Chapter 1 from Foundation Conference to Government
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The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917-1947 / by Fred Lennis Lepkin
THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND ZIONISM: 1917 - 1947 FRED LENNIS LEPKIN BA., University of British Columbia, 196 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History @ Fred Lepkin 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 1986 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Name : Fred Lennis Lepkin Degree: M. A. Title of thesis: The British Labour Party and Zionism, - Examining Committee: J. I. Little, Chairman Allan B. CudhgK&n, ior Supervisor . 5- - John Spagnolo, ~upervis&y6mmittee Willig Cleveland, Supepiso$y Committee -Lenard J. Cohen, External Examiner, Associate Professor, Political Science Dept.,' Simon Fraser University Date Approved: August 11, 1986 PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917 - 1947. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
A Breach in the Family
The Lloyd Georges J Graham Jones examines the defections, in the 1950s, of the children of David Lloyd George: Megan to Labour, and her brother Gwilym to the Conservatives. AA breachbreach inin thethe familyfamily G. thinks that Gwilym will go to the right and she became a cogent exponent of her father’s ‘LMegan to the left, eventually. He wants his dramatic ‘New Deal’ proposals to deal with unem- money spent on the left.’ Thus did Lloyd George’s ployment and related social problems. Although op- trusted principal private secretary A. J. Sylvester posed by a strong local Labour candidate in the per- write in his diary entry for April when dis- son of Holyhead County Councillor Henry Jones in cussing his employer’s heartfelt concern over the fu- the general election of , she secured the votes of ture of his infamous Fund. It was a highly prophetic large numbers of Labour sympathisers on the island. comment. The old man evidently knew his children. In , she urged Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin to welcome the Jarrow marchers, and she battled he- Megan roically (although ultimately in vain) to gain Special Megan Lloyd George had first entered Parliament at Assisted Area Status for Anglesey. Megan’s innate only twenty-seven years of age as the Liberal MP for radicalism and natural independence of outlook Anglesey in the We Can Conquer Unemployment gen- grew during the years of the Second World War, eral election of May , the first women mem- which she saw as a vehicle of social change, espe- ber ever to be elected in Wales. -
Lessons for Labour Barbara Castle
34 soundings issue 1 Autumn 1995 Lessons for Labour Barbara Castle Barbara Castle recounts from her experience how much 'old Labour' achieved in its periods of office. She warns New Labour against the accommodations to financial orthodoxy which wrecked previous Labour governments, and declares that unemployment is the blight that most needs to be challenged. I think it is common knowledge that I am 'Old Labour'. At 84 some people would describe that as 'Very Old'. As a schoolgirl in Bradford in the 1920s 1 rubbed shoulders with party veterans- like Fred Jowett who was to become a Cabinet Minister in the first ever Labour Government in 1924- He had been brought up in the infamous back-to-back slum terraces whose sanitation consisted of a row of 'privy middens' - a chain of earth closets between the terraced houses, serving all of them. No water flushing, of course. Just the nightly clearance of the accumulated excrement by mysterious 'night soil' men. Fresh air never blew through the back-to-backs and bathrooms were unknown. So am I just an old sentimentalist living in the past? I only wish this degradation of so many of our fellow citizens was past history. Of course, we all have water closets today - if we have a home. At least Fred Jowett had a roof over his head which is more than we can say of everyone in our 'prosperous' 35 Soundings society 70 years on from my Bradford days. In fact, the technological revolution has left as many human scars as the industrial one did. -
The Theological Socialism of the Labour Church
‘SO PECULIARLY ITS OWN’ THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIALISM OF THE LABOUR CHURCH by NEIL WHARRIER JOHNSON A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Theology and Religion School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The thesis argues that the most distinctive feature of the Labour Church was Theological Socialism. For its founder, John Trevor, Theological Socialism was the literal Religion of Socialism, a post-Christian prophecy announcing the dawn of a new utopian era explained in terms of the Kingdom of God on earth; for members of the Labour Church, who are referred to throughout the thesis as Theological Socialists, Theological Socialism was an inclusive message about God working through the Labour movement. By focussing on Theological Socialism the thesis challenges the historiography and reappraises the significance of the Labour -
Report of the Conference on Labour
REPORT OF THE second Jlnnual Conference OF THE LABOUR REPRESENTATION Co:tHITTEE HELD L TH'.E CENTRAL HALL CORPORATION STREET. BIRMINGHAM. On Thursday, February 20th, 1902, ~ o The Labour Representation Committee, 3, LI TCOL 'S I N FIELDS, LONDON, w.c. AC D J. RAMSAY MACDONALD, Secretary. 49 OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE LABOUR REPRESENTATION COMMITTEE, ELECTED 21ST FEBRUARY, 1902. Trade Unions, Chairman: R. BELL, M.P. Amalgamated Railway Servants. Vice-Chairman: J. HODGE Steelsmelters. Treasurer: F. ROGERS Vellum Binders. W. B. CHEESMAN, Fawcett Association I ALLE GEE, Textile Worker PETE CURRAN, Gasworkers J. SEXTON, Dock Labourers C. FREAK, Boot & Shoe Operatives I A. WILKIE, Shipwrights Trades Councils. WM. PICKLES - - Huddersfield Trades Council. Independent Labour Party J. KEIR HARDIE, M.P. I COUNCILLOR JAMES PARKER. Fabian Society. EDWARD R. PEASE: SECRETARY: J. RAMSAY MACDONALD, L.C.C., 3, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS, LONDON, w.c 50 NAMES AND ADDRESSES OF DELEGATES ATTENDING THE CONFERENCE, TRADE UNIONS. SOCIETY. DELEGATE . Blastfurnacemen, National Federation ... P. Walls, Moss Bay, Workington. Bookbinders' ,,net Machine Rulers' Consolidatecl. Mat, hew Ri<liey, 5, Mulberry Street, Hulme, Man- U nion. chest er. James Kelly, 59, Grosvenor Street, C-on-:vf., Man chester. Baot and Shoe Operatives, National Union of ... C. Freak, 31, Al,ney Street, Leicester. Councillor J. F. Richards, 181, Belgrave Gate, Leicester W. B. Hornidge, r 2, Paton Street, Leicester. Brassworkers, National Amalgamated .. T- Ramsden, 70, Lionel S1reet, Birmingh:im. W. J. Davis, 70, Lionel Street, Birmingham. Brushmakers, Amalg!:l.mated Society of ... G. Freeman, 43, Wright Street, mall Heath, Birmingham. Builders' Labourers Union, United F. -
The New Age Under Orage
THE NEW AGE UNDER ORAGE CHAPTERS IN ENGLISH CULTURAL HISTORY by WALLACE MARTIN MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS BARNES & NOBLE, INC., NEW YORK Frontispiece A. R. ORAGE © 1967 Wallace Martin All rights reserved MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS 316-324 Oxford Road, Manchester 13, England U.S.A. BARNES & NOBLE, INC. 105 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10003 Printed in Great Britain by Butler & Tanner Ltd, Frome and London This digital edition has been produced by the Modernist Journals Project with the permission of Wallace T. Martin, granted on 28 July 1999. Users may download and reproduce any of these pages, provided that proper credit is given the author and the Project. FOR MY PARENTS CONTENTS PART ONE. ORIGINS Page I. Introduction: The New Age and its Contemporaries 1 II. The Purchase of The New Age 17 III. Orage’s Editorial Methods 32 PART TWO. ‘THE NEW AGE’, 1908-1910: LITERARY REALISM AND THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION IV. The ‘New Drama’ 61 V. The Realistic Novel 81 VI. The Rejection of Realism 108 PART THREE. 1911-1914: NEW DIRECTIONS VII. Contributors and Contents 120 VIII. The Cultural Awakening 128 IX. The Origins of Imagism 145 X. Other Movements 182 PART FOUR. 1915-1918: THE SEARCH FOR VALUES XI. Guild Socialism 193 XII. A Conservative Philosophy 212 XIII. Orage’s Literary Criticism 235 PART FIVE. 1919-1922: SOCIAL CREDIT AND MYSTICISM XIV. The Economic Crisis 266 XV. Orage’s Religious Quest 284 Appendix: Contributors to The New Age 295 Index 297 vii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS A. R. Orage Frontispiece 1 * Tom Titt: Mr G. Bernard Shaw 25 2 * Tom Titt: Mr G. -
E. G. Hemmerde Was Liberal MP for East Denbighshire from 1906 to 1910, and for North-West Norfolk from 1912 to 1918, and Then Labour MP for Crewe from 1922 to 1924
The Strange casE of Edward HEmmerde E. G. Hemmerde was Liberal MP for East Denbighshire from 1906 to 1910, and for North-West Norfolk from 1912 to 1918, and then Labour MP for Crewe from 1922 to 1924. His political career was dogged by controversy, both over the state of his finances and through his dedication to his other career – as a successful lawyer, who held the post of Recorder of Liverpool for four decades. David Dutton traces the strange story of Edward Hemmerde. 6 Journal of Liberal History 69 Winter 2010–11 The Strange casE of Edward HEmmerde n 22 November was bound to cause, none the less parliamentary candidate for the 1910, in the midst of insisted that ‘we live in days of constituency. Now he had the the second general crisis and we want our best men privilege, ‘but certainly not the election campaign to lead our people where the fight pleasure’, of occupying the chair of that year, it was is most strenuous’.3 It was a dif- as Wrexham Liberals said their Oannounced in the press that E. G. ficult request to resist. good-byes to Hemmerde as their Hemmerde, the sitting Liberal Hemmerde had made his Member of Parliament and sent MP for East Denbighshire, would intentions known to a meeting him forth ‘to one of the biggest not, in fact, be defending his seat. of the East Denbighshire Lib- fights in the country’. Amidst As the political correspondent eral Party’s executive committee concerted cries of ‘for he’s a jolly of the Liverpool Daily Post noted, on 21 November. -
School of Oriental and African Studies)
BRITISH ATTITUDES T 0 INDIAN NATIONALISM 1922-1935 by Pillarisetti Sudhir (School of Oriental and African Studies) A thesis submitted to the University of London for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1984 ProQuest Number: 11010472 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11010472 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 ABSTRACT This thesis is essentially an analysis of British attitudes towards Indian nationalism between 1922 and 1935. It rests upon the argument that attitudes created paradigms of perception which condi tioned responses to events and situations and thus helped to shape the contours of British policy in India. Although resistant to change, attitudes could be and were altered and the consequent para digm shift facilitated political change. Books, pamphlets, periodicals, newspapers, private papers of individuals, official records, and the records of some interest groups have been examined to re-create, as far as possible, the structure of beliefs and opinions that existed in Britain with re gard to Indian nationalism and its more concrete manifestations, and to discover the social, political, economic and intellectual roots of the beliefs and opinions. -
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, C. 193 1-1951
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, c. 193 1-1951 ABIGAIL LOUISA BEACH University College London Thesis presented for the degree of PhD University of London June 1996 I. ABSTRACT This thesis examines the development and articulation of ideas of citizenship by the Labour Party and its sympathizers in academia and the professions. Setting this analysis within the context of key policy debates the study explores how ideas of citizenship shaped critiques of the relationships between central government and local government, voluntary groups and the individual. Present historiographical orthodoxy has skewed our understanding of Labour's attitude to society and the state, overemphasising the collectivist nature and centralising intentions of the Labour party, while underplaying other important ideological trends within the party. In particular, historical analyses which stress the party's commitment from the 1930s to achieving the transition to socialism through a strategy of planning, (of industrial development, production, investment, and so on), have generally concluded that the party based its programme on a centralised, expert-driven state, with control removed from the grasp of the ordinary people. The re-evaluation developed here questions this analysis and, fundamentally, seeks to loosen the almost overwhelming concentration on the mechanisms chosen by the Labour for the implementation of policy. It focuses instead on the discussion of ideas that lay behind these policies and points to the variety of opinions on the meaning and implications of social and economic planning that surfaced in the mid-twentieth century Labour party. In particular, it reveals considerable interest in the development of an active and participatory citizenship among socialist thinkers and politicians, themes which have hitherto largely been seen as missing elements in the ideas of the interwar and immediate postwar Labour party. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
The Labour Party and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939
1 Britain and the Basque Campaign of 1937: The Government, the Royal Navy, the Labour Party and the Press. To a large extent, the reaction of foreign powers dictated both the course and the outcome of the Civil War. The policies of four of the five major protagonists, Britain, France, Germany and Italy were substantially influenced by hostility to the fifth, the Soviet Union. Suspicion of the Soviet Union had been a major determinant of the international diplomacy of the Western powers since the revolution of October 1917. The Spanish conflict was the most recent battle in a European civil war. The early tolerance shown to both Hitler and Mussolini in the international arena was a tacit sign of approval of their policies towards the left in general and towards communism in particular. During the Spanish Civil War, it became apparent that this British and French complaisance regarding Italian and German social policies was accompanied by myopia regarding Fascist and Nazi determination to alter the international balance of power. Yet even when such ambitions could no longer be ignored, the residual sympathy for fascism of British policy-makers ensured that their first response would be simply to try to divert such ambitions in an anti-communist, and therefore Eastwards, direction.1 Within that broad aim, the Conservative government adopted a general policy of appeasement with the primary objective of reaching a rapprochement with Fascist Italy to divert Mussolini from aligning with a potentially hostile Nazi Germany and Japan. Given the scale of British imperial commitments, both financial and military, there would be no possibility of confronting all three at the same time.