Naming and transplanted traditions: Change and continuity in Glasgow’s Pakistani Muslim community
Ellen S. BRAMWELL
1. Introduction Names are not only labels; they have social meaning. The assump- tions that personal names evoke help us to categorise people, to assign them to a particular gender, language, class, religion or culture. Per- sonal naming practices differ across societies and so are often linked closely to cultural identity; for example in most Western cultures the relationship between names and their lexical meaning is usually arbi- trary whereas in many other cultural groups, such as amongst Muslim or Chinese people, the meaning of names can be crucially important. Moreover, these practices can change over time—in Britain, heredi- tary surnames were only gradually established during the centuries of the second millennium but are now viewed as essential. If naming practices are dependant on the society and culture in which they occur an intriguing question arises: what happens to these naming practices when they are transplanted into another society with its own naming traditions? Are the distinct naming practices lost as their users assimilate into another culture? Do they continue intact? Or do they evolve in conjunction with the new situation? In this paper I investigate this question directly through an analysis of immigrant Pakistani Muslim naming practices in Glasgow, Scotland. Specifically, I seek to investigate all aspects of naming in this community: from names given at birth, to nicknames, to ways of referencing people in the community, and relate this to how and whether name usage has changed as a result of migration.
1.1. Socio-onomastic research There is a fairly substantial body of anthropological literature con- cerned with naming practices within particular societies (e.g. Antoun
Onoma 46 (2011), 29-51. doi: 10.2143/ONO.46.0.2975528. © Onoma. All rights reserved.
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1968, Bamberger 1974, Brandes, 1975, Breen 1982, Maybury-Lewis 1984, Glasse 1987, Alford 1988). In recent years, the merits of this anthropological tradition have been recognised within the field of onomastics. As Lieberson (1984, 77) states, “the naming process is not independent of the society”; because naming takes place within a certain sociocultural environment, factors which relate to the social context of language are crucial in explaining why, as well as how, a name has been given. This has led to efforts by onomastic researchers to consider names within the context of the societies in which they are used, seeking to employ anthropological and sociolinguistic methods whilst adding a particular focus on naming practices. Onomasts inves- tigating current naming patterns have appropriated this approach and have formally labelled it socio-onomastics (Leslie & Skipper, 1990). The focus on society in these naming studies allies onomastic enquiry with methods of sociolinguistic investigation. Though research in socio-onomastics has generally concentrated on nicknames (see Skipper, 1986; Fortado, 1998; Crozier & Dimmock, 1999), this approach is capable of being applied to the entire range of names used within a community. Recently researchers have begun to expand the use of sociolinguistic techniques, for example by adopting a more quantitative approach to the collection of names with reference to such variables as age and social position (e.g. Duman, 2004), through surveys (e.g. De Klerk & Bosch, 1997), or through observation (e.g. Aceto 2002). Ultimately, by utilising a sociolinguistic approach to names and examining them within the context of their societies, and with an understanding of those who use them, a fuller picture may emerge of their significance and usage.
2. The Glasgow community The original Pakistani Muslim migrants to Glasgow largely originated from the same small area of the Punjab region of Pakistan. This is due to the very concentrated level of chain migration, which meant that people from the same area joined others in Glasgow who could help them to find work and to settle (Maan 1992), and it has resulted in a community with dense network ties. The idea of this being an immi- grant community is no longer entirely accurate however, as 2001 Cen- sus statistics state that around 47% of Scottish Pakistanis were born in Scotland, with a further 11% born in England. Around 37% of people
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reporting themselves as being ‘Pakistani’ in the 2001 Census in Scot- land were actually born in Pakistan (Office of the Chief Statistician, 2004). Within Glasgow, the population is concentrated mainly on the south side of the city, with a lesser concentration in the west end.1 Within Scotland over 89% of Pakistani people also report them- selves as being Muslim (Office of the Chief Statistician, 2004). There are currently around twelve mosques in Glasgow, with the majority of these on the south side of the city (Mosque Map, 2006). Most religious, and much community, activity is centred on the Glasgow Central Mosque (also known as Jamiat Itihad Al-Muslimeen) in the Gorbals area of the city. English, Punjabi and Urdu are all spoken within the community and many people have some knowledge of Arabic. These languages tend to belong to very different domains. Arabic is likely only to be used for the purposes of religion, as Muslims believe that the Qur}an should be read in its original language. The use of Punjabi and Urdu is restricted to the home domain and the community itself within Glas- gow, but the social networks of people within the community gener- ally extend to kin in other parts of Britain and in Pakistan with whom they may use these languages (Wardak 2000, 50; cf. Li Wei’s passive network ties, 1994). Though Urdu is seen as the more prestigious language (it is the national language of Pakistan), people within the community appear more likely to know and use Punjabi. The use of English is necessary to interact with most people outside the Pakistani Muslim community, and is essential for gaining education in Britain. Therefore all of the 58% of the community who were born and brought up in either Scotland or England are likely to have attended English- speaking schools. English is also likely to be the main language used in any occupation outside the community. All informants who were interviewed for this study identified themselves as belonging to the Pakistani Muslim community in Glas- gow. However, it is important to note that this was not an entirely straight-forward identification, with some informants touching on the “duality” of feeling that they have both a Muslim and Pakistani, and a Scottish identity. This echoes research amongst teenagers of this community by Saeed et al (1999), which found that the dual ethnicity
1 Extrapolated from school ethnicity statistics in relation to catchment area: data supplied by Glasgow City Council.
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labels of “Scottish-Pakistani” and “Scottish-Muslim” were most popular, more so than single terms such as “Pakistani” or “Muslim”. This feeling of being part of a wider culture could suggest reasons for changes in the community naming system which some informants suggested were taking place. In the following discussion of the findings of this research all information has come directly from informants within the community, unless otherwise specified.2 A very broad definition was taken of what constituted a name. This was conceptualised as a continuum of core to peripheral names and allowed for any form of personal address or reference to be considered. Antoun (1968) writes expressly on what he considers to be the full range of address and reference forms used within an Arab village, rather than on just kinship terms or personal names, and this inclusive approach seemed an appropriate one to adopt for my own study.
3. Results Three main areas of naming practices emerged from these interviews: customary names, nicknames, and address terms. The first, and most important, of these—which I have termed customary names—incor- porates names generally given at birth or used traditionally within the community. These were divided further into surnames and given names. The second area is nicknames—specifically names given after birth and generally used alongside, and additionally to, customary names. Thirdly, less name-like identifiers such as kinship terms and titles were grouped together as address terms. The latter shall not be discussed in this paper but could be considered as being part of the naming system as a whole within this community.
2 In order to protect anonymity, particularly as the discussion often relates to names used in the family, quotes and particular pieces of information will not be attributed to any particular informant. Informants were also asked to write down any names they gave as examples to record local spellings as accurately as possible. Many Muslim names are Arabic and generally written in Arabic script, and as Punjabi does not have a single spelling system, names and words will be given in the form which the informants gave. If this is not available, then spellings will be taken from Haq (1978), Bhardwaj (1995), Ahmed (1999), Goswami (2002), Baloch et al (2002/3) and Gandhi & Husain (2004). Names or address terms are given in italics throughout. All data used in this study, unless referenced, were given by the informants themselves.
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3.1. Customary names Customary names in this context refer to names which are seen as being the official or true names of a person3. These have been further sub-divided into three sections examining: surnames, combinations of names and given names, as these areas were discussed quite separately by the informants.
3.1.1. Surnames A survey by Alford (1988, 53) found that of the naming systems of sixty diverse societies, all had given names but only a third also used surnames or patronyms. Indeed, this was the case in Britain until bynames started to become hereditary in the Middle Ages. In the rural village environment of the Punjab region of Pakistan, where all the informants have roots, a given name was generally enough to identify a person. Other members of their small community would already know which family they belonged to, as well as other information about their background. When members of the community began coming to Glasgow in large numbers in the 1950s and 1960s, they generally did not possess surnames in the traditional British sense of the term. However, they were required to register officially in Britain with a surname. This shows a concrete example of the conventions in Britain affecting the names of immigrants as they had to conform to this standard. The name that they chose, or ended up with, has become important because it is often this name which has been handed down to their descendants. A great number of what are now surnames in the Pakistani Mus- lim community began as a forename which was passed on from a father to his children4. So, for example, Asim Ali might call his son Muhammad Asim. The generation in which a forename then became
3 I avoid the term ‘official names’ as there are traditional names used in the com- munity which are part of an oral tradition, and so not officially written down. 4 Examples were also given of relatives living in the Punjab who had followed this patronymic convention, such as a father, Ali Khan, giving his son the name Umar Ali. This suggests that surnames are more common in Pakistan today than when the first Glasgow migrants left, and that there has been some parallel development between the Glasgow community and Pakistan. This may be partly due to the strong cultural bonds which still exist between relatives in both places.
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a hereditary surname seems to have varied between families, but it is clear that this process has been, and is still, taking place. Often two names (which would roughly correspond to a fore- name and surname) were given to a child that bore no relation to the names of the rest of the family but were simply felt, in the words of one informant, to “go well together”. This could mean that what are seen as the ‘surnames’ of individuals in a family group might be com- pletely different from one another. This is reportedly becoming less common, however. The system which has now come to dominate in the Glasgow community is undoubtedly the traditional British one of a hereditary surname passed through families. Some informants believed that people within the community felt compelled to conform to the British system and viewed this negatively. Indeed, it was seen by some as symptomatic of the casting off of cultural traditions brought from Pakistan. Conforming was seen as a way to avoid awkward situa- tions—particularly when trying to explain the difference to white friends and colleagues. Other views expressed suggested that the change was more to do with familiarity with the wider British society. The youngest informants did not seem to perceive the change as being particularly negative. Other types of names which have come to be used as surnames have other roots, the vast majority of which link culturally to Pakistan. Some of these denote the status the holder enjoyed. For example, a Chaudhry was the most senior person within a particular village, and the term can be used as a prefix or title to show status. This may have led those who were accorded this term to use it as their surname when they were required to give one5.
3.1.1.1. Surname relating to cultural grouping Many other names link to the concept of cultural or ethnic grouping. This can include occupations which an individual’s family are associated with over a number of generations. However, occupational terms were felt to be more applicable to Pakistan and to the past, as someone’s
5 Indeed, one informant described how when a particular individual moved to Glas- gow he was called Chaudhry Sahib as a title of respect by others in the community and the term Chaudhry became his family’s hereditary surname.
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former occupation often ceased to be relevant on migration. Far more influential in terms of naming, and culture more generally, is the idea of Biraderi6/caste7 which describes a “social network of kinship relationship” (Wardak 2000, 74). These terms seem to be widely used but are not universally accepted by all in the community. Members of a particular caste or Biraderi generally occupied a particular place in the social stratum, and were associated with a particular occupation— for example Nai were barbers whereas Rajput were land-owners (Wardak 2000, 75). It is important to remember though that these terms denote loose kinship groupings, not simply occupations. Some people took their cultural name as their surname. One informant knew of people whose surname was Arian (a clan who were associated with farming and land-owning). Other surnames related peo- ple to particular tribes, giving information on which area of Pakistan their ancestors inhabited, as well as links to particular ethnic groupings.8 Usually, the surname today comes from a male forename, and information about people’s cultural and kinship groupings is retained within the community through oral tradition. Therefore someone might be described or referenced as an Arian although there is no indication in their official name that they belong to this group. It was believed that the hierarchical information which these cultural groupings supply was less relevant in the Glasgow community, where hierarchy is now based much more on business and money than on ancestral occupation.
3.1.1.2. Surname on marriage According to Islamic belief, a woman does not have to take her husband’s name on marriage but can retain an independent identity.
6 This literally translates as ‘brotherhood’ which suggests a male-centric point of view and some informants preferred the use of the term ‘clan’. 7 Though in use, this term was disapproved of by some because it was felt that ‘caste’ had connotations of strict social hierarchy and that this contradicted Muslim teachings that all people are created equal. 8 However, there was some controversy over what people considered to be a ‘Kashmiri name’ or a ‘Mirpuri name’, for example. Though links were stated quite confidently, others would assert that the same name ‘belonged’ to a different area of Pakistan or to no area in particular. This suggested that different cultural assumptions were being made, despite the fact that all informants (or their relations) had roots in the Punjab region.
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However, cultural practice generally determines that a woman does become known by the name of her husband. As surnames have not been widely used in the rural areas of Pakistan until recently, a woman would not change her hereditary surname to that of her husband as generally happens in Britain. Instead she would be known in the com- munity by her first name plus her husband’s given, or most familiar, name. For example, if her name was Fatima and she was married to a man with the first or familiar name Iqbal, then she might be known as Fatima Iqbal. She might also be known as Mrs Iqbal (or a similar term to Mrs, such as Begum). This practice has carried on amongst the older generations of the Glasgow community. It was very specifically a community practice however, and would not be used for official purposes or when speaking to people who were not aware of it. This has changed markedly, however. It is now seen as more likely that a woman will change her surname to that of her husband under the British system. Some felt that a woman changing her surname was part of the process of joining a new family group—a married woman tradi- tionally lives with, and becomes part of, her husband’s family. It was also seen as the result of external cultural pressures, in that changing to the British system would make things easier for the children of that marriage in British society more generally. Some women have begun to reclaim what they see as their right to keep their own name after marriage. This is largely for religious reasons but in some cases was seen as being more to do with female independence than cultural roots or religious beliefs. So though at the moment women in the Glasgow community usually change their sur- name on marriage, this may change in the future.
3.2. Combinations9 of customary names The imposition of surnames signalled a change in the combinations of names used by the initial immigrants. As this was due to an adaptation (though obligatory) to British culture, further change might suggest an additional shift toward the naming practices of the majority culture.
9 This refers to the combination of names given to individuals, e.g. forename + forename + surname. In other work, such as Bramwell (2011), I refer to this as name structure.
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A child in the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow will always be given at least two names at birth. It is common, though by no means essential, for other names to be given in addition to these— generally only one but occasionally more. Initially, this may seem very close to the British naming tradition. However, closer analysis reveals considerable syntactic differences. Examples of typical com- binations are: Type A – Mohammed Haroon Khan, where the name Mohammed is used as the familiar name in everyday life, Khan is used as the sur- name by the family unit, and Haroon is seldom used. Type B – Mohammed Haroon Khan, where Haroon is used as the familiar name, Khan as the surname, and Mohammed is seldom used10. Type C – Mohammed Haroon, where Haroon is used as the familiar name, Mohammed is rarely used, and there is nothing which would compare easily with the British notion of a surname. Type D – Abdul Rehman Malik, where Abdul Rehman must be used as one name, as Abdul simply means ‘servant’ and Rehman is an attribute/name of Allah. Malik is the family name or surname. Type E – Abdul Rehman, as Type D but without use of anything which could easily be seen as being equivalent to a surname. As indicated from these examples, the apparent order and combination of a name does not necessarily signal how the name is to be used. Having two names is likely to mean that somebody possesses a fore- name and surname, but this is not always the case. Similarly, possessing three names probably means that the first is the familiar name, the second a little-used middle name, and the third equivalent to a sur- name, but there are many exceptions to this.
10 It was signalled that this might be particularly commonplace when a male child was given the first name Mohammed. This name is particularly common in the com- munity, being the only Muslim or Pakistani name in the top one hundred names given in Scotland in 2008 (General Register Office for Scotland, 2008). By 2010 both Muhammad and Mohammed were in the top ten names for boys born in the Glasgow City Council area (General Register Office for Scotland, 2010). There are religious reasons for this popularity, as this was the name of Islam’s last and most important prophet.
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3.3. Given names Though surnames are not universal to all cultures, evidence suggests that given names are (Alford 1988). Regardless of linguistic and cul- tural differences they remain important. The early Pakistani Muslim immigrants to Glasgow did not have hereditary surnames but they had given names, and this indicates their greater significance within the traditions of the community.
3.3.1. Why a name is given The single most important factor in choosing a name for a child born into the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow is the meaning of that name (cf. Chinese names, Kuang Ching Hei 2005). This was stressed by every informant. One of the rights accorded to a Muslim child is the right to what is considered a ‘good’ name (Gatrad & Sheikh 2001, 6). Therefore this practice is connected with religion, in that being born to Muslim parents is expected to entail that those parents give the child what is considered to be a good name. This is because it is believed that the child will take on the characteristics and attributes of what that name means or symbolises; for example a man named Asim (from Arabic and meaning ‘protector’) might be expected to take on protective roles. It is seen to impact upon their personal- ity—being described by one informant as “a life-defining label”. This means that Muslim people are very aware of the linguistic, cultural or religious roots of their names and their significance. This was univer- sally the case in interviews, with all participants knowledgeable about the meanings of both their and others’ names. What constitutes a ‘good’ meaning can be problematic, as some informants found this difficult to articulate. However, there were cer- tain criteria which were agreed as being acceptable in giving the name what would be considered a good meaning.
3.3.1.1. Religious criteria The name may be one of the ninety-nine names of Allah or the ninety- nine names of the Prophet Muhammad. These names are really a list of attributes which they are believed to possess. However, many of them cannot be used on their own and must be preceded by a term
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such as Abdul, which means servant. Examples of this would be Abdullah, meaning ‘servant of Allah’ and Abdul Rahman (or Rehman) meaning ‘servant of the merciful’, where ‘the merciful’ is seen as an attribute, and so a name, of Allah. These names are male names and do not generally have female equivalents. If a name has more than one part like this, both parts must be articulated or it is deemed that someone is being called, for example, just ‘servant’ or just ‘Allah’ and this can be felt to be offensive. It was acknowledged, though, that even within the community people sometimes forget this. Alternatively, the name may have belonged to someone who is mentioned in the Qur}an or other scriptures. The root meaning of such names may not in itself be religious. Nonetheless, it is felt that as they belonged to someone who is believed to have been a good person, then the child will inherit the qualities which that person was believed to have possessed. An example of this is Khadijah who is mentioned in the Qur}an as the first wife of the Prophet Muhammad but whose name root simply means ‘premature born’ (Gandhi & Husain 2004, 226). These types of names need not even have an Arabic root, as they might be Arabic versions of Hebrew names, e.g. Imran is the Arabic equivalent of the Hebrew Amran who was named in the Bible as the father of the prophet Moses (Qazi 1974, 36).
3.3.1.2. Meaning of root word The name may relate to something that is considered to have physical qualities which would be advantageous to the child. These included things considered to be beautiful, such as Yasmin, which is a particu- lar flower. It was suggested though that this beauty would apply to the person’s personality as well as to their physical appearance, so these names could also be seen as bestowing attributes. The name could instead relate to something suggesting positive qualities which will impact on a child’s personality. Many of these names have an Arabic word as their root and have male and female equivalents with the same meaning. Farhan (male) and Farhana (female) both mean “glad; joyful; joyous; happy” (Gandhi & Husain 2004, 125), and it would be expected that a child given this name would be a happy person. Similarly, Tahir and Tahirah both mean ‘purity’. Another important prerequisite of naming, which is closely related to meaning and character, is that a name should be found
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which suits the child. This means giving a name which, as one inform- ant described it, “fits what you perceive to be the nature of the child”. Finding a name that fits the child’s character often means discarding the names which have been considered before birth11.
3.3.2. Names and language As may be clear from the examples, most names given in this com- munity have an Arabic root. This is largely because Arabic is the language of the Qur}an. Also, Arabic names tend to have meanings which are known to the community through many people’s ability to read some Arabic (for the purpose of reading scripture) and through the explanation of some of these meanings in the Qur}an. Names need not necessarily be Arabic, though. Many of the names mentioned in the Qur}an and adopted by people within the Muslim community originally come from different languages. Many earlier prophets and religious figures had Hebrew names which were Arabi- cised (see Amran to Imran, discussed above). Many names in the Qur}an are also from the Farsi language, due to the historical links and close proximity of the Persian and Arab peoples. Also, some of the elderly generation were taught Farsi in school and are able to read Persian literature. This had influenced the mother of one informant to give her a Farsi name. Non-Arabic names could also be seen to have good meanings, following the same criteria relating to the meaning of a root word used in naming.
3.3.3. Names and gender Names are generally gender-specific. The suffix /¢/ often denotes a specifically female Arabic name, as described above in the example of Farhan/Farhana. However, this is not always the case and male
11 The final name (or names) is not arrived at by the parents alone—the extended family is heavily involved in the decision. This involvement seems to vary according to individual families. In most cases their role is as advisors to the parents, with the parents making the ultimate decision. This is done to make the entire family feel that they are involved with the birth and the naming. However, it also accords respect to the elders within the family; there is etiquette involved. Some also feel that elders may have more insight into the type of name that might attract good life experiences.
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names can also end with /¢/ (note Abdullah, above). These suffixes are as pronounced by the Glasgow Pakistani Punjabi/Urdu-speaking community, rather than necessarily by an Arabic speaker. Some names can beused by males or females, some examples being Intihãz and Iqbal. However, even these are more likely to be given to one gender over the other12.
3.3.4. Name change As the meaning of the name is believed to play such an important role in a child’s development, there can be instances where it becomes desirable to change that name. This can happen for a number of rea- sons, but examples given included instances: where a child had been very ill; where the parents had found out that the child’s name did not actually have what they considered to be a good meaning; where a child’s behaviour seemed wild or inappropriate; where a religious per- son had suggested that the name did not suit the child. In these cases the family would consult with a person who was considered to be knowledgeable about names and their meanings and change the name to something which was thought of as more appropriate for the child. Changing the name is believed to change the condition of a person, as it is reflected in their character. Though informants suggested that this type of name-change was rare, they all gave examples of instances where it had happened. It could take place at any age, though one informant suggested that thirteen was too late for the name change to have any real impact. It was unclear whether name change of this type was a religiously-motivated practice or not.
3.4. Nicknames As they can be fairly changeable, nicknames are likely to be more easily influenced by variation in society. McClure (1981, 74) hypoth- esises that the nature of a community, for example its social pre- occupations, may determine the nature and level of nicknaming within
12 Meldgaard (2006: 94) notes that there are distinctions in meaning between male and female Muslim names with male names referring to attributes “such as courage, bravery and manhood” and female names alluding to “female virtues such as beauty, grace and modesty.”
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that society. Leslie & Skipper (1990, 278) even go so far as to describe nickname use as “social action”. Wierzbicka (1992, 227) discusses the varying pragmatic values which different forms of names for the same person can have. For example, several different people might separately call the same person William, Billy, or Baldie. Describing what a nickname is can be difficult, as its permanence and strength lies upon a continuum of usage—from nicknames which virtually replace the person’s established name within a community to terms which might not be described as nicknames at all, but simply as descriptions. Nicknames are both familiar, in that they imply informal and familiar relationships, and alternative. They are alternative to the official name within society but are also linguistically alternative, showing either phonological, morphological, lexical, or semantic var- iation (McClure 1981).
3.4.1. Nicknames in the family Nicknames used within families were traditional within Pakistani cul- ture and are also a feature of the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow. Most informants reported systems of nicknaming used within families and groups of close friends. However, some informants expressed unease at the use of nick- names. This is because changing the form of the name can render it meaningless, and this would distort what the name was supposed to symbolise. These informants still participated in the cultural practice of nicknaming though, at least within the family situation. Though to an extent these names were, unsurprisingly, idiosyncratic, they also shared many similarities in areas such as morphological structure or type of meaning. Particularly common was a tendency to use diminutive forms of an individual’s first name. Examples of this included: Haroon > /hari/ Haroon > /runi/ Muneer > /muni/ Bilal > /bali/ Farhana > /f¢ri/ These forms typically show a simplification of the forename into one of its syllables with the addition of a hypocoristic /i/ suffix. This type
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of hypocoristic name appears to be very common within nicknaming in the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow and this could be connected to rules relating to the formation of Urdu nicknames. Anwar (2002, 273) found similar results in a study of Urdu nicknames col- lected in Pakistan, with the majority having the phonological structure CVCVV or CVVCVV. Koul (n.d.) gives examples of Kashmiri Mus- lim diminutives, most of which follow this pattern with many ending in an /i/ suffix. Using diminutive forms of personal names appears to be a wide-spread, or possibly even universal, phenomenon; Jurafsky (1996, 564) gives cross-cultural examples of such suffixes, for exam- ple ka in Hungarian and pil in Nahuatl13. In English, terms like Jimmy, Jackie and Tommy demonstrate use of a hypocoristic /i/ suffix in a similar way to the names used in the Pakistani Muslim community. It is also worth noting the similarity of these names to patterns of speech in infancy, as they are largely given in a family environment during childhood. Other nicknames used an existing word in English, Punjabi or Urdu to denote an individual. These seemed particularly common for females (as the diminutive forms seemed slightly more common amongst males) and tended to use a word which might be considered as cute or feminine14. Similarly amongst North American women, Phillips (1990, 285) found that nicknames had far greater connotations of beauty, kindness and pleasantness than male nicknames and attrib- uted this to the perception of women within that society. It is possible that similar conclusions could be inferred from these data. Nicknames such as Dolly and Pinky were given, with others such as Mano billi (meaning ‘little pussy cat’ in Punjabi) and Gul-puri (which was trans- lated as the Urdu for ‘fairy’) also being used within this multilingual community. Multilingualism was occasionally brought into play when creating nicknames, with a sound in the name Maimunah (/mun/ or ‘moon’) giving rise to the nickname Chanda, or ‘moon-like’ in Punjabi. This type is not entirely restricted to women however, as the name Chand, the male equivalent of Chanda, was recorded, as was the pet- name Gonglu, or ‘turnip’, given to a male child.
13 He also suggests hypocoristic suffixes for names as the origin for diminutives in languages more generally but does not examine why names might be particularly suited to being given a diminutive form. 14 See note above about typical meanings of female given names.
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The motivations for bestowing and using these names were usu- ally those of intimacy and affection. As one informant put it, the names were given “out of love”. They were seen as being very per- sonal to the bearer, as they were used by a small group who were close to each other emotionally. Some were in use throughout adulthood, though to a much lesser extent than in childhood15.
3.4.2. Nicknames in the younger generation Though older generations may have practised the familial forms of nicknaming only within groups of their closest friends, the younger generation are expanding this practice quite considerably into the wider community. These nicknames are generally shortened, abbrevi- ated versions of personal names. They appear to be a continuation, on a larger, community-wide scale, of the types of nickname which might be given in a family group. Informants stated that most males up to their early thirties in the Pakistani Muslim community in the south-side area of Glasgow had some type of nickname. These names have apparently become so popular that an abbreviated nickname alone is not always enough to distinguish someone uniquely and other strategies, such as calling an older youth Big Hari and a younger Wee Hari, are now being adopted. It was also reported that many individuals were known almost exclu- sively by their nickname within the peer group, to the point where most other people did not know their real name (this is similar to the situation in some other British communities (Bramwell 2007)). The nicknames reported were largely of the type shown above, but can also include other terms. These other terms usually consist of an English common noun which has been adopted for some reason as a name, such as Teddy, Nappy and Killer, but can also consist of what can seem like nonsense words, including Deebo and Doey. The nicknaming strategies adopted by these men appear very similar to those found to have been adopted in studies of nicknaming in a school environment (e.g. Morgan, O’Neill & Harre 1979). With
15 It was suggested that the names might be used by family and friends at private gatherings and amongst themselves, but that it would be considered discourteous to the nickname holder if they were called a nickname with people from outside that group present.
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one exception16, only English common nouns (rather than Punjabi or Urdu words) were given as examples of nicknames amongst young people in the wider community. This mirrors a similar situation in the bilingual Gaelic-English Western Isles, where nicknames given at school were also far more likely to be in English (Bramwell 2007). Most of the names discussed above had been bestowed at school which does imply influence of the wider Scottish culture. It also reflects the fact that the younger informants, and presumably their cohort, usually spoke English when outside the home. It was suggested that because many males have the same given name bestowed on them (e.g. Muhammad, Imran, Ali) nicknaming was a way of easily distinguishing them. This is likely, as it has been evidenced in numerous other communities with a limited name stock (e.g. Antoun 1968; Dorian 1970; Bramwell 2007). Some members of the older generation viewed this system of nicknaming as something alien, believing it had more in common with “gang culture and rap culture”. Another thought it was a way of angli- cising their names because he believed that the younger generation only felt Scottish, rather than feeling Pakistani and Muslim, and that this meant that they did not want to uphold their cultural roots. How- ever, the similar phonetic strategies adopted for these nicknames and more traditional nicknames used within the family suggest that this may not be the case. They appear to be continuing and expanding a naming practice which is rooted in their traditions, though it might also be seen as reverting to a universal pattern of nicknaming.
4. Conclusions The naming system in the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow is clearly different from the traditional British system which sur- rounds it and encroaches upon it. Indeed, all names volunteered by informants were all distinctively of their community, as opposed to names borrowed from the white British majority. Lieberson (1984, 81) suggests that if assimilation is taking place then it would be expected that first names distinctive to the assimilating group would be discarded. That this does not appear to be happening could suggest
16 The use of chhota to describe someone who is small.
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that cultural assimilation is not occurring to a great extent. The com- munity was repeatedly described as “close-knit” and so it seems reasonable that dense network ties help to maintain cultural norms such as naming practices (Milroy 1980). This draws on the shared cultural roots of the community to produce a feeling of shared iden- tity by the use of these names. Given names are important within the community, as elsewhere. The distinctly Muslim names which were generally used would be far more meaningful to another member of the community than, for example, Jeremy or Joanna might be in a traditional British context. They might suggest elements of that per- son’s personality through either the meaning of the root word or the characteristics of an illustrious bearer, or it might remind them of their shared religious values. While the names themselves have remained the same, it is clear that some aspects of their bestowal have altered to fit the British tradi- tion. It is possible that the change in organisation rather than vocabu- lary could have parallels with substratal influence on a dominant lan- guage (e.g. Tristram 2007; Filppula & Klemola 2009). The imposition of surnames on the early immigrants to Glasgow created a situation where members of the community had to create names for themselves to fit with British official requirements. This, to an extent, was forced assimilation into the dominant naming system. That these surnames did not necessarily become hereditary, though, shows that this process was more gradual than first appears. It is still possible to give children a set of names which have no relation to the rest of their families, or even which do not quite fit with the forename plus surname mould. This has gradually reduced over time, with younger members of the community generally possessing a surname which identifies them with the rest of their family, in the same way as a hereditary British surname. As this practice has become the norm, women have also begun taking their husband’s surname which was explained by some inform- ants as a way of making life easier for their children in British society. Therefore it appears that while the names of the Pakistani Muslim community still identify them as a distinct unassimilated group, the relations of these names to others in their family tell a slightly different story. This may also be a result of the cultural duality to which some members of the community felt that they subcribed (cf. Saeed et al 1999). One might suggest then that the organisation of names, or potentially
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of other cultural practices, change before the more noticeable elements of that practice. Alternatively, it may be the case that certain aspects of naming can change within a close-knit grouping without being per- ceived as a threat to the group identity. Nicknaming emerged as an important element of the naming sys- tem as it had expanded from its role as cementing an intimate bond within the family to creating a feeling of solidarity amongst the young males in the community. This function of solidifying social ties is attested in other communities where nicknames are used extensively (e.g. Brandes 1975; Skipper 1986). That the young men then exhibited this through displays of nicknames on football shirts and car registration plates shows the pride which they appeared to feel—that this practice marked them out as a group within the wider society. This system did seem to be in part a continuation of nicknaming patterns used in Paki- stan (Anwar 2002), and so could be seen as building upon tradition. However, it also created unease, as it was seen by some informants as “ruining the meaning of their name”. Here, religious and cultural naming practices are in conflict. In conclusion, when studying the group of naming practices used within the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow, what became apparent was the multi-faceted nature of this system. Kinship markers, clan terms, nicknames, religious markers, and different ways of refer- encing were all used for different purposes and, in some cases, amongst particular groups. This study produced evidence to suggest that some form of assimilation into the wider culture is taking place in the bestowal of surnames, while other practices—such as nicknaming— are helping to maintain the cohesive social bonds which exist in the community. A larger study marrying a theory of cultural change with one of shifting naming practice might allow for a picture of what changes are to come—a subject which my informants felt strongly about and one which may become a significant issue in terms of iden- tity and community.
5. References Aceto, M. 2002. Ethnic Personal Names and Multiple Identities in Anglophone Caribbean Speech Communities in Latin America. Language in Society 31, 577-608. Ahmed, S. 1999. A Dictionary of Muslim Names. London: C Hurst & Co.
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Alford, R. D. 1988. Naming and Identity: A Cross-cultural Study of Personal Naming Practices. Connecticut: HRAF Press. Antoun, R. T. 1968. On the Significance of Names in an Arab Village. Ethnology 7, 158-170. Anwar, M. J. 2002. Nicknaming Patterns in Urdu Language. CRULP Annual Student Report 2001-2002 Lahore: Centre for Research in Urdu Language Processing
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Gatrad, A. R. & Sheikh, A. 2001. Muslim Birth Customs. Arch. Dis. Child. Fetal Neonatal Ed. 84, 6-8. General Register Office for Scotland. 2008. Table 2: Top 100 Boys’ and Girls’ Names, Scotland, 2008, Showing Changes Since 2007 (Alphabetical). Edinburgh: General Register Office for Scotland < http://www.gro-scotland.gov.uk/files2/stats/popular-forenames/ pop-names-2008-table2.pdf>. General Register Office for Scotland. 2010. Top Ten Forenames Given, by Scottish Council Area, 2010. Edinburgh: General Register Office for Scotland
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Meldgaard, E. V. 2006. Muslimke Forname: Danmark (Muslim Fore- names in Denmark). Studia Anthroponymica Scaninavica 24, 87-94. Milroy, L. 1980. Language and Social Networks Oxford: Blackwell. Morgan, J., O’Neill, C. & Harré, R. 1979 Nicknames: Their Origins and Social Consequences. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Mosque Map. 2006 ‘Mosques in Glasgow’ UK: Mosque Map
Ellen S. Bramwell English Language University of Glasgow 12 University Gardens Glasgow, U.K. G12 8QQ [email protected]
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Summary: Naming and transplanted traditions: Change and continuity in Glasgow’s Pakistani Muslim community If the premise is assumed that naming practices are dependent on the society and culture in which they occur, an intriguing question arises: what happens to these naming practices when they are transplanted into another society with its own naming traditions? Are the distinct naming practices lost as their users assimilate into another culture? Do they continue intact? Or do they evolve in conjunction with the new situation? This article investigates these questions directly through an analysis of naming practices within the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow. Specifically, it considers all aspects of naming in this community and relates them to how and whether name usage has changed as a result of migration.
Résumé: La nomination et les traditions transplantées: changement et continuité dans la communauté musulmane pakistanaise de Glasgow Si l’on pose pour prémisse que les pratiques de nomination dépendent de la société et de la culture où elles se développent, surviennent des questions fascinantes: qu’advient-il de ces pratiques quand elles sont transplantées dans une autre société qui possède ses propres traditions de nomination? Ces pra- tiques distinctes se perdent-elles avec l’assimilation de leurs utilisateurs dans une autre culture? Continuent-elles à l’identique? Ou évoluent-elles en lien avec la nouvelle situation? L’article enquête sur ces questions directement en analysant les pratiques de nomination dans la communauté musulmane pakis- tanaise de Glasgow. En particulier, il étudie tous les aspects de la nomination dans cette communauté et les met en relation pour savoir comment et si l’usage du nom a changé en tant que résultat de l’immigration.
Zusammenfassung: Namen und Transfer der Traditionen: Wandel und Kontinuität in der Gemeinschaft pakistanischer Muslime in Glasgow Bei Annahme der Voraussetzung, dass die Methoden der Namengebung von Gesellschaft und Kultur abhängig sind, in denen sie praktiziert wird, ergibt sich eine faszinierende Frage: Was passiert mit diesen Namenpraktiken, wenn sie auf eine andere Gesellschaft mit eigener Namengebungstradition über- tragen werden? Gehen die unterschiedlichen Methoden bei der Assimilation an eine andere Kultur verloren? Bleiben sie intakt? Oder entfalten sie sich in Verbindung mit der neuen Situation? Der Beitrag untersucht diese Fragen direkt anhand einer Analyse der Namengebungspraxis innerhalb der Gemein- schaft pakistanischer Muslime in Glasgow. Insbesondere werden sämtliche Aspekte der Namengebung in dieser Gemeinschaft berücksichtigt und zu der Frage in Beziehung gesetzt, ob und wie sich der Namengebrauch infolge Migration ändern kann.
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