CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY SAN MARCOS
THESIS SIGNATURE PAGE
THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULLFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE
MASTER OF ARTS
IN
IDSTORY
THESIS TITLE: James DeWolf: Slaving Practices, Business Enterprises, and
Politics, 1784-1816
AUTHOR: Cynthia Mestad Johnson
DATE OF SUCCESSFUL DEFENSE: April29,2010
THE THESIS HAS BEEN ACCEPTED BY THE THESIS COMMITTEE IN PARTIAL FULLFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN IDSTORY.
Dr. Jill Watts THESIS COMMITTEE CHAIR
Dr. Peter Arnade THESIS COMMITTEE MEMBER
Dr. Anne Lombard o'Uf 'lj:Jot t! THESIS COMMITTEE MEMBER
James DeWolf
Slaving Practices, Business Enterprises, and Politics, 1784- 1816
Cynthia Mestad Johnson
Department of History California State University San Marcos ©2010 3
Contents
Acknowledgments...... 5
Dedication...... 7
Introduction...... 8
Chapter One...... 29 A Slaver's Entrepreneurial Spirit
Chapter Two...... 52 The Ambitious Ventures ofan Exiled Captain
Chapter Three...... 73 Political Manipulation and Ascendancy to Public Office
Chapter Four...... 92 The Continuance ofIllegal Slaving Despite Federal Regulations
Conclusion...... 111
Appendices...... 116
1. Slave trade laws, 1784 - 1819 2. Map ofNarragansett Bay, Rhode Island 3. Custom Map of De Wolfs Triangle Trade route 4. New evidence on the Amastad and Minerva 5. New evidence on the Andromache 6. De Wolf family cemetery 7. De Wolfs tomb 8. De Wolf warehouse, side view 9. De Wolf warehouse, front view 10. Sample of a DeWolf slave ledger 11. One ofDeWol:Ps family homes 4
Bibliography...... 131
Abstract...... 140 5
Acknowledgements
I am honored to have worked with a group of highly respected, published historians as my committee members and recognize that I experienced a unique opportunity. I would like to thank each one and acknowledge that, with your help, this thesis developed into something more than I could have ever imagined.
Dr. Jill Watts, thesis and graduate chair, and of whom I have the utmost respect, guided me with unbelievable commitment and patience in helping me craft this thesis into a respectable piece of research. Her calm and supportive demeanor raises her to a level of professionalism that is not easily matched. It was my distinct pleasure to work with a historian who shared my passion for this topic.
Dr. Peter Arnade, Department Chair and committee member, joined this dedicated group of three professors even though he is a late medieval and early modern European historian. I depended on his vast knowledge of history and his reputation for "attention to detail" in editing to make this thesis a complete and cohesive unit.
Dr. Ann Lombard, committee member, has a wealth of knowledge for both legal and constitutional history and the early American and Revolutionary era. Her legal expertise was helpful.
Additionally, I would like to thank the follow specialists whose diligent e-mail correspondence and telephone conversations helped me immensely in expanding my knowledge and with my sources.
Ray Batcher, curator, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society Patty Canas, History Department Administrative Coordinator, CSUSM Judith Downie, Humanities and Government Documents Librarian, CSUSM Nancy Kougeus, archivist, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society Mary Millard, DeWolf descendent, Linden Place, Bristol, Rhode Island Ron Wetteroth, database historian, St. Eustatius Historical Foundation
Thank you also to the members of my graduate cohort for their encouragement, support, and for continually asking "are you done yet?" My life has benefitted tremendously as a result of your friendships that I look forward to maintaining for a lifetime. 6
Mike Dolan - You have the honor of holding the title, "first to graduate" from the CSUSM History graduate program. You meticulously and painstakingly paved the way for me and future graduates, particularly those who will create digital theses. Your insight, support and advice were, for me, undeniably priceless. Thank you!
Finally, it is because of my family that I was able to accomplish this lifelong dream. I love them all from the deepest part of my heart, and they know this. My thesis is the epitome of an unconditional team effort!
Bill Johnson, husband! Thanks for bringing me coffee, sending me text messages of encouragement, taking over the household responsibilities and listening to me when you didn't know what or who I was talking about but pretended so brilliantly that you did.
Tim Clinton, younger son, for keeping me technologically in the "now," Thanks for making sure that my computer knowledge improved and that I had the latest in technology. You saved my life and the life of my thesis more times than I can remember which helped to maintain my sanity. Thanks for perfecting my appendices (and for the chocolate!). You are an incredibly gifted young man!
Matt Clinton, oldest son, fellow graduate student, educator, reader, confidant, carpool buddy, and future historian. I loved attending class with you and having you as a part of this with me. Thank you for being my sounding board, your emotional support is invaluable as was sharing this experience!
Elysse Clinton, most awesome daughter-in-law, when you joined our family, it felt like you were always there. Thank you for helping ALL of us with whatever we need, whenever we call.
Dr. Orv and Shirley Mestad, parents! The support you gave to me throughout this process was unquestionably the most unselfish parental contribution towards my future that I could have ever imagined. Other children should be so lucky! 7
Dedication
I dedicate this thesis to my Dad!
His daily example of how he lives his life has taught me the value of hard work, integrity, commitment to family, and most importantly, faith. 8
INTRODUCTION
Many citizens from the tiny state of Rhode Island were responsible, directly or indirectly, for the delivery of more than 106,000 slaves to the United States between the years 1650 and 1808. According to historian Lorenzo Johnston Greene,
"It is evident that the involvement of Rhode Island citizens in the slave trade was widespread and abundant."1 For select Rhode Islanders, the commercial success that came with their participation in the trade yielded tremendous economic stability both for themselves and their communities.
During the eighteenth century and into the early nineteenth century, Rhode
Island slave traders purchased and sold more slaves than all other slavers in the
United States. By 1750, Rhode Island was recognized as the nation's most active trading center for slaving? By 1774, Newport, Rhode Island became "the most guilty, respecting the slave trade, of any town on the continent."3 Jay Coughtry writes in The Notorious Triangle that from 1725 to the end of 1807 in "both relative and absolute terms ... Rhode Island was the most important American carrier of
African slaves."4 While a number of Rhode Island families participated in the trade, including the famous Brown family, among the most successful was the DeWolf
1 Lorenzo Johnston Greene, The Negro in Colonial New England, 1620-1776 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1942), 30. 2 Daniel P. Mannix, A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade: Black Cargoes (New York: The Viking Press, 1962), 164. 3 Mannix, History of the Atlantic, 165. 4 Jay Coughtry, The Notorious Triangle, Rhode Island and the African Slave Trade 1700-1807 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981), 25. 9 family. 5 Their longevity in the trade was predicated on the lasting participation of central figure James DeWolf, who did almost anything to continue amassing political and economic power.
The DeWolf story begins in 17 44 with Simeon Potter, a Rhode Island slave trader who, by the age of twenty-four, held a captain's license. Potter was remembered as the "most contentious and ornery Bristolian in the colonial century, if not in the town's whole history" according to George Howe, a DeWolf descendant.
In his book Mount Hope (1959), Howe documented the DeWolf family history, often with his own personal flair and embellishments.6 Although ridden with inaccuracies,
Howe's book correctly asserts that Potter's success in the Sugar Islands trade was based on slave trafficking. During one of his slaving voyages, Potter landed on the
French Island of Guadeloupe and there signed on an inexperienced but enthusiastic new crew member, seventeen-year-old Mark Anthony DeWolf. Although DeWolf's grandparents were born in Connecticut, they eventually immigrated to Guadeloupe where Mark Anthony was raised with religious and American traditions, and trained to read and write in several languages including his parents' native language of
English. Potter took an immediate liking to Mark Anthony because of his extensive education. It was just what the captain, who was illiterate, needed; someone to read
5 The DeWolf family name made several spelling transitions ending with the present spelling. Variations of the name can be found throughout multiple sources with references on the transitions of spelling. The family name can be seen spelled as D'Wolf, D'Wolfe, DeWoolfe, DeWolfe, and today's spelling, DeWolf. For the purpose of this thesis, the modern spelling is used. 6George Howe, Mount Hope, A New England Chronicle (New York: The Viking Press, 1959), 70. 10 and write for him. In turn, Potter began to teach DeWolf the routes and bargaining techniques of the slave trade. 7
Not too long after DeWolf began working for Potter, the Captain took his young protege' home to Bristol and introduced him to his family, which included his nine sisters.8 This resulted in a marriage between Mark Anthony DeWolf and
Potter's sister Abigail. The couple settled in Bristol and this marked the beginning of the DeWolf legacy. Mark Anthony and Abigail had fifteen children; all eight of their sons went into the family business of trafficking in human souls. Three died at sea. Of the five surviving DeWolf sons, James DeWolf, born in 1764, rose to become the family's most prominent slaver and businessman. Potter, who had such tremendous influence on Mark Anthony DeWolf, also mentored his nephew James, teaching him the ruthless ways of his craft and how to successfully circumvent the increasingly restrictive international legislation that was aimed at regulating slavers.9
Potter's training and guidance regarding the slave trade was just one factor that helped DeWolf build his empire.10
As the United States, then a young nation grew and slaving began to undergo legal changes, James DeWolf sought to increase his political and economic influence by perpetuating the slave trade in Bristol. During his life, DeWolf attained
7 Anne Farrow, Joel Lang, et. al., Complicity, How the North Promoted, Prolonged, and Profited from Slavery (New York: Ballantine Books, 2005), 103. 8James Pope-Hennessy, Sins of our Fathers (1441-1807) (New York: Capricorn Books, 1967), 239. 9 James A. Rawley and Stephen D. Behrendt, The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1981), 328. 10 Hugh Thomas, The Slave Trade (N"ew York: Simon and Schuster, 1997), 535. 11 significant political power and was eventually elected by the voters of Rhode Island to their General Assembly. DeWolf served his state in political office almost continually from 1797 until1837Y At the same time, while successfully circumventing slave laws both domestically and internationally, DeWolf maintained not only his lucrative business but also the family's lifestyle of wealth and power. A critical component of DeWolf's success undoubtedly had to do with his brilliant mind for entrepreneurialism and politics as well as his financial contribution to the local economy. But he did not attain success without continual challenges and roadblocks, particularly those placed in his path by the man who would later emerge as his nemesis, Rhode Island collector William Ellery.
This thesis will provide new evidence regarding James DeWolf and his family that has not been published previously. It reveals how the town of Bristol was economically dependent on his success in the trafficking of human cargo.
Additionally, this thesis presents new scholarly evidence regarding DeWolf's ability to circumvent laws while maintaining his involvement in the transatlantic slave trade from 1784 until 1816. It documents DeWolf's prolific involvement in the slave trade and corrects the mythology previously written about both DeWolf and Rhode
Island's role in slaving.
Generally, for years, United States history was traditionally recounted as if slavery was primarily an exclusive issue for the Southern states during the
11 "James DeWolf," January 6, 2009, http://bioguide.congress.gov. 12 seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. 12 Until the 1960s, the image of the
Northern states as a pristine and perfect environment filled with proactive abolitionists and religious anti-slaving activists had gone almost unchecked for generations. Essentially, the national mythology had absolved the North from any responsibility for slavery. However, scholarship began to surface during the Civil
Rights era which established the complicated relationship between the North and slavery. The institution of slavery not only existed and died slowly in some parts of the North, but Rhode Island's economy thrived on it, participating fully in the international trade. 13
Scholarly works that addressed the issue of the slave trade, both domestically and internationally, can be found as early as the nineteenth century. In 1890,
William B. Weeden focused his research specifically on the slave trade in New
England. In his book, Economic and Social History of New England, 1620-1789,
Weeden acknowledged that vessels from Rhode Island brought slaves into Boston and testified that he personally witnessed this as a young child. He does state, however, that he could not verify who specifically imported the slaves. However, he believed Newport, Rhode Island was "undoubtedly the main port of the New
England slave-trade.'.I4
12 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 5. 13 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 177. 14 William. B. Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England (New York: Hillary House Publishers, Ltd., 1890), 458. 13
A better known work, published in 1898, was W.E.B. DuBois' The
Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States, 1638-1870. 15 This work utilized an early social history approach and was aimed primarily at dealing with the oppression of Africans. It did not directly address the overarching question of the northern merchants' involvement in the trade. DuBois' research challenged the injustice that all African Americans experienced in society and he aimed his work at achieving equality for African Americans in a world that he so forcefully described as dominated by European Americans.
By the early twentieth century, historical research regarding the slave trade specifically in New England was on the rise. While multiple sources appeared, the most widely regarded and popularly cited work was that of Elizabeth Donnan. In
1930, she published an article in The New England Quarterly, entitled, "The New
England Slave Trade after the Revolution."16 In it, she addressed the heavy traffic in slaving in Charleston, South Carolina and argued that its massive scale was primarily motivated by New England capitalists, including the DeWolfs. She came to this conclusion based on newspaper articles that she found but she did not speculate further as to why New Englanders were so active. Two years later, Donnan published her findings with additional evidence in Documents Illustrative of the
15 W.E.B. DuBois, The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States, 1638-1870 (New York: Russell & Russell, 1898). 16 Elizabeth Donnan, "The New England Slave Trade after the Revolution," The New England Quarterly vol. 3, no. 2 (April, 1930): 251-278. 14
History of the Slave Trade to America: New England and the Middle Colonies. 17 In her multiple volume set, specifically volume three, Donnan addressed the slave trade in the North and New England. She statistically broke down each state's involvement in the slave trade, including slave sales. Within her lengthy analysis,
Donnan revealed that the three most active slave trading states in the North were
Massachusetts, New York, and particularly Rhode Island. To come to this conclusion, she dove into custom house records to document the comings and goings of slave trade vessels. This also allowed her to discover a small group of prolific slavers that included the DeWolfs. Elizabeth Donnan perhaps made the largest historical contribution during her time in regards to the slave trade and its impact on commerce. While Donnan's analysis is highly regarded, her primary focus remained on updating statistical accuracies regarding the nation's involvement in the slave trade from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries, presenting a broad spectrum of information.
In the 1960s, the Civil Rights Movement inspired resurgence in scholarly works that addressed the slave trade. It was at this juncture that historians began to reveal the human atrocities that occurred in the trade. The North was once again acknowledged as a key player in the trade but the primary focus remained on the
South. In 1962, Daniel Mannix wrote Black Cargo, A History of the Atlantic Slave
17 Elizabeth Donnan, Documents Illustrative of the History of the Salve Trade to America: New England and the Middle Colonies (Washington DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1932). 15
Trade, 1518-1865. 18 In it he described "Yankee Slavers," including DeWolf, and how they circumvented slaving laws in order to support local commerce. He also documented slaving as an international trade that was carried out by many nations, often illegally, which ultimately made the slave trade difficult to control. In 1963, an article appeared in The Business History Review that was titled "The Entrepreneurial
Spirit in Rhode Island History." Written by Peter J. Coleman, the article assessed custom house records from Rhode Island, and confirmed statistically the prolific maritime activity by this state from 1750 until1812.19 But with the nation's shift towards the Civil Rights Movement, historical writings on the topic of slavery also shifted to a social perspective, perhaps best demonstrated in James Pope-Hennessy's
Sins of the Fathers, A Study of the Atlantic Slave Traders, 1441-1807, published in
1967?0 Pope-Hennessy did not present any new historical findings regarding the slave trade, but instead, he presented his work from a new perspective. Using personal narratives of slaves, shore-based dealers, and others involved in the slave trade, Pope-Hennessy provided the reader with powerful stories while retelling an old narrative. Through his findings, Pope-Hennessy stated that the slave trade was the root cause of today' s American racial problems, mirroring the historical writings of others during the Civil Rights era. Finally, Donald Robinson established in
Slavery in the Structure ofAmerican Politics (1971) that the trade was obviously
18 Mannix, Black Cargo. 19 Peter J. Coleman, "The Entrepreneurial Spirit in Rhode Island History," The Business History Review vol. 37, no. 4 (Winter, 1963): 319-344. 20 Pope-Hennessey, Sins of our Fathers. 16 thriving in the United States in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and that the increase in the trade appeared to be growing in the North.21 However,
Robinson gave no definitive explanation as to why he believed this was true.
By the end of the twentieth century and into the early twenty-first century, scholars began to focus more on the North's involvement in the slave trade, demonstrating that the region was far more active than originally thought. Stand the
Storm: A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (1985), by historian Edward Reynolds, addressed the subtle changes in the trade over time while discussing the differences between the Islamic and Atlantic trades.22 While Reynolds gave descriptive evidence of slave ports in the North and New England, which included Newport,
Rhode Island and Boston, Massachusetts, and substantiated the North's involvement in the trade, his primary focus was in accounting for every African taken into slavery. David Eltis published The Economic Growth and the Ending of the
Transatlantic Slave Trade in 1987, and addressed the economic dependence of many areas, including the North, on the Atlantic slave trade.23 Eltis' work was replete with quantitative data, analyzing slave gender, age, cost, and profit and supporting the overall argument that the American economy depended on the trade.
21 Donald Robinson, Slavery in the Structure ofAmerican Politics, 1765-1820 (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1971). 22 Edward Reynolds, Stand the Storm, A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (Chicago: Elephant Paperbacks, 1985). 23 David Eltis, The Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). 17
Where the North and New England's involvement was addressed, it was only briefly mentioned within a much larger analysis of the slave trade as a whole. The
Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economics, Societies and Peoples in Africa, the
Americas, and Europe (1992) by Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman covered the slave trade and the effects it had on the nation's economy from a purely statistical viewpoint, neglecting any conclusions regarding the North?4 Instead, the authors chose to focus their efforts through a broad series of essays on the question "who gained and who lost" in the Atlantic slave trade in Africa, the Americas, and Europe.
Their results revealed that the Americas and Europe gained from the slave trade while Africa lost. Finally, Patrick Conley wrote Liberty and Justice, published in
1998, where he addressed various laws passed in the state of Rhode Island and the local reaction to those laws. He addressed how the legislation that outlawed the slave trade in Rhode Island was ignored and that, "the nefarious traffic in human chattel is the most serious blot on Rhode Island's libertarian reputation."25 However,
Conley failed to provide definitive reasons for Rhode Island's success. New historical scholarship presented the North as actively involved and financially dependent on the trade, particularly in the case of Rhode Island.
Recently, four historical sources looked specifically at the impact the slave trade had on the North. In 2004, James A. McMillan wrote The Final Victims:
24 Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economics, Socieities and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe (Durham: Duke University Press, 1992). 25 Patrick T. Conley, Liberty and Justice: A History of Law and Lawyers in Rhode Island, /636-/998 (East Providence: The Rhode Island Publications Society, 1998), 200. 18
Foreign Slave Trade to North America, 1783-1810.26 McMillan addressed the issue of supply and demand for slaves in the South, primarily Savannah and Charleston, and how merchants in the North, including James DeWolf, fulfilled them. The most compelling aspect of his book was McMillan's attempt at documenting the number of slaves who lost their lives from the time period of the American Revolution until the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1808. While McMillan's research confirmed the
North's involvement in supplying slaves to the South, it did not go into detail regarding specific individuals and how they were able to fulfill the slave requests of
Southerners. Instead, McMillan made a convincing case statistically stating that the number of slaves originally thought to have been brought to the United States was in fact much higher than originally reported. Additionally, he extended his analysis by stating that the longer the trade lasted, the more abusive the environment became for the slaves while in transit. He concluded his study by referring to England's contribution towards the slave trade in the Southern states as the second British invasion.
The following year, Anne Farrow and Joel Lang published Complicity: How the North Promoted, Prolonged, and Profited from Slavery (2005).27 This book looked specifically at the slave trade in Connecticut, Pennsylvania, New York, and
Rhode Island. Far above the Mason-Dixon Line, Farrow and Lang argued that the
North had a geographical advantage in its ability to turn a profit without being
26 James A. McMillan, The Final Victims: Foreign Slave Trade to North America, 1783-1810 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2004). 27 F arrow, comp 1·tctty. · ------
19 noticed by authorities during an era when the trade was being restricted primarily in the South. Farrow and Lang acknowledged the role played by James DeWolf's brother-in-law, Charles Collins', as collector in Bristol's custom house as well as
DeWolf's development of a vertically integrated empire as elements contributing to the perpetuation of the trade in Rhode Island. However, much of Farrow and Lang's information on DeWolf and Rhode Island came from the embellished writings of
George Howe, resulting in a repetition of the family narrative.
In 2006, Charles Rappleye published the Sons of Providence: The Brown
Brothers, The Slave Trade, and The American Revolution.28 Rappleye's primary focus was on the Brown family and their involvement in the Rhode Island slave trade but he also included some exploration of the DeWolfs. He began to give a clearer picture of the circumvention of laws by slavers, then President Thomas Jefferson's personal struggle with the trade, and the custom house that was built in Bristol that served the DeWolfs' interest. Finally, in 2007, Marcus Rediker wrote The Slave
Ship: A Human History. 29 Rediker pulled from all disciplines, creating a profound image of what it was like to be a slave in the lower hold of a slaving vessel, surviving the middle passage, and the challenges that captains faced in dealing with the illnesses of cargo and crew, slave uprisings, crew dissension, weather, and pirates. He elaborates on the relationship between captains and crew, the details of what happened on deck to crewmembers and slaves, and the torture that slaves
28 Charles Rappleye, Sons of Providence: The Brown Brothers, The Slave Trade, and The American Revolution (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2006). 29 Marcus Rediker, The Slave Ship (New York: Viking, 2007). 20 endured, including a heightened level of violence and terror that was not normally divulged in historical narratives. While he presented a very descriptive perspective,
Rediker's focus was on the act of slaving, not on a specific area or person and his involvement in the slave trade.
Historiographically, much of the information published was primarily from the last forty years but does not fully discuss the success of slavers in the North.
These same sources say very little regarding Rhode Islanders who were connected to slaving and when they do, they rely too heavily on DeWolf family memoirs and histories that were not entirely accurate. The slave trade is clearly covered from a multitude of perspectives and disciplines. But despite James DeWolf's role, as a central figure in slaving, there is only a general acknowledgement of his overwhelming involvement.
One of the most relevant secondary sources related to Rhode Island's involvement in the slave trade that did explore James DeWolf, was published by Jay
Coughtry in 1981. In his book, The Notorious Triangle, Rhode Island and the
African Slave Trade I 700-I 807, Cough try discussed the comparative neglect of previous publications on the Atlantic Slave Trade regarding North American slavers, including James DeWolf.30 His study established Rhode Island's involvement in slaving and its long term economic importance. Coughtry maintained his primary focus on slaving voyages and the outfitting of slaving vessels and relied on statistics to explore how many slaves were transported to the United States. His research
3°Coughtry, Notorious Triangle. 21 established the involvement that Rhode Island and its merchants had in the slave trade. While Coughtry' s discussion explores the vast connection of Rhode Islanders to the slave trade, it does not elaborate on the adept business sense of the DeWolf family and their overarching participation in the slave trade.
The only books that specifically explore the DeWolfs are by family descendents. Published information on James DeWolf downplayed his ruthless role in the American slave trade and is filled with inaccuracies and myths. Reverend
Calbraith B. Perry, another DeWolf descendent, published the DeWolf family history in 1902 and claimed that by the early 1790s, after only ten years of slaving, James
DeWolf" ... amassed a fortune sufficient to retire ... and live at ease."31 However, this thesis will demonstrate that DeWolf did not retire and continued to develop his multiple business ventures including his slave trade enterprises. The success of
James DeWolf, in part, had to do with his profound ability to adapt his slaving practices as the nation grew economically and as various domestic laws restricting the trade were passed. DeWolf operated during a time when the practice was being outlawed, and as abolitionists gained steam attacking both the international slave trade and domestic slavery.
In 1930, DeWolf's great-grandson, Mark Anthony D'Wolfe, published
Bristol Rhode Island: A Town Biography. 32 He recounted his family history and
31 Rev. Calbraith B. Perry, Charles D'Wolf ofGuadaloupe, his Ancestors and Descendants (New York: Press ofT.A. Wright, 1902), 23. 32 Mark Anthony D'Wolfe, Bristol Rhode Island: A Town Biography (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1930). 22 included the history of James DeWolfs slaving practices as originally told to the family through oral traditions. These stories chronicled Uncle Simeon Potter's mentorship of James DeWolf on the complexities of the slave trade and DeWolfs political influence over the Bristol Custom House.
In 1959, George Howe published Mount Hope. 33 The book took its title from the name of James De Wolfs estate and offers a colorful description of his ancestor's life. Howe sets the stage regarding the mythology of DeWolf and his family with embellishments ofthe truth. He correctly described James DeWolf as the economic backbone of his family and Bristol's community, but he glosses over the role that
DeWolfhad in the slave trade. For years, historians have inaccurately borrowed from family sources, particularly from George Howe.
Recently, family members have offered a more critical assessment. In 2009, a documentary aired on public television called Traces ofthe Trade: A Story from the Deep North. 34 The producer and director of this project was Katrina Brown, also a DeWolf descendent. She, along with nine other DeWolf descendents, retraced the
Transatlantic Triangle Trade route once sailed by James DeWolf and his brothers.
Drawing on this journey, one ofthe members ofthe group, Thomas Norman
DeWolf, published a book in 2008 titled, Inheriting the Trade. 35 Both the documentary and the book acknowledged that the DeWolfs were the largest slave
33 Howe, Mount Hope. 34 Traces ofthe Trade: A Story from the Deep North, A Story from the Deep North, Documentary Film, directed, produced, and written by Katrina Browne (2009). 35 Thomas Norman DeWolf, Inheriting the Trade (Boston: Beacon Press, 2008). 23 trading family in United States History. They also established evidence of Rhode
Island's overwhelming involvement in the sale of slaves, specifically to the South.
While the recent DeWolf descendents have begun to acknowledge their family background, the primary purpose for their stories is to accept a level responsibility for their family's role in the slave trade with the hopes of one day establishing a reparation program for African American descendents of slaves brought to the
United States by the DeWolfs in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
James DeWolf and his family merit deeper exploration regarding their central involvement in the slave trade, their critical economic support of the local economy, and their influence on American politics and law. This research will reinforce
Coughtry's contributions regarding the topic of slavery in the North but will expand on his discussion by establishing DeWolf's role and influence in Rhode Island regarding the slave trade, correcting the mythology historians have borrowed from
George Howe. This thesis will establish one man's history through the dissection of the how and whys of his unapologetic success, offering a new perspective of the
North's involvement in the slave trade.
Researching DeWolf is difficult given the conflicting tales in secondary sources. The record has been obscured by historians' heavy reliance on George
Howe's Mount Hope. The use of primary source evidence to unravel such conflicting sources requires tremendous attention to detail. Primary source documentation, some catalogued, some not, was found entirely in the state of Rhode
Island at three separate locations. The Bristol Historical and Preservation Society 24 have a large collection of DeWolf family documents. The Rhode Island Historical
Society, located in Providence on the campus of Brown University, has a tremendous amount of well cataloged materials that deal not only with the DeWolfs but also with the slaving industry of Rhode Island. The Newport Historical Society has limited but useful sources on the DeWolf family. These three Rhode Island archives hold letters, ships' logs, insurance books, depositions, and many other written documents, that help unfold a story that has never been fully told.
While James DeWolf's career spanned many years, this study will begin with
1784 and the passing of Rhode Island's Gradual Emancipation Act. This law marked the beginning of a slow decline of domestic slavery in Rhode Island?6 In
1808, the Federal Slave Trade Act was passed with the intention of putting an end to all slave importations to the United States or its territories.37 This was a critical law for the nation as previous slave laws had been readily ignored. However, DeWolf's success continued up to and well beyond 1808, despite the passage of the Slave
Trade Act, and its extensive penalties for its violation. This thesis will conclude in
1816 with evidence that DeWolf continued to be involved in the slave trade well after the law of 1808.
During the years from 1784 to 1816, DeWolf had a varied and complex career. Within this timeframe, two major events emerged as evidence of his ability
36 Appendix 1, Law of 1784. When this law was passed it distinctly outlined that all blacks who were born after March 1, 1784 were to be free, slaves between the ages of 15-25 would become indentured servants and freed after seven years, and slaves 25 and older would remain slaves for life. 37 Appendix 1, Law of 1808. This law stated that the importation of slaves into the United States or its territories' was banned and increased the penalties for infractions. 25 to by-pass laws and continue to amass his fortune. Chapter one covers DeWolf's accusation of murdering a slave woman, ruthlessly throwing her overboard from his ship the Polly. 38 In 1791, two witnesses from DeWolf's crew recounted the incident, which resulted in the issuance of a warrant for the arrest of their captain. DeWolf never stood trial; he fled Bristol and could not be served. Over the years, historians have speculated on his whereabouts during his absence. George Howe insisted that
James DeWolf's hiding place remained unknown. 39 Daniel Mannix addressed the case in Black Cargo, A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade 1518-1865, and established that the warrant was indeed nol-prossed (dropped) in 1795. But Mannix then jumped forward in time to discuss DeWolf's election to the United States
Senate in 1821. Historian Marcus Rediker addressed the case of the Polly and
DeWolf's impending trial, but also immediately bypassed any further discussion of the whereabouts of DeWolf. He did, however, state that DeWolf "prospered in the heart of darkness."40 Generally, historians agreed that James DeWolf could not be found; therefore the warrant was never served, which allowed the case to be dropped.41 What this thesis will reveal is where DeWolf went into hiding and how he maintained his prolific participation in the slave trade from afar.
Chapter two will discuss a second deposition for the same murder and subsequent trial. It was conducted in 1794 in St. Eustatius, located in the West
38 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 39 Howe, Mount Hope, 106. 40 Rediker, Slave Ship, 347. 41 Mannix, History of, 154. 26
Indies. In his book's epilogue, Marcus Rediker briefly mentioned that the second deposition led to the only trial for DeWolf. However, Rediker remarks that "there was no one there to testify against him," so DeWolf was found innocent.42 To determine if what Rediker said was true, it was vitally important to investigate the second deposition and the circumstances that surrounded it. The Rhode Island and
St. Eustatius depositions are not found juxtaposed in scholarly works. Typically, the deposition taken in Rhode Island is mentioned in research with little or no reference made to the second deposition taken in the West Indies. The second deposition, previously overlooked, reveals DeWolf's whereabouts during his four year absence from Bristol. The second trial also clearly presents evidence of DeWolf's ability to circumvent laws for personal gain, and his successful manipulation of the West
Indian court system.
This first case study also provides an important corrective to the mythology regarding one of James DeWolf's brothers. Present sources insist very clearly that after one slaving voyage in 1791, Levi DeWolf turned his back on the family business and converted to the Quaker faith. In some respects this functions as an attempt to enhance the family's reputation. The true story of Levi will show the complete opposite to what is historically accepted regarding his purported personal disregard for slaving. What can be found in the archives is not only that Levi continued slaving after his maiden voyage but that also he oversaw James' voyages while his brother was in exile in the West Indies. Additionally, once James DeWolf
42 Rediker, Slave Ship, 346. 27 returned to Rhode Island after his four year absence, Levi continued in the family business of slave trafficking.
Chapter three will present the second case study and will be an extensive discussion regarding the political involvement of James DeWolf. This begins with an examination of DeWolf's tremendous influence over the opening of a separate custom house in Bristol and the appointment of his brother-in-law, Charles Collins, as its collector. Additionally, it explores DeWolf's political ideology and his support of and involvement with Thomas Jefferson during the Virginian's run for the office of President of the United States. Evidence will show a correlation between
DeWolf's support for Jefferson's presidential campaign and Jefferson's role in the eventual replacement of the collector in Bristol with Charles Collins.
Chapter four will reveal DeWolf's ability to circumvent laws facilitated by his brother-in-law, the new collector. Whereas the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1808 was designed to stop all illegal human trafficking conducted by American citizens, this chapter will show that the pattern of slave trading continued through the use of creative means through the year 1816.
Addressing the cruel realities of the slave trade, particular! y the North's involvement, is a brutally shocking story. The DeWolf family is rarely mentioned in history, perhaps as a result of early DeWolf descendants' embarrassment and their attempts to protect family secrets. The existence of the illegal slave trade as a form of economic support for Bristol and the state of Rhode Island merits further investigation. Isolating it to one man makes it personal, particularly with the 28 knowledge that DeWolf achieved such high positions of power and wealth through the suffering of so many humans. Evidence will show that despite James DeWolf's transgressions, he remained a powerful and influential figure for the remainder of his life, both politically and as a leader of the people in Bristol. 29 Chapter One
A Slaver's Entrepreneurial Spirit
James DeWolf was born on March 18, 1764 to Mark Anthony and Abigail
Potter DeWolf. The DeWolfs had fifteen children, of which James was the seventh of eight sons. DeWolf's mother was active in the Episcopal Church in Bristol but some of her children, by adulthood, became members of the local Congregational
Church. However, there is no record of active membership in either church by
James DeWolf. 1 Evaluating letters and business documents, it is apparent through the use of punctuation, spelling, and penmanship that DeWolf received a formal education as a child? As a young boy, DeWolf soon tired of doing manual labor in the fields on his family's farm and approached his uncle, Simeon Potter, for employment on one of his ships.3 Potter, who had previously molded James' father into a slave trader, was not willing to take on his young nephew and refused him a job. Shortly thereafter, DeWolf, took part in the Revolutionary War as a young teenager. During the war, the British twice captured and released DeWolf.4 At the end of the war in 1783, he returned to Bristol and approached soon-to-be competitor
1 Mary Millard, e-mail message to author, September 6, 2009. 2 James DeWolf, correspondence file, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. While reading letters from DeWolf s correspondence files, his ability to articulate his thoughts, spelling, and punctuation reflect a formal education as well as his ability to maintain a formal accounts ledger with mathematical accuracy as seen in his ships logs. 3 Wilfred H. Munro, Tales of an Old Sea Port; A General Sketch of the History of Bristol, Rhode Island (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1917), 205-206. 4 Thomas, Slave Trade, 534. Even as a child, DeWolf was preoccupied with the sea. 30
John Brown for an opportunity to sail. Brown hired him immediately and, by 1784, promoted nineteen-year-old DeWolf to master captain of a vessel.5 Slaving vessels would have as many as three captains per voyage, sometimes more.6 The master captain was the lead man in charge and had the final responsibility for the ship, its crew, and its cargo. By the time DeWolf was twenty-five years old, he had already achieved substantial wealth as a result of working for Brown in the slave trade.7
In Rhode Island, the Gradual Emancipation Act of 1784 was introduced just as DeWolf's success was growing.8 Unsurprisingly, slavers, including DeWolf at age nineteen, opposed the act, fighting hard to block its passage. However, the law was heavily supported by a large contingent of Rhode Island Quakers and abolitionists and considered one of "the most significant Revolution-inspired statutes" ever written.9 The abolitionists of the state expected state prosecutors, custom officials, and even private citizens to report those who broke this new law.
However, many Rhode Islanders either refused or neglected to report violations of the law, therefore it had little impact on the slowing of the trade in Rhode Island. 10
W.E.B. DuBois described slave laws in general as the "system of bargaining,
5 D'Wolfe, Bristol Rhode Island, 70. 6 David Eltis, Stephen D. Berhrendt, et al., The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, CD-ROM (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 7 Munro, Tales of an Old, 206-207. 8 Appendix 1, Law of 1784. 9 Conley, Liberty and Justice, 201. 10 Thomas, Slave Trade, 502. 31 truckling and compromising with a moral, political and economic monstrosity, which makes the history of our dealing with the [sic] slavery ... so discreditable."11
The bill passed on March 22, 1784. Despite the strong efforts of Quakers and abolitionists to secure immediate freedom, it stated that all African Americans born to slave mothers after March, 1, 1784 would be free, that slaves between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five would become indentured servants and freed after seven years, and that slaves twenty-five years of age and older would remain slaves for life.
Although the state law of 1784 addressed the issue of abolishing domestic slavery,
Rhode Island slaveholders were slow to respond, resulting in an incredible delay in the emancipation for their state. 12 Additionally, the law might have been written to outlaw slavery, but it neglected to outlaw slave merchants. 13
By 1787, the state of Rhode Island addressed the issue of slavery once again and passed a revision to the law of 1784. In addition to its original statutes, the revised law addressed the slave trade and imposed a fine on any ship owner who imported slaves into the state.14 This particular law set a penalty of "one hundred pounds for every slave transported and one thousand pounds for every vessel so engaged," and explicitly forbade the importation of slaves into Rhode Island. 15
DeWolf, nonetheless, blatantly ignored the law, sailing undetected down discrete water passages until he reached his destination of Bristol. Soon realizing the state
II DuBois, Suppression of, 198. 13 Rawley, Transatlantic Slave, 307. 13 Thomas, Slave Trade, 482; Appendix 1, Law of 1784. 14 Appendix 1, Law of 1787. 15 Irving H. Bartlett, From Slave to Citizen (Rhode Island: Urban League of Rhode Island, 1954), 333. 32 neglected to enforce the act of 1787, Rhode Island abolitionists protested, only to discover their leaders refused to respond. The motivation to allow illegal slaving to continue, in part, was based on the fact that the slave trade was the backbone of
Rhode Island's economy. 16
Rhode Island's economic foundation initially included fishing, trading, and shipbuilding; as this small state had brutally barren soil, its seaports encouraged the emergence of the slave trade. 17 But once the profits from slaving began to grow in the middle eighteenth century, an increase in local commerce occurred. In response to the strengthening economic climate, a large number of residents became employed at rum distilleries and a growing number of "bankers, creditors, and insurance agents" began to emerge to support the slaving industry.18
DeWolf, too, responded to the positive economic climate in Bristol and became a successful businessman by modifying the model established by several generations of the Brown family of Providence. The DeWolfs and the Browns were often lauded as having similar success stories. However, the Browns ultimately owed their fame not to their success in slaving, but rather to their famous philanthropy and role in establishing Rhode Island College, later renamed Brown
University. James DeWolf, on the other hand, had the tenacious ability and savvy business sense to take his family to a level of financial success that exceeded the
16 Tommy Todd Hamm, "The American Slave Trade with Africa, 1620-1807" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1975), 84. 17 Peter J. Coleman, "The Entrepreneurial Spirit in Rhode Island History," The Business Review vol. 37, no. 4 (Winter, 1963): 321; Rawley, Transatlantic Slave Trade, 269 18 Robinson, Slavery in the, 57. 33 more famous Brown family. The DeWolf legacy was built solely on their connection with the slave trade.
The Browns' business activities spanned six generations. Throughout the years they changed their business practices and enterprises to match the demands of the times. 19 They participated in the slave trade off and on, not making maritime a primary focus of their business ventures. Instead, the Browns became generally known as a mercantile family. 20 The Browns owned two main businesses. The most successful Brown enterprise was the manufacturing of spermaceti candles, which the family became "actively engaged in the whale fishery" to support.21 The second business that the Browns owned made practical household items from iron. The iron works business, Hope Furnace, made items such as tools and kitchenware, supplying goods to small town shopkeepers throughout the region?2
As a mercantile family, the Browns became known as one of the greatest in colonial America. It is not by coincidence that DeWolf's success, power, and influence appeared surprisingly similar to the Browns.' Although the Browns model of business brought them tremendous success, DeWolf expanded on that model.
DeWolf further extended his success through his brilliant and aggressive business decisions and his in-depth knowledge of both maritime and domestic law. DeWolf had the ability to find every legal loophole for his own advantage on both land and
19 James B. Hedges, The Browns of Providence Plantations, The Nineteenth Century (Providence: Brown University Press, 1968), xiii. 20 Hedges, Browns of Providence, 72, xviii. 21 Hedges, Browns of Providence, 87. 22 Hedges, Browns of Providence, 15. 34 sea in the quest to build his personal empire. DeWolf created a very successful vertically integrated business, owning a piece of all aspects of the trade, which earned him the title of most notorious and profitable slaver after the American
Revolutionary War.23 Through his creative business approach he established economic success at every point of the Transatlantic Triangular Trade.
Although DeWolf had a keen sense for business, it was his uncle, Simeon
Potter, who continually advised him on alternative sailing routes to avoid prosecution and to protect his position in the trade. Included were explicit directions and explanations on how to circumvent slave laws in high risk areas. Letters with advice from Potter allowed DeWolf and his brothers to successfully make at least eighty-eight known slaving voyages along the famed Transatlantic Triangular Trade route.24 This number of voyages tremendously exceeded the average participation of activity by any other individual or family from the United States?5
The unique design of the triangular trade enabled slaving vessels to maximize their efficiency by making one huge import and export loop?6 When a vessel departed from the coast of Africa, it faced a treacherous section of travel referred to as the Middle Passage. Historian Roger Anstey stated that "once the Middle Passage had begun, the concern of the captain was simply to get his cargo to market.'m For
23 Greene, Studies in History, 60. 24 Thomas, Slave Trade, 535. 25 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic. 26 Appendix 3, map ofDeWolfs triangle trade route. 27 Roger Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition 1760-1810 (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1975), 28. 35 the slaves, the nightmare first began when they witnessed the immensity of the ocean since many had been kidnapped inland. As they went onboard their concerns turned to the length of the journey and where it would take them. It was common for slaves to be stowed in the lower hold of the ship lying on their backs or sides, wedged together like spoons?8 The lower hold was a suffocating dark space, overcrowded with a stench that only grew stronger as the journey progressed for weeks. When there was stormy weather and the seas dangerously tossed the vessel, the slaves were forced to stay below deck. Slaves were most likely huddled in terror, particularly when the hatch to the lower hold was locked. There was torture and brutal beatings of the slaves and a perpetual presence of both disease and death. The Middle
Passage was the most treacherous part of the journey for the slaves, many not surviving.29
Not only was the Middle Passage horrible for slaves, but captains and crew would suffer as well. If a voyage ran long, food and water would, at times, run out.
Incidences of insurrections and mutinies were known to happen and, with the threat of infectious disease, staggering losses occurred. Maritime logs in Rhode Island recorded a number of tragedies involving slaving vessels, including ships that were struck by lightning, which killed the entire crew, and ships that "mysteriously
28 James Haskins and Kathleen Benson, Bound for America, The Forced Migration of Africans to the New World (New York: Lothrop, Lee and Shepard, 1999), 31. 29 Joseph Kleinman and Eileen Kurtis-Kleinman, Life on an African Slave Ship (San Diego: Lucent Books, 2001), 45-46. 36 disappeared without a trace."30 The varieties of wretchedness that a crew endured on the Middle Passage made it one of the least desirable sailing assignments. Yet, captains and crewmembers would greedily continue to sail on slaving voyages time and time again.
The length of the Middle Passage was determined by the time of year that the vessel set sail from the African coast and the direction that the trade winds blew.
The trade winds made it difficult to get away from the African coast for most of the year, but once the ship reached the open sea, the winds typically pushed the vessel along. 31 If the ship was sailing leeward, the trip from Africa was extended as the vessel had to fight the ocean currents. This forced the captain to sail a circuitous return route until he could pick up the Northeasterly trade winds causing this leg of the journey to last eight to ten weeks and sometimes longer. With this, the vessel became subjected to extended equatorial heat and sudden storms, requiring closure of the holds, furthering the already unbearable conditions for the slaves. 32
Frequently, this weather pattern required the vessel to make a stop in the West
Indies, if for no other reason than to replenish supplies. Resulting from the prolonged trips during a leeward trade, captains often made a "quick sale" of some of their slaves in the West Indies before the cargo became seriously ill or died during
3°Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 145. 31 Anstey, Atlantic Slave, 28. 32 Isidor Paiewonsky, Eyewitness Accounts of Slavery in the Danish West Indies (New York: Fordham University Press, 1989), 45. 37 the last leg of the journey to Cuba or the United States.33 However, if the vessel sailed windward from Africa, it sailed with the Southeasterly trade winds allowing a much shorter Middle Passage. This allowed a vessel to choose to by-pass the West
Indies and sail directly to Cuba or the United States, shortening the trip and increasing the survival rate of the slaves. Despite the variation in trade winds and the risks involved in sailing the last leg of a journey from Africa during a windward voyage, the ultimate determining factor of where the final destination would be was dictated by the prices in the individual slave markets. 34
There were a variety of ports throughout the Atlantic that involved transporting products for trade, most importantly rum, from the United States to the coast of Africa. Once the vessels arrived at the African coast, the products were traded for slaves, also referred to as "black cargo." From there, the route often continued on to the West Indies or Cuba, where several Americans and Europeans owned sugar and coffee plantations. Here, some of the slaves and other goods were then offloaded in trade for sugar and molasses. The route continued, typically, back to its original port, with the two most important and financially valuable products: molasses that would be turned into rum and slaves. The process repeated itself time and time again. Clearly, modifications sometimes were made to the routes, but the outcome remained always the same: the illegal trafficking of humans. James
33 Hamm, American Slave, 205. 34 Hamm, American Slave, 250. 38
DeWolf had a clear vision for how each point of the triangular trade could benefit him personally, establishing business enterprises at each port.
At nearly every point of the triangular trade, DeWolf had a business venture.
In Bristol, Rhode Island, DeWolf owned distilleries which employed local residents and daily turned three hundred gallons of molasses into two hundred fifty gallons of rum.35 This was stored in barrels, called hogsheads, which held sixty-three gallons each. DeWolf then loaded rum, along with other miscellaneous and less profitable items onto his vessels, and sailed for the western coast of Africa. For example, in
1802, DeWolf's Sukey, a one hundred fifty ton schooner, had a cargo list that revealed an example of miscellaneous items to be traded or sold in Africa in addition to rum. It read, "20 bolts scarlet broadcloth, 1 case lutestrings, 2 gross men's hats
(red, green, white, embroidered with tinsel lace), 3,000 yellow-handled knives, necklaces, rings, muskets, snuff, and segars [sic]."36 DeWolf's mission included not only the acquisition of slaves for himself but also the fulfillment of purchase requests from both Northerners and Southerners, transacted either directly or through their agents.37 Once DeWolf's vessels arrived in Africa, primarily on the Gold Coast, the rum and other items were then traded for slaves. 38
35 Farrow, Complicity, 111. 36 Hamm, American Slave, 505. 37 James DeWolf, DeWolf ship log, 1796-1816, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. Ship logs that are stored in this historical society include the names of the men who placed the slave requests and included specific gender/age requirements. 38 Appendix 3, map ofDeWolfs triangle trade route. 39
After completing final transactions on the African coast, DeWolf then typically set sail for Havana, Cuba, where he owned three large sugar and coffee plantations cultivated by hundreds of slaves. During the harvest season on sugar plantations, slaves worked sixteen to twenty intensely demanding hours each day.
As a result of this agonizing workload and brutal climate, many slaves survived only eight to ten years, resulting in an unusually high mortality rate. It was not uncommon for plantation owners to periodically replace an entire population of slaves in Cuba.39 DeWolf often replenished his own slaves, dropping off slaves and picking up more molasses. Once the vessel was reloaded, it sailed back to Bristol delivering multiple barrels that were later distilled into rum and the remaining slaves to market. Then the process of the triangle trade route started again, repeating the same pattern and enabling DeWolf complete control of his profit margins.
Monitoring supply and demand, DeWolf determined the best time to buy and sell specific merchandise, particularly slaves.
DeWolf added to the success of his business enterprises by opening a local insurance company. Joining with his brothers and naming his new business venture after his estate, DeWolf established the Mount Hope Insurance Company. It served a double purpose, offering coverage to local mariners and insuring DeWolf slave ships
and cargo going in and out of Bristol Bay.40 Insurance for slaving vessels covered
damage or total destruction from shipwreck and loss of the ship or cargo to piracy,
39 Reynolds, Stand the Storm, 73. 40 Paul Davis, "Living off the Trade," The Providence Journal, March 17,2006, 3. 40 confiscation at a foreign port, or disease.41 The political environment, maritime slaving laws, war, or threat of war contributed to the total cost and value of insurance policies.42 Once the threat level was determined, the percentage of loss of cargo was estimated. This could range from a loss of 5 to 25 percent of cargo before a payment would be issued. The amount of the overall coverage would then be established, a contract written and signed, and the premium paid in full. One insurance policy for a
DeWolf vessel in 1801, established that the "cargo" was to be insured at a 15 percent loss, at a cost of six hundred dollars.43 However, sound business practice seemed to negate the logic of insuring one's own vessels. If the cargo was lost, the DeWolfs risked bankruptcy or extensive payouts that could create a tremendous amount of personal debt both to the insurer and the insured. Fortunately for James DeWolf, he never lost a vessel or a substantial amount of cargo. At the family's height of financial power, the DeWolfs predictably made considerable profits from the sale of policies to other ship owners that covered the vessels if a catastrophic event occurred.44 Additionally, it is likely that the purchase of insurance by the DeWolfs for their vessels existed on paper only. This potentially generated additional income allowing them to cover their own vessels at no cost.
41 Thomas, Slave Ship, 312. 42 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 95. 43 James DeWolf, Insurance file, October 21,1801, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 44 James DeWolf, Insurance file, October 21, 1801, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 41
Additionally, to safeguard the family's money, James and his brother
William founded the Bank of Bristol in 1797. Two generations of DeWolfs became chief stockholders.45 Housed in an elegant three story structure made of brick, the bank also served as the counting house for James and William DeWolf's other enterprises. The DeWolfs conveniently built the structure at the port of Narragansett
Bay in Bristol. The bank was situated on a piece of property owned by William, who in tum leased the land to the Bank of Bristol for one hundred fifty dollars per year.46 In 1800, the Bank of Bristol was officially chartered with $50,000 in capital, creating Bristol's first bank. This scenario allowed James DeWolf endless possibilities to assert total financial domination over his family and the town. There were no banking regulations imposed by the federal government at the time the Bank of Bristol received its charter from the government. This gave independent banks the freedom to choose the location for the bank's structure, and "to pay whatever interest was required to obtain funds, and to acquire assets yielding the highest return as they judged it."47
The DeWolfs maintained voting authority over the financial decisions made for their bank, which implied that the DeWolf family owned at least 51 percent of
45 Bank of Bristol, De Wolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 46 Hamm, American Slave, 103. 47 Michael D. Bordo & Anna J. Schwartz, "The Performance and Stability of Banking Systems under Self-Regulation: Theory and Evidence," The Cato Journal vol. 14, no. 3, July 24, (2009). www.cato.org. Initially, the establishment of small local banks was to accept deposits and charge interest on loans. It did not take long for those banks to begin providing other services such as issuing banknotes (checks), exchanging heavy coins for paper money, and exchanging currencies from other locations both domestically and internationally into local currency. 42 the stock.48 Residents of Bristol, including the DeWolfs, would deposit their monies into the Bank of Bristol, establishing revenue for the institution's loans. This further empowered the DeWolfs, allowing them flexibility in determining interest rates and fees. They maintained control over who received loans, including their family members. This allowed the DeWolfs to make loans to themselves interest free using their depositors' money to support their thriving business in the slave trade.
As the Bank of Bristol became more successful, it was necessary for the
DeWolfs to build a new counting house directly next door and on the water's edge of
Narragansett Bay. This created a separation between the bank and the accounting portion of DeWolf's enterprises.49 The DeWolfs then quickly added on a warehouse to the counting house. 50 It included a boat slip that ran alongside the building enabling the DeWolfs' vessels to easily dock to load and unload their cargo. The warehouse and the counting house were long and narrow with two stories and gabled roofs. The "counting room" was located on the waterside of the second floor. The entire structure was built from red and gray granite collected in Africa and the West
Indies. The granite was brought back to Bristol in DeWolf's vessels as ballast helping to weigh down and stabilize his ships while traveling through the trade route, particularly the Middle Passage. This further demonstrates DeWolf's ability to maximize his efficiency, on some voyages, using granite to replace the rum which
48 DeWolf Tavern Restaurant, March 31,2009, www.dewolftavern.com. 49 Appendix 8, photo of DeWolf warehouse which included the accounting portion of DeWolf enterprises. 50 Appendix 9, photo of DeWolf warehouse and counting house, different angle. ------
43 originally stabilized the voyage to Africa. Inside the warehouse was paneled with highly glossed hardwood floors and interior walls that divided up the space into smaller rooms. The exterior walls of each room remained in their natural state of exposed granite. The windows, strategically placed throughout both floors, allowed in natural sunlight and the window and door frames were framed with massive, individual pieces of granite.51
By 1790, James DeWolf, a highly successful slave trader, owned all of his vessels outright. DeWolf also held 75 percent interest in many other vessels,
2 primarily those owned by his brothers. 5 Levi, John, and William, in addition to
James, also "commanded or owned shares in numerous American slavers."53 The
DeWolf wharves provided facilities for crew members of outgoing slavers. In addition to the distillery, warehouses, and wharves, the DeWolfs also owned many retail stores in town.54 Seemingly, DeWolf had achieved success in every aspect of the slave trade with the exception of one final spot, his ability to bypass William
Ellery, the collector of Newport, who was also an ardent abolitionist.
As collector, Ellery had a multitude of responsibilities which included, among other things, upholding maritime laws, inspections of vessels as they arrived and departed, crew inspections, verification of insurance policies, and measurements of all vessels to determine their tonnage. He was aware of the guidelines of each
51 DeWolf Tavern Restaurant, March 31,2009, www.dewolftavern.com. 52 Hamm, American Slave, 106. 53 Hedges, Browns of Providence, 103. 54 Hedges, Browns of Providence, 103. 44 slave law as they were implemented and he maintained communication with the
Department of Treasury in Washington, D.C. As seen through a lifetime of correspondence, William Ellery took his position as collector very seriously.55
Bristolian Commerce depended on the success of the DeWolf family. The seaport of Bristol, located in a prime location on Narragansett Bay, made the t,pwn's
6 transition to a seafaring community quite easy. 5 With several natural inlets and harbors throughout the state, a number of vessels came and went with ease. Along with the shipping industry came employment for Bristolians both as crew members and longshoremen. Making a rapid transition as a result of DeWolf's business enterprises, Bristol quickly became dependent on the shipping industry which
7 predominantly involved the slave trade. 5
However, amid the growing success of his business ventures, DeWolf encountered a serious impediment: he was charged with murdering a slave. This constituted an unusual accusation as it was well known that captains of slaving vessels executed mortally ill slaves or rebellious slaves with impunity. This makes the DeWolf case particularly puzzling. 58
The incident originated when DeWolf sailed in 1790 from Africa to Havana,
Cuba on his ship the Polly with a new load of slaves. As an experienced captain,
DeWolf had know ledge of navigation, the possibilities of bad weather, the danger of
55 William Ellery, "William Ellery's Letter Book," box 4, Newport Historical Society. 56 Appendix 2, map of Narragansett Bay, Rhode Island. 57 Rawley, Transatlantic Slave Trade, 269. 58 Paiewonsky, Eyewitness Accounts, 48. 45 encountering pirates, and the potential for illness among the crew and the "cargo."59
Early on in the voyage, one of the slaves, a middle aged woman, became ill with small pox. DeWolf decided to quarantine her on the top deck away from the rest of the slaves to avoid infecting the ship's population. To ensure that she did not expose her illness to his crew, DeWolf ordered that the slave be tied to a chair to keep her from wandering about, ensuring isolation. Reportedly, noticing that she had rapidly become progressively worse, DeWolf determined that she needed to be killed.60
Since a slaver's insurance covered mortality of slaves at a predetermined percentage rate of anywhere between 5 to 25 percent, it was not uncommon for captains to throw sick slaves overboard to protect the rest of the passengers and crew from infection. Insurance policies written for slaving vessels stated that payment for the mortality of black cargo would not be honored unless the loss of a predetermined percentage of slaves had been documented. 61 For example, an insurance policy established that a captain could collect on a policy if 25 percent of his "cargo" had died. If a captain lost a small number of slaves to disease, it would not be cost effective for him to throw additional slaves overboard in order to file an insurance claim. Instead, the captain would take every precaution to maintain the rest of his cargo as the sale of the slaves yielded a higher profit margin than the payment from an insurance policy.
59 Rediker, Slave Ship, 101. 60 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 61 James DeWolf, Insurance File, October 21, 1801, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. This particular policy covered the loss of cargo at 15 percent. 46
Once the voyage ended and the Polly returned to port in Rhode Island,
DeWolf created his account of sales from his cargo of slaves. On it he meticulously listed each slave and the price he collected for them individually. At the bottom of his ledger DeWolf noted that one hundred nine slaves were sold for profit.
Additionally, one boy was given to someone whose name is illegible; DeWolf personally kept ten slaves, one male slave was infirm at the conclusion of the voyage and one female slave died during the voyage. This validates that indeed, a death on board did occur.62
Simultaneously, after the Polly returned to Rhode Island, someone-- it is not clear whom -- reported the incident to the local authorities. However, family historian George Howe stated that Newport collector William Ellery "would be a good guess" as he had become acutely aware of DeWolf's slaving practices and wanted desperately to see them ended.63 At the first session of the Federal Grand
Jury of Rhode Island, June 15, 1791, a court deposition was taken from two of
DeWolf's crew members. Thomas Gorton and Jonathon Cranston recounted what they saw regarding the plight of the African woman.64
Surprisingly, the persistent and law-abiding Ellery came from a similar family background to DeWolf. Collector Ellery grew up in a home where slaving constituted the family's livelihood in the mid-eighteenth century. William Ellery Sr.
62 James DeWolf, Polly ship log, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society; Appendix 10, photo of ledger from the Polly. 63 Howe, Mount Hope, 105. 64 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 47 was involved in the slave trade for years. However, his son and namesake came to abhor the trade and chose to follow a different route. He became an anti-slaving activist and deeply involved in the political development of the early United States.
Ellery was a representative of Rhode Island at the Continental Congress and one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. In 1790, George Washington appointed him the collector for the custom house in Newport, Rhode Island. Ellery remained in the position of collector until his death in 1820 at the age of 93.65 He exhibited extraordinary determination as he fulfilled the duties of collector, struggling through many "political differences with several administrations," as well as with the DeWolf family. 66 Whether or not Ellery was involved in the Polly case, he would not have objected to DeWolf's prosecution as a result of the deposition.
According to the deposition taken from the two crewmen from the Polly, the woman suffering from small pox was brought above deck and tied to a chair by both
Captain DeWolf and Gorton. She received water to drink with the crew paying only marginal attention to her. After two days of being tied to a chair and clearly becoming increasingly ill, according to Gorton's and Cranston's accounts, Captain
DeWolf called his crew together and determined that the slave needed to be thrown overboard in order to protect not only his valuable cargo, but everyone on the ship.
Initially, Captain DeWolf asked for a volunteer to carry out this task and, according to the deposition, the entire crew refused, "telling him that they would not have
65 "William Ellery," May 27, 2009, www.ushistory.org. 66 "William Ellery," May 27, 2009, http://famousamericans.net/williamellery. 48 anything to do with it."67 Captain DeWolf then commanded the crew to help him.
He ordered a crewman to draw down a grappling hook and assist him with the hoist.
DeWolf then gave a new command to help him with the hoist. First, a gag was tied around this woman's mouth to squelch " ... her making any noise that the other slaves might not hear, lest they should rise."68 Then the hook was placed into the rope at the back of the chair, and it lifted the women into the air. DeWolf swung her over the side of the ship, dropping her into the sea. The deposition stated that afterward
DeWolf commented that he was"... sorry he had lost so good a chair."69
The deposition concluded with the following summary of DeWolf's alleged cnme:
... [Captain DeWolf] not having the fear of God before his eyes, but being moved and seduced by the instigation of the Devil. .. did feloniously, willfully and of his malice aforethought, with his hands clinch and seize in and upon the body of said Negro woman ... and did push, cast and throw her from out of said vessel into the Sea and waters of the Ocean, whereby and whereupon she then and there instantly sank, drowned and died.70
Slaves were considered chattel, a piece of personal or real property owned by an individual. The willful killing of slaves was illegal, but it was rarely, if ever,
67 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 68 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 69 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 70 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 49 prosecuted within the states because state legal codes provided exceptions that allowed slave owners to claim that a killing had been justified or accidental. Slave captains routinely ordered crew members to throw sick slaves overboard, "almost as a matter of hygiene, to keep them from contaminating the whole ship."71 Since
Captains often asserted that they had the right to end the life of a sick or rebellious slave, on the surface it maybe difficult to understand why DeWolf was charged with murder.
However, abolitionist sentiment had risen in the years following the
American Revolution. Rhode Island's Gradual Emancipation Act of 1784, which was written to stop both slavers and slaveholders from "a cruel and blatant disregard" for human beings, attacked the attitude that slaves were just property.
Both the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1784 which declared that no American be engaged in the slave trade and the Rhode Island Act of 1787 that declared that no slave was to be imported into the state of Rhode Island were broken by DeWolf.72
Moreover, in 1790, just prior to DeWolfs offense, the first Federal Crimes
Act had passed, making it a federal offense to commit murder or other crimes upon the high seas. It gave jurisdiction to the Federal courts to deal directly with violators of Federal laws and included no exceptions for slave holders or slave traders.
DeWolf's crime was recognized by the federal government as an act of piracy and
71 Farrow, Complicity, 102. 72 Appendix 1, Law of 1787. 50 murder on the high seas, and if found guilty through a trial with a jury, was punishable by death.73
Once a federal grand jury in Rhode Island had charged DeWolf with a federal crime, Attorney General John Jay, under the direction of President Washington, issued the request for the arrest of DeWolf on the charge of murder. A warrant was then issued for his seizure.74 Although it had been less than ten days since the crew members gave their deposition, DeWolf could not be found. Shortly after the issuance of the warrant, a brief article appeared in the Providence Gazette on June
25, 1791 that addressed DeWolf's murder charge. It stated:
The Grand Jury found a bill against James DeWolf of Bristol, in this State, for the willful murder of a Negro Woman on a late [African] Guinea Voyage. There was not a trial on this bill as Capt. DeWolf had quitted the United States immediately after his arrival from the said voyage.75
The first federally appointed local Marshall, William Peck, reported to the Rhode
Island federal court system semiannually that he continued to attempt to serve the arrest warrant for four years, from 1791 until1795 but that DeWolf "could not by me be found."76 No one seemed to know where DeWolf had disappeared to for those
73 Appendix 1, Law of 1790. 74 The deposition was taken on Wednesday, June 15, 1791. The issuance date of the warrant would have occurred between Thursday, June 16 and Friday, June 24, 1791. However, the warrant has yet to surface for date verification. The article posted in the Providence Gazette and Country Journal was dated June 25, 1791 and confirmed that the warrant had, by the date of publication, been issued. 75 James DeWolf, Providence Gazette and Country Journal, June 25, 1791, Rhode Island Historical Society. 76 Conley, Liberty and Justice, 213. Howe, Mount Hope, 106 51 four years. For the time being, DeWolf managed to elude the authorities while he continued to build his family empire from afar. 52 Chapter Two
The Ambitious Ventures of an Exiled Captain
DeWolf's family did not publically divulge his whereabouts at the time of his disappearance. But indeed they did know, and their correspondence with him reveals that he had fled to St. Eustatius Island in the West Indies. DeWolf could have gone to any number of locations. He owned plantations in Spanish-speaking
Cuba, but he may have feared that would be a logical place for authorities to seek him. His father was a native of Guadeloupe Island where DeWolf may have also been welcomed. Instead, he chose the Dutch island of St. Eustatius, known as
"Statia," and just north of Guadeloupe. Perhaps DeWolf made this choice because the residents were fluent in English. But more likely, he selected Statia because it was a major slave depot. 1
In the late eighteenth century, slaves were in high demand in the West Indies as a result of the sugar market in Europe. This resulted in an overarching attitude of leniency towards all international slave trade laws and a motivating factor for
DeWolf to choose the island of St Eustatius as his temporary hiding place. 2 Statia, by law, required all captains or owners of vessels who transported goods, including
1 Eric 0. Ayisi, St. Eustatius, The Treasure Island of the Caribbean (Trenton: Africa World Press, Inc., 1992), 113. Samples of letters written from James in St. Eustatius to Levi in Bristol are: October 4, 1792, directing family business from the West Indies, August 31, 1793 regarding the sale of slaves in Cuba, and a letter from James in Havana to Levi in Bristol on May 24, 1794, speaking of his disappointment regarding some accounting issues. 2 David Eltis, Frank D. Lewis, et al, "Slave Prices, the African Slave Trade, and Productivity in the Caribbean, 1674-1807," The Economic History Review, New Series vol. 58, no. 4 (November, 2005): 676. 53 slaves to the island, to apply for a permit once they landed.3 Upon his arrival,
DeWolf applied for and was granted a permit. This gave him the status of burgher
(citizen) and allowed him to legally trade from the port of Statia.4
By 1757, Statia had already garnered the nickname the "Golden Rock," which referred to its thriving port and free trade.5 On any given day by the mid- seventies, as many as twenty ships from the United States crowded into the port of
Statia. The governor during that time, Johannes de Graaf, owned one quarter of the island and more than four hundred slaves. As governor, he made very little money.
However, his involvement in Statia's port of trade yielded him more than sixty times the amount of his annual salary in additional revenue.6 Statia relied heavily on the outside world for the island's commerce since it had no natural resources to sustain its population. Many islanders survived on subsistence farming, animal husbandry, and fishing. Trade was vitally important for survival of this tiny island.7 Its attitude of neutrality towards all countries that traded on the island helped to establish Statia as the "supermarket for the world."8 Not only was Statia a free port, not charging import or export taxes, it also had storehouse facilities to hold slaves and was in a key market location within the transatlantic trade. Islands surrounding Statia were
3 J.A. Schiltkamp and Th. DeSmidt, Publikaties en Andere Wetten Betrekking Hebbende op St. Maarten, St. Eustatius, Saba, 1648/1681-1816 (Amsterdam: S. Emmering, 1979), 387. 4 Ron Wetteroth, e-mail message to author, July 16, 2009. 5 Cornelis Goslinga, A Short History of the Netherlands Antilles and Suriname (Netherlands: The Hague, 1979), 82. 6 Goslinga, Short History, 83. 7 Ayisi, St. Eustatius, 40. 8 Ayisi, St. Eustatius, 8-9. 54 controlled by English, French, Danish and Spanish colonies, all of whom actively traded at Statia's ports.9
While past governors had been sympathetic to the slave trade, Governor de
Graaf set the tone for future governors by openly extending his island to slavers while maintaining his supportive position regarding slavery and the slave trade. As a result of Statia' s reputation as a slave emporium, many merchants were drawn to the island settling temporarily and given the title of "transient" by the locals.10 Johannes
Runnels replaced de Graaf as the new governor of Statia in 1787. Runnels, a defrocked minister and a descendant of one of the oldest families on the island, commonly accepted bribes to ignore the Island's laws and was regarded by locals as incompetent. Runnels' position of power required him to govern three islands, St.
Eustatius, St. Maarten, and Saba.11 By the late eighteenth century, despite his controversial leadership, Runnels had ensured that Statia evolved into a significant port in the West Indies. 12 This set the stage for DeWolf to continue trading slaves, without drawing too much attention.
It seems evident that DeWolf could not have succeeded so easily in St.
Eustatius if not for the help and expertise of his brother Levi. DeWolf corresponded regularly from Statia with Levi who still actively participated in the slave trade.
Several of the letters to family members, particularly to Levi, gave explicit
9 Ayisi, St. Eustatius, 13. 10 Ayisi, St. Eustatius, 38. 11 Goslinga, Short History, 86. 12 Ayisi, St. Eustatius, 160. 55 instructions about how to carry on the family business in Bristol. 13 During DeWolf's four year hiatus from Bristol, there were thirteen known slaving voyages on his vessels. 14 The ambitious nature of James DeWolf's entrepreneurial spirit could not be squelched as a result of his sequestration in the West Indies. Additionally, he corresponded with his brother John, primarily regarding personal financial matters.
James also instructed John on how his household in Bristol should be run and how to care for his wife and family. John's signature, found on ledgers from general stores in Bristol: read: "James DeWolf, by John DeWolf."15 Interestingly, everything was paid for in cash despite the availability of credit to the DeWolfs. 16 Of the many
DeWolf brothers, James, John, and Levi were particularly close. When it came to business, they meticulously wrote everything down, even if it was a small item or insignificant amount of money, demonstrating their strong business sense. Their personal accounts were always reconciled in tedious detail and, at times, the lOU's were written on the smallest slips of paper. 17 Thus John signed his name on all accounts that he personally handled on behalf of his brother James. 18
13 James DeWolf, correspondence from St. Eustatius, West Indies to Levi DeWolf, Bristol, Rhode Island, August 8, 1792, reel 9, Rhode Island Historical Society. 14 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic. 15 James DeWolf to John DeWolf, receipt dated July 1, 1795, in the amount of five hundred twenty pounds, four shillings, with interest, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 16 John DeWolf, Receipts file between John and James DeWolf, varying dates, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 17 John DeWolf, Receipts file between John and James DeWolf, varying dates, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 18 Nancy Kougeas, e-mail message to author, September 7, 2009; John DeWolf, Receipts file between John and James DeWolf, varying dates, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 56
Interestingly, Levi's assistance to his brother, and continued involvement in the slave trade during this period, reveals that historians have been incorrect about this key member of the DeWolf family. Evidence found regarding DeWolf's stay in the West Indies, unveils the reality. Historians assert that Levi took one voyage to the coast of Africa and subsequently quit the trade in total disgust. 19 But volumes of correspondence between James and his brother, confirm Levi's continuance in the trade not only during DeWolf's four year hiatus, but afterwards as well.
Many historical sources, relying heavily on family lore, recount that Levi
DeWolf sailed on his maiden voyage in 1791 at the age of twenty-five.20 Once he returned to Bristol from this voyage, according to family history, "Levi, the youngest, quit the trade in disgust after a single voyage, and spent the rest of his life with his Bible ... "21 The DeWolfs have been quoted as referring to Levi as
"Quakerish," that he was the member of the family, along with his sisters, who brought "piety" to the family. 22 However, during the four years of DeWolf's exile in the West Indies, younger brother Levi assumed a major part of James' role in the family business. Works by Hugh Thomas, The Slave Trade (1997) and Daniel
Mannix, A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade: Black Cargoes ( 1962) cite and quote the dramatic writings of family descendant George Howe in his work Mount Hope,
19 Thomas, Slave Trade, 285. 2°Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 264. 21 Howe, Mount Hope, 101. The confusion for historians regarding Levi and his distaste for the trade may be a direct result of being listed as captain of only one voyage in September 1791, shortly after DeWolfs famed voyage on the Polly, in addition to the creative embellishments documented by DeWolf ancestor George Howe. 22 Howe, Mount Hope, 102. 57 and Bristol's historian Wilfred Munro's Tales of an Old Sea Port (1917). Distant
DeWolf family members repeated the myth of Levi DeWolf reinventing the idea that he sailed only once on a slaving voyage, returning home to become a Quaker. It appears that historians took for granted that the information in DeWolf family memoirs was accurate. However, Jay Coughtry in The Notorious Triangle, created a table of slaving voyages that included the DeWolf family, which shows Levi's involvement in eight slaving voyages.23 Unfortunately, Coughtry only briefly mentions Levi's association with the DeWolf family enterprises in his book, not exploring any further Levi's involvement.
However, if not for the constant devotion and commitment by both Levi and
John to their brother, the family's income may have been severely damaged. They helped to perpetuate the family's role in the slave trade. In the correspondence between James and Levi, there is a letter dated December 16, 1791, which speaks of
Levi bartering for some slaves from a Portuguese boat. The ship records from this voyage showed that Levi sold one hundred and nine slaves for $28,200. In this shipment, there was only the death of one male and one female slave, which was considered a low percentage of loss for slaving voyages.Z4 Also found in letters from
James to Levi are instructions on revised tactics to avoid trouble with the law while on slaving voyages. In a very brief letter dated August 31, 1793, James wrote to
23 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 48. 24 James DeWolf, DeWolf ship log, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. Several DeWolf voyages repeated vessel names; in particular, the names Polly and Juno were frequently used by DeWolf but can be differentiated one from the other by the dates that they sailed. 58
Levi cautioning him about the procedure of presenting slaves as a port requirement to the collector in Cuba in order to purchase sugar. The letter was quite specific, giving the names of the collector and the agent with which Levi was to do business.
He stated "you must first apply ... then go to the collector and get the sugar permission transferred to this custorr,t house and send it down by the bearer. Mr.
P(illegible) is the man who is the collector and you will also ask him for all of the
(illegible) I have in the custom house ...." 25 The letter is succinct and quite business like. It is instructional and included useful advice for Levi as he represented his brother James in this transfer of cargo. At the end of the letter, below DeWolf's signature, he wrote "I shall be up tomorrow morning," which could imply that he was planning on leaving St. Eustatius and meeting Levi, perhaps in Cuba, a short distance away.26
It seems improbable that Levi became a Quaker. This tale was likely woven as a result of his family members referring to him as "Quakerish." During Levi's lifetime, Quaker meetings were not held within the town of Bristol. The nearest town that conducted Quaker services, Portsmouth, would have taken over two hours
25 James DeWolf, correspondence from St. Eustatius, West Indies to Levi DeWolf, Bristol, Rhode Island, August 31, 1793, reel9, Rhode Island Historical Society. 26 James DeWolf, correspondence from St. Eustatius, West Indies to Levi DeWolf, Bristol, Rhode Island, August 31, 1793, reel9, Rhode Island Historical Society. Contrary to published claims, both from family and scholarly authors, there is a substantial amount of correspondence between James DeWolf in St. Eustatius and Levi in Bristol that proves that Levi was involved in the slave trade. Much of this correspondence discusses which voyage Levi would go on next and in which vessel, the investors and their personal cargo requests, what cargo Levi would pick up in Africa and deliver to Havana, and, occasionally, a request that Levi make his way to the islands so that he and DeWolf could meet up. There are additional ledgers that outline the balance sheet activities at the end of each voyage and letters with full reports from Levi sent to DeWolf. 59 to travel to by horse or wagon.27 Levi was known to sit in solitude reading his Bible and other religious books, a trait that may have seemed "Quakerish" to the community. Levi was known to be a loyal husband and devoted father and encouraged his children to continue with their religious faith throughout their lives.
As adults, Levi's children baptized their children in the local Episcopalian Church.28
James relied on Levi to continue slaving for him, teaching his brother specific strategies to circumvent the laws as they became stricter. On October 24, 1794,
James wrote to Levi regarding how things were becoming difficult in the port of
Bristol as a result of the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1794. James told Levi that he needed to underwrite his ships and cargo for a higher amount than usual and encouraged him to try to find a second underwriter to do the same. By insuring this particular vessel twice during a legally risky time, the second policy would help to safeguard the DeWolfs' insurance company from significant loss while guaranteeing replacement of their personal investment. James then directed Levi that once this was done he was to pick up the slaves and sail directly to Rhode Island, not stopping anywhere else. 29
27 Mary Millard, e-mail message to author, "Some of the family went to the Congregational Church but most of them went to the Episcopal Church." She also stated: " ... Levi and his wife attended the Congregational Church" according to church records which disputes the Quaker theory, September 6, 2009. 28 Mary Millard, e-mail message to author, September 6, 2009. As a direct descendant of Levi De Wolf, Ms. Millard has inherited his Bible and book collection. 29 James DeWolf, correspondence from Havana, Cuba to Levi DeWolf, Bristol, Rhode Island, October (no day noted), 1794, reel9, Rhode Island Historical Society. 60
In another letter written in 1797, this time from Levi to James, Levi explains that the Havana slave market was thriving with inflated prices and that the slavers
from Rhode Island benefitted.30 Letters between James and Levi confirm Levi's
involvement in the slave trade, including his participation in a significant number of
voyages. Information shows that Levi was sole or part owner of at least eight
independent voyages beginning in 1790 and ending in 1800.31 These dates also
confirm that Levi not only helped James while he resided in the West Indies, but that
he remained involved in slaving for at least five additional years after DeWolf later
returned home.
While James DeWolf discreetly directed his family business from Statia,
Isaac Manchester, a Rhode Island slave trade captain for hire, learned of the pending
warrant against DeWolf in Bristol.32 Manchester became aware of where DeWolf
was hiding, traveled to the West Indies, and gave a deposition to Governor Runnels
against DeWolf regarding the Polly.33 What motivation could possibly have enticed
this man to sail from Rhode Island to the West Indies specifically to report a crime?
Manchester was not DeWolf's competitor. Perhaps Manchester was nothing more
than an opportunist. Given that Manchester later captained ships for the DeWolfs,
there is a strong probability that James was, according to Rediker, the mastermind of
30 James DeWolf, correspondence from Havana, Cuba to Levi DeWolf, Bristol, Rhode Island, October (no day noted), 1794, reel 9, Rhode Island Historical Society. 31 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic. 32 Paiewonsky, Eyewitness Accounts, 62. 33 DeWolf Deposition, October 2, 1794, St. Eustatius, West Indies, reel 9, Rhode Island Historical Society. 61
Manchester's deposition?4 Although it would have been risky, perhaps the family strategy was to push for a trial in the West Indies in an attempt to convince the prosecutor in Rhode Island that the evidence was in DeWolf's favor.
Subsequently, Runnels notified DeWolf of Manchester's deposition and placed the slaver on trial. On August 8, 1793, James wrote a letter to his brother
Levi, primarily giving him more directions on running the family business as well as instructions for his brother's next voyage to Africa. But in the middle of this extremely long letter, DeWolf mentioned that a trial in the West Indies regarding the incident on the Polly was imminent. DeWolf then asked Levi to contact three or four crew members, including one named Isaac Stockman, and requested they come to St.
Eustatius. He suggested a couple of modes of travel, all of which would be on
DeWolf ships, stating that " ... I find a trial may be here if 3 or 4 of them was [sic] here and if they go in one of our Briggs it will be time enough when they git [sic] here."35
Isaac Stockman and another sailor, Henry Claning, natives of Newport,
Rhode Island, traveled to St. Eustatius at the request of DeWolf. Although DeWolf specifically requested the presence of Isaac Stockman for help with the new deposition, no evidence confirms that either Stockman or Claning had actually sailed on the Polly. Once on the island, Stockman and Claning were classified as
34 Rediker, Slave Ship, 414. 35 James DeWolf, correspondence from St. Eustatius, West Indies to Levi DeWolf, Bristol, Rhode Island, August 8, 1792, reel 9, Rhode Island Historical Society. 62
"transients" since neither man was documented as a resident of Statia.36 Most likely these two men remained with DeWolf on Statia in his employ and on call for the impending trial. This likely created an opportunity for DeWolf to help his crew members "remember" exactly what happened on the Polly and to rehearse their testimony. Regardless whether or not Stockman and Claning were on the Polly, these two men were vital for DeWolf in achieving his ultimate goal -- to be found innocent of the charge of murder.
On June 15, 1791, Stockman and Claning were interviewed, and a new deposition was submitted, regarding the incident on the Polly. Slave ship owners commonly bribed crew members, often for their continued loyalty and discretion regarding illegal slaving matters and this is also a possibility in DeWolf's case. 37
Isaac Stockman and Henry Claning stated in the deposition that they worked as crew members on the Polly for DeWolf in 1789.38 They gave their accounts of what happened to the slave woman onboard the Polly for this new deposition, with the core of the story remaining the same. Only this time the story carried a
36 Wetteroth, St. Eustatius Historical Foundation. Wetteroth is the creator ofthe St. Eustatius data base of names which lists the first resident on the island until present day. The data base includes more than 14,000 names, researched through church and local records. This particular West Indian island was unoccupied in 1636 when the Dutch first arrived. W etteroth noted that there were many crew members from ships that came and went from "Statia" as a result of its very active port. Many sailors were referred to as transients (a common term used in Statia), because they did not appear in any other known Statia documents. Surprisingly, Wetteroth found that there were a number of marriage records for sailors marrying Statia women however, according to Wetteroth, Stockman and Claning did not fall into this category which is why they were referred to as transients. 37 Rediker, Slave Ship, 413. 38 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 63 compassionate undertone with Captain DeWolf described as a very concerned and sensitive human being, not only for his crew but for the suffering slave as well.
Stockman and Claning stated in the deposition that it was an "unfortunate situation that they had onboard" and that "the crew were under apprehensions for their own personal safety." The sailors further declared that Captain DeWolf had
"no alternative left [but] to save the crew and cargo, which consisted of one hundred and forty two souls ...." Since there was "no appearance of the woman's recovery" she was, without "malice," thrown overboard. "The captain and the crew were equally affected at [sic] the circumstance, which compelled them to adopt this disagreeable alternative ...." 39
The crewmen maintained that the female slave, seated on the top deck, remained there for three to four days, not two, and insisted that she received constant medical care and attention. Most slave voyages did not employ physicians and holding the woman above deck would have made her far more ill due to extended exposure. This deposition clearly differed from the first as it stated the slave woman was given constant medical care, a blanket for warmth, food and water, and had succumbed-- or at least nearly so-- by the time she was finally thrown overboard after much debate and consternation. It made no mention of the woman being gagged or tied to a chair, or that DeWolf threw her overboard himself stating that he
39 DeWolf Deposition, October 2, 1794, St. Eustatius, West Indies, reel 9, Rhode Island Historical Society. 64 was "sorry he had lost so good a chair. "40 The deposition stated that the crew
"believed" that she may have already died by the time she was "humanely" thrown overboard.41
Governor Runnels was the only witness to the deposition. It is not known if one of his job responsibilities as governor was to be an official witness to legal documents. However, it certainly appeared as though Runnels had in the past been open to bribery and perhaps, in this case, a willing witness, for the right financial arrangement. It also appeared that DeWolf had laid out the ideal situation for a successful trial. With Stockman and Claning' s testimonies, a perfected tale was woven for the second deposition.42
Statia presented certain legal opportunities favorable to DeWolf. During the late eighteenth century, the legal responsibilities of a governor in the Dutch West
Indies were exceedingly broad. Although there was an elected assembly, the authority over each island lay solely in the hands of the governor. The governor had a wide range of obligations, wearing multiple hats of authority including sitting as head of the highest court of appeals in all civil matters. Essentially, governors,
40 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 41 DeWolf Deposition, October 2, 1794, St. Eustatius, West Indies, reel 9, Rhode Island Historical Society. 42 DeWolf Deposition, June 15, 1791, Newport, Rhode Island, box 43, folder 24, Newport Historical Society. 65 including Runnels, remained entirely free from restraint while carrying out governmental and legal affairs in any manner they deemed appropriate.43
West Indian law also recognized the slave trade as legal and considered all slaves as personal property or chattel. While it was considered a criminal offense to willfully kill a slave, there was never any compulsion in the West Indies to attach a heavy penalty.44 Any attempt to protect slaves in the West Indies went largely ignored.45 In Statia, residents were so ambivalent regarding the laws written specifically to protect slaves that they lacked a "willingness to recognize that the willful killing of a slave was an act of homicide or murder."46 This overarching attitude towards slaves would support the contention that DeWolf did nothing wrong when he made the decision to throw the slave overboard to her death. The environment would be friendly, one in which to initiate a second deposition. Once the deposition was witnessed and recorded by Runnels, he delivered the cleverly crafted document to Judge Advocate Christian Frederick Petri of St. Thomas where the trial was to be held.47 St. Thomas was similar to Statia in that it had an economy built by merchants and planters. Many Statia merchants, which included expatriates, relocated to the island of St. Thomas.
43 J.H. Parry, P.M. Sherlock, et al, A Short History of the West Indies. Fourth Edition (New York: St. Marten's Press, 1987), 183-184. 44Verene Shepherd and Hilary McD. Beckles. ed., Caribbean Slavery in the Atlantic World (Oxford: James Currey Publishers, 2000), 585. 45 Shepherd, Caribbean Slavery, 584. 46 Shepherd, Caribbean Slavery, 585. 47 Paiewonsky, Eyewitness Accounts, 61. 66
After a two year wait, the trial was set to begin. James wrote to his brother
John on August 8, 1794:
... as you are going to England ... meet me ... you will not I hope fail to write to me by all opportunity from England on where you may be, that I may the better govern myself how to proceed and when and where I shall meet you in the West Indies, ... give me the earliest notice possible.48
As demonstrated through regular correspondence, DeWolf relied heavily on his
brothers for not only the continuance of his business enterprises, but with a trial
pending, may have needed their emotional support as well.
On April 29, 1795, the judge reviewed the deposition to determine whether a
trial should be held for the murder of a slave. 49 After speaking with the witnesses
and to DeWolf, the judge absolved the slave captain of any wrongdoing and
dismissed the charges for the crime of murder of the slave woman. 50 Although the
judge stated that he initially felt that DeWolf was guilty, ultimately, the judge was
moved by DeWolf's actions to save the lives of his crew, eight of whom reportedly
had never contracted small pox and therefore had no natural immunity to the disease.
The judge even implied that he felt that DeWolf did the honorable thing to save his
men and did everything in his power to "save the poor slave woman."51 As a result
48 James DeWolf, correspondence from St. Eustatius, West Indies to John DeWolf, August 8, 1794, Bristol, Rhode Island, James to John Correspondence file, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 49 Paiewonsky, Eyewitness Accounts, 61. 50 Paiewonsky, Eyewitness Accounts, 75. 51 Paiewonsky, Eyewitness Accounts, 71. 67 of the deposition and testimonies of Stockman and Claning, the charges for murder against DeWolf were dropped in the West Indies. If DeWolf did, in fact, orchestrate this entire scenario, he must have not only felt confident that the court system of St.
Thomas under the authority of Governor Runnels would find him innocent, but he must have also had a working knowledge of West Indian law regarding his situation. 52
Why St. Eustatius was willing to involve itself in prosecuting a man for murder while a proceeding for the same offense was pending in the United States remains unclear. Rediker suggests that the entire situation could have been purely manipulated and orchestrated by DeWolf. 53 The possibility remains that DeWolf hired Manchester to report the crime and rewarded him later with employment on
DeWolf vessels. Witnesses were then summoned and likely coached by DeWolf in hopes that with his exoneration he could return to the United States a free man. It appeared that as a result of Statia's status as a major slave depot at that time, DeWolf believed that there would be less legal opposition regarding the death of a slave.
Not surprisingly, Isaac Manchester, who initially turned DeWolf in to the governor of St. Eustatius, began a financially lucrative relationship with DeWolf and his brothers shortly after the trial. Less than one year after the onset of the second trial on September 15, 1795, Manchester left on his first slaving voyage for DeWolf.
In June of 1796, he successfully delivered 149 slaves for DeWolf to Savannah,
52 Goslinga, Short History, 86. 53 Rediker, Slave Trade, 345, 68
Georgia. Manchester completed at least five more voyages for DeWolf and his brothers by 1806. Additionally, Manchester became a sole backer of one slaving voyage and a co-investor with Charles Collins, DeWolf's brother-in-law, on another voyage, both in 1799.54 Both Manchester and Collins shared in liberal profits from slaving under the mentorship ofDeWolf.55
Back in Rhode Island, the immense power of DeWolf's family, " ... several members of which would have been working behind the scenes," did their part to
6 ensure the dismissal of the charges against him in Rhode Island. 5 Although there were two different courts in two separate countries addressing the same murder, there was value in an exoneration verdict in either location for DeWolf. With the murder case regarding the Polly dropped in St. Eustatius, all that DeWolf needed to do was to wait for the Federal Grand Jury of Rhode Island to repeal the warrant for his arrest. According to Rediker, the Marshall of Rhode Island "seemed to have a lot of trouble finding DeWolf- a prominent member of an eminent and highly visible family- in order to arrest him, and after five years of trying, he stopped looking altogether."57 In 1795, a more lenient attorney reviewed DeWolf's case, and
8 arranged for the warrant to be dropped. 5 The DeWolf family sent word to James
54 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic. 55 Perry, Charles D'Wolf, 30. 56 Rediker, Slave Ship, 346. 57 Rediker, Slave Ship, 346. 58 Paiewonsky, Eyewitness Accounts, 13. 69 that although the charges for murder had not officially been dropped, the arrest
9 warrant had, making it safe to return home to Bristol, which he immediately did. 5
Once DeWolf arrived in Bristol, he did not waste any time reestablishing himself as a visibly prominent businessman in his community. DeWolf had successfully run his business, turning a large profit, from the comfort of an isolated island for four years. Two days after his arrival home, DeWolf received another letter from his uncle, Simeon Potter, with new advice on how to circumvent slaving laws. Potter advised DeWolf to go straight to Georgia to sell his slaves "to avoid breaking the act," and to ensure he received the highest price for his slaves he recommended that DeWolf hire an agent.60 There were very explicit directions in this letter regarding the procedure for selling slaves in the Southern states. Clearly, the value of his uncle's input regarding the laws that had been put into place during
James DeWolf's absence would be very helpful in expediting his ability to continue slaving from his home port in Bristol while avoiding further trouble.61
Indeed, during DeWolf's time in Statia, the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1794 was ratified and implemented domestically. The law stated that it was illegal for any citizen of the United States to have any involvement in the slave trade to or from any foreign place or country, and that fitting out (building a ship or modifying an existing ship) of slaving ships in the United States for a foreign country was outlawed. If
59 Rediker, Slave Ship, 346. 60 Simeon Potter, correspondence to James DeWolf, May 2, 1794, Bristol, Rhode Island, reel9, Rhode Island Historical Society. 61 Appendix 1, Law of 1794. 70 caught in violation of this law, the penalties included immediate ship forfeiture, a fine of one thousand dollars for each person involved, and a fine of two hundred dollars for each slave that was transported. 62 Building a slave vessel, or promoting a slave venture, resulted in a fine of twenty thousand dollars.63 Rhode Island slavers placed themselves in double jeopardy by continuing to outfit their vessels for slaving, and participating in the slave trade to foreign nations.64 However, the trade remained open under state law in Georgia which created a loophole for DeWolf to continue slaving. 65
The same year, DeWolf realized that the laws in Spain still allowed the foreign slave trade to exist and began to pursue a new strategy. Often, but not always, DeWolf would register his vessels with Spanish papers, employed a Spanish crew, and fly a Spanish flag in order to pursue his business under a legal slaving status. 66 As a result, despite the law of 1794, DeWolf continued selling slaves in
Havana and in various ports in America. However, the law of 1794 generally did not have much of an impact on domestic slave traders and very few convictions were recorded. 67
Despite the new laws and impediments that DeWolf faced, he became more powerful than ever, particularly in the slaving industry. On December 4, 1795, his
62 Appendix 1, Law of 1794. 63 Hamm, American Slave, 88. 64 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 177. 65 Georgia's response to the Law of 1794, April26, 2010, http://abolition.nypl.org. 66 Eltis, Economic Growth, 107. 67 Coleman, "Entrepreneurial Spirit," 336. John Brown was one of the few charged with violating the 1794 act. 71 ship the Juno sold seventy-five slaves valued at $19,390, at an undisclosed location.
Then on January 9, 1796, this same ship landed in Havana and sold more slaves, valued at $25,105.67, from the same voyage. The next entry on the ship log for that year showed that DeWolf subcontracted with thirty-five different individuals to fulfill their requests for slaves. DeWolf typically charged an average of forty dollars for each slave ordered on consignment along with a five percent commission paid for the value of the slave at the time of arrival.68 Like other slave captains, in his ship logs DeWolf typically listed slaves on board by gender and age, instead of by physical condition.69 However, on one terribly costly voyage in 1796, DeWolf became candidly descriptive as demonstrated in the entry for sixteen slaves and the condition they were in once he arrived in port:
... 3 slaves dead on arrival, 1 dying, 2 defective, 1 very old, 2 very young, 2 very thin, 2 sick, 1 infirm, 1 very small, 1 carried over. . . .70
When several of the aforementioned slaves died, DeWolf was later heard stating that the mortality of cargo resulted in the biggest threat to the financial bottom line, "the mortality was the ruining of the voyage."71 That particular voyage slowly disintegrated, turning out to be extremely difficult and costly for DeWolf. However,
68 James DeWolf, DeWolf Ship Log, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. Each entry varies slightly according to date and the person that placed the slave request. There is a fee listed for each slave and then additional charges on the bottom line of the ledger that are incorporated into the total cost. Some requests can be found in the receipts file on small slips of paper; McMillan, Final Victims, 73. 69 Juno, undated, reel10, oversized folder, sub-series 1, Rhode Island Historical Society. 70 Juno, 1796, undated, reellO, oversized folder, sub-series 1, Rhode Island Historical Society. 71 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 146. 72 the experience that DeWolf encountered on the Juno appeared to be an isolated event, as there is no further mention of such a catastrophic voyage in his lifetime of slaving. This would explain DeWolf's motivation for throwing the slave overboard from the Polly, demonstrating that he would do anything to combat further deaths.
By 1799, the federal government ruled that if a person was caught transporting slaves, it did not constitute enough evidence for a conviction, lessening the possibility of arrest even further. 72 Despite the loosening of the legislation,
DeWolf still maintained a strong defiance of the laws. With DeWolf's return to
Rhode Island in 1795, a reenergized businessman emerged. His enterprises began booming and local discussion emerged regarding the need for a third custom house in the state. Eventually, Brown proposed that the port of Bristol should have its own custom house, in the state.
72 Hamm, American Slave, 88. 73 Chapter Three
Political Manipulation and Ascendancy to Public Office
The 1790s had been a tumultuous decade for DeWolf as he avoided being served with an arrest warrant in Rhode Island by hiding out in the West Indies. Then
DeWolf faced a trial in a foreign country for the same offense. He left his family behind for four years during which laws restraining the slave trade were strengthened in the United States. Much of DeWolf's misfortune, however, seemed to coincide with the appointment of William Ellery as collector at the custom house in Newport,
Rhode Island in 1790. Ellery, and the passing of subsequent revisions to slave trade laws, would become the new challenge that DeWolf had to face in his quest to continue in the trafficking of humans.
All vessels entering or exiting Rhode Island and bound for Bristol needed to register at the custom house in Newport under the supervision of Ellery, who was well informed of the legendary slaving activities of DeWolf and others in the community. The conscientious collector, who had a commitment to abolition, did everything within his legal power to stop traders from "cheating the new government out of badly needed revenue."1 In fact, Ellery became acutely aware that DeWolf's vessels regularly broke multiple laws, particularly the Federal Slave Trade Act of
1794. Among Ellery's responsibilities as collector was his communication with government port surveyor and Bristol resident, Samuel Bosworth. The
1 Farrow, Complicity, 111. 74 responsibilities of a port surveyor involved the investigation of accidents and violations of maritime laws, inspections, verifications of insurance, and measurements of ships to determine their tonnage, and the monitoring of the comings and goings of ships and crew. The surveyor assumed the responsibility of the collector when the collector could not be present, particularly to determine if a ship was compliant with local, national, and or international shipping laws.2 Bosworth acted as Ellery's eyes in Bristol, reporting any suspicious activities regarding all vessels registered there, both before and after they reported to the custom house in
Newport. On June 16, 1794, Ellery sent a letter to Bosworth with specific instructions regarding the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1794. Ellery told Bosworth to take " ... particular care, that this act is not violated."3 Ellery, at the age of seventy- two years old, depended heavily on the younger Bosworth to assess any illegal activity regarding the slave trade in the port of Bristol.4
DeWolf had to contend with the legal regulations of Newport's custom house, which Ellery was increasingly determined to enforce. Additionally, shortly upon his return to Bristol in 1795, DeWolf became aware that his competitor John
Brown had successfully run for political office.5 Immediately upon his win, which garnered him a seat in the House of Representatives, Brown began working on
2 Government Port Surveyor, June 5, 2009, www.seaload.net. 3 William Ellery, correspondence to Samuel Bosworth, June 16, 1794, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 2, box 1, Rhode Island Historical Society. 4 "Bosworth Family Tree," May 27, 2009, www.angelfire.com. 5 Bristol, Rhode Island, June 5, 2009, www.onlinebristol.com, Custom Houses were used to document port clearances of incoming and outgoing vessels. Official papers were issued and sealed, laws were enforced, and district records were kept, all under the supervision ofthe U.S. Treasury Department. 75 legislation that promoted the building of a third custom house and another revenue
district for the tiny state of Rhode Island.6 Bristol was the proposed location, a
highly accessible port for both Brown and DeWolf. 7 Brown's request was approved
but until a new custom house could be built, all vessels, including those owned by
DeWolf, continued to register in Newport and had to contend with collector Ellery.8
Although Ellery had been ineffective up to this point in stopping slaving vessels,
DeWolf certainly must have been concerned that the collector would become more
powerful given the fact that the law remained on the collector's side.
Sworn in by Congress, collectors were responsible for upholding the law.
This was difficult to achieve as the United States Government did not allocate
resources to enforce laws related to the slave trade.9 This, in part, had to do with the
limited size of the United States Naval fleet, which was greatly outnumbered by
slaving vessels.10 Slavers such as Brown and DeWolf were well aware of the
weaknesses in the enforcement of laws related to the trade. Brown's petition for the
creation of yet another revenue district for Rhode Island and a new custom house
ensured continued financial stability for the state and helped increase accessibility at
6 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 225. 7 Farrow, Complicity, 110. 8 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 225. 9 McMillan, Final Victims, 38. 10 Thomas, Slave Trade, 579. 76 the ports for his ships. DeWolf benefitted enormously from Brown's achievement in the building of the new custom house. 11
Under the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1794, the collector's duty was to seize any ship that was suspected of slaving and place it up for auction by the Federal
Government. 12 In 1799, a state-of-the-art and recently built schooner was tied up at the DeWolf warehouse in Bristol waiting to be fitted out for its next voyage. Charles
DeWolf officially owned the ship with brothers James and William DeWolf as financial backers.13 The captain of this schooner, named Lucy, was Charles Collins, the brother-in-law of James DeWolf.14
The Lucy had been in the Bristol port for only one week when on July 8, collector Ellery declared that it was a suspected slaver and took possession of the vessel. Ellery charged that the Lucy represented "a breach in the law prohibiting traffic in slaves."15 This allowed the United States District Court in Providence under the law of 1794 to condemn the vessel to be sold at auction with all profits benefitting the Federal government. Ellery ordered Samuel Bosworth to attend the government auction and to bid on the Lucy on behalf of the United States Treasury.
It was believed that by selling this ship significant revenue would be brought to the
11 Department of Revenue, June 5, 2009, www.dor.ri.gov. Custom houses charged revenue that was garnered for both local and federal funding. Districts were determined by population and divided up accordingly. 12 National Archives and Records Administration, The African Slave Trade (Morrow, Georgia, 1985), 2. 13 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, vessel #36690. 14 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 272. 15 Farrow, Complicity, 111. 77 area, since slave ships were highly coveted vessels known to be smooth and quick sailing. 16 According to historian Charles Rappleye, "Bosworth was a longtime resident of Bristol who knew the power and the temper of the DeWolfs. Being quite familiar with the DeWolfs' strong influence in Bristol, Bosworth asked Ellery to name someone else to attend to that disagreeable business."17
However, Ellery apparently denied Bosworth's request and told the surveyor to follow through with his assignment. This should have been already clear to
Bosworth since the surveyor had received a letter from Ellery about the seriousness of the law and the need to uphold it. 18 Attending the auction was unsettling for
Bosworth; perhaps he became fearful that the locally powerful DeWolf in some way might orchestrate his loss of employment. At the very least, it would have been uncomfortable for Bosworth since he lived in the same community.
As the date of the transaction approached, Bosworth tried to keep his assignment a secret. However, in the small town of Bristol, word leaked of the impending sale of the DeWolf schooner. Collins and DeWolf attempted to persuade
Bosworth to defy Ellery's orders and not attend the auction. Bosworth, after much pressure by local residents, again begged Ellery to release him from this assignment.
16 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 272. 17 Rappleye, Sons of Providence, 317. 18 William Ellery, correspondence to Samuel Bosworth, June 16, 1794, Mss U. S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 2, box 1, Rhode Island Historical Society. 78
Ellery declined; he demanded that Bosworth attend the sale of the Lucy and place a bid for the ship.19
The night before the auction, Bosworth heard an unexpected knock at his door. James and Charles DeWolf and John Brown, stood before him, Brown making a special trip from Providence. They attempted to dissuade Bosworth from attending the auction the next day, insisting that his involvement was not a requirement of his job and would place him in a compromised state within the community. The underlying threat angered Bosworth who instantly declined their request, shutting the door?0 Brown returned to Providence that night but the surveyor received yet another visit the following morning from James DeWolf. Making one last attempt to convince Bosworth to stay away from the auction, DeWolf insisted that the sailors at the wharf were so agitated that he could not guarantee the surveyor's safety.
Bosworth again declined, stating that he intended to see his assignment through. 21
As a result, Bosworth had successfully endangered himself with "Bristol's illustrious and already infamous first family.'m
As the time approached for the auction to begin, DeWolf became more determined to purchase and reacquire the Lucy. This appears to have been his plan all along. DeWolf and his family decided to take matters into their own hands. On the day of the auction and impending sale of the now locally famous schooner, a crowd
19 Rappleye, Sons of Providence, 317. 20 Rappleye, Sons of Providence, 317. 21 Rappleye, Sons of Providence, 318. 22 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 218. 79 gathered at the wharf. Although many people attended, the only financially viable participants who could purchase the schooner were the DeWolfs and the United
States government. 23
As Bosworth approached the wharf, Collins, who remained hidden in a nearby doorway, waved his hat as a signal. According to family historian George
Howe, "instantly, eight men dressed as Indians, with faces blackened, ran out from the crowd" abducting Bosworth. As he was physically dragged to a small sailboat tied to the wharf, Bosworth called out for help but no one came?4 The "Indians" blindfolded Bosworth and paddled him southeast around a point. They then headed north along the shoreline for approximately two miles. Bosworth was deposited in a wooded area at the foot of the famed Mount Hope, home of James DeWolf. 25
Whereas George Howe exaggerated family lore, he remains the only source to date that discusses the details of the Indian raid. However, evidence exists confirming that Bosworth was removed against his will from the auction. Less than one month after the "Indian raid," Bosworth received a letter dated August 5, 1799 from Oliver
Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury Department. The letter acknowledged
Bosworth's false imprisonment and absence from the auction of the Lucy. Wolcott
23 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 217. 24 Howe, Mount Hope, 108. 25 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 218. 80 then requested that Bosworth forward any "circumstantial detail" that might help
find the possible "authors" of this attack. 26
Consequently back at the port in Bristol, the auction was delayed for as long
as the agent dared while awaiting Bosworth's return. Eventually, the agent started
the auction as the crowd turned restless. Under the direction of James DeWolf, the
family bid on their own ship and, with Bosworth out of the way, they faced no
competition. Whenever a vessel was put up for auction that the government had
seized, owners commonly repurchased their vessels for a "fraction of their value."
According to William Ellery, "Few citizens dared bid against an influential merchant
such as DeWolf; by common consent, the local grandees refused to bid against one
another."27
Both DeWolf and Collins recognized that once the bidding began, they
needed to have at least two people bidding on the ship for the auction to proceed. To
give an impression that there was a bidding war; DeWolf secretly enlisted one of his
Spanish captains, who remained unknown in Bristol, to bid on his behalf. This
ensured the return of the schooner to the DeWolf farnil y. 28 It would have been
questionable if DeWolf and Collins, the former captain of the Lucy, had bid against
one another at this auction. The captain was allowed the final bid to keep DeWolf's
name off of the registry, however, DeWolf remained the "silent" owner of the
26 United States Treasury Department, correspondence to Samuel Bosworth, August 5, 1799, Mss Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 3, box 1, Rhode Island Historical Society. 27 William Ellery, correspondence to David L. Barnes, July 8, 1799, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol Warren, box 1, Rhode Island Historical Society. 28 Thomas, Slave Trade, 603. 81
Lucy.29 The Lucy resumed her voyages in the slave trade but where she had previously sailed under the flag of the United States, now she sailed under a Spanish flag avoiding any further legal complications. The Treasury Department gained only a paltry seven hundred thirty-eight dollars from the auction. 30 With his embarrassing defeat, William Ellery seemed momentarily to refrain from challenging the powerful
Bristolian family as noted in a temporary lull in his correspondence regarding their circumvention of laws.31
Yet the changes in the country remained on Ellery's side. Legal obstacles to the slave trade began to accelerate as a result of the Federal Slave Trade Act of
1800.32 This law was written to reinforce the largely ignored law of 1794. It mandated a two year prison sentence and an additional fine of one hundred dollars per every crew member or person involved in exporting or importing slaves anywhere.33 Additionally, this law clarified, once again, that United States citizens were barred from "service aboard a slaver." 34 This, coincidentally, was the same year that the DeWolfs' coveted custom house in Bristol finally opened. But before leaving office, then President John Adams made a midnight appointment of the
29 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage #36690. 30 Eltis, Economic Growth, 107. One of the many ways that DeWolf would circumvent slave trade laws would be by placing the Spanish flag on his vessel, referred to as flying Spanish colors. He then hired a Spanish captain and crew. Spain resisted abolition because of the tremendous need for slaves in Cuba, which was under Spanish rule at the time. 31 William Ellery continued with his prolific pattern of correspondence after this incident but neglects to mention the DeWolfs or their slaving activities unti11808 when he began to directly deal with Charles Collins, Bristol's custom house collector, whose appointment was orchestrated by DeWolf. 32 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 225. 33 Appendix 1, Law of 1800. 34 Hamm, American Slave, 90. 82 collector of the newly opened custom house. Not surprisingly given Adams' antislavery sentiments, he selected Jonathon Russell, a law abiding abolitionist to fill this post. This instantly created a new dilemma for DeWolf.35 He was well aware of the value of having an ally as collector in Bristol. Accordingly, DeWolf began a long and arduous three year struggle to have Jonathon Russell removed. DeWolf's influence and power became increasingly threatened as anti-slaving laws stiffened and, to ensure their enforcement, antislavery Federalists were appointed to positions of power.
The new custom house, located on the north-eastern side of Narragansett
Bay, was nearly water locked with an expanse of sheltered, deep water.36 This large body of water began with the Atlantic Ocean, which flowed past the Rhode Island land mass just south of the coastal town of Newport. There were three main bodies of water that bypassed Newport and collectively funneled into the main portion of the bay. Two waterways were south of the town of Newport and one ran just to the
North. Slavers would choose the waterway most conducive to the safe delivery of their illegal cargo and typically used one south of Newport where Ellery ruled. This particular waterway was visually protected by a small island that allowed slaving captains to sail inland, easily circumventing the prying eyes of the collector. As a
35 Thomas Jefferson, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 33 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 671. In his final days of his term, John Adams made midnight appointments. All ofthe appointees were Federalists who held the same political views as Adams. This instantly created a new concern for President-elect Thomas Jefferson and his new Republican ideals. 36 Coleman, "Entrepreneurial Spirit," 321. 83 result of its prime location, Narragansett Bay and the sea then "became the dominant element in [supporting] the Rhode Island economy."37
Perhaps observing John Brown's success, and likely motivated by the ever tightening slave trade restrictions in 1800, DeWolf ran for a seat in the General
Assembly of Rhode Island on the Jeffersonian ticket. John Brown, who belonged to the opposing Federalist Party, wrote a letter to a friend just prior to the election reminding him that DeWolf was an untried murderer. Brown stated:
I wish it may properly be introduced to Mr. James DeWolf that it already begins to be talked of in our streets that if he don't [sic] conduct himself within the bounds of reason, the statement of his murdering his negroes in the smallpox to preserve the other part of his cargo in his passage from Africa will be echoed through the papers of the various states .... 38
Despite their commonalities regarding involvement in the slave trade, their political tensions were impenetrable. Brown and DeWolf, members ofthe newly emerging opposing parties, must have felt a tremendous personal divide. Brown's attack had little impact and DeWolf triumphed in his campaign. At this point, DeWolf took advantage of his new political position by diligently petitioning Jefferson, who had just won the presidency, to appoint a new collector at the port of Bristol.39
During his run for office, DeWolf had simultaneous! y campaigned as a very vocal and influential supporter of Jefferson's presidential candidacy. Jefferson's
37 Coleman. "Entrepreneurial Spirit," 322; Appendix 2, map of Narragansett Bay, Rhode Island. 38 Howe, Mount Hope, 106; Mss 312, box 1, folder 25, Rhode Island Historical Society. 39 Rappleye, Sons of Providence, 334. 84
Republican ideology promoted an even more egalitarian political system in the
United States that would allow the opportunity for the common man to be involved in legislative reapportionment. This was a progressive way of thinking compared to the Federalists. As a rule, the Federalist Party advocated a strong central government maintaining a pessimistic view regarding the common man's contributions and abilities to participate intelligently in the political process. They believed that the government should resist the passions of the general public and rely solely on a small group of governing elite.40 Jefferson's ultimate goal was to "promote the common good by establishing a government run by the best minds;" educational advantages and high social status would no longer be the sole determining factors.41 Rhode
Island, at the time, was a strong Federalist state that heavily resisted change.
According to George Howe, "To most New Englanders, Jefferson was a dangerous radical, if not the Devil incarnate."42 This accounted in part for Brown's aggressive public attack against DeWolf's campaign.
Using his influence in many communities throughout the state to help
Jefferson gain much needed support, DeWolf actively lobbied for Jefferson and his new Republican Party.43 The public visibility that DeWolf achieved while supporting
Jefferson throughout Rhode Island also provided the significant exposure he needed for his personal campaign. The benefits derived from DeWolf's successful political
40 Norman K. Risjord, ed., The Early American Party Systems (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), 153. 41 Risjord, Early American, 154. 42 Howe, Mount Hope, 108. 43 Coleman, "Entrepreneurial Spirit," 334. 85 election and the support that he gave to Jefferson was part of a well calculated plan to court the President. This culminated in naming one of the DeWolf vessels in
1801, the Thomas Jefferson. It also resulted in a "brilliantly conceived turn of opportunism" for DeWolf. 44
With Jefferson's presidential win came a new political philosophy. George
Washington's ideology originally advocated that there should be no division within the country based on political parties and that all political goals of this nation should remain as one.45 Despite this warning, Jefferson and Adams created division and parties grew up around them. Because Adams felt that only members of his political party should receive offices, he had made several last minute appointments to ensure that only Federalists would be left in office once Jefferson was sworn into the
Presidency.46 Once Jefferson took office, Republicans encouraged him to begin work on reversing Adam's midnight appointments.47 In the first few months of
Jefferson's presidency, appointments and removals occupied most of his time. As he methodically went through lists of nominees for his consideration, Jefferson noted in a letter he wrote on April 8, 1801 to Archibald Stuart, that "there is nothing I am so
44 Rappleye, Sons of Providence, 334. 45 Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The Jeffersonian Republicans, The Formation of Party Organization, 1789-1801 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1957), 27. 46 Lance Banning, The Jeffersonian Persuasion, Evolution of a Party Ideology (London: Cornell University Press, 1978), 276. 47 Risjord, Early American, 157. 86 anxious about as good nominations, conscious that the merit as well as reputation of
an administration depends as much on that as on its measures."48
As Jefferson took the oath of office for President of the United States,
DeWolf was sworn in as a new member of the Rhode Island General Assembly. It
was shortly after this that the slaver began to plan a well calculated revenge against
William Ellery and his attacks on the DeWolf family's businesses. Once the custom
house in Bristol was opened, it was placed under the supervision of the state
collector. To undermine Ellery's influence, DeWolf first petitioned Jefferson to have
the port of Bristol become a revenue district independent of the state collector. The
second phase of DeWolf's plan was to have Jonathon Russell replaced by his
brother-in-law, Charles Collins, as the collector in Bristol. DeWolf certainly could
not have anticipated the lengthy delay that this second request received. It took
nearly three years before this powerful man fulfilled his goal, and by then his
influence was already beginning to waver.49
DeWolf had ulterior motives for choosing Collins as the candidate for
collector of Bristol. Collins was not only related to DeWolf by marriage, he was a
captain and part owner of two slaving ships, the Amastad [sic] and the Minerva.
Furthermore, between the years 1789 and 1799, Collins already captained at least
48 Jefferson, Jefferson Letters, vol. 33, page 663. 49 Charles Collins, correspondence to John DeWolf, October 22, 1803, Charles Collins correspondence file, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. This is evidenced in the amount of time that it took for DeWolf to achieve his goal in having the collector of his choice placed in the Bristol custom house. 87 seven slaving voyages, four on ships owned by DeWolf. 5° DeWolf and his brother,
John, sent Charles Collins, along with a contingent of Republicans from the North, to
Washington D.C. in October 1803 with the hope that they would be able to meet with the President to discuss a new appointment for the Bristol custom house. 51
After his arrival in the Capitol on October 22, 1803, Collins penned a lengthy letter to John DeWolf, giving a detailed report of his visit. In it, he stated that he initially met with Senator Christopher Ellery of Rhode Island in the senator's chambers once Congress adjourned for the day. Christopher Ellery was also a slaver as well as the nephew of William Ellery. Collins wrote that he asked Senator Ellery for "advice [on] how to proceed with the President regarding the replacement of the collector at Bristol." Collins stated that the Senator concurred that it became an absolute necessity to remove not only the collector but all of the "Tory" officers
[Federalists] throughout the United States. Speaking with the Senator, Collins "gave it as his opinion that the Republican members from the Northward ought to wait on the President and make known to him their opinions."52 Furthermore, the letter indicated that the Senator then arranged a meeting between Jefferson, Collins, and the Rhode Island Republican contingent. While meeting with Jefferson, according to
Collins, they:
50 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage #36780. The DeWolf vessel the A mastad is not to be confused with the famous La Amistad of nearly forty years later and so powerfully portrayed through literature and a Hollywood screenplay. 51 Charles Collins, correspondence to John DeWolf, October 22, 1803, Charles Collins correspondence file, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 52 Charles Collins, correspondence to John DeWolf, October 22, 1803, Charles Collins correspondence file, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 88
.. .informed him that they expected that the Republican part of the Legislation take up the matter [regarding the removal of Federalists from their positions] at their next session and perhaps petition generally, as there existed a very great uneasiness among the People of the State - so we left him to Chew on it - 53
With the "People from the Northward ... urging a Removal of Officers" the President was now forced into a political game of tug and war with a very persuasive group of supporters who represented a foothold in the North for him. Collins then informed
DeWolf that he had done all he could do for the time being in Washington. "Now is the time to send forward a Petition, such as we talked of before I left home," Collins wrote. "Let it be signed by all of the Republican Members of the Legislature and others as you may think fit." Collins stated towards the end of the letter, "Down
4 with the Tories" with a noticeably bold strike of the pen. 5
During his meeting with the Republican contingency from the North,
Jefferson was initially ambivalent about replacing collector Jonathon Russell.
However, after much pressure, he began to realize the value of wealthy friends in a
Federalist and still hostile state. Before they returned home, Collins and the others left one final thought for Jefferson, urging him to "consider the political advantages the party would gain should he choose to remove Federalist appointees in their
53 Charles Collins, correspondence to John DeWolf, October 22, 1803, Charles Collins correspondence file, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. A Tory was a person that exhibited betrayal of the worst kind going against all national interests. The word was used as an odious epithet in conversation and is demonstrated as such in Thomas Paine's "Common Sense" and earlier referred to supporters of the British crown during the American Revolution. 54 Charles Collins, correspondence to John DeWolf, October 22, 1803, Charles Collins correspondence file, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. ------
89 state," further underscoring the power of party divisions, which would ultimately
5 benefit Rhode Island slavers. 5 The result of this time consuming adventure proved to be valuable for DeWolf.
In the early part of 1804, and as a result of continual pressure from the few but highly influential Republicans of Rhode Island, Jefferson appointed Collins to the post of Bristol's new collector. 56 This most certainly must have disappointed collector William Ellery. 57 DeWolf had succeeded in protecting his business interests by securing his brother-in-law's appointment as collector from Thomas
Jefferson. The DeWolfs made an incredibly bold move sending Collins as part of the
Rhode Island contingency not only to speak with Senator Ellery but also to speak directly to the President as well.
At the time of Collins' appointment, he was sworn to uphold the Constitution and federal laws. Under federal guidelines, collectors were prohibited from engaging in commerce related to the port. Additionally, the collector's responsibilities were to see that all violators of the law were brought to justice. 58 In front of Congress in 1804, Collins was sworn in and promised to uphold the
Constitution, which forbad the practice of slaving. The very day that Collins officially became collector, his slaving vessel the Minerva landed in Havana with one hundred and fifty slaves, breaking the law of 1800 that barred United States
55 Charles Collins, correspondence to John DeWolf, October 22, 1803, Charles Collins correspondence file, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 56 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 228. 57 "William Ellery," May 27, 2009, http://famousamericans.net. 58 Coleman, "Entrepreneurial Spirit," 334. 90
9 citizens from exporting slaves to any country. 5 Moreover, Collins, like DeWolf, owned a very profitable plantation in Cuba that operated with the support of the slave trade.60 His appointment was clearly disastrous for anti-slavery supporters and the enforcement of anti-slaving laws in Rhode Island. Collins remained involved in the slave trade while acting as collector, maintaining ownership of his two very
active slaving vessels which he himself had captained. After Collins assumed office,
Senator Ellery sent a letter of confirmation to James DeWolf in which he wrote:
"There is now dear Sir, nothing more to be done for Bristol- everything which she
asked is granted."61
Rhode Island slavers found that they could now take advantage of the new
situation by sailing up stream, past Newport, into Narragansett Bay arriving in
Bristol without being noticed. 62 If a threat arose that deemed it necessary for a
DeWolf vessel to sail under Spanish colors, Collins arranged a fake sale of the ship
to his personal Cuban agent.63 DeWolf not only had an extra set of eyes watching
out for his fleet in the port of Bristol, but also had the opportunity to continue sailing
under the Spanish flag if he felt it was necessary. This enabled DeWolf to further
circumvent slave trade laws. According to historian Thomas Hughes, "Not
surprisingly, there were for the moment, no niore [attempts at] prosecutions in Rhode
59 Thomas, Slave Trade, 545; Appendix 1, Law of 1800; Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage #36782. 60 D'Wolfe, Bristol, Rhode Island, 81. 61 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 228. 62 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 226; Appendix 2, map of Narragansett Bay, Rhode Island. 63 Thomas, Slave Trade, 603. 91
Island [from 1804 to 1807] for breaking the law on trading slaves."64 Despite the ratification of the Slave Trade Act of 1800, Bristol remained one of the top three slave trade ports in America. Along with Newport, Rhode Island, Bristol exported slaves to the active port of Charleston, South Carolina until the end of 1807.65
64 Thomas, Slave Trade, 545. 65 Hamm, American Slave, 102. 92 Chapter Four
The Continuance of Slaving Despite Federal Regulations
The slaving business accelerated shortly after 1800 with the anticipation of the Federal government constitutionally banning the slave trade altogether in 1808.
The proposed law promised new and heightened penalties. The fines, if convicted of slaving, began in the thousands of dollars and included five to ten year prison sentences.1 In response to this possibility, South Carolina, which had closed its highly active ports in 1792, reopened them to slaving in 1804. This brought what had been a brief period of exclusion of the slave trade in that state to a temporary end. South Carolina had originally passed an anti-slaving law on a trial basis in
1787. By 1792, the state declared the temporary law permanent, which made the importation of slaves illegal. However, in 1803, the anti-slaving law was repealed to fulfill the insatiable demand for slaves throughout the area.2 In reality, Charleston had been a port of delivery for slaves despite the state laws that prohibited the trade.
But once the law officially allowed slave sales to resume, the port of Charleston quickly filled with competing vessels. Rhode Island slavers, who already handled between 80 to 90 percent of the slaves sold throughout the nation, immediately took advantage of this opportunity.3 Beginning in late 1806 and continuing into 1807, the
DeWolfs sent eighteen vessels to Charleston carrying a total of nearly twenty-three
1 Appendix 1, Law of 1808. 2 Donnan, "New England Slave," 254. 3 Davis, "Teaching the Truth," 3. -~ ------
93 hundred slaves in less than seven months.4 One of the vessels was named the
Monticello, after Thomas Jefferson's famed estate.5
Responding to South Carolina's repeal in 1803, the market soared as traders recognized imports would soon be cut off. This inspired James DeWolf to form a business partnership with a man in Charleston by the name of Charles Christian.
Taking this opportunity while continuing to work in the General Assembly of Rhode
Island, DeWolf arranged for the exclusive sale of slaves from the family's ships to
Christian. James DeWolf, in partnership with this well established Charleston merchant, opened a commission house for all of his cargoes naming the firm
"Christian and D'Wolf."6 Henry, one of DeWolf's nephews, oversaw the
Charleston business that dealt directly with the slave sales. DeWolf also set up an office in New York to deal with the financial end of the Charleston business. The
New York office was run by James DeWolf's oldest son James, Jr., "Gentleman
Jim," who waited by to honor all financial drafts sent to him by his cousin Henry.7
This scenario further demonstrated DeWolf's savvy business mind and his ability to expand his already well-developed vertically integrated empire. It was clear that
James DeWolf had no intention of abandoning the slave trade in the immediate future.
4 McMillin, Final Victims, 130. 5 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage #36890. 6 McMillin, Final Victims, 130. 7 Thomas, Slave Ship, 545. 94
With the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1808 pending in Congress, DeWolf decided to return to slaving for one last voyage to Africa in 1806. Many historians have stated that DeWolf had not made a voyage for several years because of his age and presumably his election to the General Assembly in Rhode Island, but these assertions came from Howe's version of DeWolf family lore. DeWolf remained actively involved in the slave trade and in 1803, had captained the Lavinia to the coast of Africa where he acquired one hundred and fifty-three slaves. Evidence shows that DeWolf later sold one hundred twenty-eight slaves at an undisclosed location. 8 DeWolf also continued to arrange several voyages using his brothers and captains for hire.
Choosing to sail again in 1806 at the age of forty-one, and before the new law was in place, could perhaps be explained from a variety of perspectives. For this voyage, DeWolf chose to sail on the Andromache, his favorite vessel from his private fleet. It was an unusually large ship for that time period, weighing 192 tons with a sixty-two foot keel.9 A typical schooner during the late eighteenth century would average no more than 104 tons. 10 The extra length of the keel provided unusually smooth control and stability in navigating the ship. It boasted a twenty- three foot beam, which was broader than found on most slaving vessels and contributed to the stability of the ship, a critical component for sailing through the
8 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage, #37251. 9 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage, #36881. George Howe stated in his book that James DeWolfleft on his final voyage in 1807, returning just days before Christmas of the same year when in fact he left June of 1806, returning to Bristol in the fall of 1807. 10 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 76. 95
rough waters often experienced during the Middle Passage. Despite the horrors of
the slave trade and arrogance of the slaving business, DeWolf's decision to use the
Andromache for one last voyage would be equivalent to sailing today on a state-of-
the-art vessel. 11
The Andromache's voyage was downplayed by family historian George
Howe. In his book Mount Hope, Howe stated that the voyage departed in 1807 and
returned just days before Christmas the same year. He also claimed DeWolf returned
with two young slaves for Mrs. DeWolf as Christmas presents. However, evidence
shows the real story to be quite different. DeWolf actually left Bristol on the
Andromache on June 11, 1806. He sailed directly for Africa, arriving two months
later on August 12. While anchored on the Gold Coast, DeWolf purchased one
hundred eighty-six, and then set sail for the Carolinas. During his voyage to
Charleston, twenty slaves died and were thrown overboard. The Andromache
arrived in Charleston in 1807, more than five months after departure from Africa.
When DeWolf finally did arrive in Charleston, he sold one hundred seven slaves,
leaving fifty-nine on board.12
On April13, 1807, DeWolf set sail from Charleston on a voyage to Cuba.
Typically a voyage would go from the coast of Africa directly to the West Indies or a
southern state, returning thereafter to its home port. Another option would be to stop
in Havana, Cuba, buy and sell items including slaves, and then sail directly to a port
11 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 69. 12 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage #36881. 96 in the United States to do business, and then return home. For DeWolf to go to
Charleston first and then back track to Cuba was unusual. According to the
Transatlantic Data Base, upon arriving in Havana on Aprill3, 1807, he sold fifty- nine slaves: twenty men, thirteen women, three boys, one girl, sixteen male infants
and six female infants, and departed two weeks later on April26, 1807 for Rhode
Island. 13 However, James DeWolf's ship log reveals, in reality, on August 26, 1807,
he sold fifty-two slaves in Havana. This was four months later than has been
previously claimed.14 The same document states that the Andromache had arrived
from Charleston which confirmed that he did in fact take an unusual route to this
location. The last entry made by DeWolf on the Andromache ship log was on
September 30, 1807. This implied the approximate date of arrival back to Bristol,
Rhode Island, his trip taking him more than four hundred days, not three hundred
and six as more recently claimed. 15 Landing nearly three months before Christmas
and disputing the "quick trip" that Howe alluded to in his memoirs, once again
corrects the DeWolf mythology. 16 DeWolf's final voyage lasted for more than one
year, and he made far more transactions in multiple locations than previously
acknowledged.
13 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage #36881. 14 James DeWolf, ship log, Andromache, page number illegible but most likely 212, DeWolf Collection Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 15 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage #36881. 16 James DeWolf, ship log, Andromache, page 214, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 97
When DeWolf returned home from his "farewell" voyage, he purportedly brought with him two very young slaves that were scooped up off of the coastline of
Africa. It is claimed that the slave children came from two separate beaches and from two separate African tribes, one of each gender, the male, named Adjua- pronounced Agiway and the female, named Pauledore - pronounced Polydore. 17
Even recently, historians have recounted the story of the two slave children Mrs.
DeWolf supposedly received as gifts from her husband. Reviewing the United States
Federal Census records of 1810, James DeWolf listed three slaves living in his household.18 By 1820, however, the census forms had elaborated further on who lived in the household by profession, "Free White," or "Free Colored," and with a breakdown by gender and age. James DeWolf indicated on his 1820 census form that he now had one "Free Colored Male" between the ages of twenty-six and forty- four, one "Free Colored Female" between the ages of zero and thirteen and one "Free
Colored Female" between the ages of twenty-six and forty-four." 19 The ages of the man and woman would coincide with the dates of travel by DeWolf on the
Andromache and the family tale of the young children being delivered to Mrs.
17 Howe, Mount Hope, 128. Many historical accounts have the two DeWolf slave children's names spelled as they would appear phonetically; George Howe claimed that they were buried in the DeWolf family cemetery and that their gravestones spell their names as presented. These two slaves were forced to marry one another when they came of age, in the parlour of Mrs. DeWolf, and remained married and in her "employ" until the day they died; Appendix 6, photo of entrance of DeWolf family cemetery, Bristol, Rhode Island. 18 James D'Wolf, 1810 United States Federal Census, March 20,2010, www.AncestoryLibrarv.com. In 1810, census records only required an approximation of age for all "Free White Males and Females" living in the household with only one column for an accounting of slaves owned. 19 James D'Wolf, 1820 United States Federal Census, March 20, 2010, www.AncestoryLibrarv.com. 98
DeWolf. The story further insists that the two were married in the parlor of Mrs.
DeWolf and had several daughters of their own. Presumably, the first born daughter was listed on the 1820 census.
Additionally, DeWolf family historians have also stated that the DeWolfs had great affection for the two slaves who remained under the family's employ for their entire lives. They claimed that as a result of the devotion of the two slaves, upon their deaths they were buried in the DeWolf's family tomb with James DeWolf and his wife?0 Another source claims that the two slaves were not buried in the DeWolf tomb but instead buried nearby in the DeWolf family cemetery.21 However, this also reinforces the notion that the slaves were there to serve the DeWolfs. This is another family tale manufactured to encourage a more positive image of the man who was so actively involved in the trafficking of humans and the entrenchment of slavery in the United States. Where the two slaves are actually buried remains a mystery, but before DeWolf died, he made burial provisions for his direct descendents by establishing the cemetery where his tomb stands today. He left explicit instructions that no outsiders or extended family were to be buried within this area so it is unlikely that they are buried there.22
With DeWolf's farewell voyage successfully ending in 1807, and before the implementation of the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1808, he convincingly left the
20 Appendix, 7, photo of James DeWolfs tomb, Bristol, Rhode Island. Bristolian Lore repeated by local residents today. 21 D'Wolfe, Bristol, Rhode Island, 107. 22 Charles 0. F. Thompson, Sketches of Old Bristol (Providence: Roger Williams Press, 1942). 99 impression -- at least for his descendants and possibly his contemporaries -- that he actually gave up the trade. What still remained in DeWolf's favor was the appointment of his brother-in-law and slaving co-investor in the position of collector.
This aided tremendously in the perpetuation of DeWolf's success in the trade as
Collins took great risks to support not only DeWolf but others in the continuance of the slave trade even after it had been completely outlawed in 1808.
According to historian Jay Coughtry, Collins maintained an "egalitarian policy of obstructionism" towards all who opposed the slave trade. All applications for ships' documents requested by collector Ellery, particularly those destined for
Africa after the implementation of the 1808law, were ignored by collector Collins.23
Retaining this position of power for twenty years, Collins freely permitted owners to change their ship registries at will. As long as Collins stayed in the position of collector and remained connected to the slave trade, the town of Bristol was intimately connected to the trade as well.24 Historians have claimed that when
Collins retired, the custom house logs could not be located and have stated that
Collins burned all of the records, including correspondence, dating from 1804 until the day he was officially replaced through the efforts of President Monroe twenty years later. 25 Local Bristolian legend states that he destroyed the custom house logs in an effort to protect himself and the rest of the DeWolf family from prosecution as
23 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 229. 24 D'Wolfe, Bristol, Rhode Island, 81. 25 Coleman, "Entrepreneurial Spirit," 334. It would not be surprising if there were still a multitude of forgotten archives collecting dust in the attics or cellars of many homes in Bristol. 100 a result of breaking slaving laws.Z6 However, despite the claims that all records were destroyed, there exists substantial archived correspondence to and from Collins while
in the position of collector that confirms DeWolf's continuance in circumventing
slave trade laws even after 1808.
With the passing of the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1808, many Rhode
Islanders commenced a long battle to ensure that the state's commerce continued
through the activities, legal or not, of such families as the DeWolfs. However, the
government again grossly neglected the enforcement of this law, which had been the
problem with all of the previous laws regulating slaving. There was no enforcement
mechanism put into place; the oversight of the slave trade was relegated to the
jurisdiction of the Treasury Department. 27 Contrary to previous assertions, DeWolf
and others most certainly immediately began planning to circumvent the law of
1808.28 It seemed unlikely that these Bristolian merchants would suddenly agree to
find a new form of consistent revenue. The new slave trade law was written in such
a way that there were loopholes that could be used by captains to legitimize their
cargo. In fact, this seemed to become a heightened challenge for the most brazen of
slavers such as DeWolf. The only adjustment that needed to be made in order to
continue in the slaving business after 1808 was to have the word "Africa" as the
26 Howe, Mount Hope, 205. Although George Howe's family memoirs are very colorful and descriptive, many past historians have relied too heavily on his narrative as historical fact. With the collection of DeWolf correspondence, ledgers, and ship logs, from archived sources, it becomes increasingly clear that while the skeleton of Howe's story is fairly accurate, there are many details that have been embellished to create a more interesting story. 27 Thomas, Slave Trade, 552. 28 Mannix, Black Cargoes, 190. 101 destination dropped from the custom house ledgers and list only what was transported on board as plain and simple "cargo."29 The other component had already been arranged by DeWolf with the appointment of sympathetic collector, and fellow slaver, Charles Collins.
Correspondence between the aged William Ellery and the United States
Treasury department indeed substantiates that DeWolf continued slaving after 1808.
Within the DeWolf ship logs and ledgers that remain, any mention of slaves suddenly becomes glaringly absent.30 With so many people from Rhode Island for so long involved in illegal trafficking of humans, it is curious that past historians believed that all activity virtually stopped with the passing of yet another slave law.
This is especially puzzling given the knowledge of DeWolf's cunning ability to bypass the law in the pursuit of wealth and power.
Family historian Mark Anthony D'Wolfe stated that, James DeWolf was "no longer in the business of slave trading," once the Slave Trade Act of 1808 became ratified.31 George Howe voiced similar conclusions adding that DeWolf sold three of his ships in 1809 including the Monticello, to his nephew George, who most agreed continued trading slaves. 32
Some historians have stated that the slave trade ended in the United States with the passing of the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1808. Some have speculated that
29 DeWolf Collection, James DeWolf ship ledgers, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 30 DeWolf Collection, James DeWolf ship ledgers, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 31 D'Wolfe, Bristol, Rhode Island, 102. 32 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage # 36890. 102
"perhaps" the trade continued but had no evidence to back the theory. More recent historians acknowledge that it continued up to and throughout the Civil War.33 It is clear that DeWolf, along with other Rhode Island slavers, were a part of this illegal trade and continued with their profitable voyages despite the passing of the Slave
Trade Act of 1808. On New Year's Day of 1808, ships sailing for Africa, "virtually disappeared from the destination columns of customhouse records" in Bristol. 34
Additionally, nearly 80 to 90 percent of all voyages documented out of Bristol listed the Caribbean as their destination. Concurrently, departures for Cuba doubled in
1808 from Rhode Island.35 Cuba did not enact a slave trade law until it was forced to by Spain in 1817 through "diplomatic pressure. "36
Rhode Island slavers, particularly DeWolf, seemed to maintain the appearance of upholding the new law while they continued in the slave trade. This was particularly vital as local commerce depended heavily on their maintenance in the trade. For example, James DeWolf owned a ship called the Three Sisters that set sail from the port of Bristol, Rhode Island on December 21, 1807. On a successful journey to the coast of Africa as the first stop of the triangular trade route, a voyage could easily last six months. The Three Sisters destination was not listed nor was its
33 Following are a sampling of historians and what they believed at the time of their individual publications, regarding the law of 1808. "The slave trade ended ... " Howe, 130, Robinson, 428; "Perhaps the slave trade continued ... " Rawley, 330, Donnan 277; "The Slave trade continued after 1808 ... " Coughtry, 237, Rappleye, 338, Mannix, 190. 34 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 233. 35 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 233. 36 Kenneth F. Kiple, "The Case Against a Nineteenth-Century Cuba-Florida Slave Trade," The Florida Historical Quarterly vol. 49, no. 4 (April, 1971): 346. 103 arrival date back to Bristol. But evidence shows that this voyage carried on board, one hundred seventeen slaves.37 With ten days remaining in the month of December at the time of departure, there is no possibility that the Three Sisters could have successfully departed from Bristol, picking up one hundred seventeen slaves from
Africa and then deliver them before January 1, 1808, the date the Federal government had outlawed participation in the international slave trade.
Corresponding figures regarding how many ships were involved in the slave trade from Rhode Island are unreliable after 1808 and "the general status of the trade must be sought in terms rather of deduction than of actual record."38 Nevertheless, archival evidence confirms the continuance of the slave trade after 1808, and well past the War of 1812, by Rhode Island slavers including DeWolf.
According to a recently published work in 2006, the slave trade continued to grow commensurately after 1808 with slavers such as the DeWolf family openly flouting the law.39 According to scholar James McMillan, the DeWolfs, along with other Rhode Island merchants, continued to "sponsor voyages after the federal prohibition against imports" of the new law of 1808.40
Although regulations were stiffer, with no consistent enforcement mechanism in place, DeWolf vessels continued to circumvent the laws. Reviewing the maritime activity of the three custom houses in Rhode Island from 1808 to 1812, the port of
37 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, voyage #36982. Only 95 slaves survived this particular journey. 38 D'Wolfe, Bristol, Rhode Island. 76. 39 Rappleye, Sons of Providence, 338. 40 McMillan, Final Victims, 45. 104
Bristol "never lost its resilience and the mercantile community never abandoned its optimism" regarding their commitment to the slave trade.41 Many residents of
Bristol did not resist the temptation of substantial profit resulting from the trade nor did they appear to be too concerned about a decline in social status, for their reputations as slavers brought them acclaim within the local community. In reality, slaving did not come to a complete stop, but instead it temporarily slowed during the
War of 1812 and later resumed on a large scale once the war ended.42
On August 10, 1808, the Treasury Department sent a letter to collector
Collins regarding a vessel that was registered in Bristol and its attempt to off load its cargo in Charleston, South Carolina. The letter stated that the ships' manifest showed inaccuracies, which it carried on board many items that were either illegal or undeclared, and they had knowledge of the offense. It also cited the reloading of illegal materials onto the ship and noted that the ship was preparing to leave unlawfully for the West lndies.43 On October 23, 1808, the surveyor of Warren, a port neighboring Bristol, and in the same jurisdiction, wrote a letter to Collins requesting that he take action against a vessel stating that "he had a strong suspicion that she was preparing to runaway" and that "she had no papers."44 There is no evidence that Collins followed up on this request. Less than one month later on
41 Coleman, "Entrepreneurial Spirit," 335. 42 Mannix, Black Cargoes, 190. 43 United States Treasury Department, correspondence to Charles Collins, August 10, 1808, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 10-11, box 4, Rhode Island Historical Society. 44 Surveyor of Warren, correspondence to Charles Collins, October 23, 1808, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 9, box 4, Rhode Island Historical Society. 105
November 10, 1808, Ellery sent a letter to Collins stating that a vessel had taken "in goods without the inspection of the proper Revenue Officers and to libel any other vessels in similar circumstances."45 With the knowledge that Collins freely falsified custom house records, it is highly probable that he was keenly aware of this incident as well. This is yet another example of how Collins continued to assist traders of illegal cargo, a pattern that would benefit DeWolf.
The next month on December 24, 1808, Ellery sent correspondence again to
Collins informing the Bristol collector that he was aware of "plans forming in contravention of the Embargo laws, the great difficulty is to prevent their execution."46 Ellery mentioned a specific vessel that had left Bristol and exited
Narragansett Bay around sunset. Attempts to stop the vessel were made by a gunboat issuing warning shots, but it did not yield, sailing away under strong winds.47 These few letters exhibited a disturbing pattern regarding vessels involved in illegal activities leaving the port of Bristol, which only a collector could have allowed. It appeared that perhaps there were just a few random vessels attempting one final illegal voyage. However, correspondence to collector Collins indicated that this pattern did not end anytime soon. Multiple letters written by Ellery, sent not
45 William Ellery, correspondence to Charles Collins, November 10, 1808, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 10-11, box 4, Rhode Island Historical Society. 46 William Ellery, correspondence to Charles Collins, December 24, 1808, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 13-15, box 4, Rhode Island Historical Society. 47 William Ellery to Charles Collins, December 24, 1808, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 13-15, box 4, Rhode Island Historical Society. 106 only to Collins but to the Treasury Department too, addressed the continuance of these infractions of the law based at the port of Bristol.48
Collins received another letter from the Treasury Department dated August 7,
1809. It stated that a ship named the St. Thomas registered in Bristol was impounded by the federal government for "proceeding to a foreign port in violation of the
Embargo" of 1808.49 The ship did not have a registered owner and lacked the proper papers required while at sea, which indicated that the ship's owner had an ally in the local custom house.
What can be confirmed through archival documents is the continuance of slaving not only by DeWolf but by other Rhode Island slavers as well. On
September 28, 1809, collector Collins received a letter from a Nathania! Smith. In it,
Smith explained that he had evidence of a vessel registered in Bristol which used
Swedish colors to bypass the existing law of 1808. Smith stated that the vessel left the United States the winter of 1808 and after presumably sailing to Africa,
"preceded to the West Indies where her cargo was sold and from hence ... obtained
Swedish papers."50 Smith then declared that he was prepared to give verifiable proof of this alleged incident to Collins so that the collector could prosecute. There is no
48 William Ellery, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, Letter book, January 29, 1810-June 30, 1818, Rhode Island Historical Society. 49 United States Treasury Department, correspondence to Charles Collins, August, 7, 1809, Mss U.S. Custom House Bristol Warren, item 18, box 5, Rhode Island Historical Society. This vessel is not yet listed on the Transatlantic Data Base and there was no evidence within the correspondence that stated where the vessel had landed prior to being impounded. 50 Nathania! Smith, correspondence to Charles Collins, September 28, 1809, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 16-17, box 4, Rhode Island Historical Society. 107 evidence that Collins responded to this tip, nor do his past actions indicate that he ever would. This further verifies the successful maneuvers Rhode Island slavers
1 used to break the law. 5
Not until President Jefferson's successor James Madison was sworn into office in 1808, was the topic of illegal trafficking of humans once again formally addressed. In 1810, two years after the ratification of the latest slave law, Madison warned Congress that "American citizens are instrumental in carrying on traffic in enslaved Africans, equally in violation of the laws of humanity, and in defiance of those of their own country."52 In January 1811, the United States Secretary of the
Navy, Paul Hamilton, wrote to the naval commander at Charleston: "I hear, not without great concern, that the law prohibiting the import of slaves has been violated in frequent instances."53 The overwhelming responsibility placed on the United
States Navy to enforce slave trade laws became apparent in Hamilton's concern.
Continuing with his prolific pattern of correspondence, collector William
Ellery of Newport sent yet another letter to collector Collins in December 1815. In it he stated that vessels continued to fit out under Spanish colors and depart from the port of Bristol. Most specifically, Ellery referred to a vessel that he believed to be owned by DeWolf. Ellery stated that a seaman came into port and secretly reported
51 Nathanial Smith, correspondence to Charles Collins, September 28, 1809, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, item 16-17, box 4, Rhode Island Historical Society. 52 Rappleye, Sons of Providence, 338. 53 Thomas, Slave Trade, 569. 108 to Ellery the infractions that the vessel had committed. The seaman stated that the vessel:
... would soon sail for the coast of Africa with an intention to purchase slaves there and carry these to some port in the West Indies, and sell them there, that she had on board a cargo suitable for trade, and handcuffs and fetters, concealed in casks, to bind the slaves, and prevent insurrection. 54
When Ellery asked the local surveyor, Mr. Slocum, to have a conversation about this with the collector, Collins responded to Mr. Slocum by insisting that:
... three or four vessels [that] had sailed from that Port (Bristol) and that he had heard that the smallest of them had arrived at Havana with upwards of two hundred slaves, that as no complaint had been made he had taken no bonds, nor was a copy of the list of the seamen who sailed in those vessels left in his Office. 55
He then protested sorrow that "such an unlawful trade should be carried on," and stated that he would let his brother-in-law, James DeWolf, know of the situation insisting that he would be concerned about it. Ellery's letter to Collins closed with a final plea stating that, "unless some more efficacious means are devised and used to
54 William Ellery, correspondence to Charles Collins, December (no day), 1815, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, Letter book from January 29, 1810 to June 30, 1818, Rhode Island Historical Society. 55 William Ellery, correspondence to Charles Collins, December (no day), 1815, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, Letter book from January 29, 1810 to June 30, 1818, Rhode Island Historical Society. 109 put a stop to this base traffic it will increase and extend for it is very lucrative."56
Ellery could not have stated the financial motivation for the slave trade more clearly.
The profitable opportunities that Collins provided were exactly why DeWolf remained involved in the trade.
On February 1, 1816, collector Ellery sent a letter to collector Collins begging him for his help in stopping the illegal activity of carrying slaves operating out of Bristol. He stated that he was aware of at least three additional vessels that departed from Bristol with the sole intention of buying slaves and selling them at a foreign port. Of the three vessels, Ellery concluded that at least one of them was again a DeWolf vessel. After tremendous detail of ships names, captains, destinations and that they too sailed under Spanish colors, Ellery made one last request for help in stopping the illegal activity, stating:
It is our duty you [Collins] are fully sensible to detect all who are concerned in the slave trade, and to see that the penalty inflicted by law against the trade, is demanded of those who have transgressed it. Not doubting that you will give me the information about requested, and any other that I may have omitted to ask relative to the slave trade within your power to 7 obtain. 5
The frustration that Ellery must have felt over years of contending with
DeWolf, and then Collins, seemed to consume him as evidenced by his
56 William Ellery, correspondence to Charles Collins, December (no day), 1815, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, Letter book from January 29, 1810 to June 30, 1818, Rhode Island Historical Society. 57 William Ellery, correspondence to Charles Collins, February 1, 1816, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, Letter book from January 29, 1810 to June 30, 1818, Rhode Island Historical Society. ------
110 correspondence. However, despite Ellery's efforts, the slaving activity did not slow down in Bristol. In 1818, Barnabas Bates, Bristol's postmaster, observed that the system was perfected in that "cargoes suited to the African market are procured here in Bristol, and taken aboard vessels suited to the purpose, and then cleared for the
[sic] Havana by the collector (Charles Collins)."58
One of the reasons that DeWolf remained successful was that, he maintained a position in Rhode Island politics for the remainder of his life. On March 4, 1821, he became a Senator representing the state of Rhode Island. In 1823, DeWolf lead senators in a fight against proposed legislation that again attempted to strengthen slaving laws. As a result of DeWolf's leadership in the Senate, this proposed law
9 was successfully defeated. 5 DeWolf resigned early from the Senate on October 31,
1825, before the completion of his first term. Howe claimed that DeWolf left the
Senate early because of his growing distrust of President Jackson and his political ideals, and that he wanted to return to Bristol to keep an eye on his slaving nephew,
George. 60 No correspondence written by DeWolf has been found that reveals his reason for leaving the Senate early. Regardless, he returned to Bristol where he served in the state House of Representatives until he died on December 21, 1837.61
58 Thomas, Slave Trade, 603. 59 Thomas, Slave Trade, 618. 60 Howe, Mount Hope, 192. 61 "James DeWolf," January 6, 2009, www.bioguide.congress.gov. 111 Conclusion
In a memorial sermon delivered by Bishop Alexander V. Griswold on
February 11, 1838 in Bristol, Rhode Island both James and Ann DeWolf's lives were honored. 1 The lengthy and scripture filled tribute reviewed the career path of James
DeWolf and declared that he became mislead by his mother and slaving father, "their intentions [sic] ever so good, they know not always what is best for their children."2
Bishop Griswold later honored DeWolf as a good husband and father, illustrating that his parenting skills were evident. 3 The most telling part of the fourteen page message stated:
Considering the rank which the head of this family had long sustained among you; his influence in society; the deep and active interest which he has taken in whatever concerned the public good; the great numbers of people that he has employed in useful labour [sic], and furnished with the means of living; the large share he has contributed to the wealth and prosperity of this town, and other public good, of which he has been the instrument, together with the extensive family connexions [sic] who yet survive to mourn his loss; when all these and other like considerations are brought into view, I may well address this congregation generally in the language of sympathy, as having lost a father;- a public benefactor.4
1 Perry, Charles D'Wolf, 39. Reverend Calbraith Perry, a DeWolf descendant, claimed that after hearing the news of her husband's death, Ann DeWolf "never left her room ... and died the following week." 2 Bishop Alexander V. Griswold, Discourse delivered in Bristol, Rhode Island, February II, I838, occasioned by the decease of the Hon. James D'Wolf and Mrs. Ann B. D'Wolf, his wife, (Bristol: W.H.S. Bayley, 1838), 4. 3 Griswold, Discourse delivered, 10. 4 Griswold, Discourse delivered, 11-12. 112
As Bishop Griswold brought the DeWolfs' tribute to a close, he stated to the congregation that DeWolf's "industry was blest [sic] in the accumulation of ample fortune, which has benefitted not his family only [sic], but many others ... "5
Seemingly, while honoring the slavers' memory, Bishop Griswold suggested that the congregation forgive DeWolf for his choice of profession while acknowledging that his "industry" still benefitted the whole. 6
The state of Rhode Island was financially dependent on the illegal slave trade. This is clearly evident after revealing Bristol's deep economic dependence on
DeWolf through his successful trafficking of human cargo. Correcting the mythology previously written about DeWolf has shown how he kidnapped, murdered, and continually circumvented laws while successfully avoiding arrest both domestically and internationally. This thesis demonstrates DeWolf's ability to circumvent the slave trade laws put into place and how he successfully continued his involvement in the Transatlantic Slave Trade from 1784 through 1816. DeWolf's manipulation of the law and people around him is clearly seen internationally as well. This can be noted even in the trial in the West Indies, which may have also benefitted him in Rhode Island. Then a glimpse into the life of DeWolf's brother,
Levi, revealed new details disputing the written narrative that stated that he had a personal disregard for slaving, quitting the profession after his first slaving voyage.
5 Griswold, Discourse delivered, 12. 6 Griswold, Discourse delivered, 12. 113
Family memoirs declared that Levi DeWolf had limited or no part of the slave trade. An abundance of archived correspondence corrects these myths.
Additionally, DeWolf had tremendous influence regarding the custom house in
Bristol and the appointment of his brother-in-law, Charles Collins, as collector. Not only did DeWolf enter the political arena, campaigning on the Jeffersonian ticket for a position in his state's assembly, but he simultaneously supported Thomas
Jefferson's bid for President. Continuing with his local influence and persuasion,
DeWolf ran for political office while, at the same time, giving support to Jefferson's political campaign. Ultimately, the goal was to organize a contingent of loyal supporters to approach President Jefferson on his behalf in the quest for replacing the collector in Bristol. Once again, DeWolf achieved his goal with tremendous success through his tenacious efforts.
Evidence has shown that there is a direct correlation between DeWolf's involvement in Jefferson's political race for the office of President and the appointment of Collins as collector. This added the support of a family member and confidant in the custom house, enabling DeWolf to continue circumventing slave trade laws. Although a pattern had been established regarding DeWolf's prolific ability to bypass the law, Collins certainly allowed for additional opportunities.
DeWolf continued to engage in the illegal trafficking of humans while he was in political office, despite the laws that were in place.
While speaker of the Rhode Island House of Representatives, DeWolf continued to fight in favor of slave traders. In 1819, manufacturers secured a tariff to 114 protect them from foreign completion and to enforce international slaving laws.
DeWolf immediately wrote a bill which challenged the new act and allowed slaving to continue. This created another loop hole for the slaving industry and allowed slave ships to hoist the flag of the ship that approached them to avert search and seizure.7
DeWolf's seemingly insatiable appetite for wealth and control were factors in his drive and success. The manipulation and intimidation early on by DeWolf showed his power and influence over others. With the passing of the Federal Slave
Trade Act of 1808, a law written to stop all illegal human trafficking conducted by
American citizens, DeWolf continued to practice slaving quite successfully. This is particularly true after his brother-in-law, Charles Collins, became collector in Bristol.
At that point in time, it did not matter what slave trade laws were in place, Collector
Collins consistently looked the other way when a DeWolf ship landed in Bristol.
The DeWolf family, especially James, was one of the major factors in perpetuating not only the slave trade in Rhode Island but slavery within the nation. Evidence has shown that despite James DeWolf's transgressions, he remained a powerful and influential figure for the remainder of his life, both politically and as a leader of the people of Bristol. However, despite all of these facts, James DeWolf has not been noted in a prominent place in United States history.
DeWolf was compelling when he was alive; his money maintaining the family for two generations after his death. But probably the most important
7 Thomas, Slave Ship, 602. 115 testament of James DeWolf's current place in history can be seen by walking through the unkempt DeWolf family cemetery, surrounded by a hand built wall of stone - much like the one built by slaves at his Cuban plantation. His grand tomb is, unattended, overgrown, and now forgotten. 8
8 Appendix 6, DeWolf family cemetery, Bristol, Rhode Island; Appendix 7, James DeWolf's tomb. 116 APPENDICES
Several appendices have been added to help navigate through multiple facets of this thesis. The era's slave trade laws are presented chronologically and also included are two maps. The first map is of Rhode Island which includes
Narragansett Bay, and the second is a customized map of James DeWolf's preferred
Transatlantic Triangle Trade route. New evidence regarding three separate DeWolf vessels is presented, along with photographs of the DeWolf family cemetery, James
DeWolf's grave, and the DeWolfs' warehouse that still stands at the edge of
Narragansett Bay. Included also is a telling photograph of one of DeWolf's slave ledgers and the last home left standing of multiple homes that James DeWolf owned. 117
APPENDIX 1
Slave Trade Laws
1784- (STATE) Rhode Island Gradual Emancipation Act- was proposed and eventually passed. The DeWolfs and the Brown family of Providence used their political influence to reach a compromise, which stated that all blacks born after March 1, 1784 were to be free, slaves between the ages of fifteen to twenty-five would become indentured servants and freed after seven years, and slaves twenty five and older would remain slaves for life. 1
1787- (STATE) Rhode Island General Assembly- passed a law in November which imposed a fine on any ship owner who was caught importing slaves into Rhode Island. 2
1790- (FEDERAL) Act of Congress- "that if any person or persons whatsoever shall, upon the high seas, commit the crime of piracy, as defined by the law of nations, and such offender or offenders shall be brought into, or found in the United States, every such offender or offenders shall, upon conviction thereof, be punished with death."3
1794- (U.S./INT'L) Federal Slave Trade Act- Congress passed an act prohibiting the transport of slaves from the United States to any foreign country as well as making it illegal for American citizens to outfit a ship for purposes of importing slaves, or to be employed in the slave trade. Slave ships that were seized were put up for auction and fined one hundred dollars per crew member. However, this act did not mandate incarceration. Slave trade ship owners intimidated potential buyers when their vessels were seized by the federal government. They would then simply
1 Conley, Liberty and Justice, 179. 2 Donnan, Documents Illustrative, vol. III, 343; Thomas, Slave Trade, 502. 3 David Eltis, Frank D. Lewis, et al., "Slave Prices, the African Slave Trade, and Productivity in the Caribbean, 1674-1807," The Economic History Review, New Series vol.58, no. 4 (November, 2005): 676. 118 repurchase their own ships for pennies on the dollar, and then continued their slaving practice.. 4
1800- (U.S.) Revision to Federal Slave Trade Act of 1794- This law added an amendment to the law of 1794. In addition to prohibiting the transport of slaves from the United States to any foreign country, outfitting a ship for the purposes of importing slaves or to be employed in the slave trade, there was now a two year prison term and an additional one hundred dollar fine per crew member for American citizens serving voluntarily on slavers added to the law.5
1803- (U.S.) Revision to Federal Slave Trade Act of 1794- This act once again increased the penalties for United States citizens if caught slaving. It stated: "A penalty of one thousand dollars for each person brought to the United States on a ship with the intention of selling them as a slave." This law additionally placed responsibility on the captain of any vessel transporting slaves. It also charged customs and revenue officials in the government with enforcing this law, which was an indirect warning to those who might be in the best position for aiding illegal slave traders, such as collector Collins of Bristol. 6
1803 - (STATE/SC) South Carolina reopened the slave trade - which repealed a previous law. Rhode Island took advantage of this and funneled 80 percent of the slaves sold throughout the nation through the port of Charleston. 7
1808- (U.S.) The International Trade of slavery is legally banned in the United States- This law stated that the importation of slaves into the United States or its territories was banned. It is another revision to the original law written in 1794
4 GeorgeS. Grossman, Ed. The Spirit ofAmerican Law (Boulder: Westview Press, 2000), 135; Thomas, Slave Trade, 519. 5 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 212. 6 The African Slave Trade, National Archives and Records Administration, June 5, 2009, [email protected], 2. 7 Farrow, Complicity, 111. 119 which was revised in 1800 and 1803. The penalties recorded an increase in fines ranging from five to twenty-five thousand dollars, forfeiture of the ship, and for the first time, imprisonment from five to ten years of all crew. This law also stated that if anyone was caught "outfitting, loading, or preparing any ship or vessel in any port or jurisdiction of the United States or caused any ship or vessel to sail from any port or place within the same, for the purpose of procuring any person to be transported or sold into slavery," the same penalties would be applied. Section 4 of this law stated that it was also illegal to "take on board, receive or transport from any of the coasts or kingdoms of Africa, or from any other foreign kingdom, place, or country," or any slave to be sold within the jurisdiction of the United States.8
1819 - (U.S.) Act of Neutrality was ratified - The United States Congress passed legislation that stiffened provisions against American participation in the slave trade. It was considered an act of piracy for any American to outfit or serve a vessel for an insurgent colony OR to join Colombian Rebels, OR to transport slaves. If caught participating in any of these infractions, it was considered piracy and punishable by death OR expulsion from the United States.9
8 Grossman. Spirit of, 62. 9 The African Slave Trade, National Archives and Records Administration, June 5, 2009, [email protected], 2. 120
APPENDIX 2
,..,.. RH·ODE ISLAND
Map of Narragansett Bay, Rhode Island. 10
10 Rhode Island, August 23, 2009, http://www.bing.com/images. 121
APPENDIX 3
DeWolf's Triangle Trade Route
Map of the transatlantic triangle trade from the United States to the coast of Africa, headed back towards the West Indies and or Cuba and or Charleston or another southern U.S. port. It returns back to Rhode Island where James DeWolf's voyage originated. 11
11 T.Clinton, customized triangle trade route map created for author, October 7, 2009 (template: courtesy of Google images). 122
APPENDIX 4
Archival research resulted in new information regarding two DeWolf vessels, the Minerva and the Amastad. Although both vessels are correctly registered in the transatlantic database as ships that landed in Africa, as cited by Coughtry, the ship manifests have surfaced and distinctly show a more complicatedjoumey.12 The argument throughout this thesis has stated that DeWolf would go to great lengths to circumvent slaving laws, including the falsification of records. This is evidenced on the ships' manifests from both the Minerva and the Amastad. The Amastad left the port of Bristol, Rhode Island on November 22, 1802 with Cadiz listed as its destination in order to circumvent the Federal Slave Trade Act of 1800. 13 According to Coughtry, it then sailed to the coast of Africa. 14 The ship was captained by a
Spaniard by the name of Juan Jose Martorell. It had several items listed intended for sale or trade, valued at $19,815. Multiple hogsheads of rum are included on this list and are valued at $14,316 dollars ofthe total sumY
The Minerva left the port of Bristol five days after the Amastad on November
27, 1802. This vessel avoided listing Africa as its destination by indicating that it would sail to Barbados, once again bypassing the law of 1800. It was captained by
12 Eltis, Trans-Atlantic, The Minerva was not documented in the 1999 version of the data base and, subsequently, was added to the new 2008 version. However, the destination as seen on the ships manifest has not been updated. 13 Appendix 1, Law of 1800. 14 Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 15 Amastad, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, box 1, Rhode Island Historical Society. 123
William Collins, son of Charles Collins who became collector of Bristol in 1804.
This particular manifest did not list items that would be sold or traded but instead listed food items, most of which would have been consumed by the crew on its passage to Africa. 16
According to the Trans-Atlantic Data Base, these two DeWolf ships sailed to the coast of Africa instead of the destinations that were noted on the ship's manifests, presumably violating the slave trade law of 1794 and the revised law of 1800. These laws explicitly stated that United State citizens were prohibited to transport slaves to the United States or any foreign country, as well as prohibited to outfit a ship for the purpose of slaving, which can be seen through the original ship manifests. 17
16Minerva, Mss U.S. Custom House, Bristol-Warren, box 3, Rhode Island Historical Society; Coughtry, Notorious Triangle, 17 "The African Slave Trade," National Archives and Records Administration, June 5, 2009, [email protected], 2. 124
APPENDIX 5
While researching DeWolf's famed last voyage on his ship the Andromache, it became apparent that the dates in the archival documents found did not coincide with previously published sources. Family historian George Howe and his interpretation of DeWolf's final voyage as a quick trip to Africa in 1807, was proven incorrect by using Jay Coughtry's research presented in The Notorious Triangle.
Coughtry's research was subsequently incorporated into the Trans-Atlantic Data
Base with the Andromache departing the port of Bristol on June 11, 1806, leaving
Charleston, South Carolina to return to Bristol on April28, 1807. However, a receipt written to DeWolf provides new evidence regarding a shipment of fifty-two slaves delivered in Havana, Cuba on August 26, 1807. The receipt also states that the slaves arrived from Charleston, South Carolina on the Andromache. This also confirms that the Andromache sailed to Charleston, South Carolina before it back- tracked to Cuba, which was a highly unusual route. 18 Additionally, reviewing the ship log from the Andromache, the final entry was made December 3, 1807. This does not imply that December 3 was the date of arrival back to Bristol as it was common to settle the books and ship logs after returning to port. 19 However, it does denote that DeWolf returned to Bristol sometime in the late fall of 1807, not late
April as previously published.
18 James DeWolf Ship log, Andromache, December 3, 1807, DeWolf collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society. 19 Nancy Kougeus, e-mail message to author, November 12,2009. 125
APPENDIX 6
The DeWolf family cemetery, Bristol, Rhode Island.20
20 Photo taken by author on April3, 2009. 126
APPENDIX 7
The unattended, overgrown tomb of Captain and Mrs. James DeWolf located in the DeWolf family cemetery, Bristol Rhode, Island.21
21 Photo taken by author on April 3, 2009. 127
APPENDIX 8
Looking down one side of the DeWolf warehouse located at Bristol harbor, Narragansett Bay, Rhode Island. The counting house was located on the second floor, (left side in the photo) at the water's edge.22
22 Photo taken by author, April 5, 2009. 128
APPENDIX 9
The DeWolf warehouse and counting house located in Bristol. The warehouse had its own dock just a few feet in front of the staircase that is seen in this photo. This building stands at a prominent location at the port of Bristol Harbor on Narragansett Bay, Rhode Island.23
23 Photo taken by author on AprilS, 2009. 129
APPENDIX 10
This is the DeWolf ledger from the Polly's fateful voyage. Note at the bottom of the page, DeWolf wrote "10 ... 6 men 4 women my own." The last line states " ... one woman died on voyage."24
24 Polly, James DeWolf Ship Log, DeWolf Collection, Bristol Historical and Preservation Society; photo taken by author on April2, 2009, with permission. 130
APPENDIX 11
This home was built under specific directions and architectural plans given by James DeWolf prior to secretly leaving Rhode Island for the West Indies. It was constructed while he was in hiding in St. Eustatius to purportedly become the new school house in Bristol. Once DeWolf returned after his four year absence, he and his family took up residence in the "school" and DeWolf commissioned another school house to be built using the identical architectural plans. This house is now listed in the Bristol directory of historical homes. 25
25 Photo taken by author, April 3, 2009. 131
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Photography
All photos submitted with this thesis were taken by the author in April, 2009. 140
Abstract
In this thesis, James DeWolf of Bristol, Rhode Island is profiled regarding his involvement in the Transatlantic Slave Trade from 1794 until 1816. This research discusses the evolution of state and national laws that explicitly declared that slaving was an illegal activity at risk of penalty. The thesis presents new scholarly evidence regarding DeWolf's ability to circumvent laws while maintaining his involvement in the transatlantic slave trade. Included are DeWolf's political involvement and influence, and how the revenue he generated for the local economy became dependent upon him. Despite increasing restrictions, DeWolf made his fortune through his tremendous success in the slave trade creating an impressive financial empire.
This thesis challenges previously published scholarly sources and family memoirs by presenting new findings. It will provide new evidence regarding James
DeWolf and his family, including Levi DeWolf, which has not been published previously. It reveals how the town of Bristol became deeply economically dependent on his success in the trafficking of human cargo. DeWolf's prolific involvement in the slave trade will be established and the mythology previously surrounding both DeWolf and Rhode Island's role in slaving will be corrected.
Key words: James DeWolf, Levi DeWolf, Bristol, Rhode Island, Charles Collins, William Ellery,
Thomas Jefferson, Bristol Custom House, Slave Laws, Transatlantic Slave Trade