicated to scientists that the ‘Arabian Corridor’ century conducting archaeological investigations in and (i.e., Yemen, Oman, and the U.A.E.) served as a conduit for around Arabia. populations moving between Africa and Asia; thereby confi rming the existence of a hypothesized route out of Africa (Tchernov, 1992 ; Lahr and Foley, 1994, 1998 ; Stringer, 2000) . Quaternary Environments and Demographic The haplogroup M genetic discovery recalibrated research agendas and reinvigorated fi eldwork activities by empirically Response demonstrating the Arabian peninsula’s geographic prominence in early human expansion. As geneticists shone the spotlight Since the underlying premise of this book is the inexorable on Arabia, the pace of discovery quickened accordingly. link between humans and environments in Arabia, the open- Within the past few years, datable Paleolithic sites have fi nally ing section provides detailed descriptions of Arabian land- been discovered. New high-resolution systematic surface surveys scapes and the history of climate change across the provide greater understanding of stone tool distribution across subcontinent. These contributions provide the scenery upon the landscape. A rapidly growing body of paleoenvironmental which the drama of human evolution in Arabia was enacted. data allow for reconstructions of variable climatic conditions The authors weave together paleoenvironmental and archae- over the course of the Pleistocene. Genetic samples obtained ological evidence to assess the relationship between climate from modern Arabian populations enable us to assess their change and demographic response. In several later chapters, position on the human family tree. the predictive models set forth in Part I are used to frame the The recent fl urry of discovery has now reached a boiling Pleistocene and Holocene archaeological records. point and permits the fi rst comprehensive examination of As the most probable starting point for hominins entering Arabian prehistory across multiple disciplines. Hence, we Arabia, we begin with an examination of coastal landscapes have compiled this volume to present, synthesize, and dis- along the Red Sea and demographic movement across this cuss the state of research in Arabia with an emphasis on the waterway based on ongoing underwater research around the dynamic relationship between human and landscape evolu- Farasan Islands (Bailey, 2009) . Bailey reviews evidence tion. Many of the contributions are pioneering studies that indicating that there was no land bridge linking Africa and force us to refi ne, or in some cases entirely re-evaluate Arabia across the Bab al Mandab Strait since the Pliocene fundamental issues in human prehistory. The Evolution period. In contrast to recent arguments that have been made of Human Populations in Arabia is intended to engender for the development of aquatic subsistence strategies by early interest in the region, to serve as a foundation for future humans, which facilitated their rapid expansion out of Africa 4 J.I. Rose and M.D. Petraglia along the rim of the (e.g., Stringer, 2000 ; Additionally, there are indications for a series of pluvial Mellars, 2006) , Bailey concludes that “the case for marine episodes during MIS 6, an isotopic stage that was initially resources as a primary factor in promoting a process of characterized by prolonged aridity (Anton, 1984) . These and coastal colonization by early human populations whether other fi ndings have a direct bearing on the timing and nature anatomically modern or earlier remains weak.” Furthermore, of hominin movement onto the peninsula, as they push the he writes “the belief that general aridity prevailed during feasibility of hunter-gatherer range expansions into Arabia as glacial periods and would have deterred all but ephemeral far back as 200 ka, if not earlier. settlement is certainly an oversimplifi cation, and indeed Wilkinson (2009) discusses paleoclimatic and archaeo- substantially incorrect.” logical evidence from the highlands of Yemen and adjacent Parker (2009) summarizes the paleoenvironmental record geomorphic zones. The terrain of southwestern Arabia is of climate change over the last 350 ka, presenting an exhaustive predominantly comprised of mountains and upland plateaus database of proxy environmental signals used to calculate between 2,000 and 3,600 m above sea level. These Tertiary pluvial-arid oscillations. Until quite recently, we have had volcanic and granite peaks trap moisture from the Indian only a vague sketch of paleoenvironmental conditions during Ocean monsoon, which is responsible for depositing between the late Middle and Upper Pleistocene periods. Parker presents 200 and 700 mm of rainfall per annum. This favorable substantial evidence for one or more wet pulses during MIS climatic regime played a key role in the development of 3, a heretofore poorly understood environmental phase. Holocene agricultural communities, affecting not only the

F i g . 2 Map of Arabian refugia showing extent of landscape during Fig. 2 , pp. 72). Date ranges were calculated based on global eustatic sea periods of reduced sea level. The Persian Gulf shorelines at various sea level curves as well as the Late Pleistocene/Holocene record of sea level level increments have been adapted from Kennett and Kennett (2006 ; transgression into the Gulf basin (e.g., Lambeck, 1996) 1 Tracking Human Populations in Arabia 5 highlands but surrounding Red Sea and Arabian Sea coastal that the commonly held belief that haplogroup L3 split into plains that receive a large portion of the runoff. haplogroups M and N within Africa and subsequently Together, the chapters comprising Part I paint the pic- expanded outward does not adequately explain modern phy- ture of a mosaic landscape encompassing a multitude of logeographic patterning. They support an exodus during MIS varied micro-environments. From the authors’ descrip- 5, in which early human groups expanded out of Africa dur- tions, we can begin to articulate at least three coherent core ing a favorable episode sometime around 100 ka. zones that served as population refugia during environ- Fernandes (2009) examines the timing of mtDNA mental downturns: the Red Sea coastal plain, the Dhofar coalescence between Papio hamadryas baboons living on Mountains and adjacent littoral zone in Yemen and Oman, either side of the Red Sea; this is particularly germane since and the emerged fl oodplain within the Persian Gulf basin every recorded Pleistocene expansion of sub-Saharan (Fig. 2 ). African species into southwest Asia is associated with a To understand the development of human populations in hominin dispersal. As the only living evidence (other than Arabia during the Pleistocene and Early Holocene, it is Homo sapiens ) of a successful primate colonization out of helpful to conceptualize populations tethered to these dif- Africa and into Arabia during the Middle/Late Pleistocene, ferent refugia, expanding and contracting from such habi- Fernandes uses these data to examine Pleistocene faunal tats during cycles of amelioration and desiccation. These movement across the Bab al Mandab. He observes that the zones represent the only abundant and predictable sources divergence ages indicating when the ancestral baboon of freshwater anywhere to be had in Arabia during periods population crossed the Red Sea into Arabia correspond of aridity. with periods of high sea level rather than low, supporting the argument that there was no Pleistocene land bridge connecting Africa and Arabia. All three genetic analyses are largely in agreement. The Genetics and Migration phylogenetic structures of both human and baboon popula- tions suggest minimal demographic movement across the New genetic research permits further examination of the Bab al Mandab between Africa and Arabia in the Upper various demographic scenarios set out in Part I. We include a Pleistocene. In fact, these genetic data point to more signifi - description of the mtDNA genetic structure of modern cant genetic exchange with the Levant at this time. Yemeni population (Rídl et al., 2009) , a phylogeographic analysis of Arabian mtDNA lineages throughout the penin- sula (Cabrera et al., 2009) , and an examination of Papio hamadryas mtDNA variation on either side of the Red Sea Paleolithic Archaeology (Fernandes, 2009) . Rídl and colleagues synthesize multiple datasets published over the last decade (i.e., Richards et al., 2000 ; Thomas Early/Middle Pleistocene (ca. 2.0 Ma–200 ka) et al., 2002 ; Richards et al., 2003 ; Kivisild et al., 2004 ; Rowold et al., 2007 ; Černý et al., 2008) to address whether There is clear and abundant evidence for the presence of populations in southern Arabia bear traces of an initial human Acheulean hominins in Arabia (Petraglia, 2003) . The migration out of East Africa, and to what extent subsequent identifi cation of Acheulean sites is of course signifi cant for demographic input has affected the Yemeni gene pool. Their understanding the earliest adaptations of hominins in Arabia analysis is concerned with the basal nodes upon the human and for assessing their landscape usage behaviors. Petraglia phylogenetic tree. Rídl et al. observe that the modern Yemeni et al. (2009) address and discuss archaeological fi nds at population exhibits a mix of sub-Saharan haplogroups Acheulean site complexes along the Wadi Fatimah, near the (L-type derivatives) and West Eurasian haplogroups (M-type Red Sea in Saudi Arabia, and from the hillslopes near the and N-type derivatives), leading them to conclude that “the modern town of Dawādmi in central Saudi Arabia. overall composite nature of Yemeni gene pool also supports In considering the fi ndings at Dawādmi and Wadi Fatimah, its probable role as a recipient of gene fl ows from different Petraglia et al. note that sites within both complexes are posi- parts of Africa and Eurasia.” Most African L-type haplo- tioned in carefully chosen locations. They are situated on groups recorded in Yemen are attributed to relatively recent elevated spots that afforded early hominins with high visibil- East African slave trade. ity vantage points, enabling them to spot plant resources, Cabrera et al. (2009) use the mtDNA evidence from standing water, and animal movements across large dis- Arabia to assess the relationship between haplogroups tances. The sites were found near springs or stream channels, M and N, and whether their phylogeographic distribution and in proximity to abundant lithic resources in the form of indicates one or more dispersal events. The authors argue andesite and rhyolite dikes, where some stone tool quarries, 6 J.I. Rose and M.D. Petraglia with giant cores, manufacturing debris and fi nished tools implements including bifacially-worked sidescrapers with were identifi ed. flat invasive retouch, backed bifacial knives, foliates, Given the spatial distribution of Acheulean sites in Arabia, limandes, and, in the case of the A3 Group, a large elongated Petraglia and colleagues postulate hominins initially spread bifacial handaxe. The combination of Levallois cores asso- into Arabia along the coasts. They travelled into the interior ciated with Micoquian-like bifacial forms hints at a Middle via river valleys during brief wet pulses, and contracted back Paleolithic chronological attribution. into surrounding refugia at the onset of more arid conditions. Archaeological survey results from investigations in central Therefore, interior occurrences probably represent short term Oman are presented by Jagher (2009) . In 2007 and 2008, population expansions associated with episodic pluvial Jagher and his team conducted a systematic survey of the phases. As one of the largest systems draining into the Red Huqf region, recording over 350 archaeological sites. The Sea, Wadi Fatimah would have been a particularly plentiful Huqf is a series of low hills encompassing a diverse array of source of water, as well as attracting diverse plant and animal ecological habitats sandwiched between the Jidat Al Harasis species. The authors also discuss inter-regional patterning plain to the west and Indian Ocean coastline to the east. Since among Arabian Acheulean tools and types found elsewhere the landscape consists predominantly of defl ated surfaces in the Levant, Africa, and India. Examining the morphology within minimal aeolian cover, archaeological visibility was of the Large Cutting Tools, Petraglia and colleagues claim deemed exceptionally high. Jagher estimates some workshop that the Arabian tools are similar to those identifi ed as localities in southern Huqf comprise up to 1 million artifacts, Acheulean in Africa. if not more. Jagher suggests the frequency and density of material is due to the extended usage of these sites over long periods of time. Late Middle and Upper Pleistocene Crassard (2009) systematically analyzes and categorizes a series of surface sites discovered in the eastern reaches of (ca. 200–12 ka) the Wadi Hadramaut drainage system in Yemen. The author recognizes three general categories of core reduction: cen- Wahida et al. (2009) describe an assemblage of surface tripetal Levallois, unipolar-convergent Levallois, and radial artifacts collected at Jebel Barakah in the Western Region cores. Bifacial tools produced via façonnage reduction are of the Abu Dhabi Emirate, which they suggest belongs to notably absent among these assemblages. In considering an early phase of the . The artifacts were inter-regional patterning based on techno-typological fea- manufactured on high quality chert derived from a defl ated tures observed within the Hardamaut material, Crassard surface capping the hill. The primary reduction strategy observes: “relations, whose character remains to be defi ned, observed within the assemblage is the centripetal Levallois with the Levantine Mousterian would be then more probable technique, which grades into biconical radial and high- than with an African Middle Stone Age (MSA) or Nubian backed radial cores. While the authors note the occurrence Mousterian.” of the bidirectional Levallois technique and Nubian Type I Rose and Usik (2009) report fi ndings from a series of cores, they emphasize the predominance of radial cores and archaeological surveys and excavations carried out in and debitage from the Jebel Barakah fi ndspots. In addition to an around the Dhofar Mountains, southern Oman, between array of non-diagnostic tool types such as denticulates and 2002 and 2008. Multiple assemblage types were collected notches, Wahida et al. report a cordiform bifacial handaxe throughout this region; by far the most common technologies and bifacially retouched sidescraper. present are elongated blanks produced by simple unidirec- Scott-Jackson et al. (2009) collected a similar array of tional-parallel or unidirectional-convergent reduction strate- Paleolithic material in their surveys around the interior foot- gies. The authors adopt the Eurasian term “” hills of the Hajar mountain chain in Sharjah and Ras al (UP) to classify this and other seemingly related assemblages Khaimah Emirates. Artifacts were recovered from large from southern Arabia. Although the material is technologically workshops situated on limestone ridges approximately 300 m classifi ed as UP, Rose and Usik caution against assigning a in elevation with views of the Al Madam plain to the west temporal range to this archaeological phase in Arabia at this and wadi channels directly below. The lithic assemblages stage in our understanding. They argue that the absence of described by Scott-Jackson and colleagues were categorized UP connections with Africa is yet another indication that the into Groups A1, A2, A3, and B1 based on the presence/ modern human exodus from Africa occurred no later than absence of certain techno-typological features. All of the MIS 5 (128–74 kya). “A Group” artifacts contained some Levallois variant, ranging Maher (2009) reviews what is perhaps the least under- between centripetal and unipolar-convergent, as well as an stood phase in Arabian prehistory, the Late Pleistocene, assortment of biconical and high-backed radial cores. As for which she defi nes as the interval spanning MIS 3 and MIS 2. tools, there was a high frequency of sidescrapers and bifacial There is a paucity of evidence from this time period, restricted 1 Tracking Human Populations in Arabia 7 to a handful of defl ated surface scatters. In most cases, sites available evidence “is still incapable of confi rming or denying were attributed to the Upper Paleolithic based on the pres- the hypothesis of population continuity or replacement ence of technological and typological features such as burins, between the Pleistocene and Holocene in eastern Arabia, it perforators, blades, and endscrapers. Maher points out, how- does raise a few question marks over another thesis that has ever, that classic UP points, carinated pieces, and other blade been commonly enunciated in the archaeological literature tools that are common elsewhere are absent in Arabia. The of this area, namely the Levantine, PPNB-related origins of author discusses potential UP artifacts in Yemen, in which the earliest lithic industry and, by extension, Holocene inhabi- two primary core reduction strategies were observed: fl at tants, found there.” Uerpmann and colleagues offer three cores with parallel fl ake and blade removals, and unidirec- hypotheses exploring the dynamics of the Neolithic expansion tional or bidirectional prepared cores for the production of into Arabia: elongated points. 1. The peopling of eastern Arabia by PPNB-related settlers Regarding the question of Terminal Pleistocene microlithic was the result of widespread climatic deterioration to the assemblages in Arabia, Maher observes that no microlithic north of the Arabian peninsula around 6,200 BC. material (sensu Levantine Epipaleolithic) has yet been found 2. The peopling of eastern Arabia by PPNB-related settlers in southern or central Arabia, and there are only a few isolated was the result of widespread population dispersal during surface fi nds from the northernmost extent of the peninsula. the Early Holocene. On the whole, Maher concludes that “the Late Pleistocene 3. The earliest settlement in southeastern Arabia refl ects cannot be assigned as ‘Levantine’ in character, but there are repopulation from South Arabia and/or northeastern some interesting hints at Levantine connections in the north, Africa. and African connections in the south … It is not that the entire peninsula was abandoned during the Late Pleistocene. The authors lend greater credence to the second possibility, Rather, something else may have been going on here that we given the timing of the expansion amid a period of environ- don’t yet fully recognize …” mental amelioration. In their view, expansion into the desert Crassard, Rose and Usik, and Maher describe Middle and was more likely triggered by a pulling, rather than pushing Upper Paleolithic archaeological assemblages from Yemen, mechanism. While they do not discount the third hypothesis Oman, and Saudi Arabia. While the artifacts presented come of indigenous and/or African origins, there is not yet enough from different areas of the Arabian peninsula and are pre- evidence to properly assess this possibility. sumably separated by large gaps of time, it is noteworthy that Fedele (2009) examines Early Holocene occupation in the contributions independently and concurrently arrive at the Yemeni Highlands, a region that little has been written similar conclusions. They all note some degree of affi nity about in discussions of the Neolithic peopling in Arabia. with archaeological evidence from the Levant, and minimal The chapter presents heretofore unpublished evidence from resemblance to material from East Africa. archaeological surveys in Wād ī at-Tayyilah and Wadi Khamar attesting to an Early Holocene ‘Pre-Neolithic’ habitation throughout the eastern Yemen Plateau. Pre- Early Holocene Archaeology Neolithic material excavated from site WTH3 in Wād ī at-Tayyilah is described as a microblade technology with (ca. 12–8 ka BP) expediently utilized blanks. Based on the present evidence, Fedele views the Pre-Neolithic and Neolithic of this region Holocene demographic expansion onto the peninsula is one as belonging to a single continuum, supported by the conti- of the central themes in Part IV of this book. The ‘Neolithic’ nuity of occupation at WTH3. The features of this highland peopling of Arabia is critical for deciphering the genetic industry display hints of similarities with East Africa rather composition of modern Arabian populations. In addition, than the Fertile Crescent, leading the author to adopt the understanding the dynamics of Early Holocene population African terminology ‘LSA’. expansion into Arabia is useful for setting up a frame of ref- McCorriston and Martin (2009) examine the evidence for erence to understand the processes involved in prior the development of Early Holocene pastoralist societies Pleistocene range expansions. Contributions to Part IV by along the desert margins of southern Arabia. The authors Uerpmann et al., Fedele, McCorriston and Martin, and examine three specifi c issues related to the origins of animal Boivin et al. provide insights into the repopulation of Arabia domestication in this area: where and when do the earliest from various perspectives around the peninsula. domesticates appear, from where were these animals brought, Uerpmann et al. (2009) review the archaeological evi- and what do these data imply about the transition from hunter- dence for Early Holocene occupation in eastern Arabia. They gatherer to fully pastoral societies? address the issue of population discontinuity or continuity Based on the available evidence, they conclude that leading into the Holocene. According to the authors, the domesticated taurine cattle could have arrived from the 8 J.I. Rose and M.D. Petraglia

Levant or possibly from Africa by the sixth millennium BC, cause them to sometimes alternate as key routes of maritime if not earlier. Just as Uerpmann et al. (2009) have suggested trade within the wider Indian Ocean. The chapter by Boivin there were multiple waves of expansion into Arabia, the et al. explores the critical question of exactly who was data presented by McCorriston and Martin indicate a similar responsible for the trade activities that brought zebu and scenario in which cattle were introduced into Arabia “with other domesticates to Arabia, and also moved key crops differing human populations and population densities in very between Africa and India from as early as the second mil- different adoption strategies at different times.” Arguing lennium BC. One of its most important points is that these against a single Levantine expansion, the authors note that translocations were likely at least partly the result of the the dates and lithic techno-typological features from the activities of small-scale Arabian societies, rather than earliest known site of cattle domestication in southern Arabia, solely the work of the Bronze Age states to whom they are Manayzah, do not support an introduction of people culturally often attributed. or temporally related to the Levantine PPNB. Instead, The fi nal chapter by Khalidi (2009) addresses these McCorriston and Martin suggest that the earliest herd animals maritime issues through more detailed study of precisely were probably introduced as a pioneering strategy among these small-scale communities, and in doing so comes full local hunters. circle back to the question concerning the movement of pop- The composite evidence presented in this section suggests ulations between Africa and Arabia. It is ironic that so much that the Holocene peopling into Arabia emanated from mul- speculation surrounds the question of connections across the tiple sources in and around Arabia at different times. Red Sea during the Paleolithic – one of the central themes of Uerpmann et al. (2009) write: “the situation may be far more this volume – yet the only defi nitive evidence comes from complex than previously assumed, and that it is wrong to the Middle Holocene and onward. Khalidi examines speak of ‘colonization’ in the singular. At all events, it is obsidian exchange networks between Eritrea, Yemen, and unlikely to have been an ‘event’, and much likelier to have Saudi Arabia. Based on data collected from both the been a process which may initially have involved hunters and African and Arabian sides of the Red Sea, Khalidi combines gatherers coming from the south, soon followed by aceramic lithic analysis and obsidian sourcing to articulate regional herders from the northwest using some variant of PPNB- trade networks. She recognizes two primary modes of obsid- related lithic technology. How and where they met and mixed ian circulation in Yemen: (1) limited exchange using local and how they sorted out their subsistence economies is a fas- highland sources and (2) trade over long distances either 300 cinating topic for future research.” km away in Saudi Arabia or 100 km to the west in Eritrea. While many domesticates undoubtedly arrived into Khalidi cites the presence of geometric microliths and bipo- Arabia overland, the unique sea-embedded context of the lar fl aking technology on both coasts of the Red Sea as evi- peninsula has also likely resulted in key maritime routes of dence in favor of Red Sea exchange. dispersal for some of the region’s domesticated species. Boivin et al. (2009) accordingly emphasize Arabia’s mari- time position, and the new corridors of dispersal, trade routes and connections that emerged in the region with the Human Evolution in Arabia advent of seafaring technologies and know-how in the mid- Holocene. The chapter presents an important, and unprec- The environmental, genetic, and archaeological pictures edented, synthesis of the evidence for maritime activity in painted by the various contributions within this volume the Arabian subcontinent and surrounding areas from the illustrate a region that was ever in fl ux, where stasis was the mid-Holocene to the Classical period. It traces the emer- exception rather than the rule. Arabia was undoubtedly a gence of the fi rst Ichthyophagi, or ‘Fish-Eaters’, as they place of genetic mixing, mirrored in the phylogenetic struc- were known in the Classical texts, the development of mar- ture of the modern Arabian population. For the last 1 million itime subsistence and seafaring capabilities, and the gradual years, hominin groups from all three continents surrounding growth of maritime trade and exchange activities into the the Arabian peninsula episodically expanded onto the sub- Bronze Age and beyond. The chapter takes a multidisci- continent when conditions permitted: whether it was hunter- plinary approach to the theme of Arabia’s maritime past, gatherers tracking the expansion of their geographic range, drawing upon not just archaeology, but also paleoenviron- cattle-pastoralists exploiting the ameliorated grasslands of mental, historical linguistic and textual sources of data. It the Arabian interior, fi shermen moving along the emerged argues for a broadly synchronous emergence of maritime continental shelf during glacial maxima, or displaced com- subsistence and trade activities on both the eastern and munities forced out of the Ur-Schatt River Valley by marine western sides of the peninsula, but emphasizes the unique incursion into the basin. trajectories of development that subsequently characterize If the Holocene frame of reference is any indication, then the Red Sea and the Gulf, and that by the Classical period we can assume that demographic expansion into Arabia 1 Tracking Human Populations in Arabia 9 was not a straightforward process involving a single source 4 . Homo sapiens – Most scholars posit that anatomically population. It is likely that different groups moved into the modern humans dispersed into the Arabian peninsula, region from multiple points of origin at different times and although the chronology for this event(s) remains for variable reasons. The observed inter-regional patterning unknown. There is a possibility that early groups of Homo leads to the question of which species were responsible for sapiens expanded into the peninsula during pluvial pulses the creation of Middle and Upper Pleistocene archaeological in MIS 6, potentially bearing the macrohaplogroup L3 sites in Arabia. There are a number of possibilities for the marker (Cabrera et al., 2009) or some other now extinct identity of Arabia’s inhabitants during the interval between lineage. One possibility is that this emigrating group 200 and 100 ka: belonged to the ancestral population that gave rise to all subsequent M and N mtDNA branches. Anatomically 1 . Homo heidelbergensis – Given the presence of Acheulean modern human remains excavated at Skhul and Qafzeh technologies in Arabia, and the possibility that early Caves in the Levant, approximately 100 ka, provide evi- Middle Paleolithic technologies were derived from Large dence of this expansion out of Africa. If, indeed, early Cutting Tool assemblages, it is necessary to entertain the Homo sapiens were displaced from the Levant by expand- possibility that local, indigenous groups of Homo heidel- ing groups around MIS 4, it is possible that bergensis or their descendents evolved and survived in the they contracted back into the Red Sea and South Arabian peninsula. If this were the case, it is therefore possible refugia, particularly given the preponderance of Levantine- that these populations were coeval with other groups of related laminar technologies reported from the southern hominins expanding into the peninsula in the late Middle zone. As such, the identity of Arabian technologies and Upper Pleistocene. between 200 and 100 ka may indicate the presence of 2 . Homo neanderthalensis – It is possible that there was early Homo sapiens populations. If, indeed, the Skhul/ some demographic input of populations in Arabia as Qafzeh population represents a successful expansion and groups travelled southward from the Levant and the not an evolutionary dead-end, as many researchers have Zagros mountains. Neanderthal fossils are geographically written, this provides a more parsimonious explanation as close to Arabia; their presence in Shanidar Cave, at the to why the early humans that reached during foothills of the Zagros mountains in Iraq, raises the pos- early MIS 3 are morphologically similar to the Skhul/ sibility that these hominins ranged into parts of northern Qafzeh specimens (Schillaci, 2008) . Inter-regional exam- Arabia. Yet, there are some morphological and archaeo- ination of the archaeological evidence from the Middle- logical factors which indicate that may not Upper Paleolithic transition throughout Africa and Eurasia have commonly inhabited the southern Arabian land- leads Marks (2005) to a similar conclusion. scapes. Their robust morphological traits have been often cited as adaptations to colder environments than predicted Although we still do not have answers to many evolutionary in Arabia. With respect to their technology, consistent and questions, the contributions in this book clearly demonstrate systematic Levallois technology with distinct platform Arabia’s record of extreme climate change, diverse popula- faceting, a defi ning characteristic of the Mousterian, is tions, and wide array of variables impacting the movement virtually absent in Arabia. of human groups. Anthropological “systems analysis” sees 3 . Homo helmei – Homo helmei is considered an archaic human systems in a state of positive or negative feedback variant of early Homo sapiens postulated to have spread loops (e.g., Flannery, 1968 ; Renfrew, 1979 ; Lowe and Barth, from Africa in a wave of dispersal sometime after 200ka 1980) . Groups remain in stasis (positive feedback) until one and associated with a Mode 3 technology (Lahr and Foley, or more variables within the system changes, forcing people 2001) . Though fossils of this taxon are thus far only found to adapt some aspect of the system to compensate for this in Africa, the possibility exists that these early moderns alteration. From this perspective, Arabia represents a mas- reached the Arabian peninsula during an early dispersal sive negative feedback loop in the process of human devel- event. From an archaeological perspective, Marks (2009) opment. Populations inhabiting Arabia faced a recurring observes some overlapping features between Jebel Faya 1, succession of profound changes in their environment trig- Assemblage C and Sangoan-type assemblages in East gered by aridifi cation, amelioration, and sea level fl uctua- Africa, and Rose (2007) has noted Sangoan/Lupembam- tion. These dramatic landscape transformations must have type features among Sibakhan assemblages. A Sangoan/ had greatly infl uenced the trajectory of human biological and Lupembam-type assemblage collected at Abu Hagar in cultural evolution. Sudan (Lacaille, 1951 ) was found in proximity to and in It is an exciting time to be involved in the investigation of the same geological context as the cranium from Singa Arabian prehistory. The genetics revolution has enabled us to which has been sometimes identifi ed as Homo helmei address Pleistocene and Early Holocene demographics in a (McBrearty and Brooks, 2000) . manner no scholar would have dreamed just 25 years ago. 10 J.I. Rose and M.D. Petraglia

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