Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies ISSN: 0874-8438 [email protected] Universidade Nova de Lisboa

de Oliveira, Francisco Roque NA ABA DA VESTIDURA: BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY ON THE RELATIONS BETWEEN PORTUGAL AND MING Bulletin of Portuguese - Japanese Studies, vol. 17, 2008, pp. 21-78 Universidade Nova de Lisboa Lisboa, Portugal

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NA ABA DA VESTIDURA: BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY ON THE RELATIONS BETWEEN PORTUGAL AND MING CHINA *

Francisco Roque de Oliveira Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning, University of Lisbon

Abstract

The contact between Europe and Ming China was mainly made through the Portuguese or their information and merchant networks. As the true eyes of the West in East Asia, at that time the Portuguese produced a number of informative sources about China that are the basis of modern Sinology. In this essay we shall start by characterizing the nature of Chinese studies in the Portuguese intellectual world. In particular we will investigate about the existence of a true School of Chinese Studies forged throughout five centuries of continuous relations between Portugal and China. In the second part of the article we shall analyze in detail the two main segments around which are organized the geographical and historical studies on this matter: studies on Macao and those on the broader area of Portuguese-Chinese bilateral relations. We will conclude with a description of the most recent editorial initiatives aimed at the dissemination and critical study of the important Portuguese sources on China written during the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth centuries.

Resumo

O contacto da Europa com a China Ming correspondeu, em boa medida, àquele que então foi realizado por intermédio dos Portugueses ou das suas redes informativas e mercantis. Verdadeiros olhos do Ocidente na Ásia Oriental, os Portugueses produziram nessa época um conjunto de fontes informativas sobre a China que estaria na base da moderna sinologia. Neste ensaio começaremos por caracterizar a natureza dos estudos chineses no panorama intelectual português. Em particular, interrogar-nos-emos sobre a existência de uma verdadeira Escola de Estudos Chineses forjada ao longo de cinco

* This article is a revised and updated version of our “Ensaio bibliográfico sobre as relações luso-chinesas até à queda da dinastia Ming, c. 1513-1644”, Cronos – Cuadernos Valencianos de Historia de la Medicina y de la Ciencia (Valencia), 8, December 2005, pp. 67-94. Our thanks go to the Instituto de Historia de la Ciencia y Documentación López Piñero of the University of Valencia and to the board of the journal “Cronos” who consented to the publication of this new version in the Bulletin of Portuguese/Japanese Studies. E-mail: [email protected] 22 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

séculos de relacionamento ininterrupto entre Portugal e a China. Na segunda parte do artigo procederemos à análise detalhada dos dois principais segmentos em torno dos quais se encontram organizados os estudos histórico-geográficos sobre esta matéria: os estudos sobre Macau e aqueles que tratam do domínio mais amplo das relações bilaterais Portugal-China. Concluiremos com a descrição das mais recentes iniciativas editoriais que visam a difusão e o estudo crítico das importantes fontes portuguesas sobre a China escritas durante o século XVI e a primeira metade do século XVII.

要約

ヨーロッパと中国明朝との接触は、ポルトガル人あるいはその情報、商 業上のネットワークを仲介としておこなわれたといえる。当時、西洋側 の東アジアに対する実際の観察者であったポルトガル人たちは、近現代 の「中国学」の基礎ともいうべき、中国に関する情報を大量に作成し た。本稿では、ポルトガル人の知識の視点から、中国研究の特徴を描き 出すよう試みるものである。とりわけここでは、5世紀にわたる中国＝ ポルトガル間の継続的な関係によって作り上げられた、実存する中国研 究学派に焦点を当てる。また本稿の後半部分では、この問題に関する歴 史地理学研究上の二つの重要な要素；①マカオ研究②より広範囲なポル トガル＝中国関係、について詳細に分析する。最後に、同分野の基本文 献の紹介と、16世紀から17世紀の中葉までに記された中国に関するポル トガル人の重要な情報について分析をおこなう。

Keywords:

Portugal-China relations, Portuguese Sinology, European perceptions about China, History of Macao, Ming Dynasty

Relações luso-chinesas, Sinologia Portuguesa, Percepções europeias da China, História de Macau, Dinastia Ming

中葡関係,ポルトガルの中国学,ヨーロッパの中国認識,マカオ史,明朝

1. The original sin

20 December 1999, the day when the administration of the former Portuguese colony of Macao was transferred to the People’s Republic of China, was also the end of the longest period of continuous relations between a European nation and the land of the Chinese. Those who had been the first Na aba da vestidura 23

European protagonists of an imperial experience in East Asia were also the last to return home. Around 1557 – after almost forty years of direct but eventful contacts between the Portuguese and China – Macao had made its mark as an excep- tional enclave of the West at the other end of Eurasia, confirmed by a history of nearly five hundred years. We know that the place and its fate were the result of a combination between the thalassic logic that shaped the essence of Portuguese expansion in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and the shrewd role of those merchants and private adventurers who, either by having a head start on Lisbon or by getting round the authority delegated in Goa, were skilled at taking advantage of the particularities of the Chinese tax system and from there set up the main entrepot to engage in Chinese and Japanese trade. The “city-state” of Macao would soon demonstrate unusual ability to resist when the logic behind its implantation was overtaken by the changes in the Japanese domestic situation. This was marked by the reunification achieved by the Tokugawa and by the affirmation of Dutch hegemony east of which, in the first decades of the seventeenth century, ruined the Iberian monopoly of long distance trade in what is now the Asia-Pacific region and assaulted the Macao–Nagasaki-Manila trade triangle. Any analyst caught unawares would also be surprised by the fact that the Portuguese survived the taking of Canton by the Manchu in 1650 after more than two decades in which Macao had trusted its administrative and political autonomy in a clear, systematic commitment to the enfeebled Ming dynasty. Later, neither the rise of British mercantile power in the East nor the fact that Portugal had in the meantime re-centred its empire in the Atlantic, were enough to prevent the continuation of the colonial experience invented in Macao. And whilst it continued – after the Opium War, during the Second World War or even after the convulsions wrought by the Chinese Cultural Revolution in 1967 – it is natural that the “case of Macao” is not only affirmed as an example par excellence of the paradoxical longevity that governed several of the many colonial experiences of a small country like Portugal, but makes us wonder about the vast and original legacy of knowledge on mate- rial and civil China that one would expect to have been bequeathed by such enduring ties. Now, whoever studies the mass of documents that survived this pres- ence of centuries on the edge of the Chinese province of Guangdong, will soon find that not only did the field of construction of Portuguese knowledge about the Chinese universe fall short of the exceptional chronological con- ditions that were available to its building; from the beginning it challenges the possibilities of full confrontation with other “imperial knowledge” of the West. Two basic reasons help explain these two apparent contradictions. 24 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

In the first place, we must always count on the evidence that the colony was restricted to the tiny territory of Macao and that in turn Macao had inherited from the Portuguese Empire of the East the very specific genetic characteristics of a territory that existed because of a naval and trade net- work and that it enjoyed a wide margin of self-government. Hence, unlike the knowledge acquired in later or more classical colonial models, during that time no comprehensive knowledge was produced about the land and its men as usually accumulates when the administration is based on effective metropolitan control with a specific administrative and political framework of native populations and within the set-up of a more extended territorial occupation.1 We must add to the limitations imposed by scant exercise of sovereignty the specific quality of the people who since the early days of the Portuguese presence in Macao were charged with the basic task of finding out about Chinese culture and civilization: the missionaries of the Society of Jesus. It is obvious that both before and mainly after the creation of the college of São Paulo (1594-1597) the Jesuits were responsible for organiz- ing the most important legacy of a simultaneously Portuguese and European proto-Sinology. Naturally, we cannot forget the first inquiries into linguistic matters made by the Spanish Augustinians stationed in the Philippines which had recently been completed. We need only to evoke the works by Martín de Rada on the dialect of the Fujian province or the dissemination of some of his findings in what was then a very popular work: Historia de las cosas mas notables, ritos y costumbres del gran reyno de la China by Juan González de Mendoza (1585-1586). But, in any case, the truth is that all these intro- ductions to the study of Chinese men and society are mingled with the studies on erudite Chinese language and culture that missionaries such as Duarte de Sande, Alessandro Valignano, Michele Ruggieri, , Adam Schall von Bell, João Rodrigues Tçuzu, Tomás Pereira, Álvaro Semedo, António de Gouveia or Gabriel de Magalhães carried out in Macao, or into China, thanks to the support provided by the rearguard in Macao.2 Quite simply, the era of this group of notable individuals had not yet invented the accuracy that Illuminist rationalism and scientism would lend the same study object, nor did the chronic instability in the territory and the proselytising strategy of the Society – which involved everyone – allow such singular works as the ones passed down to us, to be enjoyed in a parallel civil context. So, the expulsion of the Jesuits (decreed by Pombal in 1759,

1 See Hespanha (1999), pp. 15-19. 2 See Loureiro (2002a). An abbreviated version of the same article: Loureiro (2002b). Na aba da vestidura 25 determining the extinction of the college of São Paulo in 1762) inevitably compromised not only the internationalization but also the feasibility of Portuguese Sinology.3 Almost a century passed before the so-called Macanese liberalism returned to Chinese studies, mainly in those fields of linguistic, philology and lexicography that this specific area of knowledge requires for strong growth.4 As most of the main names here mean little or nothing to anyone who is not familiar with the microcosm of the Macanese issues, they are well worth highlighting, as are the more important works of the tradition they recuperated. In the first place, the Lazarist priest, Father Joaquim Afonso Gonçalves (1781-1841) author of books such as Grammatica Latina ad usum sinen- sium juvencium (1828), Arte china constante de alphabeto e grammatica com- prehendendo modelos das diferentes composiçoens (1829), Diccionario Portu- guez-China, no estilo vulgar mandarim, e classico geral (1831), Diccionario China-Portuguez (1833), Vocabularium Latino-Sinicum pronuntiatione man- darina latinis literis expressa (1836), Lexicon Manuale Latino-Sinicum (1939) and Lexicon Magnum Latino-Sinicum (1841). One of the lost titles that Afonso Gonçalves did not publish is a Dicionário Sínico-Latino.5 In the second place, Pedro Nolasco da Silva (1842-1912) who between 1885 and 1892 ran the Chinese administrative division (“Repartição do Expediente Sínico”), a government body to which part of the functions of the very honourable Procuracy of the Chinese Affairs of Macao had just been transferred. He was in charge of training translators and interpreters and civil servants in Mandarin Chinese and in the Cantonese dialect.6 Between the school books and linguistic works Nolasco da Silva published O circulo de conhecimentos em portuguez e china: para uso dos que principiam a apren- der a língua chinesa (1884), Phrases usuaes dos dialectos de Cantão e Peking (1884), Grammatica pratica da lingua chinesa (1886), Vocabulario e phrases dos dialectos de Cantão e Pekim para uso dos alumnos da Escola Central de Macau (1889), Compilação de phrases usuaes e de dialogos nos dialectos de Peking e Cantão para uso dos alumnos da Escola Central de Macau (1894), Os Rudimentos da lingua chinesa para uso dos alumnos da Escola Central do Sexo Masculino (1895), Manual da lingua sinica escripta e fallada (4 vols, 1901-1903), Bussula do dialecto cantonense: adaptado para as escolas portu-

3 Aresta (1997a), p. 29; Aresta (1997b), p. 10; Hespanha (1999), pp. 20-21. See also Teixeira (1982a), pp. 124-125. 4 See Aresta (1997b), pp. 10-12. 5 See Teixeira (1982a), pp. 125, 214-215; Aresta (1997b), p. 12; Aresta (1999), pp. 60-61. 6 See Teixeira (1982a), pp. 136-137; Paiva (2004), pp. 28-33. 26 Francisco Roque de Oliveira guezas de Macau (1912) and Livro para o ensino da litteratura nacional = Kuok Man Kau Fo Shu (1912).7 Throughout the first three decades of the twentieth century, Manuel da Silva Mendes (1887-1931) – a Portuguese lawyer who settled in Macao in 1901 – wrote several original texts on Taoism, which he synthesized in Lao‑Tse e a sua doutrina segundo o Tao-Te-King (1908) and Excerptos de filo- sofia taoista: segundo o “Too Teh King” de Lao Tze e o “Nan Hua King” de Chunag Tze (1930).8 But dominating this century was Luís Gonzaga Gomes (1907-1976), author of a vast work in several fields ranging from the history of Macao to translations, journalism and music.9 As regards Chinese linguistics and language teaching, Gonzaga Gomes left us the following works: Vocabu- lário cantonense-português, (1941), Vocabulário português-cantonense (1942), O Estudo dos Mil Caracteres (1944), Vocabulario Português-Inglês-Cantonense (1954), Noções Elementares de Língua Chinesa (1958) and Frases de uso corrente português-inglês-chinês (unpublished ms.). Also significant are some of his versions of the Chinese Classics: O Clássico Trimétrico (Sanzi- jing) (1944), O Clássico da Piedade Filial (Xiaojing) (1944), As Quatro Obras (Sishu) (1945) and O livro da via e da virtude de Láucio (Daodejing) (1952).10 His contemporary Canon António André Ngan (1907-1982) published what for many years was the only bilingual book for use in schools: Método de Português para uso das escolas chinesas (5 volumes, 1943-1951).11 Ngan was also the author of a dictionary, Dicionário Português-Chinês and of Concor- dância sino-portuguesa de provérbios e frases idiomáticas (1973).12 The studies by Graciete Nogueira Batalha (1925-1992) on the Macanese dialect (Batalha 1953a; Batalha 1953b; Batalha 1959; Batalha 1974; Batalha 1977; Batalha 1988; Batalha 1995) are also included in a similar field. Joaquim Angélico de Jesus Guerra, S. J. (1908-1993) was the last great Portuguese Sinologist of the twentieth century. Jesus Guerra invented a Romanization system of Chinese language that did not succeed, though systematized in his Chinês alfabético (1961).13 In the field of semantics, the same author wrote Structural Semantics (1980) and an important Dicionário Chinês-Português de Análise Semântica Universal (1981). Father Guerra was

7 See Aresta (1997b), pp. 14-15; Aresta (1999), pp. 64-77; Mesquita (2000), pp. 588-589, 599, 602 and 607. 8 See Aresta (1999), pp. 105-120. 9 See Tomás (1995). 10 See Aresta (1997a), pp. 29-30; Aresta & Oliveira (1997), pp. 9-11. 11 Aresta (1999), p. 172. 12 See Bruxo (2004), p. 28. 13 See Guerra (1992), pp. 318-324. Na aba da vestidura 27 to distinguish himself in the translation into Portuguese and English of the Chinese Classics: O Livro dos Cantares (Shijing) (1979; revised edition 1990), Escrituras Selectas (Shujing) (1980; revised edition 1990), Quadras de Lu e Relação Auxiliar (Chunqiu and Zuozhuan) (5 volumes, 1981-1983), Quadri- volume de Confúcio – Analectos (Lunju), A Grande Escola (Daxue), Harmonia Perfeita (Jung Yung), Tratado da Piedade Filial (Xiaojing) (1984; revised edi- tion 1990) –, As Obras de Mâncio (Mengzi) (1984; revised edition 1990), O Livro das Mutações (Yijing) (1984; revised edition 1990), The Book of Songs – Sundry texts from James Legge’s translation revised (1986), Prática da Perfeição (Daodejing) (1987) and O Cerimonial (Liji) (3 volumes, 1987-1988).14 He also published a book of memoirs entitled Condenado à morte (1963), very similar to the one wrote by the Dutch Jesuit, Dries Van Coillie.15 In any case it is important to bear in mind that the short list we have presented essentially corresponds to a group of scholars and sinologists labouring alone. That is precisely why this is not a case of a real school of Chinese studies with the correspondent cycle of knowledge being passed from master to student16. Moreover, rather like the great pioneering figures whose bright flame died somewhat within the unpublished manuscripts Asia Extrema by António de Gouveia (1644) or in the pages of Relação da Propa- gação da Fé no Reyno da China by Álvaro Semedo (1640-1641) and As doze excellencias do Imperio da China by Gabriel de Magalhães (1688) – a set of works ignored for so many years by Portuguese publishers –, it was foresee- able that the regenerating path that began with Joaquim Afonso Gonçalves and continued to the late 1970s within the scope of the “Escola do Expedi- ente Sínico” would never suffice to overcome such decisive limitations as those imposed by the chronic absence of Chinese language and culture in the curriculum of Portuguese schools in Macao, almost until 1999.17 Similarly, it is difficult to imagine a national school of Sinology when during all this time the country had not only failed to create departments of Portuguese-Chinese studies in its universities but also neglected the actual teaching of the Chinese language. In truth, during the 1926-1974 dictatorship, this teaching was practi- cally limited to the chair of Cantonese in the Institute of African and Oriental Languages at the extinct Colonial Higher School in Lisbon (renamed Higher

14 See Rio (1994), pp. 37-43; Aresta (1999), p. 172. 15 See Castelo-Branco (2004), p. 102; Aresta (1997b), p. 16; Bruxo (2004), pp. 35-66 and 127-130. 16 See Aresta (1997b), p. 13. 17 Aresta (1997a), p. 30; Aresta (1999), pp. 241-247. See also Oliveira (1994), pp. 217-219; Mesquita (2000), pp. 485-538; Reis (2003), pp. 465-494. 28 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

Institute of Overseas Studies in 1954 and later Higher Institute of Social Sciences and Overseas Policy after 1961). Already under democracy, this subject continued somewhat unsystematically in the chair of Mandarin Chinese taught at the Faculty of Letters of the University of Lisbon. At the same time it was complemented with university and non-university dis- semination courses, such as those organized by the Oriental Institute of the Faculty of Social and Human Sciences of the New University of Lisbon and by the Macao Mission in Lisbon.18 The fact that to this day there is not one single Portuguese historian with in-depth knowledge of spoken and written Chinese tells us everything about the original sin we have been discussing.19 Looking at more recent years – in reality the first years of post-imperial Portuguese Orientalism – it would be wrong not to detect the outline of a change in the situation. For example, the Chinese language study indices have increased, there is greater visibility of Chinese studies in universities, a greater internationalization of this type of research and the emergence of various periodical publications on these subjects.20 It is also true that the final moments of the Portuguese presence in Macao led to anunusual dissemination of Chinese matters within the Portuguese cultural field. More, such an effort was generally accompanied by a new look on most oriental matters, which was rigorous in terms of methodology and finally free of the ideological registers that had upheld the last Portuguese colonialism in such diverse fields as sociology, history, anthropology, geography, biology or even agronomy between the 1940s and the 1960s.21 However it may be, time is still needed for a definitive evaluation of all these encouraging signs. Whilst Portugal to this day has been unable to constitute a Sinology School in the true meaning of the words, that is, to define and consolidate a coherent investigation into “Chinese things” in the fields of the human, biological or exact sciences,22 we take a different view of the sub-domain of historical and geographical studies on Portuguese-Chinese relations. We realize this part is still barely promoted when compared with most of those forming the heterogeneous group of Portuguese-Asian studies. We are also aware that, by itself, it can never fill the void left by the lack of true Sinology. In any case, not even the inevitable diversions suffered at the hands of the

18 See Thomaz (1996), pp. 389-414; Aresta (1999), pp. 68-71. 19 We should add that the opposite is hardly different as, to this day, almost no historian from China has directly taken advantage of the Portuguese sources given the obvious ignorance of the Portuguese language. See Zhang (1996), pp. 27-28, 13; Ramos (1996a), p. 138. 20 See Saldanha (2002), p. 4. 21 See Castelo (1999), pp. 101-136; Hespanha (1999), pp. 30-32. 22 See Bueno (2007). Na aba da vestidura 29 empire’s nationalistic liturgy or due to the etiquette of “justification” of Portuguese sovereignty in Macao, can gloss over the fact that in time it asserted itself as a sub-domain of autonomous, scientifically valid research. Traditionally, studies on Portuguese-Chinese relations are organized along two lines of research: one concentrating on issues of Macao; the other substituting or extending that same research to the broader spectrum of bilateral relations between Portugal and China. In the first case, tradition goes back to works such as Ephemerides com- memorativas da historia de Macau by António Feliciano Marques Pereira (Pereira 1868), Apontamentos para a historia de Macau by José Gabriel Bernardo Fernandes (Fernandes 1883), Subsídios para a História de Macau by Bento da França (França 1888) or Historic Macao by Carlos A. Montalto de Jesus (Jesus 1902).23 In the second case, the first references are to the renowned Memória sobre o Estabelecimento dos Portugueses em Macau by the Viscount of Santarém (1845; first edition: Santarém 1878) and continue with Memória Especial sobre o estabelecimento dos Portugueses em Macau by José Gregório Pegado (1845; first edition: Pegado 1889), the Abreviada relação da embaixada que el-rei D. João V mandou ao Imperador da China e Tartaria published by Júlio Firmino Júdice Biker (Biker 1879), the relevant pages of the anthology Collecção de tratados que o Estado da India Portugueza fez com os reis e senhores da Asia e Africa Oriental, compiled by the same Biker (Biker 1881-1887), the Delimitação de Macau report by José A. Graça Barreto (1879; first edition: Barreto 1909) and Mémoire sur la Souveraineté Territoriale du Portugal à Macao by Duarte Gustavo de Nogueira Soares (Soares 1882).24 Throughout the following paragraphs, we will attempt simultaneously to offer a retrospective synthesis and to document the current state of prog- ress of these two lines of research.25 For reasons of economy and coherence of writing, we will focus on the works aimed at or handling in appropriate depth the chronological timeline between the first Portuguese landing on the coast of Guangdong in 1513 – basically, the moment when Europe acquired the necessary conditions to engage in the empiric learning of the Chinese reality which had been broken off in the mid-fourteenth century – and the fall of the Ming Dynasty in 1644. Despite the relative discretionary aspects

23 Second edition, revised and enlarged: Jesus (1926). 24 See Saldanha (1995), pp. 7-80; Saldanha (2002), pp. 4-8; Oliveira (2007a), p. 152. 25 For an essay of this nature, we must bear in mind the various bibliographic repositories and critical essays on historiographical production on these themes published earlier. Of this group, we underline the following references: Gomes (1973); Edmonds (1989); Loureiro (1993); Loureiro (1998); Loureiro (1999a); Ptak (1998); Wu (1996). 30 Francisco Roque de Oliveira involved in defining this time span – as always when defining intervals in the history of men – it has the advantage of limiting us to the time when Macao asserted itself and was consolidated as a first class trade entrepot. Further- more, it has the advantage also of covering the period of a number of political and cultural successes that were sufficiently coherent to make the Macanese and Portuguese contribution to the study and disclosure of Chinese affairs a decisive chapter in constructing modern European information on China. In the end, it was basically through the Portuguese and their networks that Europe established relations with Ming China. Whenever justified, we will not hesitate to detour from the Portuguese and Macanese field of writings, which we favour, to extend the enquiry to the contributions on Portuguese- Chinese relations made by other scholars and writers.

2. The “macaologists” 26

Regarding the studies on the genesis of Macao and the decades that accompanied the affirmation of the enclave until the middle of the seven- teenth century, we should bear in mind the first works published by Anders Ljungstedt, who worked for the Swedish East Indies Company and was Swedish consul general in China. His main work was An Historical sketch of the Portuguese settlement in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and mission in China, published in Boston as far back 1836, but still important today for two main reasons: because it used sources that have meanwhile dis- appeared 27 and for the way in which he queried the legitimacy of Portuguese sovereignty over the territory. This work was preceded by an introductory essay entitled Contribution to an historical sketch of the Portuguese settlements in China, principally of Macao; of the Portuguese envoys and ambassadors to China; of the catholic mission in China; and the papal legates to China (1832). A few years later, part of its contents reappeared in Contribution to an historical sketch of the Roman Catholic Church at Macao; and the domestic and foreign relations of Macao (1834). Several decades passed before A. F. Marques Pereira or C. A. Montalto de Jesus took up the theme therein proposed in Ephemerides commemo- rativas da história de Macau and Historic Macao, respectively. These two books were in part conceived as replies to Ljungstedt’s theories on the status of the colony and Portugal’s rights vis-à-vis China. Both the full Portuguese

26 Expression taken from Saldanha (2002), p. 4. 27 See Loureiro (1999a), p. 137. Na aba da vestidura 31 version of Ljungstedt’s work and that by Montalto de Jesus, with the neces- sary framework studies, were published a few years ago (Estorninho 1990; Félix-Alves 1999).28 Of the various works published by A. Marques Pereira at the same time – and yet to be reprinted – we highlight As Alfandegas Chinesas de Macau, written about Macao’s official position regarding the reestablishment of the Chinese customs inspection on the outskirts of the city in 1868 (Pereira 1870).29 The book Resumo da História de Macau by Eudore de Colomban (alias the French missionary Régis Gervaix) suffered a different fate: it was published in French in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau (Colomban 1923-1925) and in (Colomban 1928); the Portuguese version, “reformed and amplified” by the editor Jacinto José do Nascimento Moura (Colomban 1927), was published in Macao, in 1927, and reprinted in 1980 (Colomban 1980). In spite of the distance and the naturally obsolete nature of much of its contents, we should also consider the reference to a series of monographs on the origins of Macao, written in the 1940s and 50s, in any case within a context no longer connected to the problems of diplomatic justification or documental validation of the so-called “Portuguese rights over Macao” that affected this kind of literature during the last decades of the nineteenth century, namely between the foiled ratification of the Treaty of Trade and Friendship between Portugal and China, in 1862, and the signing of the Portuguese-Chinese Treaty, in 1887 – problems that loom behind the afore- mentioned writings of Marques Pereira, Júdice Biker, Graça Barreto and Nogueira Soares, among others. We are specifically thinking of Presença Portuguesa em Macau by António da Silva Rego (Rego 1946), Efemérides da História de Macau by Luís Gonzaga Gomes (Gomes 1954), Esboço da História de Macau, 1511-1849 by Artur Levy Gomes (Gomes 1957), and Macau, Cidade do Nome de Deus na China, não há outra mais Leal by Edu- ardo Brazão (Brazão 1957). We can also include in the same group the chronological summary out- lined by José Maria Braga called A Voz do Passado (1964),30 the numerous studies by Gonzaga Gomes in periodical publications which were selected and included in books such as Páginas da História de Macau (Gomes 1966) or Macau – Um Município com História (Gomes 1997). Also included in this group is the work The Origins of Macao by William Robert Usellis, pre-

28 See also Sena (1990), pp. 54-58; Sena (1994), p. 103; Lencastre (1999), pp. 284-295. 29 See Alves (1995a), pp. 8-10; Dias (2003), pp. 12-13 and 16-17. 30 Originally published in Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau, this work was recently reprinted in a facsimile version: Braga (1987). 32 Francisco Roque de Oliveira sented as a Master’s dissertation at the University of Chicago in December 1958. In it he compared European and Chinese published sources which was an unusual step for the time. For many years this last work circulated in manuscript form among the restricted circle of researches, but was finally published in 1995 in a bilingual Portuguese/English edition (Usellis 1995). Jordão de Freitas, with Macau – Materiais para a sua História no século XVI (Freitas 1988), or Monsignor Manuel Teixeira, with Macau no século XVI (Teixeira 1981), Macau no século XVII (Teixeira 1982), Primórdios de Macau (Teixeira 1990) and above all Macau e a sua Diocese (Teixeira 1940-1979), continued the work on the settlement of the Portuguese in Macao based on passages quoted from primary sources and on chronological systematiza- tion. The same can be said about a useful biographical instrument such as Cronologia da História de Macau – Séculos XVI e XVII by Beatriz Basto da Silva (Silva 1992) or the relevant parts of Cronologia Geral da Índia Portu- guesa by Carlos Alexandre Morais (Morais 1993). Much more ambitious – albeit conditioned by a very academic sequential ordering of events – is História de Macau by Gonçalo Mesquitela (Mesquitela 1996-1997). The first two volumes of this work cover the sixteenth century and the four first decades of the seventeenth century and it is important to underline the effort made to contextualise the main events that marked the existence of the territory during the period under analysis. A contrasting perspective of the Macanese phenomenon, which has the added bonus of making ample use of Chinese sources, appeared at the same time in Macao 400 Years, by Fei Chengkang (Fei 1996).31 We should also mention the recapit- ulations of the known data on the beginnings of Macao in the initial chapters of two other non-Portuguese syntheses: the already classic A Macao Narrative by Austin Coates (1978; reprinted: Coates 1987) and more recently Encoun- tering Macau: A Portuguese City-State on the Periphery of China, 1557-1999 by Geoffrey C. Gunn (1996; Portuguese edition: Gunn 1998). Regarding the period between the middle of the sixteenth century and the first decades of the seventeenth century, many of the pages written by the English historian Charles R. Boxer between 1920 and 1970 were and continue to be extremely important today. The following books should be highlighted: Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550-1770. Fact and Fancy in the History of Macao (1948; Portuguese translation: Boxer 1990), The Great Ship of Amacon. Annals of Macao and the Old Japan Trade, 1555-1640 (1959; Portuguese translation: Boxer 1989) and The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1414-1825 (1969; Portuguese translation: Boxer 1977). We must also refer

31 The first version of this study in Chinese was that published in Shanghai in 1988. Na aba da vestidura 33 to his notes on the Dutch attack on Macao in 1622, the first captains- general and governors of the territory and Macao’s military aid to the Ming between 1621 and 1647, collected in Estudos para a História de Macau – Séculos XVI a XVIII (Boxer 1991).32 Boxer also portrayed the institutional history of Macao in a work of reference: the chapter on the Senate of Macao included in Portuguese Society in the Tropics: The Municipal Councils of Goa, Macau, Bahia and Luanda, 1510-1800 (1965), a study recently reprinted in a trilingual edition in Portuguese/Chinese/English (Boxer 1997). In the meantime, this same theme on the history of legal institutions was also the subject of a book in which António Manuel Hespanha (exclusively) developed the Western dimension of law as applied in Macao: Panorama da História Institucional e Jurídica de Macau (Hespanha 1995). Other aspects of Maca- nese micro-history and institutional history were studied by Elsa Penalva and Miguel Lourenço (Penalva 2000; Penalva 2004; Penalva 2005; Penalva 2007; Lourenço 2007). We return to the chronological line by referring to Almerindo de Vas- concelos Lessa, a surgeon in charge of the Mission of Tropical Anthropology of Macao from 1960 onwards. Lessa must have been the first to apply to the Macanese case the theoretical precepts of so-called “Luso-tropicalism” suggested and developed by the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre in works such as Casa-grande & senzala (1933), O mundo que o português criou (1940) or Integração portuguesa nos trópicos (1958), which nourished the imperial mythology that upheld the last decades of Portuguese colonialism. Maybe also the most “Gilbertian” of the Portuguese academics of his generation,33 Lessa is important because of two books with greatly diverse – and even unorganized – contents, but which constitute references on that greater theme of the transposition of Freyre’s general theory to an Asian scenario: A História dos Homens da Primeira República Democrática do Oriente. Bio- logia e Sociologia de uma Ilha Cívica (Lessa 1974b) 34 and Macau – Estudos de Antropologia Portuguesa dos Trópicos (Lessa 1996). It should be added that some details of the “bio-sociology” of the miscegenation that Lessa took from Freyre reappear in notes by the Jesuit Benjamim Videira Pires in an essay of comparative history which he called Os extremos conciliam-se – Transcultu- ração em Macau (Pires 1988). The local history of Macau in the more specific field related with matters of geography, town-planning and architecture constitutes one of the lines that researchers have visited over and over in the last few years.

32 On the matter of the Dutch attack on Macao, in 1622, see also Carioti (2005). 33 See Castelo (1999), pp. 119-122. 34 The original version of this study: Lessa (1974a). 34 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

Of the monographs and articles we have selected the revised edition of the book on military architecture by Graça (Graça 1984),35 the outlook on evolu- tion of the Macanese landscape portrayed by Craig Duncan (Duncan 1987) and the confrontation between traditional elements of Chinese and Portu- guese urbanism in Macao as described by Carlos Baracho (Baracho 1992; Baracho 1998) and taken up by Carlos Marreiros (Marreiros 2002). We also highlight the detailed retrospective analyses by Maria de Lourdes R. Costa (Costa 1997) and by the team formed by Maria Calado, Maria Clara Mendes and Michael Toussant (Calado, Mendes & Toussant 1985; Calado, Mendes & Toussant 1998), the more chronologically restricted study signed by Kaijian Tang (Kaijian 1998), and the solid essay on social and cultural history by Jonathan Porter (Porter 2000). Most of these studies help make up the most recent synthesis presented on the subject: A Urbanização e a Arquitectura dos Portugueses em Macau, 1557-1911, by Pedro Dias (Dias 2005). For an inven- tory and description of the ancient cartography of the city of Macao we have produced a brief group of studies, the first one co-authored by Jin Guo Ping (Oliveira & Jin 2005; Oliveira 2006a; Oliveira 2009).

3. Cross-referenced perspectives on relations between Portugal and China

One can easily see that the separation between what will be a study on the local history of Macao and what might appear listed as research on Portugal-China relations is often based on an artificial option, taken delib- erately to help organise a great variety of writings. Hence that the books abovementioned such as Presença Portuguesa em Macau, by António da Silva Rego, or Ephemerides commemorativas da história de Macau, by A. F. Marques Pereira (Pereira 1868) – mentor and editor of the Ta-ssi-yang-kou, the first Portuguese newspaper dedicated exclusively to East Asia (1st series, 1863-1866) – can be both a reference to studies on Macao and be included in the wider, more intricate domain of research that Viscount Santarém began towards the end of the first half of the nineteenth century and was taken up again at the end of that same century by Júdice Biker and Duarte Nogueira Soares, among others. Having said that, we would like to precede the “state of the art” of one of two lines of research we bring here, by referring to some of the works that were shown to be essential to the growth of this particular chapter of historiography. Contents that have perforce been overtaken do not dispense our taking into consideration such older works, in addition to the fact that

35 The first version of this book was published in English: Graça (1969). Na aba da vestidura 35 this was a field in which the confrontation between western and eastern sources was soon tested. At the same time, this is also an area that early on saw an extended dialogue, or at least an increasingly greater supply of inter- pretations, between researchers of different countries. This is a comparative advantage that moved this area out of that Portuguese-Macanese claustro- phobia that almost to our days has conditioned the writings dedicated and restricted to the history of Macao. Even considering the major contribution made by the institutional logic characteristic of moments that preceded the transfer of powers in Macao in 1999 the fact that several of the works mentioned were reprinted in these last few years is a sign of its intrinsic importance. In 1934, the initial version of the first major interpretation of - com mercial and diplomatic relations between the Portuguese and the Chinese was published in Leyden: Sino-Portuguese trade from 1514 to 1644. A syn- thesis of Portuguese and Chinese sources, by Zhang Tianze (Zhang 1934). Right from the beginning it was an unusual study for two reasons: first, because it looked simultaneously at European and Asian sources; second, because it intended to place into perspective the subject in that “middle-term dimension” between the date when the Portuguese arrived on the Chinese coast and the year of the fall of the Ming Dynasty.36 The novelty did not go unnoticed in Europe, as confirmed by the lengthy reviews by the French Sinologist Paul Pelliot (Pelliot 1935) and by the Portuguese naval officer and historian Tancredo Faria de Morais (Morais 1943). Be that as it may, Zhang’s pioneering ideas should not let us ignore the fact that studies (although not so extensive) on the same problematic issues were already available in other European countries besides Portugal: for example, the articles “Letters from Portuguese captives in Canton, written in 1534 and 1536” by Donald Ferguson (Ferguson 1901; Ferguson 1902a) and “L’arrivée des Portugais en Chine” by Henri Cordier (Cordier 1911). Shortly before publishing a revised version Sino-Portuguese trade (1969) in Leyden, Zhang Tianze wrote an essay on the subject of the first Portu- guese embassy to China (1517-1521): “Malacca and the Failure of the First Portuguese Embassy to Peking” (Zhang 1962).37 It is in that same issue that Armando Cortesão had included in the leaflet Primeira Embaixada Europeia à China (Cortesão 1945),38 printed after the English translation of Suma Oriental by the ambassador and pharmacist Tomé Pires, which Cortesão had prepared for the Hakluyt Society and was published in London in 1944

36 See Alves (1997), pp. VII-VIII. 37 New edition: Zhang (1981). 38 New edition: Cortesão (1990). 36 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

(Portuguese edition: Cortesão 1978). Still during the 1940s, this obligatory theme on the first phase of Portuguese-Chinese relations drew the attention of Paul Pelliot, in his interesting study entitled “Le Hōja et le Sayyid Husain de l’Histoire des Ming” (Pelliot 1948). Other similar fragmentary themes associated to the first decades of Portuguese-Chinese contacts had dominated and continued to dominate how these subjects were treated by Portuguese historians: Luís Keil, in Jorge Álvares, o primeiro português que foi à China (1513) published in Lisbon (Keil 1933); 39 Armando Cortesão, writing about the voyages of the Portuguese to the mouth of the Pearl river between 1513 and the foundation of Macao in a long essay on the Portuguese expansion throughout the Pacific Ocean (Cortesão 1939); 40 José M. Braga, when he published in Macao Tamão dos Pioneiros Portugueses (Braga 1939); and the same J. M. Braga, when he published in Hong Kong The Western pioneers and their discovery of Macao (Braga 1949) and also when in 1955 he presented to that British colony China Landfall, 1513 (Braga 1955a) – the title being revised and transformed that very same year into the extensively quoted China Landfall, 1513. Jorge Álvares’Voyage to China (Braga 1955b). Although less ambitious from a scientific point of view titles such as those published by captain Rogério Ferreira (Ferreira 1934) and by Salvador Saboya (Saboya 1938) are never- theless symptomatic of a certain quality in the works on the settlement of the Portuguese in China, their production occasionally enlivened in the 30s by such dissimilar circumstances as the realization of the First Portuguese Colonial Exhibition (Oporto, 1934), or the outbreak of the Chinese-Japanese war (1937-1945). Manuel Múrias, with Instruções para o Bispo de Pequim e outros documentos para a história de Macau (Múrias 1943), and Eduardo Brazão, this time with Apontamentos para a História das Relações Diplomáticas entre Portugal e a China, 1517-1753 (Brazão 1949), together with Silva Rego are today the main references of a certain rebirth of interest into the history of the Portuguese presence in China that occurred during the 1940s, in a context framed by the celebrations of the so-called double centenary – the 8th centenary of the Portuguese Independence (1143) and the 3rd centenary

39 New edition: Keil (1990). Years later, the text that Luís Keil had published in 1933 would become the key reference to one of the several studies that Ronald Bishop Smith dedicated to these same matters: Smith (1973). Among other works by this author on other issues, usually accompanied by the extensive use and dissemination of Portuguese sources: Smith (1972a); Smith (1972b); Smith (1981). 40 New edition: Cortesão (1974). Na aba da vestidura 37 of the Restoration (1640) 41 – and by the proclamation of the People’s Repub- lic of China. Despite their undeniable merits, we must note that almost all these works are influenced both by the bias found in official historiography, namely that somewhat old-fashioned rhetoric that often affects many of the forms of comemmorativism, as well as by a chronic difficulty in completing the narration of political, administrative and military facts – privileged above all others – within a framework of the object treated in the broader context of East Asia.42 Some time was to pass before Vitorino Magalhães Godinho managed to introduce the necessary theoretical renovation to the historiography that, internally, focused on Portuguese discoveries and expansion – in his case rooted in the example of the school of the Annales and offering it in his masterly Os descobrimentos e a economia mundial (1958; 1st Portuguese edition, 2 vol., Lisbon, 1963-1971). Curiously, however, whilst the fact that his work was boycotted during the dictatorship of the New State explains why the earlier model of historiographic production governed by ideolo- gies had continued for too long,43 we must also note that the segment of the studies dedicated to the historic presence of the Portuguese in China did not benefit from any significantly new contribution in the years immediately after the 1974 revolution. While Macao continued capturing the attention of researchers and publicists, the phenomenon that this city represented failed to be integrated in a wider historical and geographical context.44 Again, the first signs of modernity were given by foreign historians, highlighting the group composed by John E. Wills, George Bryan de Souza, Roderich Ptak and Fok Kai Cheong. To this we can add the short series of essays published by Lea E. Williams on these subjects, in particular her reading on the start of contacts between Portugal and China (Williams 1985a).45 John Wills should mostly be remembered for the contextual reading provided in the article “Maritime China from Wang Chih to Shih Lang: Themes in Peripheral History” (Wills Jr. 1979) and the pages that refer us to Portuguese-Dutch competition in the period before the one his books focused on: Pepper, Guns, and Parleys – The Dutch East India company and China,

41 Many of the texts that E. Brazão includes in his 1949 Apontamentos were scattered in the following titles, published very close to each other: Brazão (1948a); Brazão (1948b); Brazão (1948c). For the period analysed here the most important pages are those Brazão wrote about the embassy of Tomé Pires to China, included in Apontamentos (Brazão 1949, pp. 15-38) and complemented with the transcription of the so-called cartas dos cativos de Cantão. 42 See Flores (1997), p. 12; Loureiro (1998), pp. 52-53. 43 See Flores (1993a), pp. 126-127. 44 See Loureiro (1993), pp. 151-152. 45 On related themes: Williams (1985b); Williams (1987). 38 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

1662-1681 (Wills Jr. 1967) and Embassies and Illusions – Dutch and Portu- guese Envoys to K’ang-hi, 1666-1687 (Wills Jr. 1984). On the other hand, the methodical line traced by Zhang Tianze in Sino-Portuguese trade from 1514 to 1644 was also taken by Bryan de Souza in his text The Survival of Empire. Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea, 1630-1745 (Souza 1986). There are also important research clues corresponding to the period and theme we are discussing that appeared in his article “Maritime Trade and Politics in China and the South China Sea” (Souza 1987) and were later extended in more recent articles such as “Commerce and capital: Portu- guese maritime losses in the South China Sea, 1600-1754” (Souza 1993) and “Portuguese Country Traders in the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea, c. 1600” (Souza 1997). The German Sinologist Roderich Ptak, author of a broad series of studies on maritime Asia, is nowadays one of the most consistent authors writing on the subject of relations between Portugal and China from the early days of the Portuguese presence on the coast of the Middle Empire. Insisting always on the parallel use of both eastern and western sources, and on reading that encompasses the conditions of a more general nature dictated by China or by other neighbouring land and sea spaces, in the 1980s Ptak offered us the following two important synthesis: the monograph Portugal in China – Kurzer Abriß der portugiesisch-chinesischen Beziehungen der Geschichte Macaus im 16. und beginnenden 17. Jahrundert (Ptak 1980) and the article “An Outline of Macao’s Economic Development, circa 1557-1640” (Ptak 1988). Sometime later, came the articles “China and Portugal at sea: the early Ming system and the Estado da Índia compared” (Ptak 1991) and “Early Sino-Portuguese Relations up to the Foundation of Macao” (Ptak 1992). This last work was updated in “Sino-Portuguese Rela- tions, circa 1513/14-1550’s” (Ptak 1999),46 which should be read together with the annotated bibliography that Ptak entitled “Macau and Sino-Portu- guese Relations, ca. 1513/1514 to ca. 1900 – A Bibliographical Essay” (Ptak 1998). Regarding research focused on particular routes or trades – such as sandalwood and tea – we have the following writings: “The Transportation of Sandalwood from Timor to China and Macao, c. 1350-1600” (Ptak 1987), “Sino-Japanese Maritime Trade, circa 1550: Merchants, Ports and Networks” (Ptak 1994a) and “Die Rolle der Chinesen, Portugiesen und Holländer im Teehandel zwischen China und Südosta-sien (ca. 1600-1750)” (Ptak 1994b). The doctoral thesis submitted by Fok Kai Cheong in 1978 at the Univer- sity of Hawaii under the title The “Macao Formula”: A Study of Chinese Management of the Westerners from the Mid-Sixteenth Century to the Opium

46 Revised version of the same article: Ptak (2004). Na aba da vestidura 39

War Period is still unpublished. As a broad interpretation of the available written records on the informal commitment that instituted Macanese reality, on that date it still represented one of the few studies based on simul- taneous handling of Chinese and Portuguese sources. Despite that publishing obstacle, the main conclusions of this important work of comparative history have been published in several fragmentary texts, both in English (Fok 1991) and in Portuguese (Fok 1996).47 Not long before Fok completed what is still his main work of research, other protagonists of Chinese historiography on relations between Portugal and China disseminated complementary texts. Amidst other possible exam- ples (the list will not be extensive as many are less accessible to most Western readers) are: O Comércio Externo de Macau a partir de meados da Dinastia Ming, by Quan Hansheng (Quan 1972); Putaoya Qinlue Aomen Shiliao (Historical sources of the Portuguese occupation of Macao), by Jie Zi (Jie 1961); A Study of Macao as a Portuguese Settlement in Chinese Territory from the 16th to 18th centuries, by Lam Chee Shing, corresponding to a doctoral thesis for the University of Hong Kong in 1970, published in Portuguese in 1998 (Lam 1998); and “Ming shi Folangji zhuan” jianzheng (History of the Ming – Commentaries on the Portuguese), by Dai Yixuan (Dai 1984). This is a text we must mention, although the particularly virulent way that Dai attacks the validity of most of the western sources documenting the settlement of the Portuguese in Macao is very questionable.48 Meanwhile, Wu Zhiliang was revealed as one of the most recent Chinese heirs of this domain in which the retrospective analysis of the Portuguese- Chinese relation is cross-referenced with the ancient tradition of Macao historiography. Confirming this fact are articles such as “Análise crítica sobre os estudos da História de Macau” (Wu 1996), books such as Segredos da Sobrevivência – História Política de Macau (Wu 1999)49 and the documen- tary collections Aomenwenti Mingqing Zhendang Huicui (Collection of Trea- sures of the Ming and Qing dynasties – Archives related with Macao) (Wu 2000) and Mingqingshiqi Aomenwenti Danganwenxian Huibian (Documental collections of the Ming and Qing dynasties – Archives related with Macao), in a publication jointly directed by Yang Jibo and Deng Kaisong (Yang, Wu & Deng 1999). Together with Jin Guo Ping, Wu Zhiliang is one of the most prolific Chinese researchers into relations between Portugal and China and one of

47 For a brief reading of this book, see Flores (1996), pp. 7-9; Barreto (1997), p. 15. 48 Regarding the type of problems raised by Chinese researchers such as Dai into the history of relations between Portugal and China, see Ptak (1997). 49 Original edition of this book: Wu (1998). 40 Francisco Roque de Oliveira the few revealing direct knowledge of both Chinese and Western sources. Some of the most important texts these two authors have published to this day can be found in the anthologies Jinghai Piaomiao (Histories of Macao: fiction and reality) (Jin & Wu 2001), Dong xi wang yang (Research in the History of Macao erased by time) Em Busca de Histórias de Macau Apagadas pelo Tempo) (Jin & Wu 2002), Guo shizmen (Opening Macao’s Border Gate) (Jin & Wu 2004), Zaoqi Aomen Shilun (Studies about the first age of Macao) (Jin & Wu 2007a) and Revisitar os Primórdios de Macau (Jin & Wu 2007b). These include a very heterogeneous group of subjects, frequently retrieved and developed from volume to volume: from the analysis of the start of Portuguese trade on the coast of Guangdong to the part played by certain goods in this same relation until the beginning of the Qing era; from the variety of interests and the evolution of the Chinese attitude towards Macao to the toponymy or cartography of the places visited by Portuguese shipping; from the inventory and commentary of sources in Chinese (and Manchu), containing information about Macao, to examination of the part played by the Jesuits in the transition between the Ming and the Qing dynasties. Another renowned modern expert on Portuguese-Chinese relations is Tang Kaijain, as any reader can confirm by reading the eight articles on the Ming period included in the fourteen found in Ming Qing shidafu yu Aomen (Ming and Qing scholars and Macao) (Tang 1998b), or the eleven essays gathered in Aomen kaibu chuqi shi yanjiu (Studies about the early stages of the opening of Macao) (Tang 1999). We should also mention Zhang Wenqin and begin by reading the first of the thirteen essays that are part ofthe collection Aomen yu Zhonghua lishi wenhua (Historical culture of Macao and China) – dedicated to the broader subject of the inspections that high- ranking Ming and Qing officials made in Macao (Zhang 1995). For a synthe- sis on the main trade routes that crossed Macao during the “golden period” which continued well until the seventeenth century, we have at our disposal the writings by Deng Kaisong in “Estatuto e papel de Macau na rota marítima nos séculos XVI e XVII” (Deng 1997), an essay that can be compared with “The historical role played by the Portuguese in China before the middle of the nineteenth century”, a text the same author wrote together with Yang Renfei (Deng & Yang 1995).50

50 Surveys by Chinese authors about this specific bibliography can be found in Zhang (1996), pp. 5-13; Wu (1996), pp. 384-386; Wu (1999), pp. 5-10; Jin (1999), p. 504. Among the most recent series of studies about the Chinese sources on the Portuguese presence in the South China Sea between 1510 and the first years of the settlement of Macao, see Li (2002); Wong (2002); Shi (2002); Tan & Cao (2002). Na aba da vestidura 41

4. Historiography in search of internationalization

The renewal by Portuguese authors of the theme of Portuguese-Chinese relations that tentatively began between the end of the 1980s and the begin- nings of the 1990s and has since been studied in-depth, can be seen in some particular acquisitions. Firstly, whatever the phenomenon under analysis we see that in general it is no longer considered separately but in conjunction with general background conditions that must be highlighted: the situation of China and Portuguese expansion in the East, the trade and civilisational dynamics of the Asian seas, the Japanese internal situation, the dynamics of the Catholic missionaries, and competition with other European powers in the region, to name just a few. Secondly, in the approach to what is always a core issue such as Macao, the tendency to highlight the problems linked to the origin of the territory constituting an enduring trace of the old histori- ography of “justification” loses weight. Lastly, there has been both improved use of oriental sources and also a progressively more rigorous interpretation of the teachings provided in Western sources, that the practice of acritical reading had neglected for too long. In conclusion, this is a methodically more rigorous and broader investigation on the subject under analysis, a precondi- tion for a definitive internationalization of this field of studies.51 In any case, this progress cannot let us forget the persistence of a few failings that must be corrected. The most obvious ones are: the predominance of individual research initiatives, resulting in what is still a very fragmen- tary bibliography; the prevalence of studies on the political, institutional or economic dimensions of the historical matters studied with the consequent disregard for aspects associated to the history of the culture and mentality; and also an immense void in the treatment of Oriental – Chinese and other – documentary sources, a logical consequence of the lack of a true Portuguese Sinology tradition, as described above.52 To update our selection of contributions we will begin by mentioning the text on relations between Portugal and China prior to the settlement of Macao which João de Deus Ramos included in issue 53 of the maga- zine Nação e Defesa (1990), then republished in Estudos Luso-Orientais – Séculos XIII-XIX (Ramos 1996b). Shortly afterwards the era covered in this article was dealt with by João Paulo Oliveira e Costa in “Os Portugueses e o Extremo-Oriente no Século XVI – Reflexões em torno do estabelecimento em Macau” (Costa 1987). Another study denoting this new interest in China by Portuguese researchers is focused on unpublished documentation about

51 See Loureiro (1998), pp. 54-55; Flores (2001a), p. 119. 52 See Loureiro (2000a), pp. 32-33; Loureiro (1993), pp. 154-155. 42 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

Portuguese-Chinese relations that the same J. P. Oliveira e Costa presented in “Do sonho manuelino ao realismo joanino” (Costa 1991), enlarged in “A Coroa Portuguesa e a China – 1508-1531” (Costa 1996) and summarised in the chapters for which he was responsible in the book Portugal e o Mar da China no Século XVI (Flores & Costa 1996). The latter texts should be read together with an article that Jorge M. dos Santos Alves submitted in 1993 on the occasion of one of the first international symposiums in which the youngest generation of Portuguese researchers produced their contributions: “The First Decade of Sino-Portuguese Diplomatic Relations Following the Foundation of Macao” (Alves 1995b).53 A clear sign both of the space conquered by this area of study within the Portuguese scientific community but also of the international openness consolidated by this same community was shortly afterwards given to us with the publication of the collection Estudos de História do Relacionamento Luso- Chinês, coordinated by António Vasconcelos de Saldanha and by J. M. Santos Alves (1996), and the first of the three volumes of the proceedings already available of Conferências nos Cursos Livres de História das Relações entre Portugal e a China (Séculos XVI-XIX), produced under the aegis of Fundação do Oriente and coordinated by J. M. Santos Alves (1999). In addition to the contributions mentioned, such as those by J. P. Oliveira e Costa and Roderich Ptak, the two collections contain important analyses such as that by Jin Guo Ping and Zhang Zhengchun dedicated to explaining the toponymy of Liampo based on Chinese sources (Jin & Zhang 1996), one by Luís Filipe Barreto on the cultural reality of Macao between 1560 and 1660 (Barreto 1999), the ones J. M. Santos Alves wrote about the first centuries of Portuguese-Chinese diplomacy (Alves 1996; Alves 1999) or one by Rui M. Loureiro in which he updated the knowledge on the facts and circumstances surrounding the first Portuguese embassy to Beijing (Loureiro 1999b). In the two next volumes about these Conferências de História Luso- Chinesa (2000 and 2001), the internal coherence, analytic density and diverse origin of the various contributions selected was reinforced. As far as we are most concerned, an overall view of the China Sea in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was attempted: see what Zhang Zengxin wrote about the various Portuguese entrepots on the Chinese coast throughout the sixteenth century (Zhang 2000). At the same time the connection between Macao and Japan in the double trade-missionary dimension was considered: for exam- ple the text in which J. P. Oliveira e Costa compares the poles of Macao and Nagasaki (Costa 2000). Advances were made on unravelling the crucial themes of Catholic missionary action in China: see the texts on the Jesuit

53 Portuguese version of the same text: Alves (1994). Na aba da vestidura 43 project by R. M. Loureiro (Loureiro 2000b), Isabel Pina (Pina 2000) and J. P. Oliveira e Costa (Costa 2001).54 The Spanish presence in East Asia was also studied: see Manuel Ollé’s proposal based on his extensive knowledge of the history of the settlement of Manila (Ollé 2001). Lastly, progress was made in listing the representations of Portuguese activities in China through the Chinese sources: see the new explanation provided by Geoff Wade (Wade 2001) and James Chin Kong (Kong 2001). In the collection entitled Um Porto entre Dois Impérios, J. M. Santos Alves added two articles to the works he had already contributed to the volumes of this series: a first one about Macao in the years 1555-1565 (Alves 1999b), and a second one dedicated to the so‑called “Green Island dispute” of 1620-1621 (Alves 1999c). The same author has just produced a synthesis of the history of Macao between 1540 and 1680 in Macau – O Primeiro Século de um Porto Internacional (Alves 2007). Such investigations can and should be completed with five of the ten detailed essays Jin Guo Ping included in Xi li dong jian. Zhong Pu zaoqi jiechu zhuixi (West in quest for the East), which favour the approach to some of the more pertinent toponymic matters from the time before Macao (Jin 2001). A sixth essay in this book develops several of the plans to conquer China drawn up in Macao and Manila throughout the sixteenth century, and it is useful to compare it with the abovementioned text by M. Ollé and with the two next books published by this author: La invención de China (Ollé 2000a) and La empresa de China (Ollé 2002). Less accessible, as it has still not been published, is the doctoral thesis by Manuel Ollé for the Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona: Estrategias filipinas respecto a China – Alonso Sánchez y Domingo Salazar en la empresa de China, 1581-1593 (Ollé 1998a). A demanding reader can still collect further useful information from a few other articles by this Catalan historian centred on issues relating to the economic or cultural influences of the Philippines during the sixteenth century: “La invención de China. Mitos y escenarios de la imagen ibérica de China en el siglo XVI” (Ollé 1998b), “Competencia Macao-Manila en el contexto inicial de la monarquía dualista (1581-1593)” (Ollé 2000b), “A inserção das Filipinas na Ásia Oriental (1565-1593)” (Ollé 2003), “Chineses, Holandeses e Castelhanos em Taiwan (1624-1684)” (Ollé 2004), “Las relaciones de China y España en el siglo XVI” (Ollé 2007a) or “La imagen española de China en el siglo XVI” (Ollé 2007b). The two following essays detail or update several of the specific aspects studied in this series of works: “Manila y la proyección española en Oriente”, by Marina Alfonso Mola and Carlos Martínez Shaw (Alfonso Mola & Martínez Shaw 2007), and

54 About the complementary aspects regarding this subject, see also Pina (1999); Pina (2001); Pina (2008). 44 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

“Tres centros y ninguno. China y la mundialización ibérica, 1580-1640”, by Rafael Valladares (Valladares 2007).55 We highlight the following of the most recent works by Portuguese authors on relations between Macao and Manila in the same period, all pro- duced after the pioneering studies expressly written on these matters by Pierre Chaunu (Chaunu 1962), John Villiers (Villiers 1980) and Benjamim Videira Pires (Pires 1987): A rota marítima da seda e da prata: Macau-Manila desde as origens a 1640, master’s thesis (unpublished) presented by Rui D’Ávila Lourido (Lourido 1996), which was then taken up and summarised in a series of articles by the same author (Lourido 2000; Lourido 2002; Lourido, 2003); “The historic relationship between Macao and the Philippines from the 16th to the 18th centuries” by Leonor Seabra (Seabra 2003); “Macau, Manila e os Holandeses” by Rui M. Loureiro (Loureiro 2004). Several of the chapters included in the first volumes of História dos Portugueses no Extremo Oriente – an editorial initiative coordinated by A. H. de Oliveira Marques (4 vols. in 5 tomes, 1998-2003) – summarise most of the current Portuguese research into the matter of the Portuguese-Chinese relationship in the period up to the fall of the Ming. It is the first major collection of works about the most important facets of the Portuguese presence in East Asia between the sixteenth and the twentieth centuries. From the first tome of Volume I – dedicated to Macao and restricted to the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries – we are particu- larly interested in the surveys on demographic aspects by Susana Münch Miranda and Cristina Seuanes Serafim (Miranda & Serafim 1998), as well as the references to the missionary strategy of the Society of Jesus developed by J. M. Santos Alves in a chapter on Christianisation and ecclesiastic organisation (Alves 1998). The same could be said about the four chapters of tome 2 of that volume, in which Jorge M. Flores both chronicled the years between the beginning and end of Macao’s brief apogee at the time of the transition from the sixteenth century to the seventeenth centuries (Flores 2000a; Flores 2000b; Flores 2000c),56 and attempted to reconstitute the primitive urban landscape, main political forms and social network of Macao (Flores 2000d).57 Consulting Volume II of História dos Portugueses no Extremo Oriente we note the first of the two new chapters signed by J. M. Flores, covering

55 See also Valladares (2001), pp. 53-55 and 60-72. 56 For a complementary synthesis of the agitated seventeenth century in Macao, see Pinto (1999). 57 For the genesis of a few of the main ideas presented in this article, see Flores (1993b); Flores (1994). Na aba da vestidura 45

Macanese political life during the period between the end of the first half of the seventeenth century and the last years of the eighteenth century (Flores 2001b). Later, this author updated some of the main conclusions presented in these works in an article to which he gave the apposite title “The Portu- guese Chromosome” (Flores 2002). There is every advantage in comparing it with the reflections that R. Ptak has made on the theory of some Chinese historians according to which in the middle and final period of the Ming era Macao was structurally similar to certain “foreign neighbourhoods” (fanfang) of medieval China, like Canton () (Ptak 2001).58 Another synthesis that is essential to better clarify the history of the relationship between the Portuguese and China and its reflexes on European perception of the Ming Empire, was made available by Luís Filipe Barreto in his book Macau: Poder e Saber – Séculos XVI e XVII (Barreto 2006). In the first part of this work the author dissects the first century of the history of the Portuguese in Macao, comparing the different economic, political and social situations during the time of the foundation, growth and consolidation of the port city and the beginning of the “survival” period that was basically imposed by the affirmation of Dutch hegemony in the seas of Japan. Ina certain sense, the book The Survival of Empire by George Bryan de Souza constitutes the informal terminus ad quem of this work (Souza 1986). In the second part of his book Barreto presents and discusses the main works written about China and Macao that reached Europe by means of the networks opened and used by the Portuguese in Asia since the end of the fifteenth century – comprehensively almost, from the first letters written at the time of the return of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage until the conclusion in Macao of the major work of geographical-anthropological information and theory by João Rodrigues Tçuzu, S.J.: História da Igreja do Japão (c. 1627). Among other essays, Barreto includes here a revised version of an important study entitled: “Da China Ming na cultura europeia: os pólos português e italiano (1499-1550)” (Barreto 2002a).59

5. Edition and critical analysis of Portuguese sources

We know that the printed and manuscript Portuguese sources from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, together with those that arrived from East Asia through trade and information networks, correspond to the

58 For a quick synthesis of the different perspectives of Chinese historiography regarding this matter, see Ptak (2002), p. 120. 59 See also Barreto (1995); Barreto (1996). 46 Francisco Roque de Oliveira essence of what was then known and gathered about Ming Chine by Europe in those days. We also know that most of the knowledge Europe acquired about the Chinese world during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries from letters and treaties was based on Portuguese sources of the preceding period. Today it is generally accepted that most modern Sinology can only be understood in the light of the Portuguese texts from the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries on which they are based. These reasons are sufficient to describe the importance of the inventory and the systematic study of that extremely important – written but also cartographical - legacy as we learnt from pioneering works such as La Découverte de la Chine par les Portugais au XVIe siècle et la Cartographie des Portulans by Albert Kammerer (Kammerer 1944) and more recent analyses, such as that made by Zhang Zengxi in “The Portuguese Maritime Discoveries along the South-East Coast of China in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century: a Cartographic View, 1513-1550” (Zhang 1998). Although we have chosen not to touch on the Chinese (Asian) point of view here, those who wish to compare these same Portuguese writings with their oriental counterpart may begin by reading the study by Fok Kai Cheong entitled “Early Ming Images of the Portuguese” (Fok 1987), the above-men- tioned inquiry by J. Chin Kong (Kong 2001) or the most recent inventory presented by Luís Filipe Barreto (Barreto 2007, pp. 841-844). In spite of the facts we have just recalled, we must acknowledge that the publication of sources about the Portuguese presence in China (and in other East Asia territories) is one of the tasks of this specific field of historiography that is still pending. There is a lack of significant precedents, most of which are the result of efforts by foreign researchers or publishers: the so-called Letters from Portuguese captives in Canton, Cristóvão Vieira and Vasco Calvo, annotated by Donald Ferguson in 1901-1902 (Ferguson 1901; Ferguson 1902a) and reprinted in 1902 (Ferguson 1902b); the fragments of the original text by Vieira that Ferguson was unable to find in the copy at the National Library in Paris, on which he worked and which Ernest Arthur Voretzsch identified in the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo in Lisbon andhad reprinted in Tokyo in 1929 (Voretzsch 1929); 60 the descriptions of Macao by António Bocarro, Peter Mundy and Marco de Avalo, published by Charles R. Boxer in Macau na Época da Restauração (Boxer 1942); 61 the treaty called Algumas cousas sabidas da China by Galiote Pereira and the Tractado das cousas da China by Gaspar da Cruz edited and annotated by Boxer (1953); 62

60 In 1949, Eduardo Brazão published Vieira’s text, for the purpose following the reconstitution proposed by Voretzsch from the passages of Lisbon and Paris. See Brazão (1949), pp. 41-66. 61 New edition, facsimile: Boxer (1993). 62 The Portuguese version of the treaty of Galiote can be found in the following article: Boxer Na aba da vestidura 47 a selection of letters from the first Jesuit missionaries who settled in Macao which Benjamim Videira Pires collected and annotated under the title Cartas dos Fundadores (Pires 1964); Suma Oriental by Tomé Pires, presented by A. Cortesão in 1978, but referring to the English 1944 edition (Cortesão 1944; Cortesão 1978); Cartas de Fernão Mendes Pinto, selected and annotated by Rebecca Catz (Catz & Rogers 1983); Tractado by Gaspar da Cruz, edited and commented together with Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Peregrinação by Aníbal Pinto de Castro (Castro 1984); or the collection Enformação das cousas da China where Raffaela D’Intino includes names such as Cristóvão Vieira, Vasco Calvo, Melchior Nunes Barreto, Galiote Pereira or Gaspar da Cruz (D’Intino 1989). Discovering written sources kept in Portuguese, Italian, Spanish, Dutch or English archives, whose contents are vital to clarify the past relations between the Portuguese and China, is the most important part of the immense task still remaining of surveying and analysing of testimonies.63 The publica- tion or reprinting of multiple documental inventories that have been taking place is a clear sign.64 As regards narrative sources or the letters, these last years have nevertheless offered signs of a certain inversion of the previous trends. In this domain, we must point out the patient work done by Rui M. Lou- reiro, to whom we owe new readings of the Letters from Portuguese captives in Canton (Loureiro 1992),65 the treaties by Galiote Pereira (Pereira 1992) and by Gaspar da Cruz (Cruz 1997),66 the first Portuguese edition of the colloquy on China of the original De Missione Legatorum Iaponesium ad Romanam Curiam by the Jesuits Duarte de Sande and Alessandro Valignano (Sande & Valignano 1992), the first critical edition of Lisbon’s manuscript of Suma Oriental by Tomé Pires (Loureiro 1996a) and the collections Em Busca das Origens de Macau – with various texts referring to the first century of this territory’s existence (Loureiro 1996b) – and Visões da China na literatura

(1953a), pp. 63-92. The English version of the treaties of Galiote and Cruz appear in Boxer (1953b), pp. 1-239. After the princeps of 1569-1570, the important Tractado das cousas da China by Gaspar da Cruz was reprinted in Portugal on two occasions, in both cases with no critical analysis: Cruz (1829); Cruz (1937). 63 See Aresta (1997b), p. 18; Loureiro (1999a), pp. 223-240. 64 See, for example, Santos (1995); Santos (1999); Leão (1998); Leão (1999). For an overall reading of the main catalogues and collections of written and printed documentation on Portu- guese-Chinese relations and Macao, see Barreto (2007), pp. 839-841 and 845-846. 65 A first version of this work, containing some reading notes meanwhile revised by the author, may be found in Loureiro (1989a), pp. 7-13. 66 Similarly to what happened with the Letters from Portuguese captives in Canton, Loureiro had already produced a first presentation of the treaties of Galiote and Cruz: Loureiro (1989b), pp. 9-14. 48 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

Ibérica dos séculos XVI e XVII (Loureiro 1997). Subsequently, Rui Loureiro and the author of this article compiled an anthology of European texts from different sources, written between 1597 and 1664, in the South China Sea (Loureiro & Oliveira 2004). In the meantime, the manuscript Aduertencias ha Coroa del Rey Dom João 4º, written in the mid-seventeenth century by the arbitrista Jorge Pinto de Azevedo, was published for the first time, with an introduction and annotations by Artur Teodoro de Matos (Matos 1996). Also in most recent years the dissemination of originals of Portuguese missionary historiography was aided by the publication of the first two books of Asia Extrema by the Jesuit António de Gouveia (Gouveia 1995; Gouveia 2001), with the first complete translation of said De Missione Legatorum Iaponesium ad Romanam Curiam by the two priests Sande and Valignano (Sande & Valignano 1997) and with re-editions of the Portuguese versions of Relação da Grande Monarquia da China by Álvaro Semedo (Semedo 1994) and Nova Relação da China de Gabriel by Magalhães (Magalhães 1997) – both proposed by Luís Gonzaga Gomes between 1956 and 1957, but which have now been enriched with an introduction by António Aresta and António Graça de Abreu. Besides these, there are two other important collections of sources: Cartas Ânuas da China (1636, 1643 a 1649) by António de Gouveia, edited by Horácio Araújo (Araújo 1998), and Cartas Ânuas do Colégio de Macau (1594-1627), transcribed by Ana Fernandes Pinto and pre- sented by J. P. Oliveira e Costa (Costa 1999). The extensive sections on China in História da Igreja do Japão by Father João Rodrigues Tçuzu were also published in an annotated version by Michael Cooper (Cooper 2001). The same cannot be said regarding the imposing corpus of Portuguese chronicles of this time (they never specifically dealt with the subject of China but dedicated a substantial number of pages to the early days of the exchange between Portugal and China). The fact is that most of the latest editions of such important texts as História da Índia by Fernão Lopes de Castanheda (Castanheda 1979), Decades I to III of Ásia by João de Barros (Barros 1988a; Barros 1988b; Barros 1992), Tratado dos Descobrimentos by António Galvão (Galvão 1987), Lendas da Índia by Gaspar Correia (Correia 1975), Crónica do Felicíssimo Rei D. Manuel by Damião de Góis (Góis 1949-1955) or De rebus Emmanuelis regis by D. Jerónimo Osório (Osório 1944), are still published either with no accompanying critical analysis, or with very few specialized annotations. Even so, there are two exceptions we hope are encouraging: Décadas IV and VIII of Ásia by Diogo do Couto, in critical editions signed or coordinated by Maria Augusta Lima Cruz (Cruz 1993-1994; Couto 1999). At the same level we find the recent critical edition of a text equivalent in time and style to Suma Oriental by Tomé Pires: Livro das coisas da Índia Na aba da vestidura 49 by , published by Maria Augusta da Viega e Sousa (Barbosa 1996-2000).67 The parallel field of linguistic studies constitutes another of the funda- mental fields touched by the relative impasse in research which affects most of the sources relating to Portuguese expansion in East Asia, be they chron- icles, naval charts, reports or geographical charts. Note that so far no-one has surpassed the Glossário Luso-Asiático by Monsignor Sebastião Rodolfo Dalgado (Dalgado 1919-1921), inspired on the classic Hobson-Jobson by Henry Yule and Arthur C. Burnell: 1886, re-printed by William Crooke (Yule & Burnell 1903). This idea is still valid in spite of the sporadic progress such as that Zhang Weimin achieved for words of Chinese origin (Zhang 1996). Similarly as regards the geographical terms, Glossário Toponímico da Antiga Historiografia Portuguesa Ultramarina by the Viscount of Lagoa (Lagoa 1950-1954), has yet to be surpassed. Another subject with many as yet unresolved investigational aspects is that of Chinese language texts published by the Catholic missionaries at the end of the Ming period, whether lexicographical or actual evangelization instruments. In the first case we have Dicionário or Vocabulário Português- Chinês compiled by the Jesuits in Macao during the 1580s, possibly under the guidance of Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci. With about 6000 entries – from aba de vestidura to zunir a orelha – it is most probably the oldest western dictionary of Mandarin Chinese that has reached our days.68 We also have the unpublished manuscripts of Dicionário da Língua Chinesa e Portuguesa by Father Gaspar Ferreira, S.J. (c. 1630-1635) 69 and Prosódia ou Dicionário da Língua Chinesa e Portuguesa that is attributed to Father Álvaro Semedo.70 Examples of ecclesiastical works are two texts attributed to Father João da Rocha (but also associated often to Gaspar Ferreira), both printed in Nanjing c. 1619-1623: the Tianzhu shengjiao qimeng catechism (a some- what free translation of the famous Doutrina Christã ordenada a maneira de dialogo para ensinar os meninos by the Jesuit Marcos Jorge, 1566) and the Mysteries of the Rosary Song nianzhu guicheng (based on a text Father Inácio Martins added to the Doutrina of Marcos Jorge).71 To the latter we can add

67 For a brief commented listing of this type of documents, see Barreto (2007), pp. 846-848. 68 See Levi (1998), pp. 15-37 and 58-68; Witek (2001), pp. 11-23; Yang (2001), pp. 29-68; Barreto (1999), pp. 74-79; Barreto (2002b), pp. 117-126. 69 See Barreto (2000), pp. 85-88; Barreto (2006), p. 295. 70 See Ramos (1988), pp. 43-44; Ferro (1998), pp. 402-403; Yang (2001), pp. 45-46. 71 See Matos (1998), pp. 384-396; Palomo (2003), pp. 252-264; Criveller (2005), pp. 44-45; Demattè (2007a), pp. 32-33. 50 Francisco Roque de Oliveira the catechism published by António de Gouveia in Fuzhou in 1655: Tian zhu sheng jiao meng yin yao lan (Principal points to guide those who are ignorant of the Christian religion).72 No less important is the quality of the scientific texts disseminated by the Jesuits in China. A paradigmatic case is Tianwen lüe (On the firmament; Beijing 1615) by Manuel Dias junior. Although it is a relatively traditional treaty about astronomy and cosmology, still faithful to the geocentric theory, it includes an appendix on Saturn’s rings, Jupiter’s moons, and the core issue of the phases of Venus based on Galileo Galilei’s telescopic observations.73 Whilst the wealth and immense diversity of the materials available transform the collection and printing of sources bequeathed by Portuguese expansion in East Asia into one of the most important tasks to be performed we can understand why there are so few essays that venture to put them in perspective and attempt to extract from them answers to such crucial questions as the construction and dissemination of images of Ming China in contemporary Europe. Among the historians who in later years have left an indelible mark on research into the abovementioned issues, we evoke the partnership between Donald Lach and Edwin J. Van Kley in tome IV, Volume III of Asia in the Making of Europe, which contextualises and describes in detail the news on the distinct parts of East Asia included in seventeenth century European literature (Lach & Van Kley 1993). This is the continu- ation of the monumental investigation Lach had been making since 1965. For our subject this had led to the chapter in Volume I of this work dedicated to European books and maps that portrayed China during the sixteenth century (Lach 1965; Lach 1970-1977). Among the studies carried out by Portuguese researchers, we have selected three syntheses that extended the results achieved by works such as those that Donald Lach and Edwin J. Van Kley produced on many of the European sources that tried to describe Ming China for reasons as varied as politics, trade, religion, learning or purely for the reader’s entertain- ment. The first of these two syntheses was offered by Rui M. Loureiro in the doctoral thesis he presented at Lisbon University in 1995, with the title A China na Cultura Portuguesa do Século XVI – Notícias, Imagens e Vivên- cias, which was in the meantime printed in a slightly abbreviated version: Fidalgos, Missionários e Mandarins – Portugal e a China no Século XVI (Loureiro 2000a). The second one was signed by Horácio Araújo, in an inves- tigation centred on the figure of Father António de Gouveia with the rather

72 See Girard (2000), p. 296. 73 See Standaert (1994), p. 68; Baldini (2000), p. 85; Dinis (2000), pp. 267-269; Demattè (2007b), pp. 55-56; Leitão (2008a), pp. 32-34; Leitão (2008b), pp. 99-121. Na aba da vestidura 51 generic title Os Jesuítas no Império da China – o Primeiro Século (1582-1680), that does not immediately allow us to identify the subject (Araújo 2000). The third is our own essay, the doctoral thesis we defended at Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona in 2003. Here, we chose simultaneously to analyse Portuguese and other European sources, specifically of Iberian origin:A cons- trução do conhecimento europeu sobre a China, c. 1500-c. 1630. Impressos e manuscritos que revelaram o mundo chinês à Europa culta (Oliveira 2003).74 The more unpublished writings that see the light of day, the further we will advance in the study of this period, which was one of the most decisive periods of mutual learning between West and East.

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74 To revise a few of the matters analyzed in this study, see Oliveira (2006b); Oliveira (2007b); Oliveira (2007c), pp. 112-119; Oliveira (2007d). 52 Francisco Roque de Oliveira

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