An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina Contributions to Global Historical Archaeology

Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology

Pamela Ricardi An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology

Series Editor: Charles E. Orser Jr. Vanderbilt University Nashville, TN, USA

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/5734 Pamela Ricardi

An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina Pamela Ricardi School of Archaeology and Anthropology Australian National University Acton, ACT, Australia

ISSN 1574-0439 Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology ISBN 978-3-030-21594-1 ISBN 978-3-030-21595-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8

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This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland For Marta and Duncan Acknowledgments

I am truly indebted to a number of people, without whose assistance, this book would not have been possible. This study stems from my PhD dissertation, so firstly, my sincere thanks to my supervisors Professor Tim Murray and Associate Professor Susan Lawrence for their guidance. Thanks also to La Trobe University staff members Dr. Peter Davies for being part of my research panel and to Ming Wei for arranging Figs. 1.1 and 1.2. For providing travel funding, I would like to thank the (formerly named) School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University. In Buenos Aires, many thanks to Dr. Daniel Schávelzon, Patricia Frazzi, and Dr. Mario Silveira at the Centro de Arqueologia Urbana, Universidad de Buenos Aires, for their assistance, generosity, and warm welcome. Big thanks also to Aniela Traba for helping me obtain archival data from Buenos Aires. Thank you to Professor Andres Zarankin, Federal University of Minas Gervais, Brazil, for sharing his knowledge and experience regarding La Casa Peña and providing me with some useful papers. At Museum Victoria, thanks to Dr. Charlotte Smith and to all the staff at the Moreland Annexe for their assistance and patience. Special thanks to Dr. Sarah Hayes and Paul Pepdjonovic for kindly sharing their knowledge and guiding me in the right direction. Thanks to Professor Charles Orser, Vanderbilt University, for the inspiration and advice, and to Meg M. Walker for her work on Figs. 3.3 and 4.3. Finally, my most wholehearted thanks to my family – especially my husband, Duncan Wright, and mother, Marta Ricardi – for all the encouragement, support, and steady patience. Thanks to Duncan also for the comments on the earlier drafts of this manuscript.

vii Contents

1 Introduction �� 1 1.1 Casselden Place �� 5 1.2 La Casa Peña �� 6 1.3 Book Structure �� 7 References �� 8 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors �� 13 2.1 Consumer Choice �� 13 2.2 Class �� 17 2.3 Ethnicity �� 23 2.4 Gender and Childhood �� 28 2.5 Complexities of an Interpretative Approach �� 30 References �� 31 3 Marvellous Melbourne �� 39 3.1 Setting the Scene: Early Melbourne �� 40 3.2 Little Lon and Working-Class Life in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne �� 47 3.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Little Lon �� 50 3.3.1 Development of the Commonwealth Centre Site (1979 and 1987) �� 50 3.3.2 Little Lon: Archaeological Investigation of the Commonwealth Block (1989) �� 50 3.3.3 Mayne and Murray (1999–2003) �� 52 3.3.4 Casselden Place Development Phase 3 (2001) �� 54 3.3.5 Casselden Place Archaeological Excavations (2002–2003) �� 55 3.3.6 Post 2003 �� 56

ix x Contents

3.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Lot 35, Little Leichhardt Street (Casselden Place) �� 57 3.4.1 Historical Overview �� 57 3.4.2 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Lot 35 �� 60 References �� 62 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America �� 67 4.1 Setting the Scene: Early Buenos Aires �� 69 4.2 San Telmo and Working-Class Life in Nineteenth-Century Buenos Aires �� 78 4.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at San Telmo �� 82 4.3.1 Defensa 751, San Telmo, Tercero del Sur Tunnel (1986–1987) �� 82 4.3.2 Balcarce 531–541, San Telmo (1988) �� 83 4.3.3 Lezama Park, San Telmo (1988) �� 84 4.3.4 Defensa 1469, San Telmo (1988) �� 84 4.3.5 The Jesuit Church, San Telmo (1989) �� 85 4.3.6 Perú 680, San Telmo, the Coni Press (1989) �� 86 4.3.7 Balcarce 433, San Telmo, Michelángelo (1996) �� 86 4.3.8 San Juan 338, San Telmo, La Casa Naranjo (1999) �� 87 4.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Defensa 774 (La Casa Peña) �� 88 4.4.1 Historical Overview �� 88 4.4.2 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Defensa 774 �� 92 References �� 95 5 Methodology of an International Comparative Analysis �� 99 5.1 La Casa Peña Dataset �� 100 5.2 Casselden Place Dataset �� 100 5.3 Artifact Processing: Casselden Place �� 100 5.4 Artifact Processing: La Casa Peña �� 101 5.5 Exploring the Archaeology of the Modern City (EAMC) Database �� 101 5.6 Ceramic Ware Types �� 102 5.7 Manufacturing Location �� 102 5.8 Date Range �� 104 5.9 Conjoins �� 104 5.10 Minimum Number of Vessels �� 105 5.11 Matching Sets �� 105 5.12 Function �� 106 5.13 Previous Cataloguing Work: Casselden Place �� 107 5.14 Previous Cataloguing Work: La Casa Peña �� 107 5.15 Documentary Research �� 107 5.16 Methodological Limitations �� 109 References �� 113 Contents xi

6 La Casa Peña �� 117 6.1 Context �� 117 6.2 Artifact Assemblage �� 118 6.2.1 Ammunition �� 119 6.2.2 Beverage Service �� 119 6.2.3 Beverage Storage �� 122 6.2.4 Clerical �� 124 6.2.5 Clothing �� 124 6.2.6 Collectibles/Decorative �� 125 6.2.7 Domestic �� 126 6.2.8 Economy �� 126 6.2.9 Food Preparation �� 126 6.2.10 Food Service �� 127 6.2.11 Food/Beverage Service �� 130 6.2.12 Food Storage �� 130 6.2.13 Food/Beverage Storage �� 130 6.2.14 Hygiene �� 131 6.2.15 Jewelry �� 131 6.2.16 Manufacturing �� 131 6.2.17 Personal �� 132 6.2.18 Pharmaceutical �� 132 6.2.19 Recreation �� 134 6.2.20 Sewing �� 136 6.2.21 Unidentified �� 136 References �� 138 7 Casselden Place �� 141 7.1 Context �� 141 7.2 Artifact Assemblage �� 143 7.2.1 Beverage Service �� 143 7.2.2 Beverage Storage �� 146 7.2.3 Clerical �� 148 7.2.4 Clothing �� 148 7.2.5 Collectibles/Decorative �� 150 7.2.6 Domestic �� 151 7.2.7 Economy �� 151 7.2.8 Food Preparation �� 152 7.2.9 Food Service �� 152 7.2.10 Food/Beverage Service �� 154 7.2.11 Food Storage �� 155 7.2.12 Food/Beverage Storage �� 156 7.2.13 Garden �� 156 7.2.14 Hygiene �� 157 7.2.15 Jewelry �� 157 7.2.16 Manufacturing �� 157 xii Contents

7.2.17 Personal �� 158 7.2.18 Pharmaceutical �� 158 7.2.19 Recreation �� 158 7.2.20 Sewing �� 160 7.2.21 Unidentified �� 161 References �� 163 8 Trade and Consumer Goods �� 165 8.1 Melbourne �� 165 8.1.1 The Artifact Assemblage �� 165 8.1.2 An Overview of Trade Networks �� 166 8.1.3 Local Manufacturing Industries �� 168 8.1.4 Where Goods Could Be Purchased �� 169 8.1.5 Types of Goods Imported �� 171 8.2 Buenos Aires �� 173 8.2.1 The Artifact Assemblage �� 173 8.2.2 An Overview of Trade Networks �� 174 8.2.3 Local Manufacturing Industries �� 176 8.2.4 Where Goods Could Be Purchased �� 177 8.2.5 Types of Goods Imported �� 178 8.3 Two Globally Integrated Market Economies �� 180 References �� 181 9 A Site Comparison �� 185 9.1 Food and Beverage �� 185 9.2 Personal Appearance �� 188 9.3 Health and Hygiene �� 190 9.4 Work and Leisure �� 191 9.5 Other Items for the Home �� 192 References �� 193 10 Discussion: Consumer Behavior in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne and Buenos Aires �� 195 10.1 Consumer Choice �� 195 10.2 Class, Ethnicity, Gender, and Childhood �� 199 10.3 Other Factors Influencing Consumerism �� 207 References �� 209 11 Conclusion �� 213 11.1 Final Thoughts: Toward a Greater Comparative Approach �� 215 References �� 215 Correction to: An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina �� C1 Contents xiii

Appendix 1: La Casa Peña: Start and End Dates of Artifact Manufacture �� 217

Appendix 2: La Casa Peña: Food Service Vessels by Form and Ware Type �� 221

Appendix 3: La Casa Peña: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Whiteware Vessels in the Food Service Category �� 223

Appendix 4: La Casa Peña: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Pearlware Vessels in the Food Service Category �� 225

Appendix 5: La Casa Peña: Matching Sets in the Food Service Category �� 227

Appendix 6: Casselden Place: Start and End Dates of Artifact Manufacture �� 229

Appendix 7: Casselden Place: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Whiteware Vessels in the Beverage Service Category �� 233

Appendix 8: Casselden Place: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Whiteware Vessels in the Food Service Category �� 235

Index �� 237 List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Location of the Casselden Place site within the Commonwealth Block, Melbourne. (Source: Ricardi 2018; Murray and Mayne 2001:91; Figure by Ming Wei) �� 5 Fig. 1.2 Location of the Casa Peña site in the Suburb of San Telmo, Buenos Aires. (Source: Ricardi 2018; Figure by Ming Wei) �� 6 Fig. 3.1 “Behind the Scenes” 1935, F. Oswald Barnett, Housing Investigation and Slum Abolition Board. (Source: State Library of Victoria) �� 49 Fig. 3.2 17 Casselden Place, Melbourne. (Source: Ricardi 2018; Photograph taken by the Author) �� 51 Fig. 3.3 Plan of Lot 35. (Image by Meg M. Walker based on Original by Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 3:55, used with permission from Godden Mackay Logan, Industry Superannuation Property Trust Pty Ltd., and Heritage Victoria) �� 61 Fig. 4.1 Large conventillo located at Piedras 1268, with 104 rooms and housing 500 people. (Source: Biblioteca Nacional de España 2019) �� 80 Fig. 4.2 “La Casa Minima,” 2010. (Source: Ricardi 2018; Photograph taken by the author) �� 91 Fig. 4.3 Map showing the locations of House 1, House 2, and House 3 and the rooms within La Casa Peña. (Image by Meg M. Walker based on original by Pablo Lopez Coda and used with permission obtained by the Centro de Arqueología Urbana, University of Buenos Aires, 2010) �� 93 Fig. 6.1 Minimum number of vessels by activity group. (Source: Ricardi 2018) �� 119 Fig. 6.2 Prosser buttons with piecrust decorative motif. (Photograph taken by the author) �� 125 Fig. 6.3 Willow dinner plates. (Photograph taken by the author) �� 128

xv xvi List of Figures

Fig. 6.4 Unadorned black glass beads. (Photograph taken by the author) �� 132 Fig. 6.5 Extract of smart weed bottle. (Photograph taken by the author) �� 133 Fig. 6.6 Modern therapeutic sulfur bars sold in Argentina. (Photograph taken by the author) �� 134 Fig. 6.7 Bone lace-making bobbin. (Photograph taken by the author) �� 136 Fig. 7.1 Minimum number of vessels by activity group (combined cesspit and subfloor units). (Source: Ricardi 2018) �� 144 Fig. 7.2 Aerated water, torpedo-shaped bottle. (Photograph taken by the author) �� 147 Fig. 7.3 Stoneware inkbottle. (Photograph taken by the author) �� 148 Fig. 7.4 Kaolin smoking pipe (two conjoining fragments). (Photograph taken by the author) �� 159 Fig. 7.5 Clay marble with purple painted lines. (Photograph taken by the author) �� 160 Fig. 8.1 Percentage of originating ports for vessels arriving in Melbourne between the years 1848 and 1900. (Source: The Argus Newspaper [Online]) �� 167 Fig. 8.2 Percentage of originating ports for vessels arriving in Buenos Aires during the nineteenth century. (Source: Registro Estadístico Del Estado De Buenos Aires [Segundo Tomos]) �� 175 List of Tables

Table 5.1 Attributes and definitions of ceramic ware types identified in this study �� 103 Table 6.1 Beverage service vessels by form and ware type �� 120 Table 6.2 Decoration, pattern, and color of Pearlware vessels �� 121 Table 6.3 Decoration, pattern, and color of Whiteware vessels �� 121 Table 6.4 Decoration, pattern, color, and other identifiable features on glass vessels �� 122 Table 6.5 Decoration, pattern, and color of bone china, stoneware, Majolica, earthenware, and porcelain vessels �� 127 Table 6.6 Summary of objects in the unidentified category �� 137 Table 7.1 Beverage Service vessels by form and ware type �� 145 Table 7.2 Decoration, pattern, and color of Whiteware teacups �� 145 Table 7.3 Food service vessels by form and ware type �� 153 Table 7.4 Summary of objects in the Unidentified category (cesspit) �� 161 Table 7.5 Summary of objects in the Unidentified category (subfloor) �� 162 Table 8.1 Summary of retail premises listed on the Sands and Kenny (1857) and Sands and Mcdougall (1890) Melbourne directories for the Commonwealth Block �� 170 Table 8.2 Summary of import entries by category listed in The Argus newspaper (online) 1848–1900 �� 171 Table 8.3 Summary of import entries by category listed in the statistical returns for the years 1852–1854 �� 172 Table 8.4 Summary of import entries listed in the statistical returns for the years 1894 and 1895 �� 178 Table 8.5 Summary of total value of imports in Argentinean pesos for the year 1857 �� 179

xvii Chapter 1 Introduction

When we think of Melbourne and Buenos Aires in the mid- to late nineteenth century, we imagine two very different places. Buenos Aires had by then experienced a long and diverse history. The city had been settled (twice) by Spain in the sixteenth century. Steadily, it became an important port city due to the growth of local industries such as cattle grazing and a lucrative trade in contraband (Brown 1982:3). Its population predominately consisted of people of European, Indigenous, and African descent (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:41). However, by the mid-nineteenth century, Buenos Aires had undergone radical changes. Independence from Spain was achieved in 1810 leading to a period of civil war and political instability (Lewis 2003:38–41; Rock 1986:76–104). When this subsided, the city experienced a period of unprecedented growth marked by free trade, foreign investment, and (predominately European) immigration (Cortés-Conde 1993:54–55; Rock 1986:131). It was during this period of growth, when French and Italian architectural styles dominated public building works, that Buenos Aires began to be referred to as “the Paris of South America” (Scobie 2002:170). Melbourne had a short history in comparison. The city had been settled in 1835 by a small group of pastoralists from Launceston, in what today is known as Tasmania (then Van Diemen’s Land). Official authorization to settle the area was not granted until the following year by the governor of New South Wales representing the British Crown (Blainey 2013:18–23). As with Buenos Aires, Melbourne became an important port city due to the growth of local pastoral industries. The city’s growth accelerated further following the discovery of gold in the Port Phillip district in 1851 (Priestley 1984:30). This brought an influx of immigrants, predominately from Britain, but also from other Australian colonies and other nations throughout Asia and Europe (Blainey 2013:44). During this period of growth, as public buildings with grand facades were erected throughout the city, journalist George Augustus Sala dubbed it “Marvellous Melbourne” (Davison 1978:11). Although we initially imagine two very different places, this very brief history of each city has already highlighted some similarities as well. But what was life like

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 1 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_1 2 1 Introduction for working-class people in the cities’ urban spaces? What was life like for the many recently arrived immigrants to “Marvellous Melbourne” and the “Paris of South America”? What were people buying? What was available for them to buy? This book examines these questions through the archaeology of two household units by focusing on what the material culture and documentary data reveal about consumer behavior. In doing so, it makes a transnational comparison of two diverse cities at the edge of the world. Historical archaeological studies in the past have extensively explored themes such as class (e.g., Beaudry 1989; Karskens 1999; Leone 1996; Mayne and Murray 2001; McGuire and Paynter 1991; Mrozowski and Beaudry 1990; Orser 1996; Wurst 1999; Wurst and Fitts 1999; Wylie 1999; Yamin 1998, 2001a, b), ethnicity (e.g., Brighton 2004, 2006, 2011; Fesler and Franklin 1999; Greenwood 1980; Jones 1997; Lydon 1999; McGuire 1982; McGowan 2003; Milne and Crabtree 2001; Orser 1996; Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1998, 2004, 2009; Rains 2003; Staski 1990), and consumer behavior (e.g., Crook 2000; Mullins 1999, 2001; Spencer- Wood 1987). Some historical archaeologists have looked internationally to compare results (e.g., Brooks 2002; Lawrence 2003), and others have stressed the importance of such comparisons (e.g., Deetz 1991; Murray and Mayne 2001; Orser 1996). It has even been suggested (Deetz 1991:2) that international comparison is valuable in everything we do as historical archaeologists, because we focus on a period in time marked by the spread of people across the world. However, when dealing with urban sites within the British Empire, comparative studies in the past have tended to focus on other British colonies, former British colonies, and Britain itself. At least in the English-speaking literature, comparative studies have tended not to stray outside these confines, ignoring other cities outside the British Empire (e.g., Crook 2011; Karskens 2003; Klose and Malan 2000; Murray 2006). This absence points to an entire area of research that has been left unexplored. Researchers (e.g., Brooks and Rodríguez 2012; Schávelzon 2000) have highlighted the potential of South American urban archaeology for broadening our understanding of consumer culture and global interactions during the nineteenth century. It is clear that valuable information can be gained by comparing British colonial sites to South American sites and this is what the current volume aims to provide. The book compares consumer behavior at two sites, Casselden Place in Melbourne and La Casa Peña in Buenos Aires, with a focus on establishing the role that consumer choice, class, ethnicity, and other factors had on consumer behavior. Both sites were located in nineteenth-century working-class urban neighborhoods and are discussed further below. Exploring these questions through material culture is complex in nature. Interpretations may be hindered by multiple or changing meanings and a range of factors that affect the types of data that can be used (e.g., discard patterns, site formation processes, and field methodologies). Critics of global-scale analysis have also warned that such an approach can mask the diversity of local experience (Gilchrist 2005:333). However, others (e.g., Murray 2006; Orser 1996; Wilkie and Farnsworth 1999) have stressed that historical archaeology needs to focus on both 1 Introduction 3 the macro- and microscales of analysis – the local and global experience in order to provide a thorough understanding of a site, which is what this book does. In addition, the study of consumer behavior, ethnicity or the working class are not novel themes or unique to this book. However, the significance of this study lies in its comparative approach, which crosses sociopolitical divides and moves beyond comparing sites solely within the British Empire. The first theme explored throughout this book deals with consumer choice. The question of why particular goods are chosen for acquisition and the idea that goods are carriers of meaning have been explored in the past through a range of disciplines (e.g., Appadurai 1986; Douglas and Isherwood 1980; Spencer-Wood 1987). The aim here is to explore whether there is any evidence in the assemblages that goods were selected for specific reasons, such as fashion and self-expression. Exploring choice in consumer behavior has the potential to reveal much about people’s daily lives and the kinds of things that mattered to them. However, the data may reveal that choice was in fact limited. If this is the case, it is important to explore the reasons behind it. Was class/poverty a major reason (Wurst and McGuire 1999) or were other underlying factors limiting choice? This book considers the factors that may have restricted consumer choice for the residents of Casselden Place and La Casa Peña. Another theme explores the role of ethnicity on consumer behavior. Previous historical archaeological studies have recognized the potential of artifacts in revealing ethnic identity, group membership, and cultural continuity (e.g., Brighton 2004; McGowan 2003; Milne and Crabtree 2001). Nineteenth-century Melbourne and Buenos Aires were cultural melting pots. However, different ethnic groups made up the majority of inhabitants in each city (Anglo-Saxon/Anglo-Celtic in Melbourne and Hispanic/Mediterranean in Buenos Aires). This study considers whether differences in ethnicity influenced consumer behavior. For instance, is there evidence of cultural preferences and continuity in everyday things such as food and beverage options? If evidence of cultural preferences and continuity are few or not visible in the assemblages, then it is necessary to ask why. In two such culturally different cities, what factors other than ethnicity influenced consumer behavior? The impact of class, gender, and childhood on consumer behavior is also explored in order to gain a more complete understanding of life at the two sites. Issues of class and poverty have long been recognized as an integral part of modern world archaeology (e.g., McGuire and Paynter 1991; Mayne and Murray 2001; Mrozowski 2000, 2006; Orser 1996). Recent trends focus on not losing perspective of the hardships faced by people living in poverty (e.g., Mayne 2011; Orser 2011; Symonds 2011; Walker et al. 2011). The residents of two working-class urban neighborhoods such as Little Lon in Melbourne and San Telmo in Buenos Aires would certainly have endured hardships. Poor sanitation, disease, harsh working conditions, and low economic means are some of the pressures people would have faced from day to day. This applies to all residents at the sites. Recent studies on gender and childhood (e.g., Brandon and Barile 2004:7; Wilkie 2000:100), along with other power struggles such as class and ethnicity, call for a fluid and holistic approach that considers the assemblage as a whole. This approach is taken here, where the aim is to explore 4 1 Introduction what the assemblages reveal about the daily lives of all of the sites’ residents. For instance, what do the artifacts reveal about work and leisure, health, and hygiene? What do they reveal about the lives of women and children and family life more broadly? By exploring such questions, we gain a more complete picture of working- class urban life and how people’s experiences shaped consumer behavior. Once again, however, if we encounter two similar urban working-class assemblages at opposite ends of the world, we also need to consider the reasons why. In considering the abovementioned themes, it will also be necessary to reflect on the role of globalization and international trade networks during the period under study. Globalization can be defined as the interconnectedness of the world and trade expansion that resulted from western imperialism and technological advances such as the introduction of steamships, rail infrastructure, telegraph, and mechanized methods of production (Engerman 1996). International trade experienced unparal- leled growth during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries with goods reaching vast distances in shorter amounts of time than ever before. But what trade networks reached periphery cities such as Melbourne and Buenos Aires? How did they differ from each other and how did this impact the types of goods that were available for people to purchase? This book looks at the types of goods that were traded in Melbourne and Buenos Aires and the trade networks operating at the time. Establishing the impact of these larger factors on consumer behavior will assist in understanding the role of consumer choice, class, and other factors. Did these have an impact on consumer behavior at all or were they overshadowed by the impact of globalization? The methodology used in comparing these sites incorporates archaeological and documentary data. The archaeological component involves the analysis of the domestic artifact assemblages from the two sites. Organics and building materials were not analyzed due to the unavailability of these artifact types at one of the sites. Artifacts were sorted and then catalogued using the Exploring the Archaeology of the Modern City (EAMC) database.1 Artifact attributes recorded in the database included color, decoration, minimum number of vessels (MNV) counts, place of manufacture, and date range, among others (see Chap. 5 for further details). Primary and secondary documentary sources such as newspaper entries, statistical returns, and economic histories were also consulted. Documentary data was collected with the aim to understand the economic condition of nineteenth-century Melbourne and Buenos Aires. What imports were arriving and where were they coming from? This was necessary in order to understand the types of artifacts we find at Casselden Place and La Casa Peña and to place them in the wider context of international trade and industry.

1 The EAMC database was first developed as part of the Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage project “Exploring the Archaeology of the Modern City, 1788–1900.” This project was conducted by La Trobe University and Industry partners; the Historic Houses Trust of New South Wales (NSW), the Sydney Harbour Foreshore Authority, Godden Mackay Logan, the Heritage Office of NSW, the City of Sydney and Heritage Victoria (Crook and Murray 2006:5). 1.1 Casselden Place 5

1.1 Casselden Place

In Melbourne, the site explored is Casselden Place. This site was located within the “Commonwealth Block” in the northeastern corner of the Melbourne Central Business District (CBD), bounded by Spring, Lonsdale, Exhibition, and Little Lonsdale Streets (Fig. 1.1). Numerous archaeological studies have been undertaken within the Commonwealth Block (discussed later in Chap. 3). However, this book focuses on the archaeological investigations conducted in 2002 by Godden Mackay Logan et al. prior to major redevelopment works occurring at the site (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004 vol. 1:1). The 2002 project involved the excavation of an extensive area encompassing a residential and light industrial neighborhood dating from mid-nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. Specifically, this book looks at the artifact assemblage from a single allotment within the Casselden Place site, Lot 35 Little Leichardt Street. Historically, the Casselden Place site was part of an inner-city neighborhood col- loquially known as “Little Lon.” This was a working-class locale predominately

Fig. 1.1 Location of the Casselden Place site within the Commonwealth Block, Melbourne. (Source: Ricardi 2018; Murray and Mayne 2001:91; Figure by Ming Wei) 6 1 Introduction housing recently arrived British and Irish immigrants. It was also home to people from a range of other nationalities (e.g., Germany, India, Lebanon) to a lesser extent (Mayne 2006:324). Little Lon was essentially a poor and multicultural neighborhood that was considered by many middle class contemporaries and portrayed by later historians, as a slum. In 1914, the poet Dennis (2012) mentioned Little Lon in one of his most famous works, “The Sentimental Bloke.” He summed up this conventional view of Little Lon in the following couplet: But when they deals it out wiv bricks an’ boots In Little Lon, they’re low, degraded broots. The presence of brothels, pubs, and opium dens in the area fuelled such allegations, and as a result, Little Lon was considered a place of vice, disease, and immorality (Murray and Mayne 2002:7).

1.2 La Casa Peña

In Buenos Aires, the site explored is La Casa Peña, located on the corner of Defensa and San Lorenzo Streets, San Telmo, south of the Buenos Aires CBD (Fig. 1.2). The site was excavated between 1994 and 1995 by the Centro de Arqueologia Urbana de Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones Estéticas M. J. Buschiazzo (Centre

Fig. 1.2 Location of the Casa Peña site in the Suburb of San Telmo, Buenos Aires. (Source: Ricardi 2018; Figure by Ming Wei) 1.3 Book Structure 7 for Urban Archaeology at the Institute of American Art and Aesthetic Studies), University of Buenos Aires (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). The project was undertaken as a rescue excavation prior to redevelopment works carried out on the property. Following the arrival of Europeans, the site was inhabited since the eighteenth century. During the 1840s, it became the residence of the upper middle class Peña family. Part of the original Peña dwelling is still standing today. During the 1870s, however, the family moved out, and the dwelling was subdivided into three rental properties. Two properties became what are known in Argentina as conventillos. These were a typical form of working-class tenement housing. Individual rooms were leased to singles, families, or groups with shared bathroom facilities and yard space. Conventillos were popular in major Argentinean cities throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They often housed recently arrived European immigrants (Italian, Spanish, and French). However, many immigrants from a range of other nations and other Argentinean provinces lived in conventillos (Ramos 2005:11). This type of housing accommodated the poor and, similarly to Little Lon in Melbourne, conventillos were considered to be slums by contemporary observers and later historians. Conventillos were also portrayed negatively in popular culture and were a recurring setting for many tango lyrics such as “El Conventillo” (de la Torre and Rolón 1965 ):Yo nací en un conventillo de la calle Olavarría y me acunó la armonia de un concierto de cuchillos

I was born in a conventillo on Olavarría Street and I was lulled to sleep by a concert of knifes Due to their overcrowded and unsanitary living conditions, conventillos were seen as disease-ridden and destitute and their inhabitants as lacking in moral standards (Sabugo 2005:54).

1.3 Book Structure

The first four chapters of this book provide background information. This chapter forms the introduction and defines the problem statement, aims, scope, and overview of the study. This is followed by Chap. 2, which explores the background literature and theory for the major themes that guide this study and their application in historical archaeology. These themes include consumer choice, class, ethnicity, gender, and childhood. The final background chapters (Chaps.3 and 4) essentially set the scene. Each of these chapters begins by providing a brief history of Melbourne and Buenos Aires (respectively) and then discusses the archaeological work 8 1 Introduction previously conducted in the suburbs of Little Lon and San Telmo. The chapters close by looking at the previous archaeological work conducted within the sites of Casselden Place and La Casa Peña. Following the background chapters, Chap. 5 presents the methodology. This chapter describes the two artifact datasets and the procedures involved in artifact processing (e.g., sorting, separating, and labeling). It then discusses how the artifacts are analyzed and catalogued using the EAMC database and includes a list and explanation of specific fields. The chapter also outlines the types of primary and secondary records used for the historical research component of the study and where these records were sourced. This is followed by a statement discussing the limitations of the methodology and how they were managed. The next three chapters present the results including the artifact analysis for La Casa Peña and Casselden Place presented in Chaps. 5 and 6, respectively. Discussions of artifact types in both chapters are divided by activity type (e.g., “Beverage Service,” “Clothing,” “Recreation”), and within each activity type, artifact attributes are discussed (e.g., form, decoration, manufacturing technique). This is preceded, however, by a general discussion on context including stratigraphic data, the spatial distribution of artifacts, and datable objects. The last of the results chapters, Chap. 8, presents the results of the archival research. It explores the types of goods arriving to the ports of Melbourne and Buenos Aires, where they originated, and the trade networks and restrictions relevant to each city. It also considers the main local industries that were operating at the time and the shopping practices in each city. The three final chapters use the information gathered in previous chapters to interpret the results. Chapter 9 provides a comparison of the two sites and the two cities in terms of consumer goods using the artifact material and archival research. Chapter 10 is broken up into three sections, which explore the role of consumer choice, class, ethnicity, and other factors on consumer behavior. The concluding chapter summarizes the study and its main findings, highlighting the significance of a comparative approach that looks beyond sites within the former British Empire and points to the need for further studies of this kind.

References

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This chapter looks predominately at the background literature and theory for the themes of consumer choice, class, and ethnicity. Gender and childhood are also explored in order to gain a fuller picture of life in Little Lon and San Telmo. The chapter addresses how these themes have been applied in historical archaeology, their limitations, and ways in which they may help to achieve a greater understanding of consumer behavior in the nineteenth century. The last section of the chapter explores some of the complexities associated with an interpretative approach.

2.1 Consumer Choice

In order to understand consumer choice as a concept, it must firstly be defined. To put it simply, the consumer choice paradigm is a concept established as a means to understand why particular goods are chosen for acquisition over others (Spencer- Wood 1987; Miller 1987). The concept stems from various sociological studies (e.g., Appadurai 1986; Douglas and Isherwood 1980; Friedman 1994; Kopytoff 1986; Miller 1987) that have made the connection between the acquisition of goods and the outward expression of the self. In this light goods were seen as carriers of meaning and as an active part of culture. Earlier studies (e.g., Simmel 1957 [1904]; Veblen 1994 [1899]) tended to focus on class divisions and emulation as the driving force behind consumer behavior. Veblen (1994) developed the theory of conspicuous consumption to explain the lavish spending on goods in people’s attempt to define their social position. Similarly, Simmel’s (1957) trickle-down theory proposed that elite groups control changes in fashion in order to differentiate themselves from subordinate groups. McCracken (1988:93–103) adapted Simmel’s theory to modern-day society arguing that emulation can be used as a means to explain power struggles in all forms of social relations, including class and gender.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 13 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_2 14 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors

Since the time of Simmel and Veblen however, social scientists have tended to focus less on ideas of emulation and competitive display. Douglas and Isherwood (1980:72), for example, argued that goods are carriers of meaning and that the meanings different people attach to goods can vary. They maintained that differences in meaning are governed by choice and that rational human thought is responsible for creating a space where choice can take place. Later, Bourdieu (1984:1–7) saw cultural consumption as a deliberate and predisposed way to carry out a social function and legitimize social differences. However, he argued that this is achieved through “taste” and that consumer taste is acquired through education and social influence. Appadurai (1986:3) and Kopytoff (1986:64) regarded commodities as having social lives and as the cultural contribution within a system of mass production. This link between consumption and culture was further elaborated on by Miller (1987) who saw goods as part of the process of objectification by which people create themselves as a society. Such an approach links consumer behavior to the construction of the self by stressing that goods are representations of people’s identities, social affiliations, and part of everyday practices (Miller1987 :215; Young 1989:76– 77). This book largely takes this viewpoint when exploring consumer choice. Friedman (1994) expanded this approach by arguing that “One is what one makes oneself to be. Consumption in such a situation is a grand experiment in life style, the creation of alternative existences” (Friedman 1994:21). Consumption according to Friedman (1994) is both an opportunity to express oneself and a form of escapism. A number of historical studies began to develop work around the concept of consumer choice in order to help explain the major changes in consumer behavior that occurred in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. McKendrick et al. (1982) observed that as goods became increasingly affordable to all social classes, they also came to be viewed as “fashionable” and not just as necessities. Following Simmel (1957) and Veblen (1994), McKendrick et al. (1982:1–6) attempted to explain this trend as driven by social competition (see also Glennie 1995:167). Others (e.g., Smart Martin 1996; Weatherill 1988) however challenged McKendrick et al.’s argument that emulation is the only driving model for consumer practices. Weatherill’s (1988) study considered a more nuanced approach looking at other factors influencing consumer behavior such as location (urban vs. regional settings) and occupation (tradespeople owning a greater number of most consumer goods than the gentry, for instance). Despite this criticism, fashion remains an important factor driving purchases today, so it would be dangerous to completely ignore it in the past. This book will also explore fashion as a potential driver for consumer choice. Smart Martin (1996) looked at the consumption of household goods through the analysis of probate and store records from eighteenth-century Virginia. Following Miller (1987) and Bourdieu (1984), Smart Martin (1996:75) saw material goods as being imbedded in culture and as carriers of their own meanings. Focusing on the social construction of gentility, (discussed further in the following section on class) Smart Martin (1996:76) argued that knowing how to act also meant knowing what to buy and use. However, she challenged the link between gentility and the 2.1 Consumer Choice 15

pre-prescribed need to purchase matching ceramic sets. According to Smart Martin (1996:99–100), the apparent interest in purchasing matching sets by wealthy Virginians was more likely the result of buying in bulk than a conscious predetermined choice to display matching sets of ceramics. Numerous historical archaeological studies have also dealt with the concept of consumer choice. Spencer-Wood (1987) following on from the work of Simmel (1957) and Veblen (1994) attempted to establish why different cultural groups purchased goods of different quality and price. Although important, her work has been criticized for having failed to really probe into what drives consumer choice by focusing primarily on the socioeconomic means of the consumer and associating expensive goods to the conscious display of status (e.g., Mullins 2004:206; Cook et al. 1996). Moving away from socioeconomic-driven research, Mullins (1999, 2001) stressed that consumer choice can be influenced by race. For example, while examining the archaeological assemblages of African-American consumers in the years post-abolition, Mullins (1999) demonstrated that African-American consumers regardless of socioeconomic means, purchased national-brand products instead of local produce. He argued that this was a conscious action to evade defilement by racist shopkeepers or short supply and to seek the same opportunities promised by marketers to all consumers (Mullins 1999:22, 34–35). Likewise, he argued that the consumption of bric-a-brac in the nineteenth century was abstract, contextual, and shaped by the consumer. For instance, a post-Reconstruction figurine of Abraham Lincoln found in an Irish-American assemblage in West Oakland, California, repre- sents both an anti-black historical vision (by focusing on Lincoln’s role in preserving the American Union as opposed to his role in emancipation) while at the same time expressing Irish desires to become American citizens (Mullins 2001:158–175). Similarly, Cook et al. (1996) have stressed the need to move beyond strictly socioeconomic focused research agendas. They argue that consumption or the act of shopping can be seen as a social dance, a purposeful, meaningful action, whereby individual expression can take place. Their approach to consumerism puts agency back with the consumer, irrespective of their economic means (Cook et al. 1996:50–65). Shopping as a theme was also explored by Crook (2000:17–25) through the analysis of documentary and archaeological data from the working-class site of Cumberland/Gloucester Street in Sydney. She also considered this an important avenue of research and called for a closer inspection of the signatures of shopping in the archaeological record. Her analysis demonstrated that while the dataset had limited capacity to establish where goods were purchased, at a broad assemblage- based scale, the signature of a market bazaar or small store trading in second-hand and factory seconds was visible. While noteworthy, her approach focused more on what was available to consumers and identifying where goods where purchased, rather than looking at choice as a determining factor in shopping. Later, Crook (2008:279) undertook a study of cost, quality, and the value people place on consumer goods. Here she found that factors such as social interaction, cultural 16 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors

conditioning, and taste have a greater influence on consumption than cost. It is the types of goods selected for consumption, however, which change across time, place, and class. Critics of consumer choice studies (e.g., Wurst and McGuire 1999) have argued that the study of consumer choice blurs the realities behind social relations, power struggles, and control. According to Wurst and McGuire (1999:194), the reality of the concept of “choice” is only available to certain individuals and not others. Although socioeconomic factors certainly affect consumer behavior, consumer choice remains an important field of analysis. It contributes to our understanding of the past motivators in consumer behavior available to people of all different social classes as Crook (2008) found through her study. Rather than obscuring social relations, the study of consumer choice helps to distinguish them. This book considers the concept that goods have the potential to carry meaning and reveal aspects of people’s identities as explored by previous research (Appadurai 1986; Cook et al. 1996; Douglas and Isherwood 1980; Kopytoff 1986; Miller 1987). Also taken into account is the view that fashion plays an active role in consumer choice (McKendrick et al. 1982). Although this is influenced by earlier theories of emulation and social display (e.g., Simmel 1957; Veblen 1994), fashion remains an important factor in consumer choice today in everything from clothing to cars to soft drink varieties. It should therefore not be ignored when attempting to study consumer behavior in the past. This book, however, will also consider what factors other than choice influenced consumer behavior. Other than class (e.g., Wurst and McGuire 1999) and race (e.g., Mullins 1999, 2001), researchers have suggested numerous factors that affect consumer behavior. Site location, for example, can greatly impact the availability of goods according to LeeDecker et al. (1987:233–235). This, however, plays a greater role in rural or isolated settings as opposed to inner-city sites such as Casselden Place or La Casa Peña. LeeDecker et al. (1987:233–257) further suggested that household structure, life cycle, home ownership versus tenancy, and income strategy can also influence consumer behavior. Generally, tenants tend to accumulate fewer possessions than owner/occupiers. We know that tenants rather than owner/occupiers resided at Casselden Place (Lot 35) and La Casa Peña. However, other than this fact, not much detail is known about the individuals or nature of the household structures or the income strategies employed by the residents (see Chaps. 3 and 4). Other factors that may contribute to consumer behavior include marketing, sociocultural environment, and a range of internal factors (e.g., ethnicity, age, gender, religion, political affiliations) according to Henry 1991( ). All of these factors may have affected consumer behavior for the residents of Casselden Place and La Casa Peña, but some of these would not be visible in the archaeological record. De Cunzo (1987:261) suggests that larger factors such as industrialization and urbanization influence consumer behavior, and this concept will be explored further throughout this book. Combining different concepts from consumer choice theory (e.g., goods as carriers of meaning, as an expression of identity, and as fashion statements) leads to a greater understanding of the factors that drive consumer choice. This is expanded by 2.2 Class 17 exploring factors other than choice that highlight the dynamic nature of consumer behavior.

2.2 Class

The previous section identified class as a factor that can influence consumer behavior. Both Casselden Place and La Casa Peña were located in working-class suburbs, which were considered by contemporaries as notorious slums and red-light districts. As a result, it is necessary to look at class and how this has been explored in historical archaeology. Particular attention is given to studies focusing on urban slums, such as New York’s Five Points and Sydney’s The Rocks. This leads to an explana- tory discussion on the concepts of gentility and respectability when applied in a domestic working-class context. Class has been a widely studied topic within the social sciences. Major contribu- tors emerged in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries discussing social changes observed with the rise of capitalism (Marx 1978 [1867]; Weber 1964 [1904]). Marx’s works have been arguably the most influential. He considered class in terms of labor division: those who control labor (wealthy capitalists or bourgeoi- sie) being at the top and the working poor (or proletarians) being at the bottom of the hierarchy. As a result, Marxist theory bases class divisions on the totalizing and opposing nature of capitalist economy. Since the 1980s, historical archaeologists have recognized the importance of exploring capitalism and class (Leone 1996 [first published in 1984]; Leone and Potter 1999; Orser 1996; Wylie 1999; Wurst 1999; Wurst and Fitts 1999). Following on from Marxist thought, earlier studies focused on the opposing nature of different social structures, exploring concepts such as power and ideology, and how they can be used to hide the nature of social relations. Leone’s (1996:371–389) study of William Paca’s garden in Annapolis is an example of this approach. William Paca was a wealthy landowner and signatory of the Declaration of Independence. His lavish property contained formal, terraced gardens located close to the house and a wilder, less ordered garden located further away. The gardens were purposely designed to create the optical illusion that the “wilderness” was located further away from the house than it actually was. According to Leone (1996), the optical illusion was designed to mask the contradictions in William Paca’s own life and in wider American society: that a person could own slaves yet live in a place that pro- claims independence and freedom for all. Other early works (e.g., Spencer-Wood 1987; Miller 1991) focused on measuring class through socioeconomic status. Critics argue that early approaches viewed class and social relations as static and unchanging (Wurst 1999; Wurst and Fitts 1999:2). This prompted archaeologists to call for a reassessment of how and why they study class (Leone and Potter 1999; Wurst 1999: Wurst and Fitts 1999; Wylie 1999). Wurst (1999) argued for a relational view of class which rather than focusing on status seeks to understand the true nature of social relations and how social 18 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors groups are linked to one another. Many (McGuire and Paynter 1991; Orser 1996; Wylie 1999) agree that the value of studying class lies in highlighting the otherwise unrecorded histories of the past communities and understanding the ways in which capitalism has shaped the modern world. An important example of a relational approach to class analysis has been the work of Mary Beaudry, Stephen Mrozowski, and others at Lowell, Massachusetts. Lowell was a planned mill city built on the policy of corporate paternalism. The city’s founders designed a space that attempted to completely control the living environment of mill workers and to accentuate class differences (Mrozowski and Beaudry 1990:2015). Boarding houses, built for the unskilled laborers, were industrial in design, much like the mills themselves (Beaudry 1989:22). At the other end of the spectrum, the agents’ houses were typical examples of upper-middle-class housing (Mrozowski and Beaudry 1990:202; Mrozowski et al. 1996:42). They were raised above the ground, had enclosed private yards, and other luxuries not found in the boarding houses. Archaeological evidence from an agent’s house revealed colorful, decorated ceramics with examples of matching sets, serving vessels, and tea wares. The boarding houses, however, contained plain Whiteware items with limited sets, serving vessels, or tea wares (Mrozowski et al. 1996:61–62). Corporate control also extended to the private lives of workers, discouraging the consumption of alcohol, establishing curfews as well as mandatory attendance at Sunday church services (Mrozowski et al. 1996:66). Company owners justified this social control as beneficial for public interest and concern for worker welfare. However, this claim often conflicted with reality (Beaudry 1989:20). Company owners failed to comply with directions from the Board of Health who stipulated, in 1890, that the use of privies be discontinued. Archaeological evidence and oral histories found that privies continued to be used in the boarding houses until 1915 (Beaudry 1989:27). On the other hand, evidence also suggested that workers did not always adhere to company rules. For instance, in terms of alcohol consumption, excavations revealed the presence of liquor bottles, beer mugs, and wine glasses. Some of these were found in a cache beneath steps, suggesting that they were hidden and consumed in private, away from the eyes of managers (Beaudry 1989:28; Beaudry and Mrozowski 2001:121). As well as demonstrating class differences at opposite ends of the spectrum, Lowell provides evidence for an emerging middle class (Mrozowski 2000:278). Lowell’s middle class consisted of managers and overseers. They were rarely company stockholders and their success was instead based on their ability to increase company profits. Housing for managers and overseers was slightly larger than boarding houses and had more yard space (Beaudry and Mrozowski 2001:126). Excavations at an overseers’ block revealed some similarities with the agents’ houses, such as the presence of more hand-painted and transfer-printed ceramics, a plastic smoking pipe mouthpiece, and items of jewelry (Mrozowski et al. 1996:64– 65). However, similarities were also found with the boarding house assemblages, such as the presence of clay pipes and the same types of buttons. This suggests that the new managerial middle class was in a process of negotiation somewhere between the superior class of the agents and the inferior class of workers. As a result, 2.2 Class 19

Mrozowski (2000:278) stressed that the social production of class should be seen as fluid and that social distinctions are open to variability. This notion of fluidity, along with the idea that class is not the only factor shaping the dynamics of social interaction, that gender, ethnicity, race, and age all play a role, has become widely accepted among historical archaeologists looking at class (e.g., Mrozowski 2000:281, 2006:13; Mullins 1999, 2001). Since the 1990s, such frameworks have been incorporated into studies exploring the archaeology of urban slums (Karskens 1999a, b; Mayne and Murray 2001; Yamin 1997, 1998, 2001a). These studies aimed to look beyond preconceived notions of daily life in such neighborhoods, often marred by middle class accounts of filth, disease, and immoral behavior which helped to create the slum “myth” (Mayne 1993:1). Instead, the intent was to explore issues relating to working-class identity, cultural diversity, gender, and childhood. An important example is the work of Rebecca Yamin and others at New York’s Five Points. This was a multicultural neighborhood housing mostly immigrants from Ireland and Eastern Europe in overcrowded tenements or subdivided shanties (Yamin 1997:47, 2001a:156). However, contemporary middle-class observers, predominately missionaries and moral reformers, tended to show the area in a negative light, labeling it filthy and disorderly. Residents were described as lazy, immoral, drunks, and thieves, who neglected their children (Fitts 2001:121–128). These descriptions were intended to warn middle-class readers of the dangers of urban slums and to raise funds for the continuation of the missionaries’ work. In order to scandalize and ensure the collection of funds, the descriptions of life and depravity at Five Points were greatly exaggerated (Fitts 2001:123). The resulting myths about life in this urban slum continued into the twentieth century, influencing popular works such as Herbert Asbury’s (1928) The Gangs of New York: An Informal History of the Underworld, which helped to establish the myth further (Fitts 2001:129). As well as exploring the multicultural nature of the neighborhood (see the ethnicity section of this chapter), the work of Yamin and others (Bonasera and Raymer 2001; Fitts 2001; Linn 2010; Milne and Crabtree 2001; Reckner 2001) also looked at working-class culture. Part of the interpretative process in the study of Five Points involved the use of narrative vignettes (see Yamin 1998, 2001a, b). These were stories, which attempted to connect individual artifacts to their owners and reveal an alternative way of looking at life in Five Points. One of the key findings of the study was that artifacts, such as matching sets of ceramics, flowerpots, and figurines, can be interpreted as evidence of attempts by Five Points residents to lead respectable lives. Despite the harsh living conditions that surrounded them, people strove to attain material comforts and lead lives that were at odds with the negative claims made by middle-class reformers (Yamin 1997:48–52, 2001a:158–166). The study also explored gender and childhood at Five Points. Much of the material culture was found to relate to the lives of women, as they were the ones most likely making consumer decisions relating to the lives and “respectability” of their families. Evidence also suggests that women were taking part in needlework as a means to augment their families’ income (Yamin 1997:50). The lives of children were also discussed particularly in relation to play and how this related to 20 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors

working-class life (Yamin 1997, 2001a, 2002). According to Yamin (2002:123), the fact that marbles predominate the assemblage distinguishes it from typical middle- class assemblages, where children spent most of their time at home. Working-class children on the other hand, spent much of their time outdoors, and marbles were convenient toys able to be taken anywhere. The presence of toys and other items related to children (such as cups with moralizing messages) were also interpreted as parents’ attempts to indulge and educate their children. The Rocks in Sydney (as well as Little Lon in Melbourne, discussed in detail in Chap. 3) is another important example in the study of urban slums. Like Five Points, The Rocks was an overcrowded, multicultural, working-class neighborhood (Karskens 1999a vol 2, 1999b:18; 2001:69–72). The area was originally a convict settlement and was often regarded as the “other” Sydney, away from order and civil- ity. Urban growth during the nineteenth century led middle-class Evangelical reformers and social observers, such as William Stanley Jevons, to describe the area as overcrowded, dirty, and disease-ridden (Karskens 1999b:154, 2001:69). Descriptions of the area’s inhabitants focused on recently arrived immigrants such as the “immoral” Chinese or the “bad and dirty” Irish (Karskens 2001:69). They also noted the area’s harbor-side location and abundance of “drunk, brawling sail- ors” (Karskens 2001:69). Such caricatured descriptions of life in the neighborhood influenced twentieth-century social histories and even modern public understanding of the area (Karskens 2001:70). Archaeological work in The Rocks attempted to move beyond such descriptions. Karskens (1999a vol 2:119; 1999b:157; 2001:74–77) and others (e.g., Crook et al. 2005:144–184; Godden Mackay Logan 1999 vol 4, part 1:314) found a range of artifacts relating to refined dining such as matching sets of tablewares and tea wares, including serving vessels. Numerous items related to personal care and presentation such as wash sets, combs, brushes, perfume bottles, jewelry, as well as good quality shoes and fabrics (Karskens, 1999b:140–141, 158–159, 2001:76). There was also a range of children’s toys including miniature tea sets, dolls, and lead figurines as well as ceramic fragments with moralizing messages (Karskens 1999a vol 2 138–139; 1999b:141–179; 2001:74). Karskens (2001:77) suggested that these artifacts represent a culture of self-improvement and of things that mattered to people as they endeavored to attain personal and domestic comforts and to provide for their children. Child-specific items were also interpreted as conveying notions of childhood as a separate phase in life, of innocence and indulgence (Karskens 1999b:179). Similarly, Lydon (1998:141–143) found that artifacts such as dinnerwares and breakfast cups from Mrs. Ann Lewis’ boarding house (also in The Rocks) represented attempts to run a clean and respectable boarding house. It also demonstrates that Mrs. Ann Lewis strove to find a respectable source of income that allowed her to work without leaving her home. Karskens (1999a vol 2:180; 1999b:163–166; 2001:79), however, also found that not all evidence from The Rocks pointed to strict adherence a culture of respectability. For instance, drinking alcohol and gambling were found to be important parts of socializing at The Rocks, as evidenced in the presence of a variety of different alcohol bottles, glassware, and homemade gambling tokens. 2.2 Class 21

The concept of respectability, discussed by both Yamin (1997, 2001a, b) and Karskens (2001) among others (Lampard 2009; Lydon 1998; Quirk 2008), stems from the cult of domesticity or gentility. This was a nineteenth-century middle-class ideology, which held certain values stemming from Evangelical Christianity, morality, decorum, and etiquette (Young 2003). The basis of the ideology was to know and put into practice what was required to become a better kind of person. This encompassed upholding Christian values, good work ethics, manners, and propri- ety. In addition to these behavioral prerequisites, the ideology also advocated personal hygiene and presentation, cleanliness, and the demonstration of correct taste in material possessions. The latter was applicable to a range of goods from clothing to homewares and furnishings and was displayed socially in rituals such as recipro- cal dining and afternoon tea visits. Possessing a dinner set with accompanying serving vessels, glassware for different beverages, and specialized cutlery, for example, would denote the owner’s knowledge of correct taste (Young 2003:182). Other principles guiding this ideology were the importance placed on home/family life and the gender-based separation of private versus public life. With regard to the former, home itself was regarded as a sacred sphere, a sanctuary away from the evils and dangers of the outside world (Fitts 2001:116; Tosh 1999:27). Spending quality family time was encouraged, in particular being in the company of children whose innocence and spontaneity were seen as virtues that adults could learn from (Fitts 2001:116; Tosh 1999:28). Throughout the nineteenth century, there was a surge in the production of toys and books targeted at children, reflecting the popularity of this line of thought (Roper and Tosh 1991:40). Genteel ideology also held that women possessed greater moral authority than men due to feminine qualities such modesty and gentleness. Therefore, they were regarded as best suited to pass on good moral values to their children (Fitts 2001:116). As a result, the private life within the home was regarded as the domain of women, in which they were responsible for bringing up their children and providing a pleasant and comfortable environment for the family as a whole. Men on the other hand were seen as best suited to the challenges of work and the outside world, and therefore, public life was regarded as men’s domain (Cott 1977:67–70). As previously shown, although gentility is associated with the middle class, aspects of this worldview have also been interpreted in archaeological studies of urban slums (Karskens 1999, 2001; Lydon 1998; Yamin 2001b; see also Murray 2006; Porter and Ferrier 2006). Certain attributes, such as the gender-based separation of public and private life, would have been unlikely in a working-class context. Limited means, for example, would not have allowed many women to stay home without working. Rather, they would have had to contribute to the family income through employment performed either inside or outside the home. Furthermore, limited means would not have allowed for the purchase of elaborate table settings required for genteel dining, or such items used in middle-class display of correct taste. However, other aspects of gentility could be adapted to suit working-class circumstances. Rotman (2009:2) argues that ideologies such as the cult of domesticity were rarely adopted wholesale. Rather, they were interpreted, combined, and 22 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors adapted by people to suit their own financial and social positions, political ideals, and other cultural processes. This adaption or version of middle-class ideology is what is known as the culture of “respectability” (Karskens 1999b; Lampard 2009; Lydon 1998; Young 1998). Recent research (e.g., Spencer-Wood and Matthews 2011:1) has stressed that poverty impoverishes as well as marginalizes, and as a result, people living in poverty struggle for financial means as well as reputation. The manifestation of the struggle for reputation becomes visible in the culture of respectability. Appropriate dress, appearance, and cleanliness as well as buying goods that were both fashionable and conveyed domestic comfort while also being affordable were all features of the culture of respectability. Historical archaeologists have stressed the importance of not assuming that working-class people wanted to imitate the middle classes by adopting these ideals but rather that they appropriated the concept of self-improvement and tailored it toward their means and lifestyles (Karskens 1999b:154–166; Lampard 2009:50, 61–62; Yamin 2001a:166, b:13). For example, while middle-class genteel perfor- mance may have utilized consumer goods (e.g., elaborate tea sets) as a form of status display, working-class people may have used similar items as a way to improve their surroundings by purchasing nice things that also served functional purposes. Critics have warned against the misuse of research into urban slums (e.g., Casey 2003; McConville 2000; Sneddon 2006). For instance, Sneddon (2006) argued that site formation processes might distort our perceptions of nineteenth-century slum life. Excavations at the Mountain Street Site, a former slum in Sydney, revealed that frequent flooding and ad hoc garbage disposal could lead to a miscalculation of the amount of consumer goods attributed to one household. This could, in turn, lead to an understatement of the poverty experienced in inner city slums (Sneddon 2006). However, a significant point made by Mayne (2003:77) in the “slum debate” (see also Mayne et al. 2000; Murray et al. 2004) was that the archaeological and documentary evidence has, firstly, confirmed urban inequality (through poor housing, poor diet, and limited consumer goods) and, secondly, highlighted the capability of the working class to adapt to these circumstances. Furthermore, most artifacts analyzed from large urban sites such as The Rocks and Little Lon came from sealed and often single-event deposits such as cesspits. Therefore, similar site formation processes to those encountered by Sneddon (2006) had not been encountered (Murray and Mayne 2001, 2003). In recent years, the study of class has turned its focus on poverty. Researchers (Spencer-Wood and Matthews 2011:1) recognize that being poor is a sociopolitical condition, not just an economic one. As such, poverty forms part of a person’s identity. As in previous studies, current trends also take a relational approach, exploring class and its relationship with other power dynamics such as race, ethnicity (Orser 2011a; Mullins et al. 2011), and gender (Spencer-Wood 2011; Piddock 2011). However, a stronger focus is now placed on recognizing that prejudice and social inequality formed part of the daily lives of people living in poverty, and as such they should not be understated or ignored in archaeological discussion. Neither should modern neoliberal values be projected on the lives of people in the past (Symonds 2011:563–564). For instance, when discussing urban slums, researchers (Mayne 2.3 Ethnicity 23

2011:559; Walker et al. 2011: 634; Symonds 2011:568) warn that while the slum myth should not be sustained, neither should archaeologists in the attempt to debunk it, romanticize the lives of people living in them. In other words, by discussing the concept of respectability, we need to be careful not to suggest that working-class people were imitating wealthier households or that there existed a uniformity of opportunity and behavior regardless of economic means (Mayne 2011:559; Symonds 2011:568). Researchers (Orser 2011a:162; Walker et al. 2011:634) also warn against basing our analyses on poverty solely at a household level. This approach tends to highlight differences between households and provides a possibly unrealistic interpretation of poverty in the past. It trivializes people’s experiences by undervaluing inequality. As well as misreading past lives, we also run the risk of endorsing oppression and social inequality today by ignoring it in the past (Mayne 2011:557; Orser 2011b:538; Symonds 2011:563). Researchers (Orser 2011a:162; Walker et al. 2011:634) instead suggest that we should use different scales of analysis, ranging from household and societal to global levels for our interpretations of poverty in the past to be meaningful. An analysis at a global scale is what this comparison of Casselden Place and La Casa Peña provides, and the study of class and poverty is fundamental to the understanding life and consumerism at these two sites. Both sites were located in suburbs with a shared notoriety for being among the cities’ worst slums. This section has shown that previous studies that looked at urban slums (Karskens 1999b; Mayne and Murray 2001; Yamin 1997, 1998, 2001a, b) attempted to challenge contemporary middle-class stereotypes by exploring working-class identity particularly in relation to the culture of respectability. This book carries on from these important works by exploring what the datasets reveal about everyday life and consumerism in two urban slums and what (if anything) this can tell us about genteel values adapted to a working-class setting. However, this approach also attempts not to lose sight of the hardships and dif- ficulties that poverty brings (Mayne2011 :559; Walker et al. 2011: 634; Symonds 2011:568). It does not, for instance, play down consumer spending on fashionable items (such as bric-a-brac) by interpreting them purely as evidence of emulation of wealthier classes by the working class. Instead, it looks at the assemblage as a whole in order gain a richer perspective of life at the two sites. It also recognizes that class experiences are fluid and complex and that they need to be considered along with other markers of identity and factors contributing to the human experience such as gender, household structure, and ethnicity.

2.3 Ethnicity

Historians have demonstrated that the period from the late eighteenth to early twentieth centuries was the most intensive era of migration in human history (Dinnerstein and Reimers 1999:6; Manning 2005:148–150). During this period people left 24 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors

Europe and other parts of the world due to issues of overpopulation, unemployment, and racial intolerance as well as a range of other factors. They moved to nations throughout the New World that had a high demand for labor (Dinnerstein and Reimers 1999:18). As a result, Melbourne and Buenos Aires experienced significant growth due to immigration during this period, and people of diverse ethnic backgrounds settled into working-class suburbs such as Little Lon and San Telmo. As highlighted in the preceding section, race and ethnicity have been identified as factors that influence consumer behavior (e.g., Henry 1991; Mullins 1999, 2001). In two such culturally diverse settings as Melbourne and Buenos Aires, it is important to consider whether differences in cultural norms, tastes, and customs are present in the archaeological record and whether these reveal evidence of cultural continuity unique to each local context housing many newly arrived immigrants. Early studies on ethnicity tended to regard it as a fixed entity. Some focused on pattern recognition or the identification of ethnic markers, that is, artifacts that could be attributed to a specific ethnic group (Etter1980 ; Staski 1990). Researchers focused on measuring levels of cultural continuity and acculturation, and some viewed ethnic identity as permanently altered or lost once people acculturated within the dominant society (Deagan 1973:64; Greenwood 1980:117; McGuire 1982:161). Early African Diaspora studies had a strong focus on such analyses. A central theme in this area has been the study of ceramics displaying influences of African, European, and Indigenous attributes, known as colono-ware in North America and other terms throughout the Americas. While some studies have interpreted these ceramics as evidence of acculturation and creolization, others have compared them to African ceramic traditions and argued for evidence of cultural continuity (Ferguson 1992; Matthewson 1972). Critics, however, have argued that such studies often offer little to no consideration for the idiosyncrasies of local contexts and disregard wider issues such as imperialism, racism, and global connections (Hauser and DeCorse 2003; Mullins 2008). Fesler and Franklin (1999) noted that in recent times, there has been a trend in historical archaeology to discard earlier methods of analysis for more rigorous research into the relationship between ethnicity and material culture. Archaeologists studying the African Diaspora, for example, recognize that researching ethnic markers, whether they are linked to African culture or creolization, is counterproductive (Singleton 1995:133; Leone et al. 2005:582). They highlight, instead, the need to see culture as a fluid entity that can continue, adapt, change, and reinvent itself (Leone et al. 2005:582; Jones 1997:117–118). Furthermore, archaeologists also recognize that ethnicity is just one aspect of the many (e.g., class, gender, age, religion, etc.) that form part of a person’s self-identity. Influential in this movement has been Jones (1997) whose work was largely adapted from Bourdieu’s concept of habitus. In this framework, habitus is seen as a set of social practices and beliefs, learned from an early age, which form part of a person’s cultural environment and identity. Material culture, in this framework, is seen as an active dimension of this learned social practice (Jones 1997:117–118). 2.3 Ethnicity 25

This framework has been applied by recent studies looking at British culture in colonial societies (e.g., Lawrence 2003; Terry and Prangnell 2009). Lawrence (2003) compared nineteenth-century British colonies in South Africa and Australia and identified parallels, particularly in relation to architecture and domestic ceramics. Colorful and diverse ceramic assemblages where identified in the colonies which contrasted to the American preference for Whitewares. Lawrence (2003:28) attributed this difference to over 200 years of colonial experience in America compared to the later colonies of Australia and South Africa, which represented a “new” British culture of colonialism. Lawrence stressed that this new culture could be fluid, dynamic, adaptable, and renegotiable within local contexts (Lawrence 2003:21). Terry and Prangnell (2009:99) also emphasized the diverse nature of British culture in a colonial context. Through an analysis of archaeological and documentary data, they looked at ethnicity at Caboonbah Homestead in the Brisbane Valley during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although the Somerset family who inhabited the homestead were British, Terry and Prangnell (2009:99) found that they expressed both “competing and complementary” British and colonial Australian ethnicities. As a result, the authors concluded that habitus does not comprise a set of inflexible rules. Rather, it can be molded according to the different social and cultural contexts individuals encounter throughout their lifetimes (Terry and Prangnell 2009:108). Researchers studying the archaeology of Chinese communities have employed a similar approach (Gonzalez-Tennant 2011; Kraus-Friedberg 2008; Rains 2003). Former interpretations, which tended to regard Chinese culture as static and traditional, have now largely been rejected (Lydon 1999:198; Rains 2003:34; Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1998:91; Voss 2005:426; Voss and Allen 2008). Instead, they recognize that culture is in itself heterogeneous and fluid; that migrant experiences vary in different settings; and that social interaction between different ethnic groups can also be complex in nature (Gonzalez-Tennant 2011; Rains 2003). An example is the work of Rains (2003) who applied the theory of mutualism while interpreting artifacts surveyed at a gold mining camp in Cooktown, Queensland. This framework follows from the work of Emile Durkheim and is based on the notion that all societies have networks of connection and interaction (Orser 1996:31). The artifact assemblage from Cooktown included a large quantity of Chinese food and beverage storage vessels, rice bowls, as well as a large quantity of European glass vessels. Rather than interpreting the presence of Chinese artifacts solely as evidence of maintained cultural traditions and European artifacts as substi- tutes for unavailable Chinese products, mutualism explores social complexity, connections, and cultural transformation. For instance, Rains (2003:38) suggests that while traditional interpretations would regard inter-ethnic interaction between Chinese and people of European descent as largely economic, the presence of alcohol beverage bottles may reveal evidence of inter-ethnic socialization and the transformation of traditional Chinese attitudes toward drinking (which tended to be linked more to family and feasting). At the same time, the evidence also suggests 26 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors that Chinese residents maintained traditional customs with respect to diet and dining rituals. Other traditional Chinese customs have been identified in distinctive building methods (Smith 2003), mining techniques (McGowan 2003), butchering marks (Piper 1988), mortuary rituals (Fosha and Leatherman 2008) gambling tokens, and opium smoking (Costello et al. 2008). Researchers (e.g., Rains 2003:24), however, have warned that the identification of some traditional practices (such as gambling and opium smoking) may be based on biases derived from early documented European accounts. Interpretations should recognize that traditional customs were practiced within a wider social network that included interaction with people of diverse cultural backgrounds, in which ideas and customs would have been inter- changed (Gonzalez-Tennant 2011; Rains 2003). The study of Jewish and Irish communities has further demonstrated the complexity of identity and inter-ethnic social interaction (Brighton 2004; Linn 2010; Praetzellis and Praetzellis 2004, 2009; Stewart-Abernathy and Ruff 1989). Praetzellis and Praetzellis (2004, 2009) found that newly arrived European Jewish immigrants to West Oakland and San Francisco abandoned some aspects of traditional Jewish culture. Archaeological evidence for this in West Oakland included a corset fastener, which according to Praetzellis and Praetzellis (2004:70–71) represented a move away from traditional dress into mainstream American fashion. Further evidence included the presence of treyfe (non-kosher) foods such as shellfish, pork, and hindquarter cuts of meat. Similar results were also found at a Jewish home in Washington, Arkansas (Stewart-Abernathy and Ruff 1989). In New York’s Five Points, however, dietary evidence suggests that the household of a Polish rabbi was generally maintaining a kosher diet that included mostly beef and fish with very little evidence of treyfe foods (Milne and Crabtree 2001). The archaeology of Irish immigration has been studied within a few sites across the United States. Evidence of cultural continuity, shared history, traditions, and affiliation with homeland struggles has been identified (Beaudry and Mrozowski 2001; Brighton 2004, 2006, 2011; Linn 2010; Rotman 2010). This evidence has been found to be unique to immigrant experiences and adaptable to local contexts. For instance, at Five Points, a widespread pattern of soda water use was noted (Linn 2010). Drawing on Bourdieu’s habitus framework, Linn (2010) suggests that the ways in which Irish immigrants understood and used soda water was uniquely Irish and based on traditional beliefs relating to the healing nature of pure, bubbling water. As such, it was used for the aid of different physical complaints. However, in the context of living in a new place, it was also used as a way to identify with fellow immigrants, alleviate “homesickness,” and adapt to their new environment by adhering to American values particularly in relation to temperance (Linn 2010:69). Clay smoking pipes embossed with Irish nationalistic symbols such as the Harp of Erin and Wolf Tone found at Lowell, Massachusetts (Beaudry and Mrozowski 2001:122–124), and the Red Hand of Ulster found at Paterson, New Jersey (Brighton 2004, 2006), are seen as evidence of affiliation with Irish political debates. However, according to Brighton (2004:161) they can also be interpreted as symbols of social consciousness in a local context, related to issues such as workforce inequality 2.3 Ethnicity 27 affecting Irish immigrants in America. Reckner (2001) had earlier looked at clay pipes from Five Points and also linked them to social struggles facing Irish immigrants. He suggests that the scarcity of pipes embossed with American patriotic motifs in Irish households was due to the prevalence of anti-Irish and anti-Catholic sentiment among native-born Americans (Reckner 2001:110). Taking a broader assemblage approach by looking at ceramic and glass artifacts has revealed further insights into Irish and Irish-American identity. Rotman (2010) noted a high proportion of tea wares, no matching sets and only one ceramic serving vessel associated with Irish immigrants at South Bend, Indiana. Rotman (2010:125) claimed that such artifacts were indicative of an adherence to traditional Irish values centered on family life as opposed to social reproduction and outward display associated with American (as well as British) values. Meanwhile, Brighton (2011) looked at identity shifts between earlier Irish immigrant and later Irish-American households from Five Points and Paterson. He noted similar results to South Bend among the Irish assemblage from Five Points, including few serving vessels and matching sets as well as a preference for transfer-printed wares. The later generation of Irish-Americans at Paterson, however, tended to have more serving vessels and matching sets, less tea wares, a preference for white granite, and more glass tableware vessels. These patterns are similar to those found in non-Irish households. According to Brighton (2011:40), this indicates that the later generation of Irish- Americans was more willing than previous generations to participate in the accumu- lation of goods that adhered to American values. As this section has demonstrated, archaeological studies on ethnicity have shown that artifacts can represent ethnic identity, group membership, and cultural continuity (Brighton 2004; McGowan 2003; Milne and Crabtree 2001). It has also been established that immigrants from different parts of the world settled into Little Lon and San Telmo, and as such, it is important to recognize that as people migrate, they are likely to take with them the values, ideas, and expressions that define them in relation to ethnic identity (Wiebe 2002:14). This book will take these concepts into account and explore whether distinct cultural traditions can be observed within the two assemblages. However, recent trends in the study of ethnicity have emphasized that culture is a fluid and diverse entity (as with class) that can be adapted, changed, and rein- vented (Brighton 2011; Jones 1997; Lawrence 2003; Leone et al. 2005; Praetzellis and Praetzellis 2004; Rains 2003). This book will also take this concept into account and explore whether evidence of cultural change can be observed at the two sites. For instance, it will explore whether residents at La Casa Peña took up the local custom of drinking mate or if they preferred beverages they were accustomed to at home. Drinking mate was (and still remains) a common social activity in Argentina as well as other South American countries. It is a drink typically shared among family or friends and consumed by people of all ages and at various times of the day. Yerba mate was largely imported throughout the nineteenth century from surrounding nations with warmer climates such as Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay. Historically, it was consumed by local Indigenous Guaraní and Querandí people; however, it was 28 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors not long after colonization that the Spanish and later immigrants also adopted the custom (Folch 2010:7). Mate requires particular equipment for its preparation including a pava (a kettle with a narrow spout), a bombilla (drinking straw) typically made from metal or wood, and a gourd which could be made from a variety of different materials such as metal, wood, and calabash squash. It can be consumed hot or cold although it is known as tereré rather than mate when served cold. Tereré has generally been more popular in Paraguay, Southern Brazil, and the northern provinces of Argentina than in Buenos Aires, where mate is the preferred drink. This book will also consider whether there are any observed changes in such customs through time. Similarly, with the Casselden Place assemblage evidence of change and adaption of the predominant British culture into a colonial Australian setting will be explored. For instance, it will consider whether there are tea sets found in the assemblage, and if so, what material they are made from (e.g., ceramic, metal). If metal wares are encountered, it will consider whether this suggests a more “outback” approach to a British custom. Melbourne was certainly far from the outback, but it was also far from Britain, so it is interesting to explore what the assemblage reveals about Britishness in a faraway colony. Understanding whether cultural differences (or even lack thereof) exist between such ethnically diverse settings will increase our understanding of nineteenth- century consumer behavior. Purchasing patterns at Casselden Place and La Casa Peña may reflect specific cultural traditions, unique to each setting, such as a widespread use of soda water observed by Linn (2010) among Irish immigrants in New York. Alternatively, few or indeed no cultural differences may be observed. Comparing the two sites in this manner will highlight whether ethnicity was a major factor influencing consumerism or whether other factors played a greater role.

2.4 Gender and Childhood

For a more thorough look at life in Casselden Place and La Casa Peña, this chapter considers two other major factors that influence power relations: gender and age (Gilchrist 2004:144; Rotman 2005:1; 2009:11). In early historical archaeological studies, women and children were largely ignored. Such studies tended to concen- trate on the lives and homes of historically important male figures in colonial towns such as Williamsburg and Jamestown in the United States (Brown and Samford 1994; Cotter 1957). Later work sought to identify women in the archaeological record in order to prove that they were there too (Comber 1991 in Karskens and Thorp 1992; McEwan 1991; Starbuck 1994). Artifacts such as perfume bottles, jewelry, decorative buttons, and cooking pots were identified as evidence of the presence of women. Critics, however, have labeled this approach as tokenistic, unfairly representing both women and archaeology as a discipline (Karskens and Thorp 1992:66). Recently, archaeologists have stressed that the study of gender should not only focus on women, neither should it only focus on engendered power struggles 2.4 Gender and Childhood 29

(Brandon and Barile 2004:7). Rather, gender should be interpreted at a household level in order to emphasize the dynamic nature of families/social groups and the daily rhythms of life that comprise the social experience (Brandon and Barile 2004:7–8; King 2006:299; Rotman 2005:14). Furthermore, research has found that gender roles are influenced by internal factors such as marriage, divorce, and wid- owhood, among other life-changing experiences (Gilchrist 2004:144; Rotman 2005:1, 2009). Therefore, as with ethnicity and class, gender roles and attitudes toward gender are not fixed structures. Rather, they undergo changes over time and space (King 2006:304; Rotman 2005:1, 2009). Recent studies have also recognized that a thorough interpretation of the archaeological record requires the inclusion of all members of past societies, including children (Baxter 2005; Kamp 2001; Sofaer-Derevenski 1994; Wilkie 2000). Child- related artifacts, such as toys, reveal more than just the mere presence of children. They can also provide information about the environment children grow up in and about their relationship with others around them (Baxter 2005:16). For instance, researchers (e.g., Baxter 2005; Pragnell and Quirk 2009; Wilkie 2000) have suggested that toys can represent attempts by adults to socialize children and instill behavioral norms based on gender and class, among other things. Dolls and doll’s tea sets tended to be given to girls in order to encourage maternal instincts and social etiquette. Meanwhile, boys were given items such as marbles and encouraged to play sports so that their “rough” instincts could be released outside, allowing them to behave respectably indoors (Pragnell and Quirk 2009:42). Although adults may have purchased and chosen toys for their children, with or without the intent to instill certain values, Wilkie (2000:102) reminds us that children were not passive participants in this process. Toys could be used by children in group play to negotiate status among their peers. Children could also make their own toys and games to play with from everyday objects that they had around them (Baxter 2005:42–43; Davies and Ellis 2005:20–21; Karskens 1997:121; Lawrence and Davies 2011:321). Furthermore, children could ignore toys that they were given, redesign them, intentionally lose or destroy them. For instance, Wilkie (2000:103–104) found an abundance of doll’s heads in a household assemblage spanning a short, 2-year occupation in Santa Monica, California. The doll’s heads were highly fragmented and possibly deliberately smashed. Wilkie (2000:103–104) argued that this was likely an act of rebellion or an expression of stress and frustra- tion by the eldest child against the birth of a new sibling. In this sense, toys can be interpreted as social discourse, not just objects of play. Moreover, as researchers (Baxter 2005:22; Wilkie 2000:100) have stressed, identifying children in an assemblage is not limited to finding child-specific artifacts, just as identifying women is not limited to finding perfume bottles and ornate buttons. By not looking at the assemblage as a whole, we run the risk of underestimat- ing the economic and social roles of children in the past, which may have been very different to our own childhood experiences. Wilkie (2000:108–110) considered the economic role of children of enslaved families living on a plantation in New Providence Island, Bahamas. Evidence showed that the main source of protein in the residents’ diet was shellfish and fish. According to Wilkie (2000:109), children’s 30 2 Consumer Choice, Class, Ethnicity, and Other Factors small hands could easily collect the types of shellfish represented, which burrow between the reefs, where adults’ hands may struggle to reach. It is therefore likely that children were actively contributing to their families’ diet. As with the study of class and ethnicity, recent research shows that gender and age should also be interpreted at a household level in order to understand the complex nature of everyday life (Baxter 2005; Brandon and Barile 2004:7–8; King 2006:299; Rotman 2005:14; Wilkie 2000). Such is the approach taken in this book – an assemblage-based comparison of two households that considers gender and childhood, along with consumer choice, class, and ethnicity to better understand consumer behavior.

2.5 Complexities of an Interpretative Approach

As the preceding sections have outlined, this study moves beyond an empirical approach to artifact cataloguing with the aim to interpret material culture predominately through the themes of consumer choice, class, and ethnicity. As such, it is necessary to briefly acknowledge some complexities of this approach. In the first instance, an interpretative approach can lead to different narratives being constructed when discussing the presence and use of certain artifacts. Beaudry et al. (1991:157) remind us that there is no reason to assume that artifacts are capa- ble of serving only one symbolic function. Instead they can offer multiple meanings often simultaneously (see also Casella and Fowler 2005:4). For example, Stein et al. (1996:49–75) proposed that blue beads in African-American assemblages could be interpreted as both items for personal adornment and charms associated with local- ized belief systems (e.g., for good luck). Although multifaceted answers may intro- duce complexities, they are also a positive aspect of research that goes beyond empirical analysis in an attempt to provide information on past social contexts. Secondly, artifact meaning may be subject to change. Discussion on artifact biography has highlighted the fact that meanings associated with certain artifacts may change over time and context (Gosden and Marshall 1999:174; Mytum 2003:111). Objects pass through periods of production, exchange, ownership/use, breakage, and deposition. As a result, the meaning associated with these objects may be transformed or expanded as an object is altered, used in new ways, or changes hands. For example, Hamilakis (1999:303–320) explored the change in meanings associated with the Elgin Marbles. Initially commissioned to celebrate military victory against the Persians in the fifth century BC, the marbles could be seen as symbols of status and reputation for the Greeks. Later, once they were removed from Athens by Thomas Bruce, the Seventh Earl of Elgin in 1801, to British society they likely represented an ideal of Greek artistic achievement. For Greeks, in recent times, they may be interpreted as symbols of Hellenistic pride in the much-politicized appeal for repatriation. However, it is also necessary to acknowledge that the meaning that we associate with certain artifacts may or may not be the meaning that people ascribed to them in References 31 the past. We cannot claim to know the myriad of possible meanings that certain objects once held for people. Did the Elgin marbles symbolize status and reputation to all aspects of society in ancient Greece or just the ruling class? What we can do is offer possible interpretations. We know that material things were integral to past ways of life, but we encounter them in the present. Consequently, Thomas (2000:10) argues that we cannot recover the past meanings of these objects but rather we create new meanings resulting from the encounter of the past in the present. Despite its inherent complexities, an interpretative approach allows for an exploration of past life that empirical analysis alone cannot offer. An interpretation of consumer behavior through the lens of consumer choice, class, and ethnicity, along with other factors, will provide a richer understanding of life in two working-class neighborhoods. Comparing the results between two markedly different cities, such as Melbourne and Buenos Aires, will also achieve an insight into nineteenth-century consumer behavior from a global perspective. As the period under study was marked by the interconnected nature of the world through globalization, such a comparison is a necessary step toward a greater understanding of nineteenth-century consumerism as a whole. However, before a comparison can be presented, it is necessary to set the scene. The following chapters provide the background history of the two cities, beginning with Melbourne.

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‘Turning off Little Bourke Street, the detective led the way down a dark lane… “Keep close to me,” whispered Kilsip, touching the barrister on the arm; “we may meet some nasty customers about here”… Kilsip and the barrister kept for safety in the middle of the alley, so that no one could spring upon them unaware, and they could see sometimes on the one side a man cowering back into the black shadow, or in the other a woman with disordered hair and bare bosom, leaning out of a window trying to get a breath of fresh air. There were also some children playing in the dried-up gutter, and their shrill young voices came echoing strangely through the gloom – mingling with a bacchanalian sort of song of a man was singing, as he slouched along unsteadily over the rough stones. Now and then a mild looking string of Chinamen stole along, clad in their dull hued blue blouses, either chattering shrilly, like a lot of par- rots, or moving silently down the alley with a stolid Oriental apathy on their yellow faces. Here and there came a stream of warm light through an open door, and within the Mongolians were gathered round the gambling tables, playing fan-tan, or else leaving the seductions of their favourite pastime, and, gliding soft-footed to the many cooktops, where enticing-looking fowls and turkeys, already cooked, were awaiting purchasers. Kilsip, turning to the left, led the barrister down another and still narrower lane, the darkness and gloom of which made the lawyer shudder, as he wondered how human beings could live in them. “It is like walking in the valley of the shadow of death,” he muttered to himself…. (Hume 1886 [2012]:132–133) The passage above is an excerpt from what has been called the bestselling crime novel of the nineteenth century, Fergus Hume’s The Mystery of a Hansom Cab, published in 1886. This was 1 year before Sir Arthur Conan Doyle debuted the Sherlock Holmes mysteries with A Study in Scarlet with less success than Hume had experienced. Hume’s novel was an overnight sensation that was advertised at the time as a “startling and realist” portrayal of life in Melbourne (Caterson 1999:v). Like in many other cities, life in 1880s Melbourne was characterized by extremes in wealth and poverty. This is reflected in Hume’s work with descriptions of wealthy Melbournites promenading around the Collins Street block or spending time in the prestigious Melbourne Club, juxtaposed with the above description of two middle- class characters (Kilsip and the lawyer) venturing into the sordid slums of Little Bourke Street, not far from Little Lon. But despite having spent multiple nights visiting Melbourne’s slums to “gather material,” Hume’s descriptions are filled with nineteenth-century middle-class beliefs on poverty, morality, crime, ethnicity and

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 39 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_3 40 3 Marvellous Melbourne stereotypical caricatures – such as the bare-bosomed woman or the Chinamen (Caterson 1999:vi). So different was the slum to his own surroundings, so dangerous and dark, and so far from the image of “Marvellous Melbourne” that the lawyer, recalling Psalm 23, likened it to walking in the valley of shadow of death. To better understand what life was like for the residents of Little Lon, it is necessary to move away from such slum stereotypes that have shaped depictions in popular culture and later historical narratives of Melbourne alike. The aim of this chapter is to set the scene and provide a more complete background of nineteenth-century Melbourne and Little Lon. The chapter begins with a brief history of the city from pre-colonization through to the close of the nineteenth century and includes major events that shaped the city such as the gold rush, the land boom, and the 1890s depression. The chapter then describes conditions for working-class people in nineteenth-century Melbourne followed by a background history of the suburb of Little Lon. It then moves onto detailing the archaeological work previously conducted at Little Lon and concludes with a discussion of the archaeological work previously conducted at the specific site of Lot 35, Little Leichhardt Street.

3.1 Setting the Scene: Early Melbourne

Archaeological evidence suggests that Aboriginal people have occupied the Greater Melbourne area for at least 30,000 years BP. The oldest sites in the region are located in Keilor, dated to 31,000 years BP, and Dandenong South, dated to 30–35,000 years BP (Flood 1995; Hewitt and Allen 2010). Archaeological sites that have been identified in the region reveal much about past Aboriginal lifeways. Remains, such as earth mounds, shell middens, animal bones, grinding stones, hearths, and clay balls used as heat retainers, provide evidence of campsites and cooking activities. Fish traps constructed from stone fences, pens, and weirs as well as various types of stone tools demonstrate past hunting and fishing activities. Scarred trees tell us about the manufacture of canoes, containers, shields, and temporary shelters, while other sites and artifacts provide evidence for the manufacture of stone tools (such as stone quarries; axe-grinding grooves; and stone cores, flakes, and tools manufactured from quartzite, chert, silcrete, and quartz, among other raw materials). Creative, ritual, and ceremonial activities are likely represented by site types such as rock art, the burial of human remains, and stone arrangements in circles and animal shapes (Coutts 1978). Other than archaeological data, there are documentary records left behind by early European settlers. This data is by no means extensive and is not without European bias. However, it has enabled researchers to piece together additional information about Aboriginal life. We know, for instance, that at the time of European settlement, the Port Phillip District formed part of the traditional lands of the Wurundjeri-willam clan of the Woi wurrung people (Clark 1990:364–365). The Woi wurrung were part of the Kulin Nation who occupied most of central Victoria (Presland 1994:36). The Kulin 3.1 Setting the Scene: Early Melbourne 41

Nation comprised six groups that shared linguistic and cultural ties: the Bun wurrung, Ngurai-illam wurrung, Djadja wurrung, Wada wurrung, Duang wurrung, and Woi wurung. The Bun wurrung, Ngurai-illam wurrung, Duang wurrung, and Woi wurrung languages were all dialects of one language, sharing 75% common vocab- ulary with each other. “Kulin” was a word meaning human being, and “Wurundjeri willam” meant “white gum tree dwellers” (Clark 1990:385). The Woi wurrung were hunter-gatherers who occupied an area of land north of the Yarra River in Melbourne city to the Great Dividing Range; east to Western Port Bay, approximately 80 km from Melbourne; and west to the Werribee River, approximately 35 km from Melbourne (Clark 1990:379–380). Members of the Wurundjeri- willam clan of the Woi wurrung lived along the Yarra, Plenty, and Maribyrnong Rivers (Clark 1990:385). They moved around this region on an annual cycle, prefer- ring to stay closer to the banks of the main rivers in the warmer months and moving to higher grounds in the cooler months (Presland 2010:72). The traditional land of the Woi wurrung people was rich in resources. The various watercourses provided a reliable water supply. People fished and hunted for eels, mussels, fish, reptiles including snakes, and birds such as ducks and brolgas. Other frequently hunted animals included kangaroos, bandicoots, emus, and pos- sums, which were favored for their skins to make cloaks as well as their meat. Various plants and roots made up the mainstay of their diet, in particular an abun- dant variety of tuber known as myrnong or yam daisy (Presland 2010:68–72). Each of the traditional Kulin Nation language groups was divided into clans. The Woi wurrung was comprised of four different clans (one of which was the Wurundjeri willam) who were each responsible for a section of Woi wurrung territory (Clark 1990:364–365). A clan could include as many as 100 people. For practical reasons (e.g., greater hunting and gathering efficiency), clans were further divided into smaller, family-based units referred to as bands (Presland 1994:38–40). Apart from sharing similarities in language, the Kulin Nation groups also shared cultural traditions related to land inheritance, initiation and burial practices, marriage ties, and religious beliefs (Barwick 1984:104–107). They adhered to a patri- lineal descent system and the Bunjil (eagle-hawk) and Waa (crow) moiety system. Each clan belonged to either one of these moieties, and marriage partners were chosen from the opposite moiety. Allegiance to an individual’s moiety was also adhered to during dispute resolutions, religious rituals, and even ball games. Clan and moiety membership was inherited from a person’s father, and a person retained that membership until death. With clan membership came responsibility for the clan’s land. Members of the same moiety and relatives of clan members could also have certain privileges associated with the use of that land. But others (including visitors) would have to ask formal permission from clan heads if they wanted temporary access to it (Barwick 1984:104–107). Transient European settlement began in the early nineteenth century by sealers and whalers working in coastal regions (Blainey 2013:18–19; Boyce 2012:9–11). Sealers had worked along the southern coast of Australian as early as the late eighteenth century. They found that Australian seals were easy to club and their processed skins were largely exported to China (Boyce 2012:9). Gradually, they formed 42 3 Marvellous Melbourne permanent settlements were they processed seal and kangaroo skins, ate their meat, grew small vegetable and crop gardens, and also kept goats to supplement their diet (Boyce 2012:10). By the 1830s, whalers also began using the Victorian coast, where they would process whale oil for export to Britain. Both sealers and whalers also collected wattle bark, which was easily available in the region. Wattle bark was used to tan leather and was largely exported to Britain (Blainey 2013:19; Boyce 2012:11). Sealers and whalers were predominately ex-convicts. They tended to supplement the income from trading in skins, oil, and wattle bark with seasonal wage labor in established settlements, regularly moving between the Port Phillip coast, the Bass Strait Islands, and the mainland of Van Diemen’s Land. At these settlements they would pick up provisions such as tobacco, tea, rum, and sugar (Boyce 2012:11). Attempts at permanent convict settlements were also made in the Victorian coast at Sorrento and Corinella. Sorrento was settled in 1803 and included 50 marines, 300 convicts, and a band of free settlers and officials (Blainey 2013:19). The settlement lasted a total of 7 months. Corinella was settled in 1826 and included 20 soldiers, 20 convicts, a small party of women, and William Hovell, an English explorer. The settlement at Corinella lasted 14 months. Both Corinella and Sorrento were settled with the attempt to establish strategic British positions along the Bass Strait coast and prevent the French from occupying the area. However, both were ultimately abandoned due to failure in finding permanent freshwater or land suitable for cultivation (Blainey 2013:19). It was not until 1835 that the settlement of what is now Melbourne began albeit unofficially. Victoria had long appealed to colonists in Van Diemen’s Land for the prospect of grazing sheep and cattle there. John Batman, a sheep farmer from Launceston, Van Diemen’s Land, had unsuccessfully sought legal permission to graze livestock in Victoria since 1827 (eMelbourne). By 1835 however, he decided to attempt a different approach. He formed the syndicate known as the Port Phillip Association with the purpose to find suitable land to graze stock and settle the Port Phillip District. Other than Batman, the association initially comprised a banker, Charles Swanston; a lawyer, Joseph Gellibrand; and a surveyor, John Wedge. Batman set sail for Victoria with seven Aboriginal people from New South Wales and several Tasmanian colonists and servants aboard the schooner Rebecca in May of that year (Blainey 2013:20; eMelbourne). The landing party soon accomplished their first aim, which was to secure the rent of thousands of hectares of land from the Woi wurrung for approximately ₤200 worth of goods in a transaction known as the “Batman Treaty.” The goods included flour, red shirts, blankets, knives, mirrors, tomahawks, and other goods and were to be paid annually to the Woi wurrung for land which today includes the cities of Melbourne and Geelong (Boyce 2012:57–70; Cannon 1991:8; Shaw 1996:46). The treaty was also designed to provide protection to Aboriginal people from other Europeans in the area, such as sealers and whalers. However, it is very unlikely that Aboriginal people consented to the concept of selling their land by signing a written treaty considering that neither party understood each other’s language. Boyce (2012) has also suggested that it is likely that Aboriginal people saw the goods as “gifts” given to them in exchange for permission to temporarily pass through their 3.1 Setting the Scene: Early Melbourne 43 land. The treaty was not initially recognized by the colonial government of New South Wales, who opposed the settlement of Port Phillip due to a lack of official authority in the area (Cannon 1991:8). Along with Batman, another important figure in the founding of Melbourne was John Pascoe Fawkner, who was also from Launceston. There he held various profes- sions including as an auctioneer, baker, coach-owner, bookseller, journalist, farmer, timber merchant, and proprietor of the Cornwall Hotel (Blainey 2013:22; Shaw 1996:51). Fawkner was responsible for financing a party who arrived in Port Phillip in July 1835 aboard the ship Enterprise (Shaw 1996:51–52). The party was the first to reach the site of present-day Melbourne and chose this area along the banks of the Yarra River to establish the first permanent village. Fawkner’s party included other than a sea captain and skipper, carpenters, a plasterer, a blacksmith, and several servants to help build the village. Fawkner himself arrived by October 1835, bringing with him more tools and provisions to assist in establishing the settlement, and within the first few years of settlement, Fawkner established a pub, handwrote the town’s first newspaper, and launched a lending library (Shaw1996 :52–56). Official permission to settle the area was finally granted by the British Government in September 1836, and Port Phillip was incorporated into the jurisdiction of the New South Wales (Blainey 2013:23; Priestley 1984:19–20). Governed from Sydney, Port Phillip did not have local administration until 1839, when Charles J. La Trobe was appointed the first superintendent. It did however, have a local police presence following the appointment of Police Magistrate, William Lonsdale, in 1836. The following year, Melbourne was officially named after William Lamb, Lord Melbourne, and Prime Minister of England (Blainey 2013:24). Official naming aside, in these early years of settlement, Melbourne was more of a camp than a town. It comprised only a few features such as a customs house; a couple of pubs; a plaza bounded by William, Collins, and Market Streets; and several tents and huts constructed of wattle and daub or turf (Blainey 2013:24; Shaw 1996:58). Sheep grazing was the settlement’s dominant industry, carried out through illegal squatting on government land. In 1836, the Act to Restrain the Unauthorised Occupation of Crown Lands was passed in New South Wales, which restricted the occupation of land to those who had a license and those without one were deemed to be trespassing (Boyce 2012:124). The following year the Crown released individual allotments for sale, bringing a squatter “land rush” to Melbourne, particularly given that there was no limit to how many runs each licensed squatter could claim, provided they stocked each with shepherds and sheep (Boyce 2012:142). From 1837 to 1842, the European population of Port Phillip grew from 1000 to 20,000. With settlers came sheep, and estimates suggest that sheep numbers rose from 26,000 in 1836 to 310,000 by 1838 and to 700,000 by 1840. This number doubled by 1842 (Boyce 2012:151). The advanced growth of the settlement had a dramatic impact on the life of Aboriginal people. Their traditional way of life including the hunting and gathering of native resources, vanished through displacement and loss of land. European settlers had exclusive control over productive land and reliable water sources. Sheep grazing scared away kangaroos, and other game and fertile floodplains that had once 44 3 Marvellous Melbourne provided plant foods, such as the yam daisy, were taken over and damaged (Blainey 2013:33; Boyce 2012:170–171). Many Aboriginal people lost their lives as a result of European settlement (Boyce: 2012:173–175; Broome 2005:20–26; Cole 1981:24; Presland 2010:90). Conflicts had arisen since the early days of contact in the region, when sealers and whalers would abduct Aboriginal women. Following permanent settlement however, conflicts intensified particularly over food resources. Once traditional food became restricted for Aboriginal people, some began killing sheep or stealing other provisions from European settlers. This led to violent confrontations and massacres where European firearms would cause more damage than traditional weapons such as spears and axes. It has been speculated that at least 400 Aboriginal people were killed by firearms (and only one European was ever convicted for shooting an Aboriginal person) during this early period of settlement (Boyce 2012:173–175). Other than frontier violence, the other devastating impact to Aboriginal life was caused by introduced disease to which they had no immunity such as smallpox, influenza, measles, tuberculosis, dysentery, and venereal disease (Broome 2005:20– 26; Cole 1981:24; Presland 2010:90). To manage the frontier violence situation, an Aboriginal protectorate scheme was introduced in Port Phillip in 1839. George Augustus Robinson was appointed Chief Protector along with four Assistant Protectors (Blainey 2013:33; Boyce 2012:12–13). Aboriginal reserves and stations were established across the district, and Aboriginal people were encouraged to move into them. The protectorate was largely unsuccessful in this endeavor and by 1849, it had been disbanded (Presland 1994:100). But by 1860, another attempt at managing the situation was made with the establishment of the Central Board for the Protection of Aborigines. The purpose of this board was to run missions and reserves throughout the state. Many Aboriginal people, left with little other choice, moved into them until these too were phased out during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Broome 2005:38–43; Cole 1981:27–28). In the meantime, Melbourne became an important port city that served the economic interests of the colony. Wool was its primary export, particularly during the first decade after European settlement, while farming (primarily wheat) was another important industry (Blainey 2013:40; Cannon 1991:8; Garden 1984:39). The prosperity brought by these early industries along with the long distance to Sydney was the main reason why separation for the Port Phillip District from New South Wales was sought by many settlers since at least 1836 (Shaw 1996:237–238). A slump in the demand brought down prices for sheep and wool between 1842 and 1843, and a Depression set in, which impacted many settlers (Blainey 2013:35). However, the economy recovered quickly, and by 1 July 1851, legislation was passed by the New South Wales Legislative Council enabling the separation of the Port Phillip District from New South Wales (Shaw 1996:237). The new colony was named Victoria, and within a month of separation, it would have reason to celebrate again with the discovery of gold at the town of Clunes, located 140 km from Melbourne. Gold would became the colony’s major export for the next two decades, and the gold rush that followed its discovery was among the largest in the world, 3.1 Setting the Scene: Early Melbourne 45 bringing unprecedented growth to the city (Davison 1978:7; Priestley 1984:30). By the end of 1854, more than 140,000 people had arrived from Britain, more than 110,000 from other Australian colonies, and more than 20,000 from China, all in search of gold (Blainey 2013:44). That year, Melbourne surpassed Sydney in population, and the colony’s overall population rose from 77,000 in 1851 to 500,000 in 1858 (Blainey 2013:52). By the late 1850s, Melbourne was no longer a village but a growing city. Buildings of stone and brick replaced the huts and tents, gas lit the main streets, and water drawn from a reservoir replaced horse-drawn water carts (Blainey 2013:52). Grand public buildings were constructed including the State Library and the University of Melbourne in 1854, the Victorian Parliament in 1856, and the Treasury Building in 1857 (eMelbourne). A number of theatres were also erected including the Olympic Theatre and the Theatre Royal, both in 1855, and the Princess Theatre in 1857, which was located on Spring Street and within close proximity to Little Lon (eMelbourne). Melbourne had always relied heavily on imported goods for its survival, but the sudden growth brought on by the gold rush intensified this demand. By 1853, more imports were arriving than people could consume (Blainey 2013:45). Vast quantities of alcohol reached the city including beer, cider, brandy, rum, gin, and whiskey. Boots, building materials, and prefabricated houses of iron and wood were other important imports, many of which came from England. In fact, during this period, Victoria was one of England’s most important customers (Blainey 2013:45). The gold rush had virtually ended by the early 1870s, but during this period, farming (particularly wheat) intensified. Squatting runs had been opened up for public sale to selectors (small-scale farmers). This was facilitated by a series of Land Acts passed during the previous decade, which were designed to encourage closer, more intensive settlement (Blainey 2013:64). Benefiting the interests of farmers, the Land Acts were opposed by many that had made their fortune by squatting – the landed “squattocracy” (Blainey 2013:64). Following the gold rush, during the 1880s, Melbourne experienced a major land boom. This was fuelled partly by the prosperity of the gold rush and partly by foreign (primarily British) investment in land speculation (Davison 1978:6–14; Garden 1984:195). Melbourne hosted two international exhibitions during this decade (in 1880 and 1888) with the aim to promote commerce and industry as well as culture, ideas, science, and technology. The grand Royal Exhibition Building in Carlton was constructed for this purpose. At the same time, vast sums of money were poured into other opulent buildings throughout the city and in housing developments at the city’s edge and outer suburbs. Office buildings, up to 12-storey high, banks, hotels, and coffee palaces (such as the Grand in Spring Street – now the Hotel Windsor) decorated with towers, domes, spires, and cast-iron lacework amazed international visitors (eMelbourne). George Augustus Sala, a London journalist, was one of these visitors. In 1885 he wrote: I found Melbourne a really astonishing city…Omnibuses, hansoms, and hackney wagon- ettes swarm in the streets, and very soon an extensive system of cable and horse tramway cars will be thrown open... The Town hall is gigantic and imposing, the General Post office 46 3 Marvellous Melbourne

vast… There is a splendid university… There are half a dozen theatres, more or less. There is a very grand permanent Exhibition building and a fine aquarium… There are asylums, markets, hospitals, coffee palaces, public and private schools, clubs, parks, gardens, race- courses and recreation-grounds in profusion in and about the city; and I need scarcely say that there are any number of big banks and insurance offices which in their architecture are more than palatial. The whole city, in short, teems with wealth…[Melbourne is] magnificent and marvellous. (Sala in The Argus, 5 August 1885) Rail construction played an important role in the land boom. Railways provided access to suburban estates, and as a result a wave of railway building took place throughout the colony. This was made possible by the Railway Construction Act 1884 which authorized the construction of 66 separate lines and was financed by a mix of public/private and domestic/foreign (particularly British) investment (eMelbourne). The boom also led to increased employment and another wave of mass immigration (Davison 1978:153; Sherington 1980:85). People from the United Kingdom and Ireland made up the vast majority of immigrants to Melbourne. However, toward the end of the century and to a much lesser extent, people were also arriving from Germany, Scandinavia, China, India, and the Middle East (Broome 1984:100– 119; Davison 1985:7; Sherington 1980:114–115). By 1888, the price of land broke all previous records, and by the following decade, the population of Melbourne had reached half a million. Melbourne during this period was a financial, commercial, and cultural hub (Blainey 2013:79). The boom, however, was short-lived. A depression developed during the 1890s that formed part of a wider worldwide economic crisis. The land boom collapsed due to rash speculation and brash investments particularly in rail construction (eMelbourne; Macintyre 1999:129). The increased reliance on foreign investments in the previous decade had had a costly impact on international debt. British banks refused new loans to Australian colonies, and a loss of confidence in many minor domestic financial institutions led to their closure. This affected the major domestic banks, most of which had suspended business by 1893 in what was Melbourne’s worst financial crisis (eMelbourne; Macintyre1999 :129). The construction of housing, roads, and railways halted, and the only major public work that was carried out was the much-needed underground sewerage system. People found it difficult to pay their rent or mortgages, and as a result, building societies and banks repossessed many houses from defaulters. In fact, one in ten of Melbourne families lost their homes. In addition, wool prices and exports that had been progressively falling since the 1870s continued to drop (eMelbourne). During this time, unemployment grew and reached 30% of skilled labor by 1893 and was even higher among the unskilled labor force. Charitable institutions could not cope with the demand among the working classes (Colligan 1993:8; Macintyre 1999:129; Swain 1985:104). Immigration decreased and many immigrants moved back to their home countries throughout the 1890s. The rates of marriages and births also dramatically declined (Sherington 1980:115; Broome 1984:94; Macintyre 1999:130). 3.2 Little Lon and Working-Class Life in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne 47

3.2 Little Lon and Working-Class Life in Nineteenth- Century Melbourne

Little Lon was a working class precinct of business and residence. The neighborhood grew from a small community at the city’s edge to a densely populated precinct between 1850 and 1875. During this period the neighborhood comprised small, single-, and double-story dwellings built of wood, brick, or stone. These modest dwellings had a maximum of two or three rooms. Alongside many of the residences were a range of businesses including hotels, stonemasons, butchers, and various other small shops and workshops (Mayne 2006:320). During the latter quarter of the nineteenth century, Little Lon underwent a number of changes. Some wooden houses were replaced by larger brick residences or business premises such as factories, engineering works, and an enameling business. Other houses, particularly along Leichhardt Street, functioned as brothels, while most houses continued to be used as residences (Mayne 2006:320–321). In many ways, Little Lon was a typical inner-city working-class suburb, allowing people a short commute to work. Areas such as West Melbourne near Queen Victoria Market and suburbs such as Collingwood, Carlton, Port Melbourne, and Fitzroy were all centrally located and typical examples of working-class places of residence similar to Little Lon. These areas offered employment in the wharfs, railway yards, and small factories (including boot, clothing, and brick making). There were also breweries, workshops, and quarries (Davison 1985:15; eMelbourne 2008; Vines and Churchward 1992:32–66). In addition, people were employed in areas such as trades, retail, and domestic service in nearby wealthier homes (Swain 1985:101– 102). The wealthier middle and upper suburbs were concentrated in areas with wider open spaces such as St Kilda, Toorak, Kew, Hawthorn, Richmond, and East Melbourne (Davison 1985:21; Priestley 1984:26–28; Swain 1985:102). The small lanes and alleyways that made up inner-city suburbs such as Little Lon tended to be cramped and overcrowded, bringing a myriad of problems to residents. The first of these was the inability to supplement an already meager diet. Given the limited space, there was often little opportunity for people to supplement their diets with homegrown vegetables or the ownership of domestic animals such as cows, pigs, or poultry (Cannon 1975:264–266). Nineteenth-century social observer Marcus Clarke noted that poor people in Melbourne often had to pawn possessions such as boots, watches, and books in order to have sufficient funds to purchase meat (Cannon 1975:266). Secondly, inner-city houses were often inadequately ventilated and unsanitary as waste would be dumped in the streets and privies were infrequently emptied. There was no underground sewerage system in Melbourne until 1897 or proper drainage (Lack 1985:172–173). Household rubbish would frequently be swept under the floorboards or out in the street. In addition, contamination from noxious industries such as abattoirs, slaughterhouses, fellmongeries (businesses that separated wool from sheepskins), woolwashers, tanneries, tallow boilers, soapmakers, bonemillers, and the papermill heavily polluted the Yarra River. Blood and offal from the abattoirs 48 3 Marvellous Melbourne and slaughterhouses flowed straight into the river, as did dirty wastewater from woolwashers, and other industries (Lack 1985:172–173). In addition, these businesses produced such foul smells that the city earned the nickname of “Smellbourne” (Dunstan 1985:144). Given the overcrowded conditions, pollution, poor drainage, and waste removal, outbreaks of diseases such as typhoid, tuberculosis, cholera, diphtheria, scarlet fever, measles, whooping cough, and smallpox were a common threat in nineteenth- century Melbourne (Dunstan 1985:151–152; Swain 1985:93). To supplement limited incomes from the primary (generally male) breadwinners, often women as well as children would have to work. Wages varied according to skill level and economic fluctuations throughout the nineteenth century; however, they were generally very low. They also tended to vary according to gender and age. Working in domestic service, women rarely earned more than 10 shillings per week, while men employed as gardeners or butlers earned up to 30 shillings per week (Colligan 1993:19). In tobacco factories, experienced workers could earn up to 3 pounds per week, while children earned 7 shillings (Cannon 1975:271). Working conditions were bleak for all workers. Most employers expected long hours of work even after the first Factory Act was introduced in 1873 (Colligan 1993:7; Cannon 1975:271; Vines and Churchward 1992:24). The Factory Act 1873 was aimed at reducing the hours in a workday particularly for women and children. Poor ventilation and a lack of adequate toilet facilities were common in many workplaces including factories. Poor ventilation led to the spread of disease such as typhoid. Safety was another major issue particularly around powerful machinery, which often lacked safeguards (Cannon 1975:269). Contemporary middle-class social observers, journalists (such as Marcus Clarke), and religious campaigners concentrated only on the negative. The Reverend Charles Strong, while describing the deplorable conditions that the city’s working class lived in, claimed that under such circumstances people would forget the refine- ments of life and perhaps even neglect their children (Cannon 1975:266). Such writ- ers portrayed Little Lon as one of Melbourne’s worst slums and chief red light district. Nearby brothels along Lonsdale Street owned by Madame Brussels and Annie Wilson were particularly infamous and fuelled the area’s notoriety. Scandal peaked when the Parliamentary Mace went missing in 1891, thought to have ended up at Annie Wilson’s brothel (Mayne and Murray 1999:51; McCarthy 1989:66). Several Christian institutions including the Salvation Army and the Catholic Church established charitable mission houses in the neighborhood, some with the primary aim to provide assistance to Melbourne’s fallen women (Mayne and Murray 1999:50). Many of Melbourne’s charity workers and those who donated to their cause believed that the poor were morally corrupt and underserving of their assistance. They believed that poverty was somehow the result of personal failure, lazi- ness, selfishness, and uncleanliness. This belief coupled with the unsanitary conditions observed in Melbourne’s slums sparked fears of the spread of moral laxity and of disease such as cholera, smallpox, and even the plague (Dunstan 1985:43; Swain 1985:91–105). 3.2 Little Lon and Working-Class Life in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne 49

Fig. 3.1 “Behind the Scenes” 1935, F. Oswald Barnett, Housing Investigation and Slum Abolition Board. (Source: State Library of Victoria)

Newspapers allied with church campaigners called for a war on slums and vice (see Fig. 3.1). In 1913 the State Parliament appointed a housing committee who described Little Lon as an ethnic enclave and a slum quarter comprising cramped hovels (Mayne and Murray 1999:51–52). Meanwhile, the popular poetry of C. J. Dennis described Little Lon’s inhabitants as “low, degraded broots” who spent the time fighting and drinking as the following passage describes: ‘Me, that ‘as done me stretch fer stoushin’ Johns, An ‘spen’s me leisure gittin’ on the shick, An’ ‘arf me nights down there, in Little Lon., Wiv Ginger Mick. (Dennis 2012 [1914]) Gradually, during the first half of the twentieth century, most residences in Little Lon were taken over by expanding business and new enterprises such as Chinese cabinetmakers (Mayne 2006:321). By 1948, the Federal Government had compul- sory acquired the Commonwealth Block, bulldozing most buildings in a slum clearance effort aimed at urban renewal. Land was cleared for the construction of new government offices built during the 1950s and 1960s (Mayne and Murray1999 :52). Most of the remaining buildings on the block were cleared during the 1970s for the construction of the Telstra (an Australian telecommunication company) national headquarters building (Mayne and Murray 1999:52). 50 3 Marvellous Melbourne

3.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Little Lon

Several archaeological and heritage studies have been previously conducted at Little Lon, conducted both in academic and heritage management frameworks (e.g., Davies 2006; Godden Mackay Logan 2004; Hayes 2011; Howell-Meurs 2001; Howell-Meurs et al. 2001; Lane 1995; Long et al. 2001; Mackay et al. 2006; McCarthy 1989, 1990; Mayne 2006, 2011; Mayne and Lawrence 1999; Mayne and Murray 1999; Mayne et al. 2000; Murray 2006a, b, 2011a, b, 2013; Murray and Crook 2005; Murray and Mayne 2001, 2002, 2003; Nelsen 1987; Nelsen and Sawyer 1994a, b; Porter and Ferrier 2006; Ryan and Edmonds 1979; Simons and Maitri 2006; Williamson 2006). The most relevant of these are discussed below.

3.3.1 Development of the Commonwealth Centre Site (1979 and 1987)

The first heritage study to be commissioned for the Commonwealth Block was in 1979 for the Department of Housing and Construction Victoria-Tasmania Region (Ryan and Edmonds 1979). This report was primarily intended to establish the historical and architectural significance of the buildings on the Commonwealth Block and to make recommendations for their possible retention and conservation. The study identified 11 buildings of high architectural and historical significance including 17 Casselden Place (see Fig. 3.2), the Oddfellows Hotel, and the Church of England Mission (Ryan and Edmonds 1979:40). The historical aspect of this study highlighted the area’s notoriety focusing on themes such as prostitution, crime, and Chinese immigration. As the redevelopment of the Commonwealth Block did not go ahead at this stage, this report was later reevaluated by historical architect Ivar Nelsen in 1987. Nelsen (1987) reiterated the historical and architectural significance of the block. He also added that potential archaeological sensitivity existed and that this potential would need to be investigated before development of the site could proceed (Nelsen 1987:5).

3.3.2 Little Lon: Archaeological Investigation of the Commonwealth Block (1989)

Consultant archaeologist Justin McCarthy was commissioned by the Department of Administrative Services and Telecom Australia to undertake an archaeological investigation at the Commonwealth Block for the construction of two multistory office towers in 1988 (McCarthy 1989). The Department of Housing and Construction had divided the Commonwealth Block into three sections (Sections A–C). The majority of Sections A and C were excavated during McCarthy’s (1989) 3.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Little Lon 51

Fig. 3.2 17 Casselden Place, Melbourne. (Source: Ricardi 2018; Photograph taken by the Author) investigation, and Section B remained unexcavated as development was not sched- uled to occur in this section at the time. McCarthy and his team excavated almost 6000m2 in 10 × 10 m trenches (McCarthy 1989 vol. 1:12). Volunteers were engaged to assist during the excavation as well as the artifact sorting and cataloguing phases of the project. The project was completed in a very short period, and time constraints were cited as a major hindrance to all aspects of the project (McCarthy 1989 vol. 1:5). McCarthy (1989 vol. 1:6) identified three main construction phases at the site: an early brick and/or bluestone phase, a later brick and concrete phase, and a final brick and concrete phase. The most recent stratigraphic sequences identified throughout the site comprised rubble and fill and were associated with the construction of a car park in the 1960s and the demolition of previous structures (McCarthy 1989 vol. 1:6). Overall, McCarthy (1989 vol. 1:6) emphasized the highly disturbed nature of the site, which resulted in mixed deposits throughout the majority of the area, excepting cesspits, where the stratigraphic integrity remained intact. The artifact assemblage included such items as bottle glass, ceramics, bone, building materials, metal items, shoes, clothing, coins, jewelry, tools, clay pipes, and toys. Analysis of the assemblage involved bagging and labeling all artifacts. However, cataloguing was restricted to artifacts from deposits with stratigraphic integrity such as cesspits and other refuse pits. Over 22,000 artifacts were found in these deposits; however, of these only ceramic and glass artifacts were analyzed and 52 3 Marvellous Melbourne catalogued. Analysis and cataloguing focused on manufacturing techniques and other attributes that allowed artifacts to be dated and also recorded form, function, completeness, and decoration (McCarthy 1989 vol.1). The historical research conducted on the site included an examination of such sources as valuation and rate books, building applications, Town Clerk files, directories, land title records, and various plans (McCarthy 1989 vol.1). Research revealed that allocating specific artifacts to individuals was often not possible due in part to the transient nature of tenancy at the site. However, it was possible to identify several of the names of the tenants as well as their occupation, sex, ethnicity, and other information (McCarthy 1989 vol.1). McCarthy (1989) concluded that the artifact assemblage at the Commonwealth Block reflected the residential and industrial nature of the site. His interpretation of the historical research, however, has been criticized as focusing more on historically defined themes of the area including prostitution, poor sanitation and health, and the presence of minority groups such as Chinese immigrants (McCarthy 1989 vol. 1:55–96; for critiques, see Mayne and Lawrence 1999; Mayne et al. 2000; Murray and Mayne 2001).

3.3.3 Mayne and Murray (1999–2003)

Tim Murray and Alan Mayne were the first to undertake academic research on the previously excavated sections of Little Lon. Up to this stage, only limited analysis of the excavated material had occurred. Mayne and Murray (Mayne and Lawrence 1999; Mayne and Murray 1999; Mayne et al. 2000; Murray and Mayne 2001, 2002, 2003; see also Murray and Crook 2005) held that there was more that could be said about Little Lon than previous investigations had shown. They claimed that since the late nineteenth century, middle-class social commentators stereotyped Little Lon as a slum. The success of C. J. Dennis’ works helped to further establish the neighborhood’s reputation as a “scowlin’ slum.” Later, twentieth-century social historians perpetuated this myth of the neighborhood, who, while challenging the image of slum dwellers as villains, portrayed them instead as victims – the outcasts of Melbourne. According to Mayne and Lawrence (1999:334), these kinds of social histories used the same themes discussed in earlier social discourse to typecast Little Lon’s inhabitants into the roles of criminals, prostitutes, and Chinese opium smokers. Archaeologists, such as McCarthy (1989), later continued this trend in the interpretation of the Commonwealth Block site. The site report concluded that Little Lon was an “urban ghetto’ overcrowded with poor and desperate people” (McCarthy 1989 in Mayne and Murray 1999:53). According to Murray and Mayne (2002:29), the social stereotypes associated with Little Lon and other urban slums are social constructions. Invented by contemporary middle or upper classes, they overshadowed the realities of nineteenth- century working-class neighborhoods. Their approach, which they termed “an ethnography of place,” called for the application of imagination and sensitivity 3.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Little Lon 53 when studying the intricacies of the past (Mayne et al. 2000). They wanted to move beyond the use of archaeological data to confirm historical stereotypes. Further, their approach attempted to interpret the symbolic messages encoded in material goods through Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, recognizing that the codes of meaning attached to material goods can facilitate communication by those who understand their meaning. They urge us to attempt to feel as people did in the past by aiming to interpret “…documents, memories and artifacts in the past context in which they were anchored…” (Mayne and Lawrence 1999:345). It is important to stress here that by focusing on material goods and their meaning, Mayne and Murray’s aim was not to deny inequality but rather to focus on the material culture of inequality that may have been ignored in previous interpretations (Mayne and Lawrence 1999:343). Mayne and Murray’s work involved a re-examination of the archival and archaeological datasets from the 1989 excavation of the Commonwealth Block and an analysis of oral histories. The archival work expanded the range of materials that had been used previously with the aim to match precise excavated areas with historical records. As such, for some of the individual allotments studied, they were able to link the artifact material to specific family histories in the hope of retelling histories to show aspects of life at Little Lon that had not been told before. This had not been possible in previous heritage management-driven work (McCarthy 1989) due to time and budget constraints. For instance, documentary data for Lot 69, Casselden Place, revealed that the Maloney family, although not wealthy, did not fit the typical poor, transient, slum-dweller stereotype. John Maloney was a laborer who tried his luck working in the gold mines. He found success and invested in property in Little Lon and lived with his family in the same house for nearly 50 years. Records also revealed that the Maloneys (and other residents) wrote to the Commissioner of Police to complain about several brothels located in the neighborhood. Carlo Bracchi, another resident of Little Lon, was an Italian immigrant who started out selling ice cream by handcart and then expanded his business to a two- story ice-cream factory and ice works, with an attached home. Oral histories revealed that as a young girl, Marie Owen, another Little Lon resident, remembered going over to the Bracchi’s to set jelly in their fridge. Murray and Mayne (2001:101– 102) suggest that stories such as these reveal that Little Lon was a patchwork community, inhabited by people from different walks of life, not just the typecast slum-dweller characters. A major limitation encountered during the course of their work was that many of the original site records of the excavation, such as level books and context sheets, went missing. Following the completion of McCarthy’s site report in 1989, ownership of the site records, photographs, and artifacts was transferred to Melbourne Museum. The collection was housed throughout various abandoned factories and warehouses around the city, and it was this dispersal that led to the loss of material, including site records. This ultimately impacted the quality of data that Mayne and Murray could work with and restricted their analysis to exploring artifact frequencies and the patterns that emerged from this level of analysis. Without specific 54 3 Marvellous Melbourne

context data, Mayne and Murray considered the entire site as a single analytical unit, a palimpsest of data throughout the site’s occupation (Murray and Mayne 2001:89, 98). The re-examination of the artifact assemblage concentrated on selected allotments (e.g., Lots 69, 74A, and 74B Casselden Place). The assemblages were compared in terms of occupancy: Lot 69 housing long-term owner/occupiers (the Maloney family) and Lots 74A and 74B housing various short-term tenants. The results were surprisingly similar in terms of artifact frequencies across all allotments. Although residents at Little Lon had limited means, they were avid consumers who purchased and discarded material goods related to all aspects of everyday life, from tools of trade to dinnerwares and decorative objects. This was irrespective of whether their occupancy was long or short term, demonstrating that there was more to be said about the residents of Little Lon than the stereotypical image of the transient slum-dweller with little possessions (Murray and Mayne 2001, 2003). Overall, the work of Mayne and Murray concluded that Little Lon was a place of work and residence for many poor families, and as such, interpretations should not rely solely on the area’s notoriety as a slum and red-light district. Their work also questioned whether the homogeneity that was noticed in the assemblages was a product of the mass consumption. As such, they identified the need for further research to move beyond the micro-scale level of analysis to the macro-scale and compare Little Lon to sites elsewhere in Australia and elsewhere around the world (Mayne et al. 2000; Murray and Mayne 2001, 2002).

3.3.4 Casselden Place Development Phase 3 (2001)

Andrew Long and associates were commissioned by the Industry Superannuation Property Trust Pty Ltd. (ISPT) in 2001 to undertake a preliminary archaeological investigation for the construction of two retail/commercial towers. The investigation was of an L-shaped study area within the Commonwealth Block, which included McCarthy’s Section B (Long et al. 2001). The initial archaeological planning report (Long et al. 2001) established that the area had high potential for the preservation of archaeological deposits relating to the nineteenth-century use of the site and recommended a program of test excavations. The subsequent test excavations included 11 machine-excavated trenches and three test pits (Howell-Meurs et al. 2001). The results of these excavations revealed that relatively intact deposits existed below the car park surface. However, this varied across the site. Significant disturbance was noted in the northern section of the study area, while the southern section contained intact deposits. The consultants recommended that due to the significance of the site, the area be subjected to wide- open area excavation (Howell-Meurs 2001; Howell-Meurs et al. 2001). 3.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Little Lon 55

3.3.5 Casselden Place Archaeological Excavations (2002–2003)

In 2002, ISPT commissioned Godden Mackay Logan Pty. Ltd. in association with Austral Archaeology Pty. Ltd. and the archaeology program at La Trobe University to carry out archaeological testing at the Casselden Place development site, located within Section B of the Commonwealth Block (as per previous recommendations (Howell-Meurs et al. 2001) and the research design (Murray and Mayne 2002)). The proposed development was a major construction project comprising a $300 million contemporary office precinct. The excavation methodology consisted of stratigraphically excavating allotment by allotment as individual trenches, except where stratigraphically secure deposits were encountered and excavation was conducted in square pits. Excavation was conducted by hand, except where deep fill and/or substantial structural remains were encountered and machine excavation was employed (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 2:4). Section drawings, plans, and photographs were taken, and artifacts were cleaned and processed on site (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1:8). Site phasing was aided by documentary sources in the form of construction data. As a result, seven individual phases were identified (Godden Mackay Logan2004 vol. 2:2–3). These included: • Phase 1 – Pre 1837 – This period includes Indigenous occupation and potential first contact with Europeans. • Phase 2 – 1837–1848 – This period extends from the establishment of Melbourne to when the site was surveyed and subdivided. • Phase 3 – 1849–1890 – This period is characterized by intensive, primarily domestic occupations and subdivision. The year 1890 marks a point in which economic growth slowed to an economic depression in the next phase. • Phase 4 – 1891–1920 – This period marks an increased degree of mixed occupation including commercial and industrial enterprises on the site and increased immigration. This period also covered the First World War. • Phase 5 – 1921–1959 – This period marks the development of the area as a light and heavy industrial zone and the removal of domestic residences through “slum clearance” programs. The period also includes the Great Depression and the Second World War. • Phase 6 – 1960–1988 – This period saw various sections of the area being acquired by the Commonwealth for future redevelopment. • Phase 7 – 1989–2003 – This period saw the development of the Telstra block (adjoining the Casselden Place site). Absolute chronology was further defined at the site by reference to artifacts associated with particular structures and deposits. A few artifacts (such as coins) provided a terminus post quem for the deposits in which they were recovered (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 2:2–3). 56 3 Marvellous Melbourne

A concentrated historical analysis of specific allotments was also conducted for the Casselden Place development site. Allotments were selected on the basis of being of particular interest given the quantity and significance of the excavated material and the variety of the available documentary sources (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1:17). These were called “hotspots” and were chosen because there was not enough time or budget to treat all allotments in same way. Sources used for this historical analysis included municipal directories, rate books, birth, marriage and death registrations, probate records, electoral roll, as well as historical maps. With this, data ownership and occupancy information was collated as well as personal data of the tenants such as marital status and the birth of children. Lot 35 Little Leichhardt Street was among the allotments chosen for historical analysis (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1:17–28). In total, approximately 300,000 artifacts were recovered at Casselden Place, and over 67,000 records were registered on the artifact catalogue at the close of the excavation (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1:8). The analysis of the artifact assemblage involved grading individual artifacts on the basis of archaeological significance (i.e., high, medium, or low). Artifacts that attributed a low significance grading were sample analyzed (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 3 i:2). Analysis involved recording attributes such as artifact type, function, manufacturer, form, decoration, and color. It also provided taxonomic details for the botanical, bone, and shell assemblages (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 3i and 3ii). Overall, the impression of Casselden Place that has emerged from the artifact analysis is that this was a residential area. Little Lon was a neighborhood of working class families, from different cultural backgrounds. This initial work revealed that the site offers a more complete understanding of life for the residents of Little Lon than previous investigations revealed.

3.3.6 Post 2003

Research on the Casselden Place artifact collection is ongoing. Published material available so far includes a special volume of the International Journal of Historical Archaeology (Volume 10 [4]) edited by Tim Murray with papers by various specialists (Davies 2006; Mackay et al. 2006; Mayne 2006, Murray 2006a, b; Porter and Ferrier 2006; Simons and Maitri 2006; Williamson 2006) which details the methodology of the archaeological and documentary work carried out and preliminary results on certain aspects of the collections. For instance, Peter Davies (2006:343–355) looked at glass and stoneware containers for the whole site in order to map where commodities were being manufactured. A total of 20 different bottle makers were identified within the Casselden Place assemblage and 50 different manufacturers of the bottle contents. Analysis of these results revealed that most beverages such as aerated waters and beer were purchased mainly from local producers. Meanwhile, spirits, food preserves, condiments, perfumes, and patent medicines were imported almost exclusively from 3.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Lot 35, Little Leichhardt Street… 57

Britain and Europe. No items were found to have come from regional sources such as Bendigo, Ballarat, or Geelong, and only two Sydney manufacturers were identified. This would likely be explained by intercolonial tariffs and customs duties restricting intercolonial importation. Davies (2006:347) stressed that although these findings did not represent the whole range of commodities available to the people at Casselden Place, they do indicate general patterns of consumption and trade networks. In 2008, work began on an Australian Research Council-funded Linkage project titled “A Historical Archaeology of the Commonwealth Block 1850–1950” headed by chief investigators Tim Murray, from La Trobe University, and Charlotte Smith, from Museum Victoria. The principal aim of the project was to consolidate and re- catalogue the data from the 1988 and 2002 excavations at Casselden Place using the EAMC database in order to make it more accessible for future researchers and to allow for comparison with other sites catalogued using the EAMC database. So far, published material in relation to this project includes papers that focus on the problems and methods involved in working with large archaeological assemblages (Hayes 2011; Murray 2011a). Another Australian Research Council-funded study, the “Suburban archaeology: approaching an archaeology of the middle class in nineteenth century Melbourne,” provided additional funding for historical and archaeological research at the Commonwealth Block. Published material related to this project is forthcoming. Other published works have discussed Casselden Place in relation to the EAMC database (Murray and Crook 2005 (discussed further in Chap. 5); Murray 2013) and within current discussions on the archaeology of poverty (Mayne 2011; Murray 2011b).

3.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Lot 35, Little Leichhardt Street (Casselden Place)

The following section summarizes the archaeological work and historical overview previously conducted within Lot 35, Little Leichhardt Street (Casselden Place).

3.4.1 Historical Overview

A historical overview of Lot 35 was conducted as part of the Research Archive Report for the 2002 excavations at Casselden Place (Godden Mackay Logan 2004). Specific archival sources containing data on Lot 35 included birth, marriage, and death registrations, probate records, land registry records, and municipal directories. With this information, researchers were able to determine who were the owners and tenants for the property and when they owned the property and/or lived there. 58 3 Marvellous Melbourne

Other information collected included occupation, family size, and structure, where people came from, where they got married, where they died, and to whom the property was handed down to. Data like this allows archaeologists to understand more about the people that may have contributed to the archaeological assemblage and to better understand the things they left behind. This amount of information was not available for all owners or tenants, but what was available is summarized below. Research revealed that Nehemiah Guthridge was the first owner of the property, albeit for a short time (March 1848 to October 1848). Nehemiah was a painter, oil and “colorman,” ironmonger, and merchant from Fermanagh, Ireland. He had been married to Anne McKinon and had a child with her (presumably in Ireland). However, records show that he was married again on 2 September 1840, this time to Martha Erskine, in Donegal, Ireland. Nehemiah and Martha had eight children together, most of which were born in Melbourne (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 4:v-). The property was then sold to Matthew Henry Hoare, a miller, gardener, and farmer from Berkshire, England. His was another short ownership lasting a few months from October 1848 to January 1849. Records also show that Matthew was married to Ann Pilkinton from County Clare, Ireland, on 10 February 1844, in Melbourne. Ann and Matthew went on to have 11 (and possibly more) children together (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 4:v–vi). Neither Nehemiah Guthridge nor Matthew Henry Hoare and their families appear to have lived at Lot 35. The first name to feature in the tenancy records was John Murray, who was also the next owner of the property for the period January 1849 to May 1855. John resided at the location in which ratebooks recorded a three- room wooden house in 1853, 1854, and 1855. He was born in Dublin, Ireland, in 1812 and was married in Sydney at 33 years of age to Dorella Murray. John died on 7 September 1854, and probate of Lot 35 was granted to Dorella. There are no records to suggest that the couple had any children (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol.4:vi). Mary Anne (Mary) Cavenagh became the next owner of the property, and it is possible that she leased it to Devoran/Deveson Phillips in 1856. However, she appears to have resided at the property from 1857 to 1858. Mary then sold the property to Patrick Gahan in 1860, who then sold to Henry Cornwell in 1868 (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1:19). Henry was a butcher who was born in Stoke Newington, Surrey, England, to Ann Scott and Edmund Cornwell. He was married on 19 August 1856, in Melbourne to Isabella Winter. Together they had ten children. The family lived at Lot 33B, 147 Lonsdale Street, and Henry also operated his business from this address. By 1879, Henry had purchased this lot and a number of neighboring properties including Lot 35. In 1873, Henry and his family moved into Lot 33A, 145 Lonsdale Street, which, according to ratebooks, was a seven-room brick shop. By 1878, the description in ratebooks suggests that the property was expanded. As Lots 33A and 33B were bordered to the north by Lot 35, it appears that this expansion involved an incorpo- ration of the western section of Lot 35 into the Lonsdale Street property. Isabella died on 20 August 1889 at the 145 Lonsdale Street address. Henry was remarried 3.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Lot 35, Little Leichhardt Street… 59 the following year to Ellen O’Mitchell. He died on 27 May 1915 at 81 years of age in suburb of Northcote (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1:19; vol. 4 i:vi). In 1888, a year before Isabella died, Henry sold his entire holdings to George Ramsden. Records state that George was a papermaker, miller, and gentleman who had been born in Melbourne. On 18 August 1870, he married Elizabeth Marshall, and together they had six children. When George died on 14 September 1896, the probate was granted to his widow 4 days later. The property was then managed by a series of executors (likely George and Elizabeth’s descendants and extended family) until the Commonwealth of Australia took control in September 1950 (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 4 i: vii). Several tenants inhabited the Lonsdale Street property (which incorporated the western section of Lot 35) during the Ramsden ownership. The property continued as a butcher shop operated by John King from 1891 to 1893 and then by Auguste H. Schunter/Schunke from 1894 to 1895, followed by Jeremiah O’Keefe from 1895 to 1897. Jeremiah was described in the records as a master butcher and gentleman. He was married on 21 May 1887 to Bridget Agnes Cusack, and together they had ten children (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 4:xxv–xxvi). The next tenants on the records for the year 1888 were W. G. Cook and Mrs. Cook. It is unknown whether they maintained the butcher shop; however, the next tenant, Jeffrey Benjamin Hoskin, did from 1898 to 1916. Jeffrey was born in Moonee Ponds (a suburb in Melbourne), and he was married on 30 April 1971 to Jessie Finch in nearby Fitzroy. Jessie died 2 August 1914 at 52 Street, and on 16 June 1916, Jeffrey died at the same address in Little Lon (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 4:xxvi). Mahlstedt plans were consulted as part of the archival research carried out by Godden Mackay Logan (2004). These plans were commissioned by insurance companies in order to understand the risk of fire posed by different buildings and to investigate insurance claims. They tended to be very detailed plans showing information such as construction materials and fire protection facilities. The plans were named after the main firm that produced them, which in the 1920s was known as Mahlstedt and Son, civil engineers and surveyors (State Library of Victoria 2018a). In 1923, a Mahlstedt plan recorded a single structure, which encompassed most of Lot 35, and the address at this time was 9 and 12 Little Leichhardt Street (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1:20). By 1914, the directories listed Why Hing, a cabinetmaker residing at this address. A factory was then constructed at this property, although the allotment boundaries appear to have changed again in 1915. By 1916, the Australian Dry Cell Company was established at the address, and by the following year, a tenant by the name of Shu Loong had moved in. From 1918 to 1927, records show that Lew Ton, another cabinetmaker, leased the property and from then on it was unclear who the next occupier was due to subsequent changes in street numbering (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1:20; vol. 4:xxvi). Barbara Minchinton (2017:64–69) argues that the accuracy and utility of occupancy lists compiled from commonly used archival sources relating to Little Lon are highly variable. Although dates of land ownership can be established with a great 60 3 Marvellous Melbourne degree of accuracy, determining occupancy is more complex. One point she raised is that not all dwellings fitted the typical stable household stereotype, with a household head listed as the occupier, and their family making up the rest of the household unit. It is known that some premises in the neighborhood housed clandestine businesses such as informal boarding houses and brothels. This would have had an impact on who was recorded as the occupant when information collectors come around. However, Minchinton also pointed out that this was not always the case and that some households did in fact fit the traditional household stereotype, as did Henry Cornwell – who owned Lot 35 from 1868 to 1888 and occupied the premises with his family between 1878 and 1890.

3.4.2 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Lot 35

Lot 35 was excavated during Stage 2 of the 2002 excavations at Casselden Place (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1). It was outlined by a perimeter of concrete footing within foundation trenches and included remnant walls of “Clifton” branded bricks and soft lime mortar. In the center of the building, bluestone paving from more recent land use remained intact, preserving the subfloor deposits under layers of fill and debris. Four depositional episodes were identified below the bluestone paving (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 2:60). These included: - Natural - Construction and occupation of the property (residential and possibly commercial) - Demolition and possible abandonment - Later construction and fill The subfloor deposits below the bluestone paving included filled rectilinear cavities, which were interpreted as floor joists belonging to a timber structure from the second depositional episode. Although no wood survived, it appears that the subfloor deposits lay beneath linear wooden floorboards. The timber structure had three rooms (numbered 1–3, east to west) and a later fourth room at the western-most end. Room 1 contained some wooden joist impressions. Most features in Room 2 were in the best state of preservation of all the rooms in the house. Room 3 contained a possible hearth/chimney suggesting that perhaps it was the kitchen. Room 4 appears to have been constructed over an earlier yard deposit. This suggests that Room 4 was a later addition to the house, which would be consistent with the historical data that states the house changed from having three rooms to four between 1855 and 1856 (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 2:58–62). The subfloor deposit was found throughout the structure. Overall, there were a low number of artifacts located within this deposit (context number 2.500) suggesting that the house had a well-made floor with sawn-timber boards set close to one another. Artifacts found in the subfloor deposit are likely to have been items that 3.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Lot 35, Little Leichhardt Street… 61

Fig. 3.3 Plan of Lot 35. (Image by Meg M. Walker based on Original by Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 3:55, used with permission from Godden Mackay Logan, Industry Superannuation Property Trust Pty Ltd., and Heritage Victoria) 62 3 Marvellous Melbourne were lost between the small cavities of the wooden floorboards (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 2:58–61). Other features located outside the timber structure include a possible lean-to, a water closet, several pits, postholes, and a barrel-shaped cesspit. The cesspit was located on the south-eastern corner of the property and was made with staves 8–9 cm wide and four baseboards with two cross timbers. Timber beams would have supported an internal seating arrangement. The pit was bordered on the north and west by stone cobbling. One of the deposits at the lowest level of the cesspit (context 2.098) was the only one that was identified as potential residue, while the rest of the cesspit deposits were identified as layers of fill (contexts: 2.021, 2.029, 2.030, 2.063, 2.064, 2.065, and 2.097). Along the eastern and southern edges, the cesspit had been cut by concrete wall footings, which could have resulted in some mixing of deposits. These concrete footings belonged to the factory built in 1915. The stratigraphy suggested that the cesspit was contemporary with the house. This included, namely, A1 deposits, which were sealed by fill and cut by support beams in the cesspit and postholes in the house (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 2:58–66). Following the occupation phase, the demolition of the house is characterized by a layer of debris. Clay fill overlaying a large number of broken artifacts, particularly glass, suggested that perhaps Lot 35 became a dumping ground for refuse during a period of abandonment. The end of occupation is likely associated with the ownership of Henry Cornwell between 1868 and 1888. The house was tenanted from 1868 to 1877 and then briefly used as a stable before being demolished in 1879. The deposits identified as having the highest archaeological integrity in Lot 35 were the subfloor deposit (context number 2.500) and the barrel cesspit (master context number 2.060). See Fig. 3.3 for an overall plan of Lot 35 following the 2002 excavations.

References

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Un patio de conventillo […] A patio in the slums […] Una percanta, un vivillo; A chick, an abuser; dos malevos de cuchillo, two knife-wielding ruffians, un chamuyo, una pasión, seduction, passion, choque, celos, discusion, crash, jealousy, discussion, desafíos, puñaladas, challenges, stabs, espamento, disparadas, confusion, runaways, auxilio, caña…Telón! help, cops…Curtain!

(‘La Comparsa se Despide’ [The Comparsa Bids Farewell] – tango comedy sketch. Lyrics and music by Alberto Vacarezza 1932 in Savigliano 1995:48)

Se te embroca desde lejos, pelandruna One can tell from afar, you well heeled tramp abacanada, that you were born in the squalor of a tiny room que has nacido en la miseria de un convento in the suburbs… de arrabal... Because there is something that betrays you, I Porque hay algo que te vende, yo no sé si es don’t know if it is your eyes, la mirada, your way of sitting, of looking, of standing la manera de sentarte, de mirar, de estar or that body so used to being clothed in percale. parada That body that today moves to the tempting beats o ese cuerpo acostumbrado a las pilchas de of a street tango in the arms of a dupe, percal. while your figure and your colorful dress Ese cuerpo que hoy te marca los compases triumph, tentadores among the laughter and compliments of your del canyengue de algún tango en los brazos admirers, de algún gil, amidst the smoke of Cuban cigars and mientras triunfa tu silueta y tu traje de champagne from Armenonville. colores, entre el humo de los puros y el champán de Armenonville. Son macanas, no fue un guapo haragán ni It’s a lie, it wasn’t an indolent and high-handed prepotente tough guy ni un cafisho de averías el que al vicio te nor a dangerous pimp who led you to vice… largó... You rolled there on your own and it wasn’t Vos rodaste por tu culpa y no fue innocently… inocentemente... Obsessions of wealth that you had in your mind ¡berretines de bacana que tenías en la mente from the day that a high class magnate flirted desde el día que un magnate cajetilla te with you! afiló!

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 67 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_4 68 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

Yo recuerdo, no tenías casi nada que ponerte, I remember, you had barely anything to wear, hoy usas ajuar de seda con rositas rococó, today you wear silk dresses with little rococo ¡me reviente tu presencia... pagaría por no roses, verte... I hate your presence… I’d pay to not see you… si hasta el nombre te han cambiado como they have even changed your name, as your luck has cambiado de suerte: has changed: ya no sos mi Margarita, ahora te llaman you are no longer my Margarita, now they call Margot! you Margot! Ahora vas con los otarios a pasarla de Now you go with the wealthy fools to act all bacana posh a un lujoso reservado del Petit o del Julien, in an luxurious booth reserved at the Petit or the y tu vieja, ¡pobre vieja! lava toda la semana Julien, pa' poder parar la olla, con pobreza and your old lady, your poor old lady, washes the franciscana, whole week en el triste conventillo alumbrado a kerosén. to be able to fill her soup pot, with Franciscan poverty, in the sad conventillo, lit with kerosene.

(‘Margot’ – tango song. Lyrics by Celedonio Flores and music by Carlos Gardel and Jose Razzano 1919 in Sabugo 2005:42–43) The first passage above is an excerpt from a tango “sainete” or comedy sketch. The lyrics in this particular tango song set the scene and tone of the sketch. It takes place in a conventillo of Buenos Aires where passion, crime, and immorality are rife. The second are lyrics from a popular tango about a woman named Margot who grew up in a conventillo but was seduced by dreams of wealth and ended up dancing in the tango academies (and possibly working as a prostitute) having apparently lost her morals. If fact, the tango even suggests that her sense of decency is so far gone, that she does not even care that her mother still lives in the conventillo and has little to eat. Both of these pieces were written in the twentieth century – a testimony to the enduring nature of the stereotype of the conventillo as an urban slum. In Buenos Aires, as in Melbourne, life in the 1880s was characterized by extremes in wealth and poverty. Scobie’s (1974) work highlighted these extremes detailing the emergence of the French-inspired boulevards and mansions that gave rise to “the Paris of South America” tag line and the conventillos that were home to many of the city’s working class and recently arrived immigrants. Despite studies such as this, however, the image of the conventillo as a den of impropriety and vice remains in the popular imagination to this day. As in the previous chapter, it is necessary to move away from such slum stereotypes that have shaped depictions in popular culture and later historical narratives of Buenos Aires in order to better understand what life was like for the residents of San Telmo. The aim of this chapter is to set the scene and provide a more complete background of the city of Buenos Aires and the suburb of San Telmo in the nineteenth century. The chapter begins with a brief history of the city from pre- colonization to the close of the nineteenth century and includes major events that shaped the city such as the growth of contraband, independence, and political instability, followed by boom and bust. The chapter then describes conditions for working-class people in nineteenth-century Buenos Aires and San Telmo. This is 4.1 Setting the Scene: Early Buenos Aires 69 followed by details of the archaeological work previously conducted at the suburb of San Telmo and then specifically of the work undertaken at the Casa Peña site.

4.1 Setting the Scene: Early Buenos Aires

Archaeological evidence suggests that Indigenous people have occupied the modern-day Argentina from at least 13,000 to 7000 BP (Prates et al. 2013). Early occupation sites have been found in the present province of Buenos Aires, including the earliest human burial found in Argentina to date. The burial was found at Arroyo de Frías, near the town of Mercedes, approximately 100 km from Buenos Aires and dates to 10,300 BP (Prates et al. 2013:112). Archaeological research has been able to reveal much about the lives of the Indigenous people of Buenos Aires. We know that artifacts such as stone boleadoras, scrapers, blades, arrow points, grinding stones, as well as bone points and hooks demonstrate past hunting and fishing activities. Boleadoras were a type of throwing weapon commonly used throughout the Pampa and Patagonia regions, consisting of two or three rounded ground stones connected by leather cords. Other archaeological evidence commonly found include charred bird, fish, and mammal bone, which provide evidence of diet. Ceramic vessels indicate ways in which food and drink were prepared, stored, and served. Evidence of bone needles suggests methods for sewing clothes and weaving baskets, while bone points also reveal ways in which ceramic vessels were incised. Other activities, such as those demonstrating ritual and creativity, are likely represented in the archaeological record by the presence of human burials and beaded necklaces made from various materials including mol- lusk shell and mammal teeth (Bonomo and Latini 2012:71–85). Unfortunately, written records regarding the Indigenous people of Buenos Aires, the Querandí, are few in number, lacking in detail, and not without European bias. As such not much has been recorded in terms of their social organization, religious belief systems, or language/s (Bonomo and Latini 2012:88; Orquera 1983:11). However, we do know that prior to European settlement, the Querandí occupied the wider Buenos Aires and Pampa regions. The Querandí were nomadic hunter- gatherers who formed part of a larger network of traditional inhabitants between Río de la Plata and Río Grande that shared a common language known as Gennaken (Jones 1999:149). Their traditional lands were situated between those of the Guaycurúes to the northwest, the Tehuelches and Onas to the south and the Charrúas and the Ribereños to the northeast (Orquera 1983:10). The Querandí occupied a vast region stretching south to the Samborombón River located approximately 150 km from Buenos Aires; north to the Carcaraña River at its junction with the Paraná River approximately 400 km from Buenos Aires; and west to the present-day province of Córdoba (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:24). The Querandí traveled vastly and had an extensive knowledge of their land and the resources they could find at different seasons. For instance, they occupied the coast of the Paraná River in the summer months due to the abundance of fish during 70 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America this time of year (Bonomo and Latini 2012:87). They fished using nets and preserved excess catches by drying them in the sun. Once the fish was dry, they made a type of fish “flour” that would keep for a considerable amount of time. The fish fat was also preserved and consumed. In fact, the term Querandí (also spelt quirandie, carandi, cherandi, among others) comes from the Guaraní language and loosely translates to “those who consume fat” or “those who cover themselves with fat.” It is unknown what term the Querandí used to refer to themselves (Orquera 1983:10). Other food resources that they exploited included mammals such as deer, otter, and guanaco (a type of camelid native to South America); birds such as ñandúes (or rhea, a large flightless bird also native to South America); and mollusks such as clams. Their diet also consisted of plants, in particular native tubers and thistles as well as tea made from yerba mate (Bonomo and Latini 2012:88; Orquera 1983:11). The vast distances covered by the Querandí allowed them to trade goods such as cloth, hides, and guanaco feathers for yerba mate with the Guaraní to the north (in present-day Paraguay and surrounding regions) and furs, feathers, and salt with various neighboring groups throughout the Pampas to the south (Jones 1999:149). Traveling throughout this region, however, was difficult particularly as water resources were scarce during the summer months. Early European observers noted that the Querandí would often have to traverse distances of up to 30 miles without reaching any freshwater sources. At times, they would be forced to hunt deer or other large mammals in order to drink their blood. Alternatively, they would eat root vegetables such as thistles to quench their thirst (Schmidt 2002 [1554]:23–26). The Querandí shared cultural attributes with neighboring Indigenous groups including the use of boleadoras in hunting and warfare. Other weapons used by the Querandí included spears, darts, and bows and arrows. Points for such weapons were manufactured from bone or stone such quartzite and chalcedony and were elaborately retouched (Bonomo and Latini 2012:88; Orquera 1983:11). They wore clothing similar to the Charrúas covering the midsection from the navel to the knees, which were made of leather, while otter fur capes were worn around the shoulders (Schmidt 2002 [1554]:23–26). The Querandí also constructed temporary shelters made from timber and animal skins and manufactured ceramic vessels including pots and bowls (Bonomo and Latini 2012:72; Orquera 1983:11). Ceramic vessels tended to be globular in shape, with wide rims, and have a smooth surface. They were generally painted with a red pigment or decorated with incised lines, either in a straight or zigzag pattern. Some vessels also had perforations close to the rims to enable them to be suspended by rope on a tripod (Bonomo and Latini 2012:72). Exploration of the River Plate region by Europeans in the service of the Spanish Crown began in 1516, with an expedition led by Juan Díaz de Solís (Rock 1986:8). He and a small party landed in modern-day Uruguay and were killed during a violent confrontation with the Charrúa people. Ferdinand Magellan also explored the estuary in 1520, while Sebastian Cabot was the first to make a full reconnaissance of the estuary and Paraná River in 1527. These early explorations fueled Spanish and Portuguese interest in the area with Cabot’s expedition in particular, taking back accounts of encounters with Indigenous people in possession of silver objects. As 4.1 Setting the Scene: Early Buenos Aires 71 such, both Crowns wanted to secure strategic positions and find potential wealth in gold and silver throughout the area (Rock 1986:8). With the intent of securing the area before the Portuguese did, the Spanish Crown commissioned a colonizing venture led by Spanish soldier and explorer, Pedro de Mendoza in 1534 (Rock 1986:10). Mendoza led a team of 1600 men and set sail with a fleet of 16 ships, arriving in the River Plate in February 1536 (Brown 2004:22). After exploring the area, the first settlement of Buenos Aires, then known as Nuestra Señora de Santa María del Buen Ayre, was established on a natural harbor protected by sand bars and a small stream (Lima-Dantas 1986:8). The settlement was named after a patron saint popular with navigators, Saint Mary of the Fair Winds, and was confined to a small area, approximately 1 ha in size. It was fortified with an earth wall, and simple dwellings were constructed with mud walls and straw roofs (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:23; Scobie 1974:3). This settlement, however, was short-lived due primarily to a lack of reliable food resources to feed such a large party of settlers. It was founded at the end of the summer months when it was not possible to sew cereal crops and the settlers instead relied on fish and meat, which were supplied to them largely by the Querandí (Rock 1986:10; Schmidt 2002 [1554]:24). Much of what is known about this first settlement of Buenos Aires and early contact with the Querandí comes from the writings of Ulderico Schmidt. Schmidt was a German soldier who joined Pedro de Mendoza’s expedition. His account details how upon first contact the Querandí supplied the Spanish party with provisions every day for a fortnight. When the Querandí failed to supply the Spanish with food after that time, Pedro de Mendoza sent a judge and two foot soldiers to their camp in an attempt to negotiate the supply of further provisions. All three Europeans were severely beaten and went back to their own camp having failed to negotiate any supply of food (Schmidt 2002 [1554]:24). The Spanish retaliated by sending 300 foot soldiers and 30 mounted men to the Querandí camp. However, according to Schmidt (2002 [1554]:24), the Querandí (and possibly members of other nearby Indigenous groups) were ready and had come together to form a band of 4000 men. In the battle that followed, the Querandí succeeded in killing the commanding officer, Diego de Mendoza, Pedro’s brother, along with 6 noblemen and over 20 foot soldiers. The Querandí lost approximately 1000 men and Schmidt noted that they “defend[ed] themselves valiantly against us, so that indeed we felt it…” (Schmidt 2002 [1554]:24). The Spanish won the battle and the surviving Querandí managed to flee before any of them could be taken as prisoners (Schmidt 2002 [1554]:24). The conquista- dores took possession of the Querandí camp and everything they found including otter furs, fish, fish flour and fat, and fishing nets (Schmidt2002 [1554]:25). This, however, did not provide sufficient sustenance to the Spanish who were soon reduced to eating rats, mice, snakes, and eventually leather shoes. Schmidt (2002 [1554]:25) further recounts that three starving men stole a horse and secretly ate it. When they were discovered, they were sentenced to the gallows and hanged, while another three men approached the gallows and hacked off the legs of the hanging men in order to eat them. Starvation and further hostilities with the Querandí finally 72 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America led the Spanish to abandon the settlement in 1541, but not without leaving behind a number of horses and cattle that soon multiplied throughout the Pampas region (Rock 1986:11; Schmidt 2002 [1554]:25–26). Violent confrontations and introduced European diseases had a devastating impact on the lives of Querandí people (Jones 1999:149). Prior to the second settlement of Buenos Aires, it is believed that the majority of Querandí survivors migrated south and joined other hunter-gatherer groups, such as the Tehuelche (Jones 1999:149–150). They did however make use of horses and cattle that the Spanish left free to roam the Pampas. Horses improved their mobility and success in hunting, while their diet was also enhanced through the consumption of both meats (Brown 2004:49). The second settlement of the city took place in 1580 and was headed by Spanish explorer, Juan de Garay and a team of 63 men (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:26–27). The purpose of this second settlement was for Spain to establish a strategic trade center in the Rio de la Plata region and take advantage of the area’s proximity to Peru’s silver mines and the shores of the South Atlantic where ships could sail to and from Europe (Brown 1982:3). The settlement was founded at roughly the same location as Mendoza’s settlement had been. Garay’s party built a mud brick fort and laid out the plan for a colonial city that included a central plaza with a Cabildo (municipal office), a jail, and a church. The general structure of the town took the form of a series of squares in a rectangular grid pattern measuring 12 blocks north to south and 10 blocks inland from the fort. A total of 40 blocks around the central plaza were divided in quarters and distributed among the 64 principal settlers (Scobie 1974:4). The settlement struggled initially in terms of trade and commerce due to Spain’s protectionist policies under a mercantilist colonial trade system, which restricted and at times banned trade with any vessels other than those licensed by the Spanish Crown (Brown 1982:3). Actions taken by the Spanish Crown included establishing a northern customs barrier at Córdoba city in 1618 that aimed to restrict European goods reaching Potosí and the withdrawal of a license in 1622 for Buenos Aires to trade with Brazilian ports (Scobie 1974:5). Such restrictions were intended to limit the growth of Buenos Aires so it would not directly compete with other established Spanish centers such as Mexico City and Lima. Consequently, in these early days, Buenos Aires survived by functioning as an administrative center for the Spanish Crown, carrying out subsistence farming and trading in bovine products (Scobie 1974:6). Meat, fat, hides and tallow, and other cattle products would become an exportable staple due to the proliferation and abundance of cattle in the region. The horses and cattle that Mendoza’s party had abandoned in the region thrived in the pastures of the pampa region and their numbers almost doubled every 3 years (Edwards 2008:16; Ferns 1969:27; Scobie 1974:5). However, the major contributing factor to the growth of trade in Buenos Aires was contraband and smuggling, which the Spanish were powerless to stop (Brown 2004:43; Edwards 2008:17; Rock 1986:27–28). Portuguese, Dutch, French, and British merchants traded African slaves and European merchandise such as arms and powder, textiles, clothing, ironware, spices, rice, beer and spirits, tobacco, wax, 4.1 Setting the Scene: Early Buenos Aires 73 medicines, and other items for Potosí silver and local bovine products (Edwards 2008:18; Jones 1992:65; Lockhart and Schwartz 1999:273; Rock 1986:30, 42). Precious metals made up 80% of the total exports leaving the port of Buenos Aires at the time (Johnson and Socolow 2002:68). The majority of slaves that arrived in Buenos Aires were soon transported to places such as Peru and Chile (Johnson and Socolow 2002:69). Driving this contraband was the price difference, free of Spanish taxes, between goods imported through Buenos Aires versus Lima. For instance, European cloth sold in Lima cost 20–25 pesos, while the same cloth traded illegally in Buenos Aires was sold for 4 pesos (Johnson and Socolow 2002:68). Contraband was rife at all levels of society. Underpaid Spanish officials were paid by local merchants to look the other way, while the Jesuit college was supposedly an important clearinghouse for the illegal export of silver (Brown 2004:430). The surge in contraband led to a growth in population. In the period between 1720 and 1770, the city’s population had more than doubled reaching a total of 22,007 inhabitants (Brown 1982:5). Predominately, new immigrants arrived from Spain, while African slaves who were not transported further afield made up the second largest immigrant group (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:41; Moya 1998:48). Against the intention of the Spanish Crown, trade in contraband and population growth had made Buenos Aires one of the most important commercial centers in the American colonies. As such, Spain recognized that it needed to be protected. In 1776, the Spanish Crown sent a military expedition to Buenos Aires to dismiss foreign merchants trading in the city (Scobie 1974:6). It then created the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata encompassing modern-day Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, and northern Chile and made Buenos Aires the capital (Brown 1982:4; Gutman and Hardoy 1992:50; Scobie 1974:6). The increased political and economic power that came with being the capital of the Viceroyalty led to further growth, and by the end of the eighteenth century, the population of Buenos Aires rose to 40,000 (Scobie 1974:6). Along with establishing the Viceroyalty, the Spanish Crown introduced a series of administrative and economic reforms, known as the Bourbon Reforms (Brown 2004:54; Rock 1986:59). These were primarily designed to regain control of trade and commerce in the region by abolishing illegal trade and the associated loss of tax revenue for the Crown (Brown 2004:65). Traders could now use more ports throughout Spain and Latin America than before and could officially trade directly with Buenos Aires instead of going through Lima (Brown 2004:66). Tax collection improved, and royal monopolies were imposed on the manufacture and distribution of popular commodities such as tobacco, spirits, and gunpowder (Brown 2004:70). Despite these efforts, however, contraband and smuggling never disappeared from Buenos Aires (Brown 2004:72). The Bourbon Reforms sparked discontent among the local population. According to Brown (2004:80) although traders could use more ports, they were still prohibited from legally trading with non-Spanish merchants, while improved tax collection simply annoyed merchants who were used to bypassing taxes through illegal trade. In addition, Spanish-born bureaucrats and merchants who had been sent to Buenos Aires to administer the new systems of royal monopolies and taxes were seen as a 74 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America threat to the local gentry and their established hierarchy. People also resented the fact that much of the local profits were being sent to Spain rather than remaining in the region (Brown 2004:80). Growing discontent with Spain increased, and the Crown’s authority in the area was soon to be challenged. Two events in particular helped launch the move toward independence in the region. The first of these was the invasion of Buenos Aires by a 1600 strong British force, led by Sir Home Riggs Popham, in 1806 (Brown 2004:84; Rock 1986:71). The surprise attack drove the Viceroy, the Marquis de Sobremonte, into hiding in Córdoba, and the British temporarily won control of the city. However, a 1200 strong militia force made up of largely native-born people of European (mostly Spanish) or mixed descent (Creoles1) led by French-born Santiago Liniers, succeeded in expelling British forces from Buenos Aires (Brown 2004:84). The British government had not authorized Popham’s attack but nevertheless welcomed it and soon dispatched a second force arriving in Buenos Aires in 1807. However, Britain was once again defeated by local militia forces, which this time numbered 8000. Local people celebrated the fact that they were able to expel the invading forces with no help from Spain, giving rise to a sense of nationalistic pride (Brown 2004:84; Rock 1986:72). These events coupled with the news of Spain’s weakened state following Napoleon’s invasion in 1808 and the imprisonment of the Spanish King, Ferdinand VII, brought an end to Spanish rule in the area (Brown 2004:89–90; Edwards 2008:24; Lewis 2003:38; Rock 1986:72). Local rebels began to organize an uprising against the Spanish, and on 20 May 1810, they presented the Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros with an ultimatum for his resignation (Lima-Dantas 1986:16). An open town council meeting was held for people to vote on the matter of independence, and the majority voted to depose the Viceroy and appoint a junta to govern in his place. As such, on 25 May 1810, autonomy was asserted although ties with Spain were not completely severed until 9 July 1816 when government delegates met in the province of Tucumán to officially sign a declaration of independence (Lewis 2003:41; Lima-Dantas 1986:17). Despite having declared independence from Spain during the May Revolution, regional tensions existed throughout the viceroyalty, now named the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (Brown 2004:105). Support for the revolution was not universal with cities such as Montevideo and Asunción remaining loyal to the Spanish Crown and Upper Peru also in opposition (Rock 1986:80). Armed conflict ensued between revolutionary and royalist factions, and numerous battles were

1 Creole in this context means a person born in South America of mixed ethnic ancestry. It encompasses various terms, some of which are no longer commonly used (and may be culturally inap- propriate) to refer to people of different variants of mixed ethnic ancestry. Such terms include mestizo (European and Indigenous descent), mulatto (African and European descent), zambo (Indigenous and African descent), and pardo (African, Indigenous, and European descent). They are included here simply to highlight the rise in a nationalistic conscience that came hand-in-hand with the move away from Spanish authority. Although a social hierarchy had been (and remained) in existence, in which people of European descent were at the top and everyone else below, many people from all groups were united in the move towards local, independent rule. 4.1 Setting the Scene: Early Buenos Aires 75 forged. During this period of unrest, the territory was governed by a succession of different iterations of leaders, juntas, and triumvirates. The royalists were finally defeated in Chile in 1817, after General José de San Martín led an army of predominately Creole gauchos (cowboys) and former slaves across the Andes to achieve a surprise attack. Simón Bolívar led the last of the revolutionary victories in Spanish South America in Peru in 1825, thus ensuring independence throughout the wider region (Brown 2004:99–102). Although revolutionary forces had attempted to maintain the boundary of the viceroyalty (as it existed under Spanish rule), they did not succeed, and Uruguay, Paraguay, and Bolivia eventually gained separate nation- hood (Brown 2004:94). Meanwhile tensions flared between Unitarians who advocated for a strong central government based in Buenos Aires and Federalists who favored autonomous governments in the provinces led by local caudillos (leaders) (Lewis 2003:41; Lima-Dantas 1986:21 Rock 1986:80). To many leaders in the provinces, a central- ized government in Buenos Aires differed little to being under the Spanish Crown, particularly as it was stipulated all trade with Europe was to pass through Buenos Aires. As a result, the years following independence were marked by civil war and general political unrest (Brown 2004:106–107; Lima-Dantas 1986:31). In this time of conflict, one leader stands out above others – General Juan Manuel de Rosas, a Federalist, who governed from 1829 to 1832 and then again from 1835 to 1852 (Rock 1986:103–104). He rose to power having achieved military success leading campaigns against rising Indigenous forces in the Pampas region (Lewis 2003:43–46; Lima-Dantas 1986:24–26). Rosas supported the rights of the states while advocating a strong government in Buenos Aires. What he defended above all through were the interests of the elite, particularly the well-to-do ranchers (estancieros) of which Rosas’ family formed a part. Elite estancieros made their fortunes from the cattle industry, largely by taking land away from the Indigenous inhabitants of the Pampas. Ruling with an iron fist, he was a self-proclaimed “Restorer of the Laws” (Brown 2004:127–131). Opposition to his regime was not tolerated, and terror campaigns against his opponents were carried out during his administration, including beheadings and the public display of severed heads (Brown 2004:129–130). Due to his dictatorial style of governance and the fact that he favored the interests of a select few, Rosas’ regime attracted strong opposition. In 1852, General Justo José de Urquiza succeeded in uniting provincial leaders who opposed the regime, and together they toppled Rosas and his forces at the battle of Caseros in Buenos Aires Province (Brown 2004:132; Lewis 2003:47–49). The overthrow of Rosas led to negotiations on Constitutional reforms that eventually allowed for the unification of Buenos Aires with the federalized provinces and the establishment of the Argentinean Republic in 1853 (Lewis 2003:50–52; Lima-Dantas 1986:31). During the following decade, an international war broke out in which Argentina was involved (Brown 2004:134). The conflict began over border tensions between Brazil and Paraguay and soon escalated to war. In order to invade Brazil, Paraguayan troops crossed through Misiones in Argentina. As this invasion was not approved, Argentina also declared war on Paraguay. Uruguay followed suit and joined in the 76 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

“War of the Triple Alliance” as the conflict came to be known (Brown 2004:135). Argentina had a weak army at the time, and as a result, it introduced a national draft to increase its numbers. The war lasted from 1865 until the allied states finally won in 1870 (Brown 2004:135). Following the war and throughout the 1870s, a successful national campaign was launched against the Indigenous communities scattered throughout the Pampas and Patagonia. This campaign was led by General Julio A. Roca (who later became President of the nation) and was known as the “Conquest of the Desert” (Brown 2004:140). It was essentially an offensive to exterminate the remaining Indigenous populations and free up vast amounts of fertile land for agriculture. It was also a response to increased raids by Indigenous groups on isolated farming communities in the region. Assisted by technology such as repeating riffles and telegraph lines, the army was rapidly successful. Indigenous people were massacred, and those that survived the onslaught where sent to live in government-run reservations (Brown 2004:140). The latter quarter of the nineteenth century marked a period of stability and unprecedented growth in Buenos Aires and throughout Argentina. Three factors contributed to this growth: increased trade, foreign (primarily British) investment, and immigration (Cortés Conde 1993:54–55; Edwards 2008:33–35; Jones 1992:71; Rock 1986:131). The liberal government of the era, particularly from the 1880s onward, promoted open trade. Export revenues increased from US$1 billion to US$4 billion between 1886 and 1895 (Lima-Dantas 1986:38). The export of bovine products remained an important industry, but by the 1860s, the country experienced a boom in wool exports and agriculture (Edwards 2008:68–69, 76–79; Rock 1986:131–135). During this period, wool came to surpass bovine products and became the nation’s largest export earner, and the export of mutton and live sheep was also significant (Rock1986 :133–134). In addition, Argentina became one of the world’s main exporters of crops such as wheat, corn, linseed, oats, and barley (Rock 1986:136). This had been assisted by technological advances such as the introduction of the reaper and thresher for wheat harvesting in 1870 and barbed wire to allow for adjacent crop growing and livestock grazing in 1876. Greater access to markets was also facilitated by the expansion of rail networks and refrigerated steamships. The latter, introduced in Argentina in the 1880s, enabled the export of fresh meats to European markets (Lima-Dantas 1986:38). At the same time, foreign (primarily British) capital flowed particularly in rail- road ventures. This was assisted by government incentives such as a guaranteed 7% profit in railway investment. The incentive certainly worked – so much so that by 1880, almost 61 million pesos had been invested in over 1300 miles of railway track throughout Argentina (Brown 2004:147). In addition, investment flowed in other areas such as government loans, banking, land and mortgage corporations, meat- packing plants, and merchant and construction companies (Brown 2004:147–148; Cortés Conde 1993:61; Rock 1986:144–146; Smolensky 2013:17). Overall, British investment in Argentina rose from £20 million in 1880 to £157 million in 1890 (Rock 1986:144). 4.1 Setting the Scene: Early Buenos Aires 77

Local and foreign investments also poured into a range of public services and utilities. During the 1880s, gas lighting and piped water began to be installed throughout the city (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:107). At the same time, the city’s streetcar system was expanded by over 50 km, and the city’s port was modernized with new docks, elevators, and hydraulic equipment (Brown 2004:157; Gutman and Hardoy 1992:108). Moreover, beginning in 1881, the National Board of Education began the construction of multiple new school buildings throughout the city (Brown 2004:157; Gutman and Hardoy 1992:109). The country’s prosperity during this time, coupled with government policy advocating European immigration, attracted a mass of European immigrants to Buenos Aires (Cortés Conde 1993:54–55; Edwards 2008:33–35; Moya 1998:58). Another pull factor for immigration was increased wages, which consistently exceeded those in European nations such as Italy and Spain (Brown 2004:153). By 1887, over 228,000 (52.8%) of people living in Buenos Aires were born outside Argentina (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:77). A total of approximately 31% were born in Italy, 9% in Spain, and 4.6% in France. To a lesser extent, immigrants also came from Uruguay, England, Germany, Switzerland, and Austria (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:77). The period of boom was also reflected in the types of buildings erected throughout the city. The most striking constructions were the grand public, religious, and private buildings influenced by Italianesque, Neogothic, and the École des Beaux- Arts architectural styles (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:76) In 1885, the Bolsa de Comercio (stock exchange) built a handsome two-story office building fronting the city’s main plaza (Plaza de Mayo). New entertainment venues were established such as the Odeón, San Martín, Comedia, and Opera theaters (Scobie 1974:115– 119). The city’s elite built three to four-story mansions and petit hotels, some of which occupied an entire city block. Wide roads and avenues (such as Avenida de Mayo) were constructed inspired by leafy European boulevards. Such public works and edifices inspired locals and foreigners alike to call the city the “Paris of South America” (Scobie 1974:130–132). The period of boom and growth was disrupted toward the last decade of the nineteenth century. The major cause for this was the country’s substantial foreign debt and its dependency on new foreign loans to repay older ones (Cortés Conde 1993:66–67; Edwards 2008:81–82). In 1889, the Baring Brothers of London who distributed numerous British funds to Argentina failed to attract sufficient investors for a loan they had underwritten for water works in the country (Cortés Conde 1993:66–67; Edwards 2008:81–82; Rock 1986:158). This failure triggered a panic in foreign investment, and new loans ceased. Prices in exports dropped and export earnings fell by 25% (Rock 1986:158). Wool prices fell by half between 1889 and 1893. In response to the situation, the government resorted to selling assets including state-owned railroads to British companies. Unemployment and homelessness grew as wages fell. By the early 1890s, immigration dropped by approximately 70% (Rock 1986:159). 78 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

4.2 San Telmo and Working-Class Life in Nineteenth- Century Buenos Aires

The suburb of San Telmo is one of Buenos Aires’ oldest suburbs. It was located on the outskirts of the city and by the Tercero del Sur stream, which frequently flooded (Coda 2005:72). During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, its streets were unpaved, and houses tended to be small and modest, often poorly constructed and incorporating different building materials. The area initially housed working-class people, usually dockworkers and African slaves (Zarankin et al. 1998:190). But by the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the area became popular among the wealthier classes who built grand patio-style residences constructed from adobe and brick. The suburb experienced an exodus of its wealthier residents, however, during cholera and yellow fever epidemics that struck the wider area in 1867 and 1871 (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:84; Schávelzon 2005:107–110; Scobie 1974:122–124). The area surrounding Plaza de Mayo was always popular among the upper classes (Scobie 1974:122, 126). However, following the cholera and yellow fever epidemics, suburbs such as Belgrano, Flores, Olivos, Martinez, Palermo, Barrio Norte, and Recoleta became increasingly fashionable among the city’s wealthier classes. At this point, San Telmo became associated with the immigrant working class as an area of residence and employment. Many former grand residences, such as La Casa Peña, were subdivided or demolished in order to build conventillos and San Telmo once again became associated with the working class. Other working- class suburbs included La Boca, El Socorro, Balvanera, as well as parts of Flores and Belgrano (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:85). Dockside areas such as San Telmo, La Boca, and Puerto Madero offered employment opportunities for working-class people in the shipping industry and in railway and urban tramway construction (Keen and Haynes 2012:372). The city’s urban fringes also offered employment in small workshops and factories, slaughterhouses, tanneries, and wool-washing and meat-salting plants. In addition, people were frequently employed in the areas of domestic service and in wholesale and retail sale outlets (Hedges 2011:29; Scobie 2002:176). Due to the increase in population, demand for skilled and semi-skilled construction workers including masons, carpenters, and painters increased throughout the city from the 1870s onward (Scobie 1974:135). During this period, employment opportunities also abounded for butchers, bakers, shoemakers, and seamstresses, as well as in the areas of distilling, brewing, cigarette-making, flour milling, and biscuit and pasta production (Scobie 1974:135–136). Conditions in such places tended to be hard with long hours of work required for fluctuating but often low wages. Men employed in cigarette factories would typically earn a meager 4.5 pesos per day in 1887 (Guy 1991:66). By the turn of the century, the highest monthly wage for a laborer would be 30 gold pesos, while the estimated minimum expenses for an average working-class family was 43 gold pesos (Scobie 1974:140–141). Despite this, for many European immigrants, wages 4.2 San Telmo and Working-Class Life in Nineteenth-Century Buenos Aires 79 in Argentina tended to be higher than in their home countries (Gallo 1993:88; Scobie 1974:137). The cost of living, however, was markedly high for the urban poor, and many people were forced to make do by reducing the quality and quantity of their food and mending and re-mending worn-out clothing (Scobie 1974:122–138). According to Scobie (1974:143) the fact that industrial plants tended to be small and that people were employed in small groups and often worked alongside their employer delayed the development of a working-class consciousness in Argentina. As such, in addition to low wages, 12–14 h working days were common, and jobs were labor-intensive and rarely machine oriented. Less machines meant that there were fewer industrial hazards and accidents and that the city’s surroundings were generally healthier than many other cities at the time. When accidents did occur, however, workers tended to lack any form of protection or compensation. In addition, workspaces particularly in factories were often cramped and unsanitary lacking in ventilation and adequate lighting (Poy 2014:555; Scobie 2002:176). To supplement meager family incomes, women and children often needed to work (Gallo 1993:88; Guy 1991:66; Scobie 1974:143). Often working-class children would attend school for the first few years of elementary school and then would have to leave and start working by the age of eight or nine. Women employed in urban factories typically earned half the wage a man employed in the same job would earn. For children working in factories, wages were halved again. The hiring of both women and children was popular among producers of cigarettes, matches, burlap bags, buttons, and hats. For women, further work opportunities were available to take home such as laundering, ironing, and piecework. The hours of work for women and children would often be as long as for men, and they suffered the same cramped and unsanitary conditions. Toward the last quarter of the nineteenth century, however, regulations were introduced aimed at improving work conditions for women and children and on enforcing days of rest on Sundays and public holidays for all workers. The 8-h day, however, was not common in Argentina until World War 1 (Gallo 1993:88; Scobie 1974:143). Houses were often small, inadequately ventilated, and overcrowded, including in the city’s conventillos (Ramos 2005:20; see Fig. 4.1). Conventillos were often remodeled from old patio-style homes or constructed new from cheap materials in the same rectangular patio-style. Often, the structure’s depth would be three to six times greater than its width (Scobie 2002:178). By 1887, there were a total of 2, 835 conventillos in Buenos Aires housing almost 29% of the city’s population and usually accommodating over 30 people each. This type of tenement housing first emerged in the city during the 1850s and remained popular up until the early twentieth century (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:85; Scobie 1974:147). Living conditions in conventillos and working-class suburbs in general were harsh. Generally, conventillos had no external windows except a few with street frontage (Scobie 1974:149). Community kitchens were not always present, and as such, most people resorted to cooking their food on charcoal braziers placed on a box or shelf either inside or outside the rented room. Toilet facilities were few, sometimes consisting of only one latrine to be shared among all the residents. 80 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

Fig. 4.1 Large conventillo located at Piedras 1268, with 104 rooms and housing 500 people. (Source: Biblioteca Nacional de España 2019)

Individual rooms usually measured 12 by 12 ft, and each room was rented out to entire families of up to five or six members or groups of six to seven single men. Sometimes, additional relatives or friends were taken in to already overcrowded lodgings. As every square foot had rentable value, rooms and yards of new conventillos decreased in size even further by the start of the twentieth century, with rooms measuring as little as nine by nine square feet. People could afford little furniture, and often a table with a few chairs or benches, trunks, and a bed were all that a typical room would contain (Scobie 1974:149–150). Poor sanitation was common as waste would often be dumped in the streets, and privies were infrequently emptied. Irregular streets meant that stagnant pools of sewerage water would form and waste would eventually make its way to the Riachuelo River. This waterway was also polluted with waste from nearby slaughterhouses and other noxious trades (Hedges 2011:54). Given the cramped and unsanitary conditions of the city’s poor neighborhoods, diseases such as typhoid, cholera, diphtheria, smallpox, and yellow fever were common (Scobie 1974:122–123). As with Little Lon, Argentina’s conventillos have often been characterized as slums. During the late nineteenth century, a number of medical studies raised concerns over the unsanitary conditions of Buenos Aires’ slums. This led governmental action, and by 1917, a new law (Ley Cafferata 1917) was introduced which aimed to eliminate conventillos and other shanty dwellings (Ramos 2005:31). A new commission was established to construct affordable housing adhering to set standards 4.2 San Telmo and Working-Class Life in Nineteenth-Century Buenos Aires 81 regarding minimum space, ventilation, and sewerage requirements. Heavily under- budgeted, however, the commission could not keep up with the demand for affordable housing, and to this day, poorly constructed shanties (and to a lesser extent conventillos) remain the only housing option for many of the city’s urban poor (Ramos 2005:31–32). Newspapers helped to characterize conventillos as urban slums that housed the city’s most lowly and immoral inhabitants. For instance, La Prensa newspaper in 1871 printed the following: “…because of the low rent these rooms are within the reach of day laborers and persons who do not care how they live, packed together like animals without any concern for morals or health” (La Prensa in Scobie 1974:148). The stereotype later became entrenched in popular culture such as novels, poetry, essays, plays, sainetes, and by perhaps the most popular means, tango. Since it began, tango, both the dance and musical genre, has been associated with the urban poor and with immoral behavior (Collier 2002:196–201). It originated in the Río de la Plata region toward the end of the nineteenth century as a blend of different musical styles with Cuban, Spanish, Creole/gaucho, and Afro-Argentine influences (Castro 1990:94; Savigliano 1995:11–12). Its choreography is characterized by intricate and suggestive footwork danced by couples in a tight embrace. According to Savigliano (1995:11–12), the dance is a powerful representation of heterosexual courtship and seduction. It was danced at specialized dance academies (academias), and along with dancing, some academias provided gambling and the services of prostitutes. Due to its risqué nature, tango dancing was considered disreputable and was initially restricted to red-light and working-class districts (Castro 1990:98–99). Other than its association with courtship and seduction, tango was also a means for the lower classes to express their frustrations over poor living conditions and the realities of everyday urban life. Its lyrics expressed concerns over having to compete with recently arrived immigrants and anger toward the upper classes that indulged in class tourism by frequenting lower-class suburbs. Castro (1990:114– 115) claims that while tango did not originate in conventillos, that’s where the genre matured. The conventillo was home to the ‘compadrito’ or ‘guapo’ (dandified creole thug) and the immigrant the ‘gil’ (the dupe). Furthermore, it was the home to elements central in tango, the ‘cachada’ (the art of tripping up the gil) and the ‘cocoliche’ (the parody of the Italian immigrants and their language, making fun of the immigrant trying to assimilate) (Castro 1990:120). It was also where upper-class men ‘jailaifes’ (a corruption of the English “high life”) looked for adventure and opportunities to prove their masculinity (Castro 1990:123–124). Since the early twentieth century, many tango lyrics and tango plays contain references to conventillos, often portraying them as destitute including Los Inquilinos (The Tenants) by Nemesio Trejo (1907), Los Disfrazados (The Disguised) by Carlos Mauricio Pacheco (1906), Triste Paica (Sad Lover/Concubine) by Homero Manzi (1929), and Fangal (Dirty Site) by Enrique Santos Discepolo (1953) (Castro 1990:104; Sabugo 2005). Lyrics often contained a hearty sprinkling of ‘lun- fardo’ – a slang that originated in the working-class suburbs of Buenos Aires in the 82 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America late nineteenth century. It was used predominately by Italians and other recently arrived immigrants, particularly among the working class to communicate with one another. Its usage soon spread throughout the city and among all levels of society, popularized by its use in tango lyrics (Castro 1990:9–10). The slum stereotype associated with conventillos continued into the twentieth century. Some historians (Gutierrez and Suriano 1985:23 and Rigotti 1996:36 cited in Sabugo 2005:54) have described them as overcrowded, dirty, and disease-ridden. Meanwhile, another historian focused on residents’ assumed immorality or indiffer- ence to society’s norms: ‘Together with working men, prostitutes, thieves, pimps, gamblers, drunks and musicians mixed without causing surprise…or repugnance to the modest families in the neighborhood”(Romero 1983 vol. 2:10). Some of San Telmo’s former conventillos today house art galleries and antique stores. Since the 1970s, the suburb has experienced its latest transformation with the opening of a Sunday flea market. Many eighteenth- and nineteenth-century buildings and cobble stone streets remain intact. Some structures are dilapidated and covered with street art, while others have been completely restored creating an overall bohemian atmosphere. Since then, numerous antique stores have opened, and there are plenty of street performers and tango shows. San Telmo today is one of Buenos Aires’ most popular tourist destinations.

4.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at San Telmo

Several archaeological and built heritage studies have been previously conducted within the suburb of San Telmo (e.g., Arias Incollá 2004; de Martino et al. 1988; Igareta 2013; Podestá et al. 1986; Schávelzon 1989, 1994, 1995, 2000, 2008, 2012; Schávelzon and Lorandi 1989, 1992; Schávelzon and Silveira 1998; Schávelzon and Zarankin 1992; Schávelzon et al. 1987, 1989). These studies are discussed below. Most were run by the Centro de Arqueologia Urbana del Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones Estéticas M. J. Buschiazzo at the University of Buenos Aires and funded by various sources including private individuals and international funding bodies such as the EarthWatch Institute.

4.3.1 Defensa 751, San Telmo, Tercero del Sur Tunnel (1986–1987)

This site underwent an initial rescue excavation prior to proposed redevelopment works (Podestá et al. 1986). However, the study was not completed to the satisfac- tion of the sponsor and a new team of archaeologists and built heritage specialists took over the project (Schávelzon et al. 1987). 4.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at San Telmo 83

Documentary research suggested that the first dwelling on the property was constructed sometime prior to 1750 (Schávelzon et al. 1987:50). This home was demolished in 1865 when the local government constructed a brick-lined tunnel to channel off the Tercero del Sur stream. Following the construction of the tunnel, a new dwelling was constructed on the property belonging to the Cajaraville family. The family lived in the dwelling for approximately 20 years until cholera and yellow fever epidemics reached San Telmo and they moved away. At this point, the local government decided to shut off and reseal the channel (Schávelzon 2000:78). Schávelzon and his team undertook excavations within the interior of the dwelling, in three sections of the backyard patio, and within the brick-lined tunnel. Excavations were largely conducted in arbitrary trenches following defined features such as wall footings and floors (Schávelzon et al.1987 ). Work within the dwelling resulted in the identification of several features associated with the earlier eighteenth- century structure including wall footings. Floors of cement and tile, overlaying brick foundations and two brick-lined wells, were located in the patio. Artifacts associated with the eighteenth-century dwelling included Indigenous and Spanish ceramics, bone, and various metal objects. Excavation of the tunnel revealed a brick-lined rectangular structure with a semicircular ceiling and concrete floor. The structure was excavated in its entirety and was packed with fill associated with the resealing event. Over 1500 artifacts were identified, many of which were dated to the nineteenth century. These included glass bottles and domestic ceramics including Creamware, Pearlware, Whiteware, Porcelain and Spanish Majolica, buttons, marbles, clay pipes, bone, and various metal objects (Schávelzon et al. 1987:24–82).

4.3.2 Balcarce 531–541, San Telmo (1988)

A built heritage study was undertaken for this property in the late 1980s (de Martino et al. 1988). Various archival sources were consulted which indicated that the property underwent several episodes of change and expansion. The first dwelling on the property was a modest construction of adobe and timber that had two bedrooms, a kitchen, and a water well. Later, in 1788, the house was enhanced with bricks and timber, two rooms were added, and a new façade was constructed. De Martino et al. (1988) suggest that up until this point, the house was a single-family dwelling. By 1840, however, this seems to have changed as more rooms were added bringing the total to 16, and extra outside access doors were also installed. At this point, the property was converted into a conventillo, which was in use until the mid-twentieth century when records suggest the conventillo was ordered to close due to unsafe construction methods (de Martino et al. 1988: no pagination). 84 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

4.3.3 Lezama Park, San Telmo (1988)

Lezama Park was thought to be site of the first settlement of Buenos Aires (1536– 1541) (Schávelzon and Lorandi 1992:1–4). Archival sources identified the first recorded owner of land associated with this site as Maria Bazurco in 1739. The property changed hands a number of times before it was sold in 1857 to Gregorio Lezama. When Lezama died in 1887, the property was appropriated by the government and was turned into the National History Museum, which is still there today (Schávelzon and Lorandi 1992:4; Schávelzon 2000:92–93). An archaeological survey was conducted at Lezama Park in 1988 with the aim to guide the proceeding excavation and covered a cross section of the sloping park (Schávelzon and Lorandi 1992). Artifactual material recovered from the survey was largely exposed through erosion and included ceramic and glass fragments and metal nails. Following the survey, a total of 13 test pits were excavated across the park (Schávelzon and Lorandi 1992). Overall, the deposits were found to be highly disturbed. One house structure, dated to approximately 1860, was uncovered, and a larger area of the site was excavated. The house had six rooms and a central patio area. Building materials, glass, and metal objects, as well as various domestic ceramics including Pearlware, Whiteware, porcelain, and Spanish Mayólica, were identified associated with this structure (Schávelzon and Lorandi1992 :5–13). Overall, the archaeological works revealed that no structures or artifacts within the park could be dated prior to the eighteenth century. Schávelzon and Lorandi (1992:18–20) concluded that it is highly unlikely that this was the site of the first occupation of Buenos Aires. Since then, there have been at least another two archaeological surveys conducted within the Lezama Park in the years 2000 and 2002 (Centro de Arqueologia Urbana n.d.). A surface collection and analysis of artifacts were undertaken in both instances. The results confirmed earlier conclusions that this was not the site of the city’s first settlement. Although this data has not been published, it is available at the Centre for Urban Archaeology (University of Buenos Aires) website (Centro de Arqueologia Urbana n.d.).

4.3.4 Defensa 1469, San Telmo (1988)

This site was excavated in 1988 and funded by the EarthWatch Institute (Schávelzon 1989). Given that the excavations at Lezama Park did not locate the first city’s first settlement, this project aimed to conduct an excavation just north of the park, on higher, dryer ground in order to continue the search. Archival sources revealed that the first dwelling on the property was not constructed until 1820 (Schávelzon 2008:118). This was then demolished sometime following the turn of the century, and a new dwelling was constructed in its place (Schávelzon 1989: no pagination). 4.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at San Telmo 85

A total of five test pits (either 1 × 1 m2 or 2 × 1 m2) were excavated (Schávelzon 1989: no pagination). Three test pits revealed features such as wall footings and a brick floor associated with the nineteenth-century dwelling. The remainder of the test pits did not identify any archaeological features, and debris from the destruction of the later dwelling was noted throughout. In total, only 131 artifacts were located comprising building materials, glass bottles (including gin wine and medicine bottles), glass and ceramic tableware, a ceramic figure, a glass button, and various metal objects (the majority of which were unidentified). Of the ceramic fragments, only one was identified as Pearlware, while the remainder was identified as Whiteware (Schávelzon 1989: no pagination). The works revealed that no artifacts or archaeological features associated with the property dated prior to the eighteenth century. Therefore, it was again considered unlikely that this was the site of the first settlement of Buenos Aires (Schávelzon 1989: no pagination).

4.3.5 The Jesuit Church, San Telmo (1989)

The Jesuit Church was excavated in 1989 (Schávelzon and Zarankin 1992). Archival sources revealed that in 1732, the property was donated to the Jesuits in order to build a church, school, and residency for men (Schávelzon 2000:110; Schávelzon and Zarankin 1992:4). These buildings were commissioned and built; however, by 1767 the Jesuits were expelled from the city, and a year later, the buildings were taken over by the Bethlemite order. The school was later used as a prison for women, which remained in operation until 1978 (Schávelzon 2000:110; Schávelzon and Zarankin 1992:4). Archaeological excavations were conducted around the church building and the school patio (Schávelzon and Zarankin 1992:14–15). Two test pits were excavated within the patio revealing three distinct floor sequences comprising a mosaic floor overlaying cement, overlaying red tiles. A water well was also identified in the patio. Artifacts associated with this section of the site included a range of building material, bone, glass, and ceramics. Excavations at the church building included a total of six test pits. Three of these were found to contain human remains in unmarked burials (Schávelzon and Zarankin 1992:14–15). The remains were of three female children between 3 and 12 years of age. Bioanthropological analysis revealed that the likely cause of death was starvation. Fragments of glass and ceramics were also identified at the churchyard excavations (Schávelzon2000 :110; Schávelzon and Zarankin 1992:7–21). In another test pit at the church, the possible remains of a blacksmith’s workshop were identified. Below an earth-floor layer, a thick layer of rust was identified -con taining iron cutters and fences, horseshoes, hooks, nails, as well as high proportions of scrap metal (Schávelzon 2000:110). 86 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

4.3.6 Perú 680, San Telmo, the Coni Press (1989)

Sections of this site were excavated in 1989 during a project funded by the EarthWatch Institute (Schávelzon 1994, 1995, 2000; Schávelzon et al. 1989). Archival research revealed that the property changed hands a number of times before any permanent structures were built on it. During the first half of the eighteenth century, the property was sold to the Rodríguez family who constructed a small, three-roomed dwelling. The property then changed hands several times again before it was sold to Pablo Emilio Coni in 1883. He constructed a three-story printing house, which had residences in the upper levels (Schávelzon 1995:13–38). Archaeological excavations were carried out in three rooms of the publishing house and at the back patio (Schávelzon 1995:39–80). Arbitrary trenches of different sizes were excavated according to space available in each room. Two of the three rooms excavated revealed evidence of the earliest construction phase – the Rodríguez residence which was identified by compacted layers of pulverized brick and clay (remnants of adobe walls) and at least three postholes. Artifacts associated with the Rodríguez occupation included Indigenous ceramics, Spanish Majolica and Creamware vessels, glass tableware and bottles, cutlery, and clay pipe fragments. The next owners, the Goyena family, used the foundations of the Rodríguez residence in the construction of their dwelling. Excavations revealed the presence of brick walls and floors associated with this construction phase in all three rooms. Artifacts found included Pearlware and porcelain tableware, marbles and doll’s tea sets, toothbrushes, bone hairpins, and a porcelain crucifix (Schávelzon 1995:39– 80). According to Schávelzon (1995:114; 2000:72), the artifact assemblage from the Goyena phase of occupation reflects a wealthier, middle-class standard of living than the previous working-class Rodríguez phase. Excavations in the back patio revealed a series of cavities where steam-powered machinery for the press was installed during the Coni occupation (Schávelzon 1995:81–106; 2000:72). The other major features in this section included three large water wells for use by the steam-powered machinery. These wells were brick- lined with tiled floors, and rectangular in shape with semicircular ceilings. Artifacts in this section included work tools associated with the press such as metal letters and an ink-stained brush (Schávelzon 1995:81–106; 2000:72).

4.3.7 Balcarce 433, San Telmo, Michelángelo (1996)

The site at Balcarce 433 was excavated in 1996 prior to redevelopment works (Schávelzon 2000; Schávelzon and Silveira 1998). From 1601, the Santo Domingo Convent occupied the entire city block where the subject site is located. By 1823, the government expropriated the land and transferred half of the block to the newly established University of Buenos Aires and sold the remaining lots to private owners. The private lots changed hands a few times, and by 1833 they were purchased 4.3 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at San Telmo 87 by Carlos María Huergo who built a residence, distillery, and warehouse. The warehouse was constructed to make use of the natural slope in order to maximize pro- ductivity by facilitating loading and unloading activities. The property has since been subdivided again, and up until the time of the study, only the warehouse remained of the original Huergo structures. Archaeological testing included a series of arbitrary test pits carried out within the warehouse cellars (Schávelzon and Silveira 1998:66–69). Excavation revealed evidence of a sewerage pit, which had been filled during construction works from 1848 to 1850. Artifacts in this fill event were likely deposited by the construction workers themselves and are dominated by food remains and other objects related to food preparation and consumption. They included bone (predominately bovine), metal pots, ceramic tableware (predominately Whiteware), glass tableware and beverage bottles, and ceramic mustard jars which according to Schávelzon and Silveira (1998:66–69) were reused as mate containers. Other artifacts also present included perfume bottles, buttons, pencils, game tokens, and building materials. A rubbish pit was also excavated dating from the convent phase of occupation and likely to have been in use from 1790 to 1820 (Schávelzon and Silveira 1998:49– 82). The artifact assemblage in this pit was dominated by bone (predominately fish), ceramic tableware and storage vessels (Indigenous, Majolica, Creamware), metal pots, glass beverage bottles, and construction debris. Other artifacts included clay pipes, buttons, a sharpening stone, a coin worth two reales from Potosí dating to 1689, mica fragments, and a total of 19 medicine bottles. Schávelzon and Silveira (1998:81) suggested that the medicine bottles may have been used when the convent became a home for the wounded during the British invasions (1806–1807). The mica fragments were thought to be associated with the Spanish tradition of cutting flowers from thin sheets of mica and used during funeral services (Schávelzon and Silveira 1998:49–82). Although the artifact assemblage from this site displays wide-ranging origins (e.g., Potosí, Spain, France), it is interesting to note that according to Schávelzon and Silveira (1998:81–82) the vast majority of artifacts came from Britain.

4.3.8 San Juan 338, San Telmo, La Casa Naranjo (1999)

This site was excavated in 1999 prior to proposed redevelopment works (Arias Incollá 2004:6; Schávelzon 2012). Archival sources revealed that the first dwelling on the property was built in the early eighteenth century and was later demolished. By 1780, a second dwelling was constructed reusing the bricks from the first (Arias Incollá 2004:6–7). It is unknown when the property changed hands again; however, Nicolás de la Rosa became the next owner. De la Rosa extended the dwelling and added outdoor features such as a patio and rubbish pit (Arias Incollá 2004:7–43). Subsurface testing included the excavation of 13 trenches (Arias Incollá 2004:16–43). The works revealed that the earliest structural remains on the site, including brick floors and a hearth, dated to the early eighteenth century. Artifacts 88 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America associated with these early features included Indigenous and other local ceramic fragments, although these were represented in very small numbers. The majority of the structural features and artifacts dated from the late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth centuries. Ceramics comprised the bulk of the assemblage and included Whiteware, Pearlware, Creamware, and, to a lesser extent, Spanish Majolica fragments. Other artifacts found included marbles, writing slates, jewelry, and sewing equipment (Arias Incollá 2004:16–43). More recently, conservation and restorative works were undertaken at the property next door located at the corner of Defensa and San Juan Streets, San Telmo (Igareta 2013). The works were carried out on archaeological features (namely, walls and footings) associated with the site at San Juan 338. During the works, a small number of artifacts including glass bottle fragments and ceramics (Indigenous, Spanish, and British earthenwares) were identified. These were dated from the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries (Igareta 2013:16–18).

4.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Defensa 774 (La Casa Peña)

The following section summarizes the archaeological work and historical overview previously conducted within Defensa 774 (La Casa Peña).

4.4.1 Historical Overview

A historical overview of the property was conducted as part of the previous archaeological works carried out at La Casa Peña (Zarankin and Senatore 1995; Zarankin et al. 1998; Schávelzon [ed.] 2005). Specific archival sources containing data on La Casa Peña included wills, historical plans, a personal inventory of expenditures, magazine and newspaper classifieds, letters, and legal documents. With this information, researchers were able to determine the owners and some of the tenants for the property; when and how the property was passed down to various generations of Peña family members, and how the dwelling itself changed through time. Other details obtained included the occupation, family size, and structure, and significant dates and the financial gains and expenses for some individuals. This information helped to better understand the history of the Peña family and their house. Unfortunately, not much information on the tenants that occupied the house in the latter part of the nineteenth century was found. What was available is summarized below. Following the second settlement of Buenos Aires, land was distributed among Spanish explorers and settlers (vecinos). Juan de Garay gave a section of land encompassing San Telmo to Antón de Porras in the late sixteenth century (Coda 4.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Defensa 774 (La Casa Peña) 89

2005:72). However, due to frequent flooding by the Tercero del Sur stream and the foul smells that it produced due to rubbish being frequently deposited there, the area did not experience much growth throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Coda 2005:72; Schávelzon 2005:106). During this period, there are no records available on when the property changed hands, although a modest one-roomed dwelling appears to have been constructed on the corner of Defensa and San Lorenzo Streets, in the mid-eighteenth century according to historical plans (Schávelzon 2005:106–107; Zarankin and Senatore 1995). By the late eighteenth century, the brothers Andrés and Francisco de la Peña Fernández were recorded as the property’s owners. The brothers also owned a nearby dwelling together with another owner, Martín Gregorio Yañez (Coda 2005:71). The Peñas were born in the Villa de Bouzas in the bishopric of Zuy, Spain, whose parents were Jose de la Peña and María Josefa Fernandez. They were leather merchants, and it is likely that they used the property which included a simple dwelling, to store leather goods and have easy access to the river for loading them onto ships (Coda 2005:72). Francisco de la Peña Fernández married Ventura Lezica and had a number of children, Luis, Juan Andrés, and José María (there may have been others, possibly up to six children, but the archival records are not clear on numbers or names) (Coda 2005). Ventura also had a son from an earlier union or marriage, Juan Bautista. Andrés de la Peña Fernández never married and had no children (Coda 2005:75). The Peñas may have lived in the property for a number of years; however, according to the available documentary sources, the property appears to have been rented sometime before 1822 to Sebastián Lezica, Ventura’s brother (Coda 2005:86). It is not clear when Francisco Peña died, but records seem to indicate that it occurred either before or during the 1810 revolution (Coda 2005:71). His Will was unfortunately not located during the archival research. It is also unclear from the literature available what happened to Martín Gregorio Yañez, the part owner of the other nearby dwelling. Following the death of Francisco, Andrés was given legal power over Ventura’s finances and became the owner of the property until his death in April 1823, when Ventura, Luis, and Juan Andrés inherited the property and other assets (including the dwelling shared with Martín Gregorio Yañez) (Coda 2005:73). This is after Ventura and Juan Bautista unable to locate a copy of the land title, had requested accreditation for the property from the Municipal Office. For this to be granted, signed statements were required from witnesses testifying that they had known Andrés de la Peña; that he had been the owner of the property in question; and that there were no other owners. One statement, located in the archival records, signed by a man named Santiago Gutiérrez, named Andrés de la Peña and Martín Gregorio Yañez as the owners the nearby dwelling. The statements allowed Andrés de la Peña’s executors to be granted a certificate of accreditation for the dwelling that they could use in lieu of the title on 22 May 1823 (Coda 2005:74). It is presumed that similar statements were gathered for the Peña property, as this too was able to remain in the possession of Andrés de la Peña’s relatives. 90 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

This process had been a common way of certifying land ownership prior to the independence in 1810 (Coda 2005:74). After independence particularly in the decade 1820–1830, many properties (and other assets) were confiscated from Spanish nationals living in Argentina. It was considered by Pablo Coda (2005) that perhaps Andrés de la Peña purposely left no legal trace of ownership of the property to avoid possible expropriation. Sometime around 1840, the family constructed a grand residence with two patios, a main entrance, and a service entrance (Schávelzon 2005:107–108). Ventura Lezica died on 5 April 1861 after a long illness, which had kept her bedridden since October 1857 (Coda 2005:78–79). After her death, Juan Bautista being her firstborn son became the executor of her Will. Although Ventura had been receiving a regular income from the rent of the Peña property, this particular asset was not listed as one of the assets in her Will (Coda 2005:79). Despite the Peña property not being included in Ventura’s Will, Juan Bautista organized to have it valued and to have the testament ratified by the local Magistrate, Alejo B. González (incidentally, Alejo would later marry Juan Bautista’s niece, Celina Peña y Castro, daughter of José María Peña) (Coda 2005:82). Juan Bautista rented the property to various tenants including Miguet Bosch, Antonio Salvó, and Jacques Jassan in the year 1861 (Coda 2005:86). He then sold the Peña property by public auction along with another property on Chacabuco Street, which had also belonged to Ventura and had been included in her Will. Both properties were sold for a combined total of $517,500 pesos to José María Peña on 10 January 1862 (Coda 2005:83). By 1891, Enrique Peña, son of José María Peña, became the property’s next owner (Coda 2005:86). Records also indicate that Enrique Peña had previously leased the property from 1885 to 1890. It is known that Enrique Peña also leased the property during his ownership; however, the names of tenants during this period are unknown. Following the death of Enrique Peña, his children, Enrique José Alberto and Elisa Celestina Peña, inherited the property. Then in 1925, it came into the ownership of Enrique Carlos María and Carlos Augusto Picardo, who were also decedents of the Peñas. The Picardos appear to have maintained ownership until 1988 when it was sold to the owner current at the time that the archaeological field- work was undertaken, Jorge Eckstein (Coda 2005:86; Zarankin et al. 1998:195). According to the legal inscriptions, the Peña property underwent several significant changes beginning in the 1870s (Coda 2005:87). Firstly, the white colonial façade was replaced by a whitewashed stone façade. At the time of conducting these alterations, the house measurements were taken from the valuation records, which stated that the property measured the same distance along Defensa Street as along San Lorenzo Street. This was not the case, however, as the house was 2.67 m longer along San Lorenzo Street. Consequently, the original colonial façade was left intact along that 2.67 m long strip, which included an entry door and a balcony, resulting in what is now known as La Casa Minima or La Casa del Esclavo Liberto (“The Miniature House” or “The House of the Freed Slave”) (see Fig. 4.2). Because La Casa Minima appeared to be a separate property, a twentieth-century myth was created claiming that the house was given to a freed slave in return for his services. 4.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Defensa 774 (La Casa Peña) 91

Fig. 4.2 “La Casa Minima,” 2010. (Source: Ricardi 2018; Photograph taken by the author)

Andrés de la Peña’s Will did mention his slave, a woman named Josefa, to whom he granted freedom after his death rather a miniature house (Coda 2005:75, 87–89; Schávelzon 2005:108). However, the story of “The House of the Freed Slave” per- sists and is still featured in modern tourism guides and newspaper articles (e.g., La Nacíon 11 May 1999, p. 8). There was another major change that occurred during this period. The house was subdivided into separate rental properties including two conventillos and a smaller, individual rental property with a private entry. The conventillos of La Casa Peña had one water well and two basins (later three) to share, one privy each, and no kitchen (Schávelzon 2005:132–133). During this period, the Peña house became the home of many transitional occupants of whom documentary sources are not available. The last major change on the property until recent times occurred in 1895 when a new sewerage system was installed complying with the municipal standards and annulling the use of the property’s cesspits (Coda 2005:87–89; Schávelzon 2005:108). During the twentieth century, the property underwent another wave of major renovation works in 1915 and then again 1930 and remained in use up until the 1970s (Schávelzon 2005:106–108; Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). 92 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

4.4.2 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Defensa 774

La Casa Peña was excavated in 1994 and 1995 by the Centro de Arqueologia Urbana del Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones Estéticas M. J. Buschiazzo at the University of Buenos Aires (Zarankin and Senatore 1995; Zarankin et al. 1998; Schávelzon 2005). Although overrun with weeds, recent rubbish, and building debris, many of its original walls and ceilings remained intact during the time the study was undertaken (Schávelzon 2005:124). La Casa Peña was excavated in two phases. Phase 1 involved the excavation of 1 × 1 m test pits throughout the property. Phase 2 involved a series of open excavations throughout the areas of highest archaeological potential as determined by the results of the test pits. A total of 50m2 of the property were archaeologically excavated (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination; Zarankin et al. 1998:191). La Casa Peña was divided into three sections defined by the subdivision of the dwelling into three main rental properties (House 1, 2 and 3). Works were further divided by individual rooms within each dwelling and labeled accordingly (Room 1, 2, 3, etc.) (Fig. 4.3; Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). Two teams, one led by Dr. Daniel Schávelzon and the other by Dr. Andrés Zarankin, carried out the excavations.

4.4.2.1 House 1

The stratigraphic sequence throughout the majority of House 1 comprised: • A modern tile or wooden floor • A layer of construction debris • A loose, sandy sediment containing artifact material • An earlier brick floor • Sandy sediment, which became increasingly clayey and compacted with depth until it reached a clay base (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination) In Rooms 3 and 4 of House 1, a layer of fill containing recent material (including a plastic soft drink lid and a coin dated to 1972) was identified beneath the modern floorboards. Under the layer of fill, a clay base was reached. This sequence was interpreted as demonstrating recent leveling works in this section of the house that cut through previous stratigraphic layers (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). In Rooms 5 and 6 of House 1 (which formed part of “La Casa Minima”), charcoal and ash were noted below the modern tile floor; however it is likely that this was associated as a modern kitchen that was in use in this room up until the 1970s. Other features associated with House 1 included a brick-lined cesspit located in Room 5 and a boot-shaped pit in Room 2 (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). 4.4 Previous Archaeological Work Conducted at Defensa 774 (La Casa Peña) 93

Fig. 4.3 Map showing the locations of House 1, House 2, and House 3 and the rooms within La Casa Peña. (Image by Meg M. Walker based on original by Pablo Lopez Coda and used with permission obtained by the Centro de Arqueología Urbana, University of Buenos Aires, 2010)

Artifacts were found associated with the sandy sediment layer, in-between the loose bricks and in fill deposits (such as within the boot-shaped pit). They included bone, ceramic, glass and tile fragments, nails, and plastic objects (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). 94 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

4.4.2.2 House 2

The stratigraphic sequence in House 2 was very similar to House 1. The main difference was that a layer of fill (2–3 cm deep) instead of a sandy sediment was identified under the modern tile floor and again under the earlier brick floor (up to 1.2 m deep in places) (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). Also, the brick floor was not identified in all sections of the house (e.g., Room 4). Artifacts associated with the fill layer included ceramic and glass fragments and glass marbles. These were mixed with modern objects such as an Eveready battery and newspaper fragments (Schávelzon 2005:114; Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). Another feature associated with House 2 was a rectangular pit located in Room 10, which was shown in historical plans of the property. The pit was brick-lined and filled predominately with building debris (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). According to Schávelzon (2005:117–118), stoneware pipe fragments associated with the pit suggest that the feature was part of the home’s drainage system.

4.4.2.3 House 3

The stratigraphic sequence in House 3 began in a similar fashion to House 1 and 2. Beneath the layer of construction debris, however, the sequence differed from the others. A layer of compacted lime and sand was identified overlaying soil with a high concentration of charcoal (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). Artifacts were predominately associated with the layer of construction debris and included fragments of tiles, other building materials, glass, ceramic, and bone. In Room 3 below the modern tiled floor, the soil became increasingly compacted until a row of brick footings was reached at a depth of approximately 90 cm. Artifacts associated with this feature include some of the oldest at the site and have been dated from the late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth centuries (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). Overall, the site report and subsequent papers and book chapters that were published (Schávelzon 2005; Zarankin and Senatore 1995; Zarankin et al. 1998) did not include a comprehensive artifact analysis. Observations relate to the highly fragmented nature of the assemblage and the fact that the earlier material (dating to the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries) appears to have belonged to people of higher economic means than the later nineteenth-century material (Zarankin and Senatore 1995; 1998:194). Another observation was that the majority of artifacts belonged to this earlier period than later occupation phases (Zarankin and Senatore 1995; Zarankin et al. 1998:194). There is also mention of a wide variety of ceramics in the assemblage, from early Indigenous and Spanish Majolica styles to Creamware, Pearlware, and Whiteware (Schávelzon 2005:114–140). However, no Indigenous ceramics and only one fragment of Majolica were present in the assemblage when analysis by the author was undertaken. References 95

Other publications produced since 1994–1995 include a brief report on the archaeobotanical remains (D’Ambrogio 1996) and a book chapter on the zooar- chaeological remains (Silveira 2005). This chapter and the previous have demonstrated that Melbourne and Buenos Aires were important port cities in the southern hemisphere that experienced a period of boom and growth between the 1850s and 1880s. This was followed by an economic downturn in the 1890s marked by rising poverty and unemployment. Both cities had Indigenous populations that had been dispossessed of their traditional lands, and both experienced a mass influx of (predominately European) immigrants. Previous historical and archaeological work has highlighted that Little Lon and San Telmo had a rich history in which they experienced periods of change and transformation (e.g., residential to commercial [Little Lon]; upper to lower class [San Telmo]). Both neighborhoods were regarded as slums; however, they were primarily areas of working-class residence and employment. Two sites with such similar backgrounds and settings provide a unique opportunity for comparative study.

References

Arias Incollá, M. (2004). La Casa del Naranjo Arqueología de la Vivienda Mas Antigua de Buenos Aires, San Juan 338. Unpublished report to the Direccíon General de Museos. Buenos Aires. Bonomo, M., & Latini, S. (2012). Arqueología y Ethnohistoria de la Región Metropolitana: Las Sociedades Indígenas de Buenos Aires. In J. Athor (Ed.), Buenos Aires: la historia de su paisaje natural: palaentología, geología, arqueología, ecología. Buenos Aires: Fundación de Historia Natural Felix de Azara. Brown, J. C. (1982). Outpost to Entrepôt: Trade and commerce at colonial Buenos Aires. In S. R. Ross & T. F. McGann (Eds.), Buenos Aires: 400 years. Austin: University of Texas Press. Brown, J. C. (2004). A brief history of Argentina. New York: Checkmark Books. Castro, D. S. (1990). The argentine tango as social history, 1880–1955. The soul of the people. San Francisco: Mellen Research University Press. Coda, P. L. (2005). La Casa Minima: Una Historia y Una Leyenda. In D. Schávelzon (Ed.), Los Conventillos de Buenos Aires La Casa Minima un estudio arqueologico. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Turisticas de Mario Banchik. Collier, S. (2002). The birth of tango. In G. Nouzeilles & G. Montaldo (Eds.), The Argentina reader history, culture, politics. Durham: Duke University Press. Cortés-Conde, R. (1993). The growth of the argentine economy, c. 1870–1914. In L. Bethell (Ed.), Argentina since independence. New York: Cambridge University Press. D’Ambrogio, A. (1996). Informe acerca del material arqueológico vegetal excavado en San Telmo (San Lorenzo y Defensa, 1995). Buenos Aires: Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones Esteticas Mario J. Buschiazzo, Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Universidad de Buenos Aires. De Martino, T., Gómez, M., & Lazzari, M. (1988). Historia de la Casa de Balcarce 531: Estudio, Cronologia y Diagnostico (Arqueologia Urbana No. 10). Buenos Aires: Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones Esteticas Mario J. Buschiazzo, Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Edwards, T. L. (2008). Argentina a global studies handbook. Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio. Ferns, H. S. (1969). Argentina. London: Ernest Benn Ltd.. 96 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

Gallo, E. (1993). Argentina: Society and politics, 1880–1916. In L. Bethell (Ed.), Argentina since independence. New York: Cambridge University Press. Gutman, M., & Hardoy, J. E. (1992). Buenos Aires Historia Urbana del Area Metropolitana. Madrid: Mapfre Editorial. Guy, D. (1991). Sex and danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, family, and nation in Argentina. Lincoln: University and Nebraska Press. Hedges, J. (2011). Argentina a modern history. London: I. B. Tauris and Ltd. Igareta, A. (2013). Intervención de limpieza y consolidación de restos arqueológicos en Auditorio del MAMBA (Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires. Unpublished report to Leguizamón Ezcurra y Asociados SRL. Johnson, L. L., & Socolow, S. M. (2002). Colonial centres, colonial peripheries, and the economic agency of the Spanish State. In C. Daniels & M. V. Kennedy (Eds.), Negotiated empires centres and peripheries in the Americas, 1500–1820. Oxon: Routledge. Abingdon. Jones, C. A. (1992). British capital in Argentine history: Structures, rhetoric and change. In A. Hennessy & J. King (Eds.), The land that England lost Argentina and Britain, a special relationship. London: The British Academic Press. Jones, K. L. (1999). Warfare, reorganization, and readaption at the margins of Spanish rule: The Southern Margin (1573–1882). In F. Salomon & S. B. Schwartz (Eds.), The Cambridge history of the native peoples of the Americas volume III South America Part 2. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Keen, B., & Haynes, K. (2012). A history of Latin America volume 2 independence to the present. Boston: Wadsworth. Lewis, D. K. (2003). The history of Argentina. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Lima-Dantas, E. (1986). Historical setting. In J. D. Rudolf (Ed.), Argentina a country study. Washington, DC: The American University. Lockhart, J., & Schwartz, S. B. (1999). Early Latin America a history of colonial Spanish America and Brazil. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Moya, J. C. (1998). Cousins and strangers Spanish immigrants in Buenos Aires 1850–1930. Berkeley: University of California Press. Orquera, L. A. (1983). Antes de la fundación. In J. L. Romero & L. A. Romero (Eds.), Buenos Aires historia de cuatro siglos. Buenos Aires: Editoria Abril S. A. Podestá, M. Belleli, M. C., & Goñi, R. (1986). Rescate arqueológico en el Zanjón de Granados, Bo de San Telmo, Buenos Aires. Unpublished report to Jorge Eckstein. Poy, L. (2014). Hard times: The formation of the working class in late nineteenth-century Buenos Aires. Working USA: The Journal of Labor and Society, 17, 553–564. Prates, L., Politis, G., & Steele, J. (2013). Radiocarbon chronology of the early human occupation of Argentina. Quaternary International, 301, 104–122. Ramos, J. (2005). Inquilinato: Luces y Sombras del Habitar Porteño. In D. Schávelzon (Ed.), Los Conventillos de Buenos Aires La Casa Minima un estudio arqueologico. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Turisticas de Mario Banchik. Ricardi, P. (2018). Working-class consumer behavior in ‘Marvellous Melbourne’ and Buenos Aires, the ‘Paris of South America’. International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 22(1), 131–146. Rock, D. (1986). Argentina 1516–1982: From Spanish colonization to the Falklands war. Berkeley: University of California Press. Romero, J. L. (1983). La Ciudad Burguesa. In J. L. Romero & L. A. Romero (Eds.), Buenos Aires historia de cuatro siglos. 2 vols. Buenos Aires: Editorial Abril S. A. Sabugo, M. (2005). La Idea de Conventillo. In D. Schávelzon (Ed.), Los Conventillos de Buenos Aires La Casa Minima un estudio arqueologico. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Turisticas de Mario Banchik. Savigliano, M. E. (1995). Tango and the political economy of passion. Boulder: Westview Press. Schávelzon, D. (1989). Excavaciones en Defensa 1469, Buenos Aires primer informe (1988) (Arqueologia Urbana No. 9). Buenos Aires: Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones References 97

Esteticas Mario J. Buschiazzo, Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Schávelzon, D. (1994). Arqueológia e historia de la Imprenta Coni, Buenos Aires. Columbia: The South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, The College of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of South Carolina. Schávelzon, D. (1995). Excavaciones en la Imprenta Coni, San Telmo. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Corregidor. Schávelzon, D. (2000). The historical archaeology of Buenos Aires a City at the end of the world. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Schávelzon, D. (2005). Arqueologia de un Conventillo Porteño. In D. Schávelzon (Ed.), Los Conventillos de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Turisticas. Schávelzon, D. (2008). Buenos Aires, arqueología en una ciudad en destrucción total Excavaciones en Defensa 1462. Canto Rodado, 3, 113–133. Schávelzon, D. (2012). La Casa del Naranjo arqueología de la arquitectura en el contexto municipal de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Aspha Ediciones. Schávelzon, D., & Lorandi, A. M. (1989). Excavaciones en Parque Lezama, Buenos Aires: informe preliminario. Buenos Aires: Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones Esteticas Mario J. Buschiazzo, Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Schávelzon, D., & Lorandi, A. M. (1992). La arqueología urbana en la Argentina. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina. Schávelzon, D., & Silveira, M. (1998). Excavaciones en Michelángelo Arqueología Histórica de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Corregidor. Schávelzon, D., & Zarankin, A. (1992). Excavaciones en la Iglesia y Residencia Jesuítica de Nuestra Señora de Belén (actual San Telmo). Buenos Aires: Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones Esteticas Mario J. Buschiazzo, Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Schávelzon, D. S. C., Magadán, M., & Aguirre Saravia, S. (1987). Excavaciones Arqueologicas en San Telmo Defensa 751–755, el Zanjón de Granados. Unpublished report to Jorge Eckstein. Schávelzon, D., Lorandi, A. M., Fantuzzi, S., & Plá, C. (1989). Excavaciones Arqueológicas en la Imprenta Coni (Peru 684). Arqueologia Urbana No. 14. Buenos Aires: Instituto de Arte Americano e Investigaciones Esteticas Mario J. Buschiazzo, Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Schmidt, U. (2002). (1554). Going wild. In G. Nouzeilles & G. R. Montaldo (Eds.), The Argentina reader: History, culture, politics. Durham: Duke University Press. Scobie, J. R. (1974). Buenos Aires Plaza to Suburb, 1870–1910. New York: Oxford University Press. Scobie, J. R. (2002). The Paris of South America. In G. Nouzeilles & G. R. Montaldo (Eds.), The Argentina reader: History, culture, politics. Durham: Duke University Press. Silveira, M. (2005). La Cocina y la Comida en un Convetillo Porteño: San Lorenzo y Defensa. In D. Schávelzon (Ed.), Los Conventillos de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Turisticas. Smolensky, E. M. (2013). Colonizadores Colonizados Los Italianos Porteños. Buenos Aires: Editorial Biblos. Zarankin, A., & Senatore, M. X. (1995). Informe de los trabajos realizados en la Casa Minima (la Esquina), barrio de San Telmo. Unpublished report for Centro de Arqueología Urbana, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires. Zarankin, A., Guillermo, S., Tancredi, M., Senatore, M. X., Casanueva, L., & Funes, M. L. (1998). Arqueología de la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Informe de los Trabajos Realizados en el Proyecto “Casa Minima” Barrio de San Telmo. Informes Palimpsesto Revista de Arqueología., 5, 189–201. 98 4 Buenos Aires: The Paris of South America

Websites

Biblioteca Nacional de España (2019). ‘Paseos Fotográficos por el Municipio’ Caras y Caretas. Issue 254 (15 August 1903) pp. 40. Available from:http://hemerotecadigital.bne.es/issue.vm?i d=0004158804&search=&lang=es. Accessed 19 Apr 2019. Centro de Arqueología Urbana (n.d.) Parque Lezama. Available from: http://www.iaa.fadu.uba.ar/ cau/?cat=135. Accessed 29 Jan 2015. Chapter 5 Methodology of an International Comparative Analysis

This chapter presents the methodology adopted in this book. It describes the two datasets that were used including the types of artifacts that were selected, the context from which they came, and how this differed between the two sites. It then outlines the methods employed for artifact processing and cataloguing using the EAMC database with an emphasis on why certain fields, such as minimum number of vessel (MNV) counts and function, were recorded. Previous cataloguing work (where available) is also described. In addition, the documentary research undertaken, including types of sources used (both primary and secondary), are outlined, as are the limitations of this study, and how these were managed. Firstly, however, I will address the question of site selection and why the two sites were selected for study. As this study stemmed from my doctoral thesis, access to the Casselden Place site assemblage was made available to me through my supervisor Professor Tim Murray from La Trobe University, who was at the time investigating the archaeology of the wider Commonwealth Block.1 Casselden Place is a large site with multiple individual house allotments that were excavated from 2002 to 2003. Lot 35, which formed the Casselden Place dataset for this study, was one of the “hotspots” identified during the initial analysis by Godden Mackay Logan 2004( ) previously discussed in Chap. 3. For this reason and the fact that Lot 35 was not the subject of other postgraduate studies at time, I chose this as the focus of my analysis in Melbourne. In order to pursue my interest in global comparisons with sites outside the British Empire, and a general interest in Argentinean historical archaeology, I sought a similar site for analysis in Buenos Aires and found it in La Casa Peña site. This site was made available to me by Dr. Daniel Schávelzon, director of the Centre for

The original version of this chapter was revised. The correction to this chapter is available at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_12

1 Professor Murray was the chief investigator in the ARC-funded Linkage project titled “A Historical Archaeology of the Commonwealth Block 1850–1950.”

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 99 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_5 100 5 Methodology of an International Comparative Analysis

Urban Archaeology at the University of Buenos Aires. La Casa Peña was the only site with a comparatively large assemblage available for comparison and, although occupied for a longer time span, covered the same period of occupation as Casselden Place. In addition, it was situated in San Telmo, a working-class neighborhood that at the time was considered a slum, much like Little Lon.

5.1 La Casa Peña Dataset

A total of 4, 467 artifact fragments make up the Casa Peña dataset that was available for analysis. The artifact types that comprised the dataset consisted of domestic ceramic, glass, metal, and miscellaneous artifacts. Other artifact types were not recorded for this study due to their unavailability. The faunal, botanical, and the majority of metal and building material remains were unfortunately thrown away, lost, or unable to be conserved following the excavations.

5.2 Casselden Place Dataset

A total of 2,704 artifact fragments make up the Casselden Place dataset selected for this study. The Casselden Place dataset also consisted of domestic ceramic, glass, metal, and miscellaneous artifacts. Building materials, faunal, and botanical remains were not analyzed in order to maintain comparability between the two assemblages. Artifacts came from deposits that were chosen because they were stratigraphically intact and had suffered little or no postdepositional disturbance.2

5.3 Artifact Processing: Casselden Place

The Casselden Place artifact collection is stored at the Museum Victoria Moreland Annex, and this is where the artifact processing and cataloguing of this dataset took place. Artifact processing involved primarily the sorting of material. The artifact assemblage was stored in a total of approximately 170 boxes during the initial post- excavation analysis. Each box contained artifacts separated by material type (e.g., glass, ceramic, miscellaneous). The sorting process consisted of separating material, placing some of this in new bags, and creating new labels. This was necessary because material was, at times, placed in bulk bags of mixed material type. The new labels recorded the new bag (or record) number, stratigraphic information, and the bag number in which the material was originally located. The contents of each bag then constituted one individual record on the EAMC database.

2 The contexts included a subfloor deposit (context number 2.500) and a barrel cesspit (master context number 2.060). 5.5 Exploring the Archaeology of the Modern City (EAMC) Database 101

Artifacts were first divided into broad material categories including ceramic, glass, metal, and miscellaneous. The ceramic artifacts were then subdivided into ware type, decoration type, and pattern type (e.g., Whiteware with transfer-printed decoration in Asiatic Pheasants pattern). They were then separated by color, form, and function. Glass, metal, and miscellaneous artifacts were initially divided by form, function, and color. This was followed by manufacturing technique for glass artifacts (e.g., dip, two-piece, and three-piece molded) and material type for metal (e.g., bronze, copper, iron, lead) and miscellaneous artifacts (e.g., leather, shell, and textile).

5.4 Artifact Processing: La Casa Peña

The Centre for Urban Archaeology at the University of Buenos Aires houses the Casa Peña artifact collection, and this is where artifact processing and cataloguing for this assemblage were carried out. The Casa Peña assemblage was stored in a total of 17 boxes each containing artifacts separated by material type (e.g., glass, ceramic, miscellaneous). Other artifacts had been restored and were on display throughout the Centre for Urban Archaeology’s laboratory. These were fortunately accessible at the time the analysis took place and therefore subject to examination. Artifact processing for the Casa Peña assemblage involved the same method outlined above for the Casselden Place assemblage. One notable difference concerned the labeling of bags. When material was re-bagged, no new labels were added, as labels had generally not been included in the original bags.

5.5 Exploring the Archaeology of the Modern City (EAMC) Database

The EAMC database was developed between 2001 and 2006 as part of the Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage project entitled “Exploring the Archaeology of the Modern City, 1788–1900”.3 The original design of the database was developed in 1999 by Dr. Penny Crook as part of her honors thesis at the University of Sydney (Crook and Murray 2006:5). The database was developed using Microsoft Access, and it was designed to share archaeological data and make it accessible to other researchers. Fields in the database recorded the following details: site information, stratigraphic context (recorded where available), fragment quantity, weight, diameter, height, length,

3 This project was conducted by La Trobe University and Industry partners, the Historic Houses Trust of New South Wales (NSW), the Sydney Harbour Foreshore Authority, Godden Mackay Logan, the Heritage Office of NSW, the City of Sydney, and Heritage Victoria. 102 5 Methodology of an International Comparative Analysis width, and thickness (the latter four measurements were only recorded on complete or near-complete artifacts). Other details included artifact class (e.g., ceramic, organic, etc.), material (e.g., Whiteware, bone, etc.), decoration, decoration location (e.g., inside and outside the vessel or both), pattern, color, manufacturing technique, manufacturing location, makers’ mark, and date range. It also recorded where there was evidence of modification (including use wear, recycling, mending, and reuse), conjoining artifacts, and matching sets, as well as the minimum number of vessels, type series identification, and function (which was recorded in multiple fields including activity, function, and sub-function). The original design of the database was based on the Cumberland and Gloucester Streets site in Sydney (Crook and Murray 2006:5). Since then, it has been used widely to store data on sites throughout Australia and England (e.g., Crook 2008). The present study stemmed from the ARC-funded project mentioned above, “A Historical Archaeology of the Commonwealth Block,” with Tim Murray and Charlotte Smith as chief investigators (as previously described in Chap. 3). The EAMC database was used for this project, and in order for the results of this study to be added to the wider catalogue, the same database was used. The fields and ter- minology within the EAMC database had already been predetermined and were not of my choosing. New fields could be added to it however; and this was necessary with the Casa Peña assemblage in particular. For instance, older ceramic ware types such as Pearlware and Creamware, which are not common in Australian assemblages, were present in La Casa Peña and had to be added. The sections below provide clarification on some of the fields used in the EAMC database.

5.6 Ceramic Ware Types

The approach for recording ceramic ware types employed here was largely the same as that used throughout the larger ARC study “A Historical Archaeology of the Commonwealth Block” in order to maintain consistency in the EAMC database. Ceramic ware types identified in this study were identified using the definitions in Table 4:1 adapted from Brooks (2005) (Table 5.1).

5.7 Manufacturing Location

The manufacturing location of artifacts was recorded to determine which objects were manufactured locally and which were imported. The manufacturing location was identified where maker’s marks and/or place of manufacture was present on the artifact itself. For example, a number of perfume bottles from La Casa Peña assemblage were marked “Monpelas” which was a perfume manufacturer from Paris. Likewise, several ceramic items from both Casselden Place and La Casa Peña were 5.7 Manufacturing Location 103

Table 5.1 Attributes and definitions of ceramic ware types identified in this study Ware type Attributes and description Bone china A type of porcelain that contains the addition of bone powder in the clay mixture. It is often off-white in color and generally coarser than standard porcelain Buff-bodied Refined earthenware with a dark to medium brown glaze. Almost all buff- earthenware bodied vessels are teapots, and common decorative designs on these vessels include molded flowers or fruits. These types of molded vessels are often referred to as Rockingham-type Coarse Low-fired earthenwares with a coarse body. Largely found in utilitarian vessel earthenware forms during the period under study. Redwares are red-bodied coarse earthenwares Creamware A cream-colored refined earthenware. The color is attributed to a slightly tinted lead glaze used over a white body. The lead glaze often pooled in crevices such as footrings and appears yellow/yellow-green in color Dyed-body There are two types of dyed-body wares in colors such as green, gray, and blue ware (blue being the most common). The first is a clear lead-glazed earthenware, which would rarely be molded. The second is a high-fired, semi-vitrified ware, which would often be molded. The latter was the dyed-body ware type encountered in this study Earthenware Low-fired, non-translucent, and porous ceramic, which must be glazed in other to contain liquids Majolica A tin-glazed earthenware, which is generally highly friable and often has a blue to white opaque glaze. Majolica was introduced into Europe through Moorish Spain and has been in European production since the fifteenth century. The ware type is also referred to as delftware or faïence Pearlware Refined earthenware with a blue tinted glaze. The blue tint was achieved by the addition of cobalt oxide to the glaze. Pooling of the glaze would often occur on crevices such as footrings. Pearlware vessels were very rarely left undecorated, with the same decorative techniques represented as other refined earthenwares (such as Whiteware) including transfer printing, hand painting, and industrial slip Porcelain A hard, nonporous, vitrified, and translucent ceramic. Often the glaze appears to be fused to the ceramic Refined red Refined earthenware made with a red paste. Teapots were the most common earthenware refined red earthenware vessels Stoneware A nonporous, vitrified, high-fired, and opaque ceramic. The most common colors in this material include gray and brown. Common glazing types for stoneware vessels include salt-glaze and Bristol-glaze. A salt-glaze can be identified due to a pitted appearance similar to the surface of an orange peel. A Bristol-glaze is an industrial slip glaze White granite A semivitreous refined earthenware with a slight blue tint (in the paste not the glaze) and usually denser than Whiteware. If decorated, white granite vessels tend to be molded Whiteware White bodied, clear-glazed refined earthenware. This ware type occurs in all table and tea vessel forms Yellowware Clear, lead-glazed, yellow-bodied refined earthenware. This ware type was typically used for utilitarian and storage vessels and was often undecorated 104 5 Methodology of an International Comparative Analysis marked “Spode” which manufactured ceramics in Staffordshire, England. Where manufacturing location could be inferred but was not confirmed, through the presence of maker’s marks and/or place of manufacture on the material, it was not recorded.

5.8 Date Range

Where artifacts possessed datable attributes, a date range was recorded from earliest possible beginning date to latest possible or (if known) end date of manufacture. Date range was recorded to establish site formation processes and to attempt to isolate artifacts associated with working-class domestic occupation of both sites. In Casselden Place, the domestic occupation would refer to Phases 3 and 4. In Casa Peña, that would refer to the conventillo phase of occupation. These periods of occupation were isolated to facilitate the comparison of working-class consumer behavior in Melbourne and Buenos Aires. Date range was also recorded in order to understand the effects of time lag (this was only possible with the Casselden Place assemblage as the Casa Peña assemblage lacked stratigraphic context). Time lag refers to the difference between the time of a vessel’s manufacture and the date of its deposition (Adams 2003:41). According to Adams (2003:47–54) various factors such as the popularity of goods, the frugality of the owner/s, recyclability, site location, historical events, and differences in time that artifacts were used can affect time lag. For example, a teacup manufactured in 1880 may not have been deposited until 1910. Artifacts were dated using makers’ marks and precise dates of manufacture (e.g., on coins). Other datable attributes included the use of certain decorative styles, patterns, manufacturing techniques, and the introduction of new materials, such as Prosser and shell buttons. Several different references were consulted in order to establish date range (e.g., Boow 1991; Brooks 2005; Coysh and Henrywood 1982, 1989; Godden 1991; Jones and Sullivan 1985; Lindbergh 1999; Sprague 2002).

5.9 Conjoins

Evidence of conjoining artifacts was also recorded. This involved determining whether artifacts could be cross-mended across different contexts. As contexts were not available for La Casa Peña assemblage, conjoins could only be established for the Casselden Place assemblage. This was carried out to understand site formation processes at the site. For example, when examining artifacts that were recovered from cesspits, conjoins can reveal whether material had been deposited over a long period of time (perhaps by many different tenants) or during a shorter period of time (by the same tenants). Furthermore, evidence of conjoins can suggest whether disturbance has occurred in the site, which might redistribute artifacts into different contexts. 5.11 Matching Sets 105

5.10 Minimum Number of Vessels

MNV counts were recorded in addition to formal quantitative recordings such as fragment counts, weights, and levels of artifact completeness. According to Miller (1986:59) there are a number of factors preventing archaeologists from establishing the true number of artifacts used and discarded within an archaeological site. Such factors may include potential recycling, poor preservation, varying discard practices, and the incomplete excavation of sites. In effect, formal quantitative methods of analysis inherently do not present a true number of the artifacts that may be present. A combination of formal and interpretative analysis is necessary to present a more thorough and complete study of the site. MNV counts are an interpretative method of quantitative analysis that estimates the number of vessels present at a site. Following the sorting of an assemblage by ware, decoration, form, and any other physical attributes, an MNV number is given to each record. This process is not as simple as it appears. Brooks (2005) stresses that it is important to apply common sense when establishing MNVs. For example, if there are three teacup rim fragments in “Rhine” pattern and two teacup handles of the same pattern, then the MNV is two. For this study, MNV counts were generally based on diagnostic features such as rim fragments for ceramics and bases or rim fragments for glass bottles. Body fragments were generally given an MNV of 0 unless it was the only representation of an object (e.g., cobalt blue bottle body fragment). With the Casselden Place assemblage, MNV counts were established separately for the cesspit and subfloor deposits, and then general MNV counts were established for the site as a whole. This involved adding the two sets of MNVs together as there was generally few non-body or diagnostic fragments within the subfloor deposits and no conjoins between the cesspit and the subfloor deposits. Where there were diagnostic features, they tended to be different to those found in the cesspit deposits. MNV counts for La Casa Peña were established for the site as a whole. The benefits of this method of quantitative analysis have been previously discussed in detail (see Brooks 2005; Miller 1986; Sussman 2000). However, the main point to stress here is that fragment counts are not equal to vessel counts. MNV counts are more reliable in terms of statistical analysis than fragment counts. They reduce inherent problems in the data such as differential breakage rates and the overestimation of undecorated material often represented in fragment count analyses. This facilitates data analysis and the preparation of visual aids such as graphs and tables by providing more reliable numerical data for presentation.

5.11 Matching Sets

For the purposes of this study a matching set is defined as two or more vessels with the same pattern and in the same color. Matching sets were recorded in order to understand elements of consumer choice and behavior among the sites’ occupants. 106 5 Methodology of an International Comparative Analysis

Actual matching sets may be rare. Vessels of the same pattern but with a slight difference in color occur more frequently. As such, three different categories were used to record matching sets: actual, probable, and complimentary. Actual matches were determined by the presence of makers’ marks. Probable matches included vessels that did not have a maker’s mark, but the pattern appeared identical. Complimentary matches included vessels with similar decoration or the same pattern with some differences (in color, molding, etc.). The use of matching sets and the presence of other patterns in ceramic assemblages (such as a diverse range of specialized vessel forms) have often been used as markers of social status (e.g., Lawrence et al. 2009; Prossor et al. 2012) or other ideologies linked to capitalism (e.g., time routines and work disciplines; see Leone 1999; Rottman and Bradbury 2002). In Australia, researchers have found that matching sets and diversity in vessel form and decoration are linked to middle-class status or aspirations to reach a similar status (Lawrence et al. 2009; Prossor et al. 2012). This book also explores the link between matching sets and other ceramic markers with social status. However, caution needs to be applied when exploring such links. For instance, Lawrence et al. (2009:75) warn that it is difficult to distinguish actual matching sets in patterns such as Willow, Asiatic Pheasants, and Rhine considering how common and readily available such patterns were. Therefore, using less common pattern types (such as Eton College or British Flowers) can be more reliable. In addition, Lawrence et al. (2009:74) stress that an assemblage needs to be considered as a whole rather than the focus being on single measures (such as the presence of more expensive ware types or overall assemblage size) when considering social status. These aspects should be considered along with vessel form, decoration, variation, as well as the presence of matching sets for a more complete understanding of the site and social status among its occupants.

5.12 Function

Functional categories were also included in the catalogue. Function is an interpretative approach to material analysis, which considers the use that was given to artifact types. Functional categories should be treated with caution, as the assumed function for a vessel may not have been the way in which the occupants of the site used it. In addition, vessels may have more than one use throughout their life span (Brooks 2005:18). Functional categories on the EAMC database are listed as three different fields: activity, function, and sub-function. The activity field is a broad category, which allocates a likely function such as “Beverage Storage” or “Food Service.” The function category further defines an artifact as “Bottle” or “Serving Dish.” Finally, the sub-function category is the most specific of the function fields and displays items such as “Beer” or “Platter.” Thus, a clay pipe would likely be listed as “Recreational” (in the activity field), “Smoking” (in the function field), and “Pipe” (in the sub- function field). 5.15 Documentary Research 107

5.13 Previous Cataloguing Work: Casselden Place

Cataloguing work on the Casselden Place assemblage began at the time of the 2002 excavations. This work resulted in the artifact database catalogue within the Casselden Place Research Archive Report (Godden Mackay Logan 2004). Due to time and budget constraints as well as the sheer size of the Casselden Place assemblage, the cataloguing work conducted was limited in scope. As such, the ARC-funded Linkage project “A Historical Archaeology of the Commonwealth Block 1850-1950” was undertaken. Cataloguing work for this project began in 2008 and was conducted primarily by Dr. Sarah Hayes. The original catalogues for the previously conducted Little Lon (1988) and Casselden Place (2002) excavations were gathered together and then uploaded the data on the EAMC database. The Little Lon and Casselden Place assemblages were thoroughly sorted and re-catalogued. The current study formed part of this larger project, cataloguing the Lot 35 assemblage.

5.14 Previous Cataloguing Work: La Casa Peña

No actual artifact catalogue was included in the available report (Zarankin and Senatore 1995) or published material (Schávelzon 2005; Zarankin et al. 1998). If an artifact catalogue was created to correspond with the data presented in this literature, it has either been lost or is for some other reason unavailable.

5.15 Documentary Research

Historical archaeology utilizes documentary sources as well as archaeological evidence to study the past. It is important, however, to acknowledge that documentary sources have inherent biases and should be regarded with caution. Records are written for a number of different reasons, by different people with varying opinions and ways of looking at the world. There is also the margin of human error in any archival data. No archival research was undertaken for this project in terms of the site histories. This was because primary sources had already been consulted previously for work carried out at both Casselden Place and La Casa Peña (Coda 2005; Godden Mackay Logan 2004; Mayne and Murray 1999; Murray and Mayne 2001, 2003). Documentary research instead focused on two factors. The first of these involved establishing the type of goods that were traded in Melbourne and Buenos Aires during the period under study. The second involved establishing the nature of trade networks operating in both cities at the time. 108 5 Methodology of an International Comparative Analysis

Primary archival material was consulted both in Melbourne and Buenos Aires in order to establish the types of goods that were being imported into the cities, where these goods originated and where people are likely to have shopped. The primary archival sources that were available in both cities (particularly the statistical returns) were not extensive and were only available for a few years of the period under study. As such, it is used to provide a snapshot of data for available years, rather than a detailed summary of imported goods arriving into each city during the entire latter half of the nineteenth century. The material that was consulted in Melbourne included all the statistical returns of imports and exports that were available at the Public Records Office of Victoria (PROV [6470]) and The Argus newspaper via the online Australian periodical database Trove. The Argus newspaper is an extensive resource (having been published daily from September 1848 to January 1957), and, as such, a representative sam- pling strategy was employed to access this resource for the years of interest to this study (mid- to late nineteenth century). This involved viewing two newspapers per year, for the first year of publication (1848) and from 1850, every 5 years until 1900. The “Shipping Intelligence” section was consulted as it listed all imports arriving the day (or 2 days) before the publishing date. A search on the Sands and Kenny and Sands and McDougall Melbourne directories was also conducted for the city block encircling Little Lon. This was conducted to establish what shops were present within close proximity to residents at Casselden Place. The Sands and Kenny Melbourne directory was the predecessor to the later Sands and McDougall Melbourne directory. Both were consulted in order to ascer- tain how the retail space changed through time. The primary sources that were consulted in Buenos Aires included the statistical returns of imports and exports that were available (Compañia Sud-Americana de Billetes de Banco 1894 [1895]; 1895 [1896]; Registro Estadístico del Estado de Buenos Aires 1857 [1858]; 1859 [1860]). The latter statistical returns, however, could not be consulted in their entirety due to the sheer size of the records, and as a result only the most relevant records were consulted. These predominately included records of goods relevant to domestic settings (e.g., homewards, beverages, medicinal products, etc.) and focused less on industrial materials and other goods not commonly found in household assemblages. In addition, due to the extensive list of goods for the import entries in 1857 statistical returns, only entries from the six main international importers (England, France, Spain, the United States, Germany, and Brazil) were consulted. Secondary sources were consulted in both cities with the aim to provide details on trade networks and sanctions, local industries, and available shopping options. The secondary sources consulted were reliable and of a high academic standard. The authors had already conducted archival research of primary sources, and these resources were not reconsulted for this study. 5.16 Methodological Limitations 109

5.16 Methodological Limitations

We know that multiple variables affect what survives at any given site. Discard patterns such as the types of goods that were thrown away versus what was kept, methods of rubbish disposal, and accidental disposal (e.g., through cracks in flooring) can differ from site to site. So too can site formation processes and the preservation of different, predominately organic materials. For example, leather artifacts were present in Casselden Place assemblage but not at La Casa Peña. Furthermore, excavation and post-excavation methods can manipulate what survives as part of an assemblage and what is available for analysis. Issues associated with this last point were found to have had the greatest impact throughout this study. During the analysis of the Casa Peña assemblage, it became clear that no record of stratigraphic and contextual data was kept in association with the artifact material. There were very few notes and/or labels on the bags or on the artifacts themselves, and no artifact catalogue or database existed prior to the EAMC catalogue for the collection. The few bags and artifacts that did have notes on context were not sufficiently detailed (e.g., a note may read “Room 2” with no further description of context or stratigraphic data). The brief site report that was compiled following the excavations did not provide an artifact catalogue or a list of each individual artifact with their descriptive attributes. Therefore, there is no possible way of relating the artifacts with their corresponding contextual and stratigraphic location. As a result, it was difficult to isolate those artifacts that related specifically to the conventillo phase of occupation from the earlier and “wealthier” Peña family phase of occupation. However, this was not entirely impossible. Looking at the Casa Peña assemblage as a whole, artifacts can be divided into three phases of occupation. The first is the pre-Peña phase, which does not include any artifacts dating after 1840, the decade in which the Peña family moved in. The second is the Peña phase, which does not include artifacts dating post-1870, the time in which the property was subdivided into a conventillo. The last is the conventillo phase, which dates from 1870 onwards (Appendix 1). A medicine bottle with an embossed date of 1894 is an example of the conventillo phase. A Lea & Perrins Worcestershire sauce stopper dating from 1840 to 1958 is an example of either the Peña or conventillo phase. With the majority of the assemblage, however, broader date ranges need to be considered in order to take into account factors such as time lag, recycling, and reuse in the life of consumer goods. For instance, the ceramic assemblage can be divided into the following two periods of manufacture: mid- to late eighteenth century and early to late nineteenth century. The earlier period consists of ware types such as Creamware and Pearlware and specific pattern types such as “Rococo” for shell-edge decoration. The later period consist of Whiteware, transfer-printed decoration in various colors, and patterns such as “Willow,” “Italian,” “British Flowers,” and “Asiatic Palaces.” Taking into account factors such as time lag based on use and life span of ceramics, this would correspond to the two major occupation phases in the property: the Peña phase and the conventillo phase. The presence of a greater 110 5 Methodology of an International Comparative Analysis number of matching sets (9 sets comprising a total of 34 vessels) associated with the earlier period of occupation may also suggest a more affluent middle-class household as opposed to the later working-class tenement household, with fewer vessels and fewer matching sets. It cannot be argued that only Creamware and Pearlware were used in the Peña phase as Whiteware was manufactured as early as 1805 (Brooks 2005). Likewise, it cannot be argued that only Whiteware vessels were used during the conventillo phase. Recycling and the use of hand-me-down vessels could have been a common practice among working-class people in Buenos Aires. Similarly, purchasing secondhand goods may have been another option for people at the time. Buenos Aires, with a history of European settlement stretching back to the sixteenth century, is likely to have had a well-established trade in secondhand goods by mid-nineteenth century. As a result, goods that may typically be associated with late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth-century period of occupation could have been bought, used, and deposited much later. Although it cannot be assumed that people in the conventillo phase did not use artifacts from the two earlier phases, in order to attempt a comparative analysis with the Casselden Place assemblage, a distinction between the periods must be established. A comparison of consumer behavior in two working-class neighborhoods of the latter nineteenth century would not be possible otherwise. As a result, in the interpretative chapter (Chap. 10), only artifacts likely to belong to the conventillo phase of occupation are discussed. To be more specific, artifacts not included in the conventillo phase include all Creamware and Pearlware ceramics and all items dating to the twentieth century such as coins and newspaper fragments. All other items have been included in the conventillo phase as either they could not be dated with any certainty, or their date ranges overlapped between the conventillo phase and earlier phases. However, it is acknowledged that many of the earlier ceramics could also have been used during the conventillo phase and that many of the items included in the conventillo phase may have belonged to earlier phases. Less than ideal datasets are an all too common reality in archaeological research. Brooks et al. (2009) explored the research potential of the Bean site, a historic plough zone site in Gippsland, Victoria. In Australia, ploughed historic sites are often treated as disturbed and therefore either not studied or interpreted in a meaningful way (Brooks et al. 2009:39). The main challenge attributed to this type of site is that through agricultural activity, subsurface archaeological features may be destroyed and artifact locations changed. However, previous studies undertaken in North America indicated to Brooks et al. (2009:39) that although ploughing may result in the destruction of vertical stratigraphy, horizontal relationships usually remained broadly intact. This was also demonstrated at the Bean site. A surface artifact survey was conducted on site, which found that individual artifacts were concentrated in specific areas and that all artifacts were concentrated in one core area of the paddock. This demonstrated that artifacts were not randomly situated across the site as a result of disturbance due to ploughing. Further testing through geophysical survey showed anomalies, and these, together with artifact concentrations identified in the surface survey, were tested through excavation. 5.16 Methodological Limitations 111

Although no intact structural features were found during the excavations, all trenches located near an artifact concentration or geophysical anomaly uncovered a rich collection of subsurface artifacts. Further, the control trenches excavated away from these areas did not. Brooks et al. (2009:43) found that the surface survey served to identify site survival and, despite the disturbed nature of the surface collection, contributed to the overall interpretation of the site as a whole (Brooks et al. 2009:43). The same applies to disturbed subsurface deposits or where context information is missing. In this instance, the assemblage has to be treated as a whole rather than choosing units of higher archaeological integrity (see also Klose and Malan 2000:50–51). Another problem encountered in Buenos Aires due to time constraints was that archival research (of primary sources) could not be conducted at the time of my research trip to Buenos Aires. However, this problem was overcome with the assistance of a colleague in Buenos Aires who was able to visit the state records office and send via email, digitized copies, and digital photographs of statistical returns. Piddock (2011), while researching the archaeology of nineteenth-century asylums in South Australia, Tasmania, and Britain, encountered various problems with the available data. Firstly, archaeological excavation was not an option due to the fact that most of the buildings were still in use. Her dataset, therefore, relied on the study of the building structures themselves and documentary research. At times (particularly in relation to asylum buildings in Britain) the dataset relied only on plans obtained from books and journals, as time did not allow for site visits to the buildings themselves. A limitation to this approach was that the plans could only reveal a static moment in time, without allowing for research into how things may have been changed to the buildings over time. Another problem encountered during her research was that the primary sources available in two different states varied significantly in survival rates. While the South Australian material survived well, the Tasmanian material largely did not. The data gathered varied in detail making it hard to form comparable datasets. Furthermore, the overall small sample size from a total of three asylums for both the South Australian and Tasmanian colonies did not make statistical analysis possible. Despite these setbacks, Piddock (2011) made a strong argument for the use of her data. For instance, the use of the British data remained important to highlight the “ideal” asylum model discussed by British reformers and offered an opportunity to test how lunatic asylums in Australia might have included similar aspects in their design. With regard to the documentary data, although limited to what was available, it still provided sufficient sources to information to identify the original South Australian and Tasmanian asylum buildings and see how these changed over time, consequently allowing the author to adequately test her research questions. Similarly, the La Casa Peña dataset has the potential to provide a significant contribution to historical archaeology. It is important because it is one of the only few assemblages from a non-British (or former British) city to be available for research and, as such, has the potential to shed light on similarities and differences between life in nineteenth-century Melbourne and Buenos Aires. This makes it worth developing a method for comparison that can work around the limitations. 112 5 Methodology of an International Comparative Analysis

Another point to mention with regard to Casselden Place is that only a portion of the entire Little Lon/Casselden Place assemblage was analyzed during this study (Lot 35, Little Leichardt Street). This was due to the large size of the Commonwealth Block site. Chapter 3 cited the volume of material excavated during the 1988 Little Lon excavation (over 22,000 artifacts) and the 2002 Casselden Place excavation (approximately 300,000 artifacts) at the close of each excavation as outlined in the corresponding reports (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 1:8; McCarthy 1989 vol. 1). Analysis of the entire artifact assemblage from both excavations is beyond the scope of this book. In fact, the amalgamation and re-cataloguing of the material from the two excavations have been the subject of a much larger project, the Australian Research Council-funded Linkage project “A Historical Archaeology of the Commonwealth Block 1850–1950,” and are con- tinuing through additional funding from another Linkage project, “Suburban archaeology: approaching an archaeology of the middle class in nineteenth century Melbourne” (as discussed in Chap. 3). The question that remains is how representative is Lot 35 of the entire Commonwealth Block site? This lot was chosen because it was one of the desig- nated hotspots, selected due to the quantity and archaeological integrity of deposits and the variety of the documentary sources available. In this sense, Lot 35 may have one of the better assemblages from the 2002 excavation. However, this does not mean that it differs too greatly from other lots within the site as a whole (Godden Mackay Logan, 2004; McCarthy 1989; Mayne, Murray and Lawrence, 2000:143– 144; Murray and Mayne 2001:97–102, 2003:97–98). For example, a general analysis across all lots excavated in 2002 revealed that approximately 90% of ceramic vessels were earthenware, the vast majority of which were blue transfer-printed. Of the items with identifiable provenance, over 90% were manufactured in British Staffordshire potteries (Godden Mackay Logan 2004 vol. 3i: 13–45). Differences were also identified between lots, particularly in reference to vessel form. For example, Lot 80 had a higher proportion of teawares and tablewares than other lots and a lack of utilitarian and ornamental items. Such variation would be expected, as no two households are ever exactly the same. However, a general observed similarity between assemblages suggested that Lot 35 provided a representative sample of the Casselden Place site (Godden Mackay Logan 2004; McCarthy 1989; Mayne et al. 2000:143–144; Murray and Mayne 2001:97–102, 2003:97–98). This chapter has set out the methodology employed throughout this book and the limitations that were encountered. The methods used (artifact processing and cataloguing using the EAMC database) have all been developed from previous historical archaeological work and adapted to be more suitable for application throughout this study. Explanations on how limitations were managed have also been presented. Overall, this chapter has provided the necessary background information for the forthcoming chapters discussing the results and interpretation of the data. References 113

References

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The Argus (Trove electronic resource). (n.d.). Various dates, listed below. Shipping Intelligence. Available from: http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-title13 [Accessed 3 October 2012–3 January 2013]. 19 September 1848. (n.d.). p. 2. 26 September 1848. (n.d.). p. 2. 1 January 1850. (n.d.). p. 2. 20 December 1850. (n.d.). p. 2. 10 February 1855. (n.d.). p. 4. 2 November 1855. (n.d.). p. 6. 9 March 1860. (n.d.). p. 4. 27 October 1860. (n.d.). p. 4. 26 January 1865. (n.d.). p. 4. 29 April 1865. (n.d.). p. 4. 28 February 1870. (n.d.). p. 4. 8 July 1870. (n.d.). p. 4. 15 May 1875. (n.d.). p. 6. 22 September 1875. (n.d.). p. 4. 14 July 1880. (n.d.). p. 4. 22 November 1880. (n.d.). p. 4. 14 November 1885. (n.d.). p. 10. 16 February 1885. (n.d.). p. 4. 22 September 1890. (n.d.). p. 4. 5 August 1890. (n.d.). p. 4. 5 January 1900. (n.d.). p. 4. Chapter 6 La Casa Peña

This chapter presents the results of the artifact analysis for the Casa Peña assemblage. It begins with a general discussion of context including the spatial distribution of artifacts and datable artifacts present at the site. This is followed by a presentation of the various artifact types divided by activity (e.g., “Beverage Service,” “Clothing,” “Recreation”). Within each activity type, artifact attributes are individually discussed such as quantity, form, decoration, color, and manufacturing technique. The original artifact catalogue for La Casa Peña can be found here: (http://hdl.handle.net/1959.9/557551).

6.1 Context

Archival data showed that the earliest structure on the property was built during the mid-eighteenth century. This would have been demolished at some point prior to the construction of the Peña residence in 1840. The Peña residence had an almost square plan; however, as previously discussed in Chap. 4, it was slightly longer along San Lorenzo Street, a difference of 2.67 m (leading to the creation of “La Casa Minima”). The Peña residence was then subdivided into three separate rental properties including two conventillos during the 1870s. The rental properties were rectangular in shape, with the length of House 2 and House 3 in particular, being more than double their width, and there were at least ten individual rooms between them (Fig. 4.3). The spatial distribution trend observed by Zarankin and Senatore (1995) was that the oldest structural features of the property (dating to the mid-eighteenth century) were located within what later became Room 3 of House 3. From there, the site

The original version of this chapter was revised. The correction to this chapter is available at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_12

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 117 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_6 118 6 La Casa Peña appears to have been occupied in a south-north direction through time. Zarankin and Senatore (1995) associated House 2 and House 3 with the “conventillo” phase of occupation due to the small size of the subdivided rooms. Features identified during the excavation included a brick floor, which was identified throughout the three subdivided properties, as well as a cesspit, a possible drainage pit and an unidentified boot-shaped pit (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). Disturbance from leveling works and the mixing of modern objects (e.g., twentieth-century coins) with earlier artifacts were noticed in at least two of the subdivided properties (House 1 and House 2). The artifacts that made up the assemblage were associated with the various pits mentioned above and with the sandy sedi- ments and fill deposits that were identified above and below the brick floor (Zarankin and Senatore 1995: no pagination). Unfortunately, as mentioned in Chap. 5, the artifacts cannot be directly associated with any of these features or stratigraphic and spatial contexts, and, therefore, the assemblage needs to be considered as a whole. A general date of artifact deposition can be obtained by analyzing the start and end dates of manufacture for the artifact assemblage. Appendix 1 shows the start and end dates of manufacture as well as most common periods of manufacture. After the manufacturing ranges had been determined for certain datable artifacts, it was apparent that they could be grouped into the three phases of occupation at the site (as mentioned in Chap. 4): the pre-Peña occupation (1750–1840), the Peña occupation (1840–1870), and the conventillo occupation (1870–1930). The start and end dates were based on material type, decorative techniques, specific patterns, maker’s marks, and product types. As a result, the dates on the table include broad dates of manufacture and tighter dates based on maker’s marks and certain pattern types. Artifacts with a start date later than 1930 were not included on the table (e.g., coins and newspaper fragments). Appendix 1 demonstrates that artifacts from all periods of occupation were identified in the assemblage and that the majority of datable artifacts fall between the Peña and conventillo phases of occupation. Time lag would have affected the deposition of artifacts. According to Adams (2003:59), a time lag of 15–25 years might exist between the manufacturing and disposal dates of ceramic artifacts based on comparative studies of various sites in the United States. Time lag is the observed difference between the dates of artifact manufacture and the known date of assemblage formation as determined by clear stratigraphic sequences. Given that stratigraphic context is not available for La Casa Peña, it is not possible to adequately assess time lag as per Adams’ (2003:59) work. However, it is acknowledged that objects were bought, used, and kept for a time prior to deposition and that manufacture dates do not equate to periods of use and deposition.

6.2 Artifact Assemblage

The artifact assemblage from La Casa Peña comprised a total of 4467 fragments weighing a total of 86,410 kg. The total minimum number of vessels/objects in the assemblage based on MNV counts is 496. All percentages presented in the forthcoming tables are based on MNV counts. Figure 6.1 demonstrates that the highest 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 119

Fig. 6.1 Minimum number of vessels by activity group. (Source: Ricardi 2018) number of artifacts was in the Food Service category followed by Clothing, Beverage Storage, Beverage Service, Pharmaceutical, and Recreation. Other activity groups (excepting the unidentified category) are represented to a much lesser extent.

6.2.1 Ammunition

The ammunition category consists a single lead shot. It measures 16 mm in diameter and is approximately 80% complete.

6.2.2 Beverage Service

A minimum number of 63 vessels were classified under the Beverage Service category. These were divided into two groups comprising 38 ceramic vessels and 25 glass vessels. Each group is discussed separately. The beverage service assemblage is moderately fragmented with a minimum number of 13 out of 63 vessels over 50% complete and none of the vessels 100% complete. 120 6 La Casa Peña

6.2.2.1 Ceramic

The ceramic group consists of 40% Whiteware vessels, 34.28% Pearlware vessels, and 11.43% porcelain vessels. Other ware types are represented to a lesser extent (Table 6.1). There were also 13 unidentified vessel fragments, the majority of which are Pearlware fragments. The buff-bodied vessel consists of a single teapot lid fragment. It is decorated with Rockingham glaze and figuratively molded with a strawberry on the lid handle. The earthenware vessel is a two-toned glazed tankard mug, while the Creamware vessel is a teacup. Creamware has a date range of manufacture ranging between 1760 and 1830 (Brooks 2005:29). Bone china vessels include two hand-painted teacups in unidentified patterns. Bone china has a start date of 1794 (Brooks 2005:27). The porcelain vessels consist of three teacups, two with molded decoration and one with decal in an unidentified pattern. Decal is an overglaze decoration that was developed around 1850 in France, but not commonly used on British wares until the 1890s (Brooks 2005:37). One of the molded teacups also has a matching saucer. The Pearlware vessels include one teacup, two jugs, and nine tankard mugs. Pearlware vessels have a date of manufacture ranging between 1780 and 1830 (Brooks 2005:31). The teacup and jug fragments are all transfer-printed. See Table 6.2 for decoration, pattern, and color types of all Pearlware vessels. Blue transfer-printed vessels have a start date of 1780, and other colors have a start date of 1828 (Brooks 2005:43). Josiah Spode from Stoke-on-Trent, Staffordshire, England, first introduced the “Italian” pattern in 1816. However, other manufacturers began copying the pattern as it grew in popularity (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:191; Godden 1991:589). Industrial slip vessels have a date of manufacture ranging between 1780 and 1850. The earliest recorded references to “Mocha” pattern date to the 1790s (Brooks 2005:40; see also Sussman 1997). The Whiteware vessels include 4 cups and 13 teacups. Two of the teacups were London-shaped. See Table 6.3 for details on decoration, pattern, and color of all Whiteware vessels. Whiteware has a start date of 1805, and flow decoration has a start date of 1835 (Brooks 2005:39, 72). One cup had multiple decoration including molded panels, a hand-painted band around the inside of the rim, and a transfer-

Table 6.1 Beverage service vessels by form and ware type Ware type Cup Jug Tankard Teacup Saucer Teapot Total % Whiteware 4 13 17 40 Pearlware 2 9 1 12 34.28 Creamware 1 1 2.86 Porcelain 3 1 4 11.43 Bone china 2 2 5.71 Earthenware 1 1 2.86 Buff-bodied 1 1 2.86 Total 4 2 10 20 1 1 38 100 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 121

Table 6.2 Decoration, pattern, and color of Pearlware vessels Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified floral Blue 1 Jug Transfer-printed Unidentified Purple 1 Jug Transfer-printed Italian Blue 1 Tankard mug Glazed 1 Tankard mug Hand-painted Unidentified floral Polychrome 2 Tankard mug Industrial slip Mocha Polychrome 1 Tankard mug Industrial slip Cat’s eye Polychrome 1 Tankard mug Industrial slip Annular Polychrome 2 Tankard mug Industrial slip Unidentified Polychrome 2 Total 12

Table 6.3 Decoration, pattern, and color of Whiteware vessels Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Cup Flow Unidentified floral Blue 2 Cup Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 1 Cup Molded, hand-painted, and transfer-printed Pacific Steam Polychrome 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Red 2 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Purple 3 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Brown 2 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Black 2 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 4 Total 17 printed design featuring St George’s flag. This design bears the following inscription “Pacific Steam…” and is likely to be a company seal or logo for the Pacific Steam Navigation Company (PSNC). William Wheelright founded the PSNC in London and began operations across many Pacific ports in 1840 (Duncan1975 :257). A total of two ceramic matching sets were identified. These are both probable matches where the patterns were not identified and there were no maker’s marks present, but the vessels appear identical. Both matching sets comprise two vessels each. One set comprised two Whiteware blue transfer-printed teacups in an unidentified scenic pattern, while the second set comprised a porcelain teacup and a saucer with molded paneled decoration.

6.2.2.2 Glass

The glass vessels include a decanter stopper, a jug, a shot glass, a dessert glass, wine glasses, and tumblers. Identifiable manufacturing techniques included cut and pressed glass. Pressed glass has a start date of 1835 (Boow 1991:83–87). See Table 6.4 for details on decoration, pattern, color, and other identified features. Of the tumblers with paneled 122 6 La Casa Peña

Table 6.4 Decoration, pattern, color, and other identifiable features on glass vessels Form Decoration Pattern Color Other details MNV Decanter Hexagonal shape 1 Jug Hand- Unidentified White 1 painted floral Shot glass Fluted Pontil marks 1 Tumbler Hand- Banded Yellow 1 painted Tumbler Hand- White 1 painted Tumbler Paneled Cut with flat, indented bases 5 Tumbler Paneled Pressed with flat, indented bases 2 Tumbler Fluted Pressed (2 fragments) with 4 starburst bases Tumbler Fluted Sunburst base 1 Dessert Paneled Bucket-shaped bowl and bladed 1 glass stem Wine glass Bucket-shaped bowl (1 4 fragment); pontil marks Unidentified 3 Total 25 decoration, there were examples of 8, 10, 12, and 14 recessed panels. Stem decoration on the wine glasses included centrally annulated and angular knops and inverted and true balusters. These styles were popular in the late eighteenth century (Jones and Smith 1985:38; 47–48). There are also a total of three unidentified glass fragments, all of which are likely to be wine glass fragments. A total of two glass matching sets were identified. These are probable matches comprising six vessels. One set comprised a jug and a tumbler with hand-painted decoration, in a white floral pattern. The remaining set comprised tumblers decorated with fluted molding.

6.2.3 Beverage Storage

A minimum number of 68 vessels were present in the Beverage Storage category. Of these, 61 are glass and 7 are stoneware vessels. Six bottles in this category are over 50% complete, and none are 100% complete. Although the vessels have been allocated into functional categories, it cannot be assumed that the vessels were used for that particular purpose entirely or at all. It is possible that they were used for a particular purpose to begin with and were then reused for another purpose. According to Busch (2000:175), bottles may have been reused with other liquids around the home or may have been returned to manufacturers or distributers for refilling or redistributing (see also Jones and Smith 1985:14). However, it is unknown how extensive this practice was in Buenos Aires. 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 123

6.2.3.1 Glass

All bottles with identifiable manufacturing techniques demonstrated traditional hand-molded or two-piece molded techniques. Evidence of features or tools used in hand-molding include cone push-up tools, separate base parts, and finishing tools. Identifiable base parts included flat and shallow concave, conical, dome, and bell- shaped (with and without mamelons). Rim types included string, blob-top, flanged, one-part, and two-part. Cone push-up tools have a date range of 1820–1870, separate base parts have an end date of 1920, and finishing tools have a date range of 1840–1920. Mamelons have a date range of 1820–1920 (Boow 1991:31–115). Beer and wine bottles make up 52.94% of vessels in this category (a minimum number of 36 bottles). Such bottle types are commonly attributed to beer/wine storage due to their descriptive attributes. They are either medium-dark green or brown in color and have cylindrical-shaped bodies. A single wine bottle marked with place of manufacture was identified. It is medium green with a cylindrical body and a string rim. On the shoulder, a sealed inscription reads: “…Julien Medoc”. The bottle is from St Julien Medoc in the region of Bordeaux, France. Glass seals on bottles were commonly in use between the mid-seventeenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, although they were used occasionally until the early twentieth century (Dumbrell 1983:19). Gin/schnapps bottles make up a total of 16.18% and a minimum number of 11 bottles. These bottles are medium-dark green or brown color and have a square- shaped (case) body. Although three fragments displayed partial embossed inscriptions, no makers or places of manufacture could be identified. A minimum of one aerated water bottle is present in the assemblage making up 1.47% of the bottles in this category. The fragments are blue and torpedo shaped with an incomplete inscription from which no maker or place of manufacture could be identified. Torpedo (or Hamilton) bottles have a start date of 1809 (Burke and Smith 2004:366). Other beverage bottles comprise 19.12% of the total bottles in this category (a minimum of 13 bottles). It is unknown what these bottles originally contained.

6.2.3.2 Ceramic

A minimum number of four stoneware beverage bottles and two beer bottles were identified (8.82% of the total bottles in this category). In addition, one stoneware container of unknown use was identified. Three of the stoneware bottles and the unidentified container were salt-glaze decorated. The remaining three bottles were decorated using Bristol glaze. Bristol-glazed bottles have a start date of 1835 (Brooks 2005:73). Bottle colors included brown, beige, gray, and two-toned (brown and cream). The two beer bottles had identifiable maker’s marks present. Both were attributed to the same maker, Henry Kennedy of Barrowfield Pottery in Glasgow, Scotland. Kennedy’s company operated between 1866 and 1929 (Scottish Pottery Society n.d.). 124 6 La Casa Peña

6.2.3.3 Metal

One metal bottle seal was also identified in the assemblage. This seal had an inscription, which is now illegible due to corrosion. The seal was not given an MNV number.

6.2.4 Clerical

The Clerical category consists of two objects. The first is a lead alloy seal with an illegible inscription. The seal is complete and approximately 17 mm in diameter. The second object is a brown stoneware inkbottle with salt-glazed decoration. It is approximately 20% complete and does not have a maker’s mark.

6.2.5 Clothing

The Clothing category consists entirely of buttons (n = 73), which were manufactured from bone (n = 9), metal (n = 8), glass (n = 3), ceramic (n = 32), shell (n = 19), and plastic (n = 2). Almost all buttons in the assemblage are complete, with only four being 50% complete or under. The most common attachment type in the assemblage was the four-hole attachment (n = 40). Other identified attachment types included two-hole n( = 10, nine shells and one ceramic), three-hole (n = 4, one bone and three ceramics), and five-hole (n = 2, both bones). There were also hoop shanked (n = 2, one shell and one glass) and post (n = 1, bone) attachment types, while the remainder of attachments for buttons in the assemblage (n = 14) was indeterminable. The most frequently occurring material type is ceramic (Prosser) comprising 43.83% of all buttons (Fig. 6.2). Prosser buttons in the assemblage range in diameter between 6 and 18 mm, with the majority between 8 and 18 mm. Five buttons have embossed decoration in a piecrust motif. Organic buttons are the second most frequently occurring, with shell at 26.03% and bone at 12.33%. Shell buttons range in diameter between 8.7 and 22 mm, and bone buttons range between 7.4 and 18 mm. Throughout the eighteenth century, bone buttons had three or five holes with the central hole created during the lathing process (Hinks 1995:68). During the 1790s, Ralph Heaton invented a machine that drilled four holes into bone buttons simultaneously. However, all manufacturers did not quickly adopt this machine, and buttons with three and five holes were still manufactured well into the nineteenth century (Hinks 1995:68). Prosser buttons have a start date of 1840, and shell buttons have a start date of 1827 (Lindbergh 1999:51; Sprague 2002:111). The metal buttons (comprising 10.96% of the clothing category) include seven manufactured from copper alloy, at least one of which is brass, and one from iron 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 125

Fig. 6.2 Prosser buttons with piecrust decorative motif. (Photograph taken by the author) alloy. They range in diameter from 18 to 28.3 mm and two have embossed decoration. Embossed metal buttons have a start date of 1770 (Hinks 1995:59). One of these is a French naval uniform button, which has a depiction of an anchor in its center and an inscription, which reads: “Equipages de Ligne.” The least represented button types were manufactured from glass (4.11%) and plastic (2.74%). The glass buttons range in diameter between 11.7 and 21.2 mm and the plastic buttons between 13 and 15.5 mm. One glass button is green, one brown, and the other polychrome. The green button is lustered, and the polychrome button has a swirled decorative motif. Of the plastic buttons, one is white and conical in shape. The other button is cream-colored and has an incised “F.” Partly synthetic materials such as celluloid were in use by the 1870s, and the first completely synthetic plastic, Bakelite, was introduced in 1904 (Meikle 1997:4–5). Early plastic buttons were manufactured in a wide range of decorative styles and colors. It has been suggested that the size of a button can be linked to its relative function (Birmingham 1992:105). Smaller buttons tend to be associated with underclothing and shirts as well as children’s clothes, while larger buttons were used for other gar- ments such as pants and coats. Highly decorated buttons tend to be associated with women’s clothes while less decorated buttons with men’s clothes.

6.2.6 Collectibles/Decorative

A total of four items were identified in the Collectibles/Decorative category. These items comprise two vases and two figurines. Both vases are Creamware, ovoid in shape, and over 50% complete. The decorative figurines in the assemblage include one earthenware figurine in the shape of a bear (head fragment is present only) and 126 6 La Casa Peña one porcelain figurine of unidentifiable shape. Both figurines are less than 50% complete.

6.2.7 Domestic

The Domestic category consists of two metal and two glass objects, all of which are approximately 20% complete. The metal objects consist of an iron alloy kerosene lamp base and an overhead lighting fixture canopy. The glass artifacts consist of fragments of a mirror and a glass sign. The hand-painted, red and yellow sign fragment is marked with a “T.”

6.2.8 Economy

The Economy category consists predominately (60.9%) of Argentinean Peso and Centavo coins manufactured from tin plate and copper alloy. The remainder of coins (39.1%) in the assemblage are unidentified copper alloy coins likely to be Argentinean Pesos. The unidentified coins display a high degree of fabric decay. All coins in the assemblage are round and range in diameter from 17 to 30.9 mm. Only one coin was less than 100% complete. All the datable coins in the assemblage are modern (i.e., latter half of the twentieth century). A total of six coins in the assemblage display a legible date. These included 1957 (one coin), 1974 (one coin), 1977 (two coins), and 1978 (two coins). This is indicative of the disturbed nature of the site, which corresponds to observations made by Zarankin and Senatore (1995) in certain sections of the site. In addition, there were at least three other coins present in the assemblage. They were manufactured from copper, nickel, and silver and dated to 1884, 1888, and 1913, respectively (Schávelzon 2005:115). However, at the time that the analysis for this study was carried out, these coins could not be located.

6.2.9 Food Preparation

The Food Preparation category comprises three objects including a knife, a pot, and an unidentified container. All were manufactured from iron alloy. The knife fragment comprises only the blade, while the pot and container fragments comprise only the handles. The knife has been catalogued in this category rather than the Food Service category due to its large size rendering it unlikely to have been used as table cutlery. All metal objects in this category are heavily corroded. 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 127

6.2.10 Food Service

The items in this category relate to serving and consuming food. The majority of the assemblage in this category comprises ceramic vessels (96.26%), while metal objects are also represented (3.74%). A total of 19 vessels are over 50% complete, and at least 12 vessels are over 80% complete.

6.2.10.1 Ceramic

The Food Service ceramic assemblage consists of predominately Pearlware (51.46%), Whiteware (25.24%), and Creamware (15.53%) vessels (Appendix 2). Porcelain, coarse and fine-grained earthenware, stoneware, and bone china are all represented to a lesser extent. The most frequently occurring types of vessels are dinner plates (30.85%), bowls (23.37%), and muffin plates (14.02%). Other vessel types represented to a lesser extent include twifflers, supper and soup plates, serving dishes such as platters and tureens, and unidentified vessels. English potters used standard plate sizes including muffins (3–7 in.), twifflers (8 in.), supper plates (9 in.), and dinner plates (10 in.). However, manufacturers did not always follow these standards and often created plates that were in between these sizes (Miller 2000:96). Plates that were larger in size (dinner, supper) were likely to have been used for main dishes, while the smaller plates (muffins, twifflers) were likely to have been used for smaller meals, desserts, as side dishes, and/or as part of the tea service. The most frequently occurring plate in the assemblage is the standard dinner plate (10 in.), followed by supper plates (9.1 in.), and then large muffin plates (6 in.). All vessels in this category are presented in Appendix 2 by ware type and form. Bone china, Majolica, and stoneware are represented by a minimum of one vessel each. In addition, there are three earthenware and two porcelain vessels. See Table 6.5 for decoration, pattern types, and color for the bone china, stoneware, Majolica, earthenware, and porcelain vessels.

Table 6.5 Decoration, pattern, and color of bone china, stoneware, Majolica, earthenware, and porcelain vessels Material Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Bone china Twiffler Hand-painted Unidentified Brown 1 Stoneware Bowl Salt-glazed N/A Beige 1 Majolica Dinner plate Hand-painted Unidentified Polychrome 1 Earthenware Bowl Hand-painted Marble Blue 1 Earthenware Bowl Molded Paneled N/A 1 Earthenware Unidentified plate/bowl Glazed N/A Yellow 1 Porcelain Muffin Gilt Banded Gold 1 Porcelain Muffin Gilt and molded Banded Gold 1 Total 8 128 6 La Casa Peña

The majority of Creamware vessels include bowls and dinner plates. Other forms include a supper plate and soup plate (Appendix 2). Two Creamware vessels have molded decoration on the rims, while the remainder is glazed with no other decoration. Half of the Creamware bowls are large and likely to have functioned as serving dishes. The majority of the dinner plates have flat, plain rims; however, there are also examples of plates with curved, folded-in, and beaded rims. Flat rims on early Creamware and Pearlware vessels were common in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century (Sussman 2000:41). One maker’s mark was present in the Creamware assemblage on a dinner plate. The mark was of James and Ralph Clews from Cobridge, Staffordshire, and dates from 1818 to 1834 (Godden 1991:151). The majority of Whiteware vessels comprise dinner plates and muffin plates. Other forms present include a soup plate, a supper plate, a bowl, platters, and twifflers (Appendix 2). Of the platters, one is oval in shape, and the other is rectangular with rounded corners. The soup plate and an unidentified vessel have maker’s marks belonging to Josiah Spode. These have a date range from 1805 to 1833 (Godden 1991:589). Appendix 3 presents the decoration, pattern type, and color for Whiteware vessels. The vast majority of vessels are transfer-printed, and identified patterns include “Willow,” “Rhine,” “British Flowers,” and “Asiatic Palaces.” Willow pattern has been produced since the first decade of the nineteenth century and is still in production today (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:402, see Fig. 6.3). Numerous potters manufactured the Rhine pattern during the Victorian era including Thomas Fell & Co. from Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Northumberland (1830–1890), and David Lockhart & Co. from Glasgow (1865–1898) among others (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:300; Godden 1991:245, 395). William Ridgway, Son & Co. from Hanley, Staffordshire, manufactured Asiatic Palaces from 1841 to 1846 (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:28; Godden 1991:538). The “British Flowers” pattern was manufactured by numerous

Fig. 6.3 Willow dinner plates. (Photograph taken by the author) 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 129 potters including Edward and George Phillips from Longport (Staffordshire), Spode, and William Ridgway & Co. from at least 1834 onward (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:58; Godden 1991:492; Williams 1978:33). The vast majority of Pearlware vessels comprise bowls and dinner plates. Other forms include tureens, supper plates, platters, twifflers, and muffin plates (Appendix 2). Most Pearlware vessels are shell-edge decorated; however, there are several hand-painted and industrial slip vessels and a small number of transfer-printed vessels (Appendix 4). Shell-edge decorated vessels are generally impressed and hand-painted. Some have more intricate relief molding around the edge, while others have minimal and stylistic decoration. According to Sussman (2000:39), the shift to less intricate decoration postdates earlier, highly detailed shell-edge designs. One dinner plate was identified as “Rococo” and another as “Even Scallop, Impressed Bud” both of which are intricate styles (Brooks 2005:41). In addition, there is a dinner plate that is impressed only as well as a dinner plate and a twiffler that are hand-painted only with no impressions. Furthermore, a dinner plate and a supper plate are embossed rather than impressed. Shell-edge decoration is the most common type of decoration on Pearlware vessels excavated in North American eighteenth-century sites (Sussman 2000:38). During the nineteenth century, however, the preferred method for decorating Pearlware became blue underglaze transfer printing (Sussman 2000:40). The evidence from La Casa Peña suggests that shell-edge decoration was also common in Buenos Aires during the period under study. A total of six Pearlware vessels in this category have identifiable makers’ marks. These include one James and Ralph Clews (1805–1887) hand-painted muffin plate; one Copeland and Garrett (Stoke, Staffordshire, 1833–1847) bowl; one Davenport and Co. (Longport, Staffordshire, 1818–1834) dinner plate, a supper plate and a platter; and one Thomas Walker (Tunstall, Staffordshire, 1845–1851) dinner plate (Godden 1991:173, 189, 643). Eleven matching sets comprising a total of 47 vessels were identified (Appendix 5). Some vessels match with others in the Beverage Service category (see Matching Set ID Numbers 2 and 4, Appendix 5) and the Hygiene category (see Matching Set ID Number 297, Appendix 5). Out of the 11 matching sets, there are two actual sets indicated by identical patterns. These included the “Italian” and “British Flowers” sets (Matching Set ID Numbers 5 and 12, respectively). Other sets are probable matches and include the “Willow” pattern vessels and all matching sets other than shell-edge Pearlware and Creamware vessels. The Pearlware shell-edge matching sets include a mixture of actual matches and complimentary vessels in varying shell-edge styles (e.g., vessels with different patterns, decorative techniques, and colors). The Creamware vessels lack decoration other than glazing.

6.2.10.2 Metal

A total of four objects were identified in this category. These include one spoon and three unidentified cutlery fragments (handles only). All objects are heavily corroded. 130 6 La Casa Peña

6.2.11 Food/Beverage Service

This category consists of flat and hollow vessel fragments that are too small to be attributed to a particular function all of which are less than 20% complete. It is possible that some of these fragments were part of vessels already attributed to the Food or Beverage Service categories. As a result, there are only two MNVs in this category. These were attributed to one glazed earthenware vessel and one molded Creamware vessel. The remainder of the fragments in this category consist of Pearlware, Whiteware, porcelain, and stoneware fragments in various decorative styles.

6.2.12 Food Storage

A minimum number of five vessels comprise the Food Storage category. These consist of glass and stoneware vessels, which range from 15% to 90% complete. The glass vessels include one square, chamfered bottle, possibly a condiment container. This bottle is colorless and has been embossed with “3/V” at the base. The second glass vessel is a light-green club sauce type stopper from a Lea and Perrins’ Worcestershire sauce bottle (with an embossed maker’s mark). Lea and Perrins’ Worcester sauce with glass stoppers was manufactured from 1840 to 1958 (Lunn 1981:2). The stoneware vessels in this category consist of one beige, Bristol-glazed jar, which is 90% complete and 77.6 mm in diameter. It is likely that this was a mustard jar. There is also a brown unidentified stoneware vessel, which has been salt-glazed and impressed with a banded pattern. Although fragmented, this appears to have been a very large storage container, possibly used to store preserved or pickled food. Also in this category is a red earthenware, polychrome glazed jar, which is 80% complete.

6.2.13 Food/Beverage Storage

The Food/Beverage Storage category consists of glass and ceramic (including earthenware, coarse earthenware, and stoneware) vessel fragments, which due to their small size could not be attributed to any particular function. All fragments are under 30% complete. Different decorative styles are represented for the ceramic vessels, and the glass fragments are either light green or colorless, with no identifiable manufacturing techniques. It is possible that these vessels may be attributed to other categories such as personal (glass perfume bottles), pharmaceutical (glass medicine bottles), clerical (stoneware ink bottles), or domestic (stoneware blacking bottles, ceramic utilitarian ceramics, garden pots). None of these fragments were given an MNV as they may have formed part of vessels counted in other categories. 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 131

6.2.14 Hygiene

The Hygiene category comprises chamber pots, a pitcher and a basin. A minimum number of 12 chamber pots were identified of which Pearlware is the most frequently occurring ware type (n = 7). Creamware (n = 2) and Whiteware (n = 3) were also present. Decorative styles on the Pearlware chamber pots included hand-painted designs in blue and polychrome (n = 3), blue shell-edge (n = 1), polychrome industrial slip (n = 1), blue transfer-print (n = 1), and glazed (n = 1). The Whiteware chamber pots had transfer-printed decoration in yellow or blue (n = 2) and flow- printed with molding (n = 1), while the Creamware chamber pots were simply glazed. All chamber pots have flared rims, and all are incomplete, while one is over 50% complete. The basin and pitcher are both Creamware vessels although they are clearly not part of a set as both have different decoration. The basin has a flat rim with an upturned edge and only glazed decoration, while the pitcher is glazed and molded with a linear pattern. The Creamware pitcher and basin are 95% and 80% complete, respectively.

6.2.15 Jewelry

The Jewelry category consists entirely of beads, all of which are over 50% complete. Although the beads in the assemblage have been included in this category, the function of beads may have varied. Beads were commonly used as jewelry, rosaries, garment decoration, or in lace-making bobbins. According to Karklins (1985:115), the diameter of a bead can reveal something about their function. Generally, beads under 6 mm are attributed to clothing (although also to rosaries and lace-making bobbins), while larger beads are attributed to jewelry. All beads in the Casa Peña assemblage are over 6 mm in diameter. A total of eight beads were identified in the assemblage, of which five are glass and three are ceramic (Prosser). All ceramic beads are domed-shaped and white. The glass beads include one cylindrical-shaped in light blue, two round in black (Fig. 6.4), and two dodecagon-shaped beads in white and colorless glass. The two dodecagon-shaped beads have a luster decoration, while the remainder of the beads is unadorned.

6.2.16 Manufacturing

The manufacturing category consists of a single pair of iron alloy pliers, demonstrating signs of corrosion. The pliers are complete and measure 230 mm in length. 132 6 La Casa Peña

Fig. 6.4 Unadorned black glass beads. (Photograph taken by the author)

6.2.17 Personal

The Personal category consists of a minimum number of eight perfume bottles and one hair oil (Macassar) bottle. One of the perfume bottles is light purple with a waisted body and square-shaped base. The rest of the bottles are colorless and either square, rectangular, or cylindrical in shape with flat indented bases. All bottles are small to medium in size, and none are complete. At least one bottle was manufactured in a two-piece mold. Five bottles have the same maker’s mark: “Monpelas Parfumeur.” Andrés Monpelas was a perfume manufacturer who established a parfumerie in Paris during the nineteenth century (Briot 2011:277). Two other perfume bottles have embossed maker’s marks; however these were incomplete and unidentified. The hair oil bottle is colorless, rectangular, and recessed with a shallow concave base. It is approximately 80% complete. This bottle was embossed with the product name “macassar oil,” which was manufactured by Rowland and Sons in London. Macassar oil was a coconut/palm-based oil commonly used by men but also by women and children as a hair conditioner/styling agent.

6.2.18 Pharmaceutical

Objects in the Pharmaceutical category consist of one glass test tube, a minimum of 32 glass medicine bottles (91.42%), one ceramic ointment jar, and three fragments of sulfur (which were given an MNV of one). Each of the material classes above will be discussed separately. 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 133

Fig. 6.5 Extract of smart weed bottle. (Photograph taken by the author)

6.2.18.1 Glass

The glass test tube is colorless and approximately 95% complete. A minimum number of 32 medicine bottles were identified in the assemblage. Five of these were over 50% complete. The bottles were catalogued as medicine bottles due to their shape, size, and type of finish. Apart from those that displayed maker’s marks, it remains unknown whether most bottles contained prescription or patent medicines. Most bottles in this category are colorless, while others are light green or medium green. All bottles are either cylindrical or rectangular and recessed in shape. At least one bottle was manufactured in a two-piece mold. A total of two bottles displayed embossed maker’s marks. One was a prescription medicine from a local pharmacist, Cesar G. Petray, located on Defensa Street, Buenos Aires. The second bottle was a patent medicine “Doctor Pierce’s Extract of Smart Weed,” which was manufactured in Buffalo, New York (Fig. 6.5). This bottle has a blob-top finish. Another two bottle fragments were marked with a place of manufacture (New York and Buenos Aires) but no maker’s mark. Another bottle fragment displayed a date (1894) but no other details.

6.2.18.2 Ceramic

Only one ceramic object was identified in this category. It comprises a Whiteware Holloway’s Ointment jar, which is 41 mm in diameter and cylindrical in shape. The jar is approximately 75% complete. It has a black transfer-printed maker’s mark, which marks the place of manufacture as Oxford Street, London. Holloway’s Ointment was a popular patent medicine invented by Thomas Holloway. In 1867, the Holloway Company moved from the Strand to Oxford Street, London (Museum Victoria n.d.). 134 6 La Casa Peña

Fig. 6.6 Modern therapeutic sulfur bars sold in Argentina. (Photograph taken by the author)

6.2.18.3 Other

Three fragments of sulfur crystals were identified in the assemblage. Although their function remains uncertain, it is possible that they were used for muscle therapy. Sulfur has been and still remains widely used in Argentina for medicinal purposes particularly for the relief of muscle aches (Fig. 6.6).

6.2.19 Recreation

The Recreation category comprises objects commonly associated with adult and children’s leisure activities. These objects include fragments of newspaper, smoking pipes, toy marbles, a game token, pieces of doll’s tea sets, and a model cannon. Glass items (comprising entirely of toy marbles) make up over half of the objects in this category followed by ceramic items. From here on, objects in this category will be discussed in terms of adult (newspaper, smoking pipe) and children’s (toys) recreational activities rather than material type. 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 135

6.2.19.1 Adult Recreational

Eight fragments of newspaper were identified (which were given an MNV of one). The fragments are too small to discern the subject of the script. However a date of 1931 and the name of the newspaper (La Nacíon) are visible. Five smoking pipes were also identified. All fragments are 50% or less complete, and the majority of them are stem pieces only. However, three glazed mouthpieces, one bowl figurine, and five bowl fragments were also present. Four were Kaolin fragments and the other was made of red earthenware. Most bowl fragments have molded decoration present in different patterns including petals (n = 1), floral (n = 1), banded (n = 1, on the red earthenware pipe), and unidentified n( = 1). All bowls are tapered straight. Four Kaolin pipe fragments displayed inscriptions or maker’s marks. The first was a maker’s mark on a stem fragment for “E. P. Oliviere.” However, no information about this manufacturer was found. Another stem fragment displayed a place of manufacture, “Glasgow,” while a bowl fragment had “TD” inscribed on the side. The TD inscription refers to a popular type of pipe rather than the maker’s initials.

6.2.19.2 Children’s Recreational

A total of 21 marbles were identified in the assemblage. The majority of these are complete with only two marbles approximately 95% complete. Two were manufactured from white clay and the remainder from glass. The clay marbles were both undecorated and irregular in shape and possibly used as clay baking weights instead of, or prior to, being toys. They range in diameter from 15 to 17.8 mm. Four glass marbles have streaked decoration in yellow (n = 1), blue (n = 2), and polychrome (n = 1), while the remainder has swirled decoration in green (n = 1), blue (n = 5), and polychrome (n = 9). Two of these were “German Swirl” marbles, which were manufactured from 1840 until the early twentieth century, primarily in Germany but also in Britain and the United States (Ellis 2001:174). The glass marbles in the assemblage range from 11.8 to 20 mm in diameter. A fragment of porcelain, which appears to have been reworked into a game token, was also identified. The fragment has an irregular circular shape measuring approximately 20 mm in diameter. No decoration was present. It is possible that adults and/or children used this token in game play. A minimum number of three doll’s tea set vessels were identified in the assemblage. One vessel was 80% complete, while the rest were under 50% complete. The vessels included one earthenware saucer and two porcelain teacups. One teacup had hand-painted gilt decoration, and the other teacup had molded panels, while the earthenware saucer was unadorned. Toy tea sets were manufactured in Europe, Japan, and China from the beginning of the nineteenth century onward (Ellis 2001:178). The vessels did not form part of a matching set. 136 6 La Casa Peña

A toy model cannon was also identified in the assemblage. This was made from bronze which is approximately 78.5 mm in length. The cannon is incomplete and missing a stand.

6.2.20 Sewing

The Sewing category comprises two items. The first of these is a large copper alloy sewing needle measuring 82 mm in length. The needle is complete; however it demonstrates signs of corrosion. As a result, the shape of the eyelet is indiscernible. The second item is a bone lace-making bobbin (Fig. 6.7). This bobbin is almost complete and measures 91.2 mm in length. It has carved beaded decoration and a hole on one side, which may have had a spangle attachment for added weight. These attachments were often decorated with beads. In lace making, each thread of lace had a bobbin attached to the end to hold it in place.

6.2.21 Unidentified

The Unidentified category consists of objects that could not be attributed to a particular function. When MNV counts are considered, 17.5% of objects in the Unidentified category are ceramic and 77.5% are glass, with the remaining 5% consisting of synthetic objects (Table 6.6). However, if fragment counts are considered, then the ceramic component is much higher than the glass. The majority of the objects in this category (in particular the ceramic fragments) are small body fragments, which means they were often not given an MNV count. It is likely that some of the fragments (ceramic or glass bottles) form part of objects already given an MNV count in other categories. Each of the different material types in this category (ceramic, glass and synthetic) is discussed separately.

Fig. 6.7 Bone lace-making bobbin. (Photograph taken by the author) 6.2 Artifact Assemblage 137

Table 6.6 Summary of objects in the unidentified category Material Specific material Form MNV Quantity Weight % Glass Bottle 27 152 3070 67.5 Ring 1 1 3 2.5 Tube 1 3 65 2.5 Object 2 2 4 5 Glass 0 1 3 0 Total glass 31 159 3145 77.5 Synthetic Ebonite Object 2 2 14 5 Total synthetic 2 2 14 5 Ceramic Coarse earthenware Vessel 6 112 2650 15 Creamware Vessel 0 165 1032 0 Pearlware Vessel 1 18 259 2.5 Porcelain Vessel 0 1 6 0 Whiteware Vessel 0 1 5 0 Total ceramic 7 297 3952 17.5 Total 40 458 7111 100

6.2.21.1 Ceramic

The ceramic fragments in this category include coarse earthenware, Creamware, Pearlware, porcelain, and Whiteware. These were identified as hollow vessels. None of the fragments were over 50% complete. A minimum number of six coarse earthenware utilitarian vessels were identified in the assemblage. The majority of these vessels were likely to have functioned as food preparation vessels and/or garden pots. However, given their small size, it was difficult to attribute a function to these vessels. It is also likely that these vessels would have been locally made. More than half of the coarse earthenware fragments have no decoration present. Where decoration was present, techniques included glazing and hand-painting.

6.2.21.2 Glass

A minimum number of 27 miscellaneous bottles were also identified. Only two of these were over 50% complete. It is likely that the majority of these were either beverage, perfume, or medicine bottles. However given the fragmentary nature of the assemblage, it is difficult to assign these to a particular function. Colors included light green, light blue, purple, and cobalt blue. Evidence of manufacturing techniques (hand-molding) was identified on only a third of the total records for miscellaneous bottles. Other unidentified glass objects in the assemblage included a blue glass ring measuring 23.15 mm in diameter; three fragments of colorless glass tube measuring 138 6 La Casa Peña

27.5 mm in diameter; and two thin glass rods, measuring approximately 4 mm in diameter. The tube fragments may have been used in light fixtures.

6.2.21.3 Synthetic

The synthetic objects include two ebonite tubes. One is complete while the second is approximately 40% complete. The complete tube is 15 mm in length and curved with a wide opening on one side and a closed, rounded end with perforations. It is possible that these tubes were enema syringes. These would be connected to a hot water bottle or similar device and were often manufactured from ebonite rubber. They appear similar as hot water attachments advertised in a Montgomery Ward & Co. Catalogue from 1895 (Montgomery Ward and Co 2008). This chapter has provided an insight into what artifacts were being used and discarded by San Telmo residents. Notes from the original site report (Zarankin and Senatore 1995) revealed information on the site’s spatial history, and start and end dates provided data on datable artifacts during the peak periods of occupation. But how much of the material culture from La Casa Peña is similar to the Casselden Place assemblage? The following chapter will provide the results for Casselden Place so that a comparison can start to emerge before leading into the interpretation and comparison of the two sites in later chapters.

References

Adams, W. H. (2003). Dating historical sites: The importance of understanding time lag in the acquisition, curation, use, and disposal of artifacts. Historical Archaeology, 37(2), 38–64. Birmingham, J. (1992). Meaning from artifacts: A question of scale. Australasian Historical Archaeology, 10, 30–35. Boow, J. (1991). Early Australian commercial glass: Manufacturing processes. Sydney: The Heritage Council of New South Wales. Briot, E. (2011). From industry to luxury: French perfume in the nineteenth century. Business History Review, 85, 273–294. Brooks, A. (2005). An archaeological guide to British ceramics in Australia 1788–1901. Sydney: The Australasian Society for Historical Archaeology and La Trobe University Archaeology Program. Burke, H., & Smith, C. (2004). The Archaeologist’s field handbook. New South Wales: Allen and Unwin. Busch, J. (2000). Second time around: A look at bottle reuse. In R. L. Michael (Ed.), Approaches to material culture research for historical archaeologists. California: The Society for Historical Archaeology. Coysh, A. W., & Henrywood, R. K. (1982). The dictionary of blue and white printed pottery (Vol. 1). Woodbridge: Antique Collectors’ Club Ltd. Dumbrell, R. (1983). Understanding Antique Wine Bottles. Suffolk: Antique Collectors’ Club, Barton Publishing. Duncan, R. E. (1975). William Wheelright and early Steam navigation in the Pacific 1820–1840. The Americas, 32(2), 257–281. References 139

Ellis, A. (2001). Toy stories: Interpreting childhood from the Victorian archaeological record (Unpublished Honours Thesis). Melbourne: La Trobe University. Godden, G. A. (1991). Encyclopaedia of British pottery and porcelain Marks. London: Barrie and Jenkins Limited. Hinks, S. (1995). A structural and functional analysis of eighteenth century buttons (Volume 32 of Volumes in Historical Archaeology). Columbia: South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology. University of South Carolina. Jones, O. R., & Smith, E. A. (1985). Glass of the British military c.a. 1755–1820 (Studies in Archaeology, Architecture and History). Ottawa: National Historic Parks and Sites Branch, Parks Canada, Environment Canada. Karklins, K. (1985). Glass Beads. Ottawa: National Historic Parks and Sites Branch, Parks Canada, Environment Canada. Lindbergh, J. (1999). Buttoning down archaeology. Australasian Historical Archaeology, 17, 50–57. Lunn, K. (1981). Identification and dating of Lea and Perrins’ Worcestershire sauce bottles on Canadian historic sites: Interpretation past and present. Canadian Journal of Archaeology/ Journal Canadien d’Archéologie, 5, 1–17. Meikle, J. I. (1997). American plastic: A cultural history. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. Miller, G. L. (2000). A revised set of CC index values for classification and economic scaling of english ceramics from 1787 to 1880. In D. R. Brauner (Ed.), Approaches to material culture research for historical archaeologists. California: The Society for Historical Archaeology. Montgomery Ward and Co. (2008). (1895). Catalogue and buyers’ guide. Unabridged facsimile reprint with a foreword by Nick Lyons. New York: Skyhorse Publishing. Ricardi, P. (2018). Working-class consumer behavior in ‘Marvellous Melbourne’ and Buenos Aires, the ‘Paris of South America’. International Journal of Historical Archaeology., 22(1), 131–146. Schávelzon, D. (2005). Arqueologia de un Conventillo Porteño. In D. Schávelzon (Ed.), Los Conventillos de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Turisticas. Sprague, R. (2002). China or Prosser button identification and dating. Historical Archaeology, 36(2), 111–127. Sussman, L. (1997). Mocha, banded, cat’s eye and other factory-made slipware’ studies in northeast historical archaeology no. 1. Boston: Council for Northeast Historical Archaeology. Sussman, L. (2000). Changes in Pearlware Dinnerware, 1780–1830. In D. R. Brauner (Ed.), Approaches to Material Culture Research for Historical Archaeologists. California: The Society for Historical Archaeology. Williams, P. (1978). Staffordshire romantic transfer patterns. Jeffersontown: Fountain House East. Zarankin, A., & Senatore, M. X. (1995). Informe de los trabajos realizados en la Casa Minima (la Esquina), barrio de San Telmo. Unpublished report for Centro de Arqueología Urbana, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires.

Websites

Museum Victoria (n.d.) Jar- holloway’s ointment, ceramic, holloway’s London, Circa 1860 (Damaged) Reg. No: LL076410. Available from: http://museumvictoria.com.au/collections/ items/1614764/jar-holloway-s-ointment-ceramic-holloway-s-london-circa-1860-damaged. Accessed 14 Mar 2015. Scottish Pottery Society (n.d.) The Scottish Potteries: 1700–1999. Available from: http://www. scottishpotterysociety.co.uk/show.php?contentid=39. Accessed 18 Mar 2015. Chapter 7 Casselden Place

7.1 Context

Godden Mackay Logan et al. (2004, vol. 2:58) observed that the structure at Lot 35 had three (and later four) rooms, was rectangular in shape, and was located in the northwest corner, lengthways from east to west. Archival data revealed that the structure had been built by 1853. Following this initial plan, the western section of the property was incorporated into Lots 33A and 33B, until the structure was demolished in 1879 (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004, vol. 2:66; see also Chap. 3). The deposits of highest archaeological integrity were found to be a subfloor deposit (2.500) and cesspit (master context 2.060). Godden Mackay Logan et al. (2004, vol. 2:58–66) interpreted the barrel cesspit as being contemporaneous to the house structure. More recently, Hayes and Minchinton (2016) undertook a study of cesspits throughout the Commonwealth Block by integrating archaeological evidence with municipal waste management history. Their aims were to date the construction of cesspits and establish how and when pits were closed, what was used to fill the pits, and who might have done so. The study found that cesspits at Little Lon demonstrated a variety of different construction methods, one of which was the timber- lined, barrel-shaped type found at Lot 35. Plans for the construction of this type of leakproof barrel cesspit appeared in a circular distributed by the Victorian Central Board of Health in 1861. The plans had been distributed with the aim to reduce the seepage problem that had been encountered throughout the city with the use of unlined cesspits. According to Hayes and Minchinton (2016:14–20), the barrel cesspits at Little Lon fit the specifications featured in the 1861 circular, and as such, it is likely that they were constructed some time between 1861 and the early 1870s. In the early 1870s, nightpans began to replace the use of cesspits. The Melbourne City Council required that leaking cesspits be filled immediately once the nightpan service was introduced, and they issued infringement notices when this was not

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 141 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_7 142 7 Casselden Place adhered to. By 1876, the Public Health Amendment Act 1876 was introduced, allowing the Melbourne City Council to force the closure of all remaining cesspits (leaking or not) and prohibit the building of new ones. Hayes and Minchinton’s (2016) study found that barrel cesspits in the Commonwealth Block are likely to have closed by the early to mid-1870s. However, this was not the case with the barrel cesspit in Lot 35, which would have remained open for some time after the 1870s, as indicated by the presence of a clay pipe fragment dating between 1887 and 1888, within its contents (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004, vol. 2:64–66). Analysis of the cesspit deposits at Lot 35 in terms of completeness found that the assemblage tends to be moderately to highly fragmented. The vast majority of artifacts were 0–24% complete, while 10% were complete or over 50% complete. Hayes and Minchinton (2016:20) observed that artifact completeness varied widely across cesspits from the Commonwealth Block. Artifact breakage at the site could have increased due to owners/tenants compacting the contents of the pit in order to fit more rubbish or by later building phases at the site (e.g., asphalt car park) also resulting in compaction. As a result, the authors warn against using highly fragmented artifacts to confirm secondary deposition. A highly fragmented cesspit assemblage at Little Lon may well be the result of postdepositional site formation processes. This study found the contents from the Lot 35 cesspit to be homogenous throughout the majority of the fill layers, with a total of ten identified conjoining artifacts. The conjoining artifacts were present in five out of the eight identified contexts within master context 2.060. The three contexts that did not appear to have conjoining artifacts were 2.021, 2.029, and 2.030. Context 2.021 was the surface layer of the cesspit, context 2.029 was just below the surface, and context 2.030 was a middle layer of fill and clay (Godden Mackay Logan et al.2004 ). It appears likely that the two later contexts were layers of fill deposited during the post-domestic occupation of the house. Hayes and Minchinton (2016:18–20) found that cesspits that were replaced with nightpans in the 1870s could be expected to contain clean fill overlaying household rubbish. What comprised this “clean fill” could be anything from “good sound earth” to street scrapings made up of horse manure, ash, and bones. However, Godden Mackay Logan et al. (2004, vol. 3:65) identified a clay fill event across the entire Lot 35, not just the cesspit. This fill event lay under a bluestone pavement, which was dated to 1890–1915. While cesspits were in use, they tended to be frequently emptied, usually within 6 months. Consequently, they do not tend to be associated with long phases of occupation. Coupled with the presence of conjoining artifacts and the likelihood of high artifact breakage being the result of postdepositional site formation processes, it is likely that the cesspit deposits represent a rapid household deposition. Therefore, the last tenants (or owner) were probably the ones that filled the cesspit prior to the demolition of the house coinciding with changes in Melbourne’s waste management practices and the discontinuation of cesspit use. This would correspond to Henry Cornwell’s period of ownership 1868–1888 (see Chap. 3). Cornwell is likely to have leased the property from 1868 to 1877; however information about individual tenants during this period was not located in the historical records (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004). 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 143

The subfloor deposits were likely the result of accidental loss, which possibly extended over a longer period of time than the cesspit deposits and across multiple ownerships and tenancies. Unfortunately, due to the highly fragmented nature of the subfloor deposits (the majority being less than 10% complete), very few artifacts could provide tight date ranges. For instance, the earliest start date recorded was 1805 for Whiteware vessels, and the latest start date was 1840 for Prosser buttons and glass finishing tools. The only end date recorded was 1920 for finishing tools and mamelons (small circular protrusions) on bottle bases. The only artifact types in the subfloor deposits that provided tight date ranges were two coins. One was dated to 1825–1827 and the other to 1826–1830. As these dates fall within the pre- settlement era, they do not help to date the subfloor assemblage beyond the general domestic phase (1840–1879). In addition, no cross-mends were identified within the subfloor deposit or across the subfloor and cesspit deposits. Appendix 6 presents the start and end dates of manufacture of artifacts in the cesspit and subfloor deposits. As with the previous chapter, this table presents wider periods (e.g., as defined by broad ware-type manufacture) as well as more narrow periods (e.g., as defined by specific pattern types or manufacturers). The start and end dates were grouped into three phases of occupation for Lot 35: precontact/contact (pre-1837–1849), general domestic occupation (1850–1879), and mixed occupation of domestic and industrial premises (1880–1920). Appendix 6 demonstrates that the majority of artifacts fall within the domestic period of occupation when time lag is considered.

7.2 Artifact Assemblage

The following discussion under each activity is grouped first by cesspit deposits and then by the subfloor deposit. The combined cesspit and subfloor artifacts comprise a total of 2704 fragments weighing a total of 80,628.76 g. The combined minimum number of vessels/objects in the assemblage is 427. All percentages are based on MNV counts. Figure 7.1 presents the total figures for the cesspit and subfloor deposits. It shows that the highest number of artifacts is in the Beverage Storage group. This is followed by Beverage Service, Food Service, and Clothing. All other activity groups are represented to a much lesser extent.

7.2.1 Beverage Service

A minimum number of 54 vessels were classified under the Beverage Service category for the cesspit deposits. These were divided into two groups comprising 48 ceramic vessels and 6 glass vessels. Each group is discussed separately. The Beverage Service vessels are highly fragmented for both the cesspit and subfloor deposits with only two vessels over 50% complete (both of which were located in the cesspit). 144 7 Casselden Place

Fig. 7.1 Minimum number of vessels by activity group (combined cesspit and subfloor units). (Source: Ricardi 2018)

Subfloor A minimum number of 12 vessels were classified under the Beverage Service category for the subfloor deposit. These were divided into two groups comprising nine ceramic and three glass vessels.

7.2.1.1 Ceramic

The ceramic group consists of 89.58% Whiteware vessels (Table 7.1). Porcelain and bone china vessels are represented to a lesser extent. The bone china vessels include one muffin plate with blue sprigged decoration and two unidentified vessels with transfer-printed and hand-painted decoration. Although it remains uncertain, sprigged decoration has an estimated start date of 1820 and remained popular as a decorative style throughout the nineteenth century (Brooks 2005:42). Porcelain vessels include one teacup with gilt decoration and one polychrome hand-painted muffin plate. Whiteware vessels include a total of 30 teacups, 8 muffin plates, 2 mugs, a teapot, a jug, and an unidentified vessel. The majority of Whiteware vessels were decorated with transfer-print. Identified patterns included “Watteau,” “British Flowers,” and “Fiber.” See Appendix 7 for decoration, pattern types, and color of all Whiteware vessels. John Thomson of Annfield Pottery in Glasgow manufactured the transfer- printed version of the Watteau pattern (there was also a flow version). This pottery was active from 1816 to 1884 (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:395; Godden 1991:616). 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 145

Table 7.1 Beverage Service vessels by form and ware type Ware type Teacup Muffin Mug Teapot Jug Unidentified Total % Whiteware 30 8 2 1 1 1 43 89.58 Porcelain 1 1 2 4.17 Bone china 1 2 3 6.25 Total 31 10 2 1 1 3 48 100

Table 7.2 Decoration, pattern, and color of Whiteware teacups Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Teacup Hand-painted Unidentified Polychrome 1 Teacup Flow Unidentified Black 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Scenic Red 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Geometric Purple 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Brown 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Green 1 Teacup Transfer-printed British Flowers Green 1 Total 8

A total of two ceramic matching sets were identified in this category from the cesspit deposits. Both are actual matches indicated by identified transfer-printed patterns, Watteau and British Flowers. Both sets comprised a teacup and a muffin plate each, and all four vessels are Whiteware. Subfloor The ceramic group consists of a single bone china teacup and eight Whiteware vessels including teacups, fragments of a tea/coffee mug, and unidentified vessels. The bone china teacup has no decoration present. The vast majority of Whiteware teacups are transfer-printed. See Table 7.2 for decoration, pattern types, and color for all Whiteware teacups.

7.2.1.2 Glass

The glass vessels in this category consist of three wine glasses, two tumblers, and an unidentified glass. The stemmed wine glasses have no decoration present. They all exhibit pontil marks on their bases. The tumblers have molded decoration and are octagonal or hexagonal in shape. One tumbler has a starburst-shaped base. All tumblers have been manufactured by the cut method. Subfloor The glass vessels in this category include one tumbler and two unidentified glasses all of which have no decoration present. 146 7 Casselden Place

7.2.2 Beverage Storage

A minimum number of 136 vessels were classified in this category in the cesspit deposits. Of these, 134 are glass, and 2 are ceramic (stoneware) vessels. One bottle cork is also present in the assemblage. Each material group is discussed separately. Vessels in this category are moderately fragmented with a minimum of 20 vessels over 50% complete, half of which are 100% complete. As previously stated, although vessels have been allocated functional categories, it cannot be assumed that the vessels were used for that particular purpose entirely or at all (see Chap. 6; Busch 2000:175). Subfloor A minimum number of three Beverage Storage vessels were identified in the subfloor deposit. All were glass vessels and highly fragmented ranging from 5% to 15% complete. Manufacturing tools and methods, where identifiable, included finishing tools and three-piece molds.

7.2.2.1 Glass

All bottles with identifiable manufacturing techniques demonstrated traditional hand-molded, two-piece, three-piece, and dip-molded methods. Evidence of features or tools used in hand molding included finishing tools, cone push-up tools, and separate bases. Dip molds have an end date of manufacture of 1870, while three- piece molds were manufactured from 1820 to 1920 (Boow 1991:39–49). Rim types include string, one-part and two-part (flat, rounded, and v-shaped). Base types on most bottles include conical, shallow concave, dome, and bell-shaped, with and without mamelons. Base types on gin/schnapps bottles include flat, shallow concave, and four-point footed. At over 80% (or n = 110), the combined beer and wine bottles make up the majority of the glass vessels in this category. These bottles are all medium-dark green in color and have cylindrical-shaped bodies. One of the wine bottles still had fragments of cork inside. A total of 15 beer/wine bottle fragments had embossed lettering, the majority of which could not be attributed to a maker or place of manufacture. One mark was attributed to Powell & Co, a glass manufacturing company from Bristol who operated from 1830 to 1906 (Davies 2006:348). Another mark was attributed to “Winckler & Nagel”; however, no information was found on this maker. A further two fragments had initialed marks (“A P” and “C W &…”) which could not be attributed to any maker with certainty. A minimum number of five aerated water bottles are also present (3.68%). All bottles are light green in color, torpedo shaped, and manufactured in two-piece molds (Fig. 7.2). Only one rim fragment was identified which had a blob top. Two fragments have embossed lettering revealing the original contents (aerated/soda water). However, there are no maker’s marks present. 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 147

Fig. 7.2 Aerated water, torpedo-shaped bottle. (Photograph taken by the author)

Gin/schnapps bottles comprise only 2.94% (or n = 4) of the vessels in this category. All bottles catalogued as gin/schnapps are medium-dark green. One bottle is cylindrical, while the rest are square in shape. One base fragment has an embossed cross relief, which could not be attributed to a maker or place of manufacture. Another fragment included a seal for “Booth & Co,” who were a gin manufacturing company active from 1850 to 1860 and located at 55 Cow Cross, London (Davies 2006:349). Other beverage bottles comprise 11.03% (or n = 15) of all bottles in this category. It is unknown what these bottles originally contained. Only one fragment has an embossed mark of “G V & Co,” which could not be attributed to a maker with any certainty. Subfloor The subfloor assemblage is divided into a minimum of two beer/wine vessels and one unidentified beverage vessel. The beer/wine bottle fragments are medium and dark green in color, and at least one vessel had an identifiable dome-shaped base.

7.2.2.2 Ceramic

A minimum number of two stoneware beverage bottles were identified in this category (1.47%). Both are cylindrical in shape, salt-glazed, and brown and beige in color.

7.2.2.3 Organic

One cork fragment was identified in the assemblage, which was approximately 80% complete. 148 7 Casselden Place

Fig. 7.3 Stoneware inkbottle. (Photograph taken by the author)

7.2.3 Clerical

The Clerical category consists of four objects in the cesspit. These include one slate pencil shaft fragment, an artist’s paintbrush handle, and two stoneware inkbottles. The paintbrush handle was manufactured from wood and has a metal ferrule, which is heavily corroded. The two stoneware inkbottles are salt-glazed and brown in color. One of the inkbottles is 100% complete (Fig. 7.3). Subfloor One clerical item was identified in the subfloor assemblage. This was another slate pencil fragment.

7.2.4 Clothing

The Clothing category comprises organic, metal, and ceramic artifacts in the cesspit deposits. Each group is discussed separately. Artifacts manufactured from organic materials include leather shoes, boots, and belt straps, textile fragments, and bone 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 149 buttons. Metal artifacts include hook, eyelets, and buttons, while the ceramic artifacts comprise Prosser buttons. The objects in this category vary in completeness. The Prosser and bone buttons as well as the metal hook and eyelets are 100% complete. The metal buttons range from 50% to 100% complete, while the completeness of the textile fragments is unidentifiable. All leather fragments are all less than 50% complete. Subfloor A total of four buttons were identified in the subfloor deposit. These have been manufactured from metal, ceramic, and shell. Almost all buttons are complete except for a metal button, which is 90% complete.

7.2.4.1 Organic

The leather artifacts in the assemblage include a belt, a boot, and 12 shoe/boot fragments. None of these items are complete. In terms of footwear, there are a total of 12 boot upper fragments, while the remainder of the assemblage is made up of heel, sole, and insole fragments. These comprise a minimum of three adult-sized right foot, two adult-sized left foot, and two child-sized shoes/boots. Two of the adult shoes appear to be a pair. There is also at least one rand fragment and five heel and sole fragments that have nails or pegs still in place. All shoe/boot fragments showed evidence of wear to some degree, and at least two sole fragments appear to have been repaired using the “clumping” method (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004:332; Veres 2005:91). This method of repair basically involved adding a sole on top of an existing one (Veres 2005:91). Maya Veres analyzed the footwear assemblage for the entire Casselden Place site (Veres 2011). She found that the majority of footwear from the site was hand- stitched, and there were very few examples of machine-made footwear. According to Veres (2011:250–251), this indicates that the majority of footwear was made between the 1850s and 1870s prior to the advent of the mechanization of the industry in Victoria in 1876. The few examples of machine-made footwear were likely to have been imported from the United Kingdom, where mechanization had occurred during the 1860s (Veres 2011:259). Preferences in fashion can be inferred from the fact that a total of three insoles and seven soles had square-shaped toes, while the remainder either had rounded toes or were incomplete and could not be identified. Square toes were fashionable from the 1850s, and by the 1870s, rounded toes were preferred (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004:331; Veres 2011:251). Veres (2011:250) also measured the relative quality of footwear in the assemblage by examining the number of stitches/nails or pegs per inch. The greater the quality of the shoe, the greater amount of stitching that would be present. Veres (2011) found that the majority of footwear had approximately five stitches per inch. She also found that there were few numbers of offcuts or repaired shoes in the assemblage, indicating that (a) it was unlikely that shoe repairs were carried out on 150 7 Casselden Place site and (b) that people had the means to purchase replacement footwear and unlikely to keep repairing worn footwear. Other organic artifacts included fragments of fabric and cotton thread. These were all in a poor state of preservation and details such as color, fabric type, and pattern could not be identified. Two bone buttons were also present. These range in diameter from 16.8 to 16.9 mm. The bone buttons have four-hole attachments meaning that they were likely manufactured during the nineteenth century (Hinks 1995:68). Subfloor The shell buttons in the subfloor assemblage are both unadorned. They have three- and four-hole attachments and diameters of 7.3 and 8.7 mm.

7.2.4.2 Metal

Metal artifacts included three copper alloy buttons, one hook, and three eyelets. One button had a four-hole attachment type, while for the remainder, such details were unidentifiable due to corrosion. Subfloor One copper alloy button was identified in the subfloor assemblage. The button is 26.8 mm in diameter with a pin shank attachment type. It is heavily corroded, and no decoration was identified.

7.2.4.3 Ceramic

The ceramic objects in this category consist of Prosser buttons with four-hole attachment types. They range in diameter from 8.93 to 10.85 mm, and most are undecorated except for one button, which has stippled decoration. Subfloor The Prosser button in the subfloor assemblage is 7 mm in diameter, with a four-hole attachment and stippled decoration.

7.2.5 Collectibles/Decorative

The Collectibles/Decorative category comprises a total of five items in the cesspit deposits. These include two fine earthenware figurines, one of which has an animal (possibly feline) shape. The other is unidentified, and both objects are less than 50% complete. The assemblage also includes a terracotta vase, bulged in shape and glazed on the inside. This object is 95% complete. 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 151

This category also includes a minimum of two glass vases. One vase is round in shape with molded and red hand-painted decoration. The other vase is octagonal in shape and opaque light blue in color with intricate molded decoration. The vases are 30% and 80% complete, respectively. Subfloor A further artifact in the Collectibles/Decorative category was found in the subfloor deposit. This is a fine earthenware figurine fragment of unidentified shape.

7.2.6 Domestic

The Domestic category comprises two candlestick holders, an unidentified container handle, and lamp glass. One of the candlestick holders is manufactured from Britannia metal and the other from copper alloy. Both objects are less than 50% complete and show signs of corrosion. The unidentified container handle was also made from copper alloy. The lamp glass is colorless and highly fragmented. Subfloor One object was catalogued in the Domestic category for the subfloor deposit. This is a copper alloy furniture tack which is round and undecorated with a diameter of 9.72 mm.

7.2.7 Economy

A total of five coins were present in the cesspit assemblage. All are complete yet heavily corroded. As a result, no weights were taken, and the surfaces were largely illegible. However, some details were estimated. For instance, where it was unclear if a number was a “1” or a “7,” a possible date range was recorded (e.g., 1831– 1837). Three coins were from the United Kingdom and one from Australia. The Australian coin had a date ranging from 1855 to 1859, and two coins from the United Kingdom had date ranges from 1825 to 1827 and from 1826 to 1830. Subfloor Three coins were present in the subfloor deposit. All coins were complete and in a similar condition to those in the cesspit deposits. All coins were from the United Kingdom. One of them had a date ranging between 1825 and 1827, while another had a date ranging between 1826 and 1830. 152 7 Casselden Place

7.2.8 Food Preparation

The Food Preparation category comprises a minimum of three objects, identified in the cesspit deposits. No items in this category were identified in the subfloor deposit. The items identified include a tart pan, a kitchen knife, and an unidentified container (possibly a pot). All objects are less than 50% complete and demonstrate signs of corrosion. The tart pan was manufactured from iron alloy and is highly fragmented. It is round in shape with corrugated sides. The knife fragment comprises only the handle, which is manufactured of wood with an iron alloy tang (i.e., the piece connect- ing the blade to the handle). The knife has been catalogued under the Food Preparation category rather than the Food Service category due to its large size rendering it unlikely to have been used as table cutlery. The container comprises an iron alloy handle only.

7.2.9 Food Service

The majority of the Food Service vessels in the cesspit deposits are ceramic (92%), while the remainder are metal. The Food Service assemblage is highly fragmented with only three items over 50% complete. Subfloor Six highly fragmented vessels were identified in the Food Service category for the subfloor deposit. All of these are ceramic vessels.

7.2.9.1 Ceramic

All vessels in this category are presented in Table 7.3 by ware type and form. The vast majority of the vessels in the ceramic group are Whiteware (93.75%), while Yellowware and Ironstone are also represented to a lesser extent. The most frequently occurring type of vessel is the dinner plate (30%). Other vessel types include muffins, twifflers, bowls, serving dishes, and unidentified vessels. The most frequently occurring dinner plate size in the assemblage is the standard 254 mm. Muffin plates are generally larger than the standard at 152–177 mm, while twiffler plates are generally smaller than the standard at 178 mm. There was only one Ironstone vessel in the assemblage. Ironstone is not a ware type in itself but rather a heavy, high-fired type of Whiteware (Brooks2005 :30–31). The vessel was marked “Ironstone” on the back and therefore catalogued as such rather than as Whiteware. The vessel is a brown transfer-printed “Lozere” patterned dinner plate manufactured by Edward Challinor from Tunstall, Staffordshire, in 1842–1867 (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:231; Godden 1991:137). The Yellowware 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 153

Table 7.3 Food service vessels by form and ware type Form Ironstone Yellowware Whiteware Total Bowl 1 3 4 Strainer 1 1 Eggcup 1 1 Dinner plate 1 14 15 Muffin plate 2 2 Soup plate 1 1 Twiffler 4 4 Butter dish 1 1 Platter 1 1 Unidentified plate 8 8 Unidentified vessel 8 8 Total 1 2 43 46 % 2.08 4.17 93.75 100 items comprise one polychrome industrial slip-decorated bowl in “Mocha” pattern and one lead-glazed strainer. The majority of Whiteware vessels comprise dinner plates (n = 14). Other vessels include an eggcup, butter dish, soup plate, platter, three bowls, two muffin plates, four twifflers, eight unidentified plates, eight unidentified vessels, and unidentified serving dish fragments. The vast majority of Whiteware vessels were transfer- printed and identified patterns included “Asiatic Pheasants,” “Chantilly,” “Ruins,” “Taymouth Castle,” “Willow,” “Rhine,” and “Fiber.” “Lahore” and “Gothic” were identified patterns on flow vessels. See Appendix 8 for the decoration type, pattern, and color of all Whiteware vessels. The Lahore pattern was manufactured from 1870 to 1956 by Hollinshead and Kirkham in Tunstall, Staffordshire (Coysh and Henrywood 1989:122; Godden 1991:332). The Asiatic Pheasants pattern was first manufactured by Podmore, Walker and Co., from Tunstall who were in business from 1834 (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:29; Godden 1991:501). John Thomson from Annfield Pottery in Glasgow, Scotland, who was active from 1816 to 1865, manufactured the Chantilly pattern (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:77; Godden 1991:616). Ruins were manufactured by several potters, including Williams Adams and Co. also from Tunstall and active from 1769 (Williams 1978:397–399; Godden 1991:21). Robert Heron and Son, from Sinclairtown, Scotland, active from 1850 to 1929 manufactured the Taymouth Castle pattern (Coysh and Henrywood 1982:357; Godden 1991:322). The Gothic vessel bears the mark of Thomas Shirley and Co. from Greenock, Scotland, active from 1840 to 1857 (Coysh and Henrywood 1989:93; Godden 1991:574). One of the Whiteware unidentified plate fragments has a maker’s mark, which is possibly attributed to one of the Longton Potteries. It is unknown which specific pottery as the mark is incomplete (Godden 1991:396–397). 154 7 Casselden Place

A total of three ceramic matching sets were identified in this category from the cesspit deposits. All vessels in the sets are Whiteware with transfer-printed decoration. Two sets were identified as probable matches indicated by having the same patterns (Asiatic Pheasants and Willow), which may not have been manufactured by the same maker. The remaining matching set is also a probable match lacking an identified pattern name and/or maker’s mark. The Asiatic Pheasants set comprises two dinner plates, while the Willow set comprises a bowl, a muffin, a twiffler, two unidentified plates, and two unidentified vessels. The third set comprises two black dinner plates in an unidentified transfer-printed and molded floral pattern. Subfloor Most vessels in the subfloor assemblage are Whiteware although one fragment of dyed body was also identified. The dyed-body ware fragment is a light blue unidentified vessel. The Whiteware vessels include a dinner plate, a twiffler plate, and three unidentified vessels. Decoration types include transfer printing and flow, although no patterns were identified. Colors represented include blue, black, and brown.

7.2.9.2 Metal

A total of three objects comprise the metal group in the Food Service category. These include one copper alloy unidentified cutlery handle and one muffin-sized plate with incised decoration. The third object is an iron alloy plate with white enameled decoration. All metal objects are heavily corroded.

7.2.9.3 Wood

Only one wooden object was identified in the Food Service category. This was an unidentified cutlery handle.

7.2.10 Food/Beverage Service

As with the Casa Peña assemblage, this category consists of flat and hollow vessels that are too small to be attributed to a particular function. All are less than 30% complete. A total minimum number of 23 vessels were identified in this category. These comprise 2 unidentified plates and 19 unidentified vessels. The majority of vessels in this category are Whiteware; however, there was also one porcelain unidentified vessel fragment. Decorative techniques included transfer printing, hand painting, flow, molded, and sponged. Identified patterns on transfer-printed vessels include Willow and Fiber, while “Amour” was identified on a flow vessel. Unfortunately, no information was found on this pattern. Several fragments had no decoration present. 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 155

Subfloor The subfloor fragments in this category are no greater than 10% complete. A minimum number of four unidentified vessels make up the assemblage. These include Whiteware (n = 2), porcelain (n = 1), and Yellowware (n = 1) vessels. The porcelain vessel has hand-painted and gilt decoration, while the Yellowware vessel has industrial slip decoration in “Annular” pattern. One Whiteware vessel has blue transfer-printed decoration in the “Willow” pattern, and the other is hand- painted under glaze with a floral pattern.

7.2.11 Food Storage

Four objects are present in the Food Storage category in the cesspit deposits. These consist of glass, ceramic, and metal objects of which all but two are less than 50% complete. Each group is discussed separately. No items attributed to this category were identified in the subfloor deposit.

7.2.11.1 Glass

The glass assemblage includes one complete oil bottle, octagonal in shape with molded decoration and light green in color. It has been manufactured in a two-piece mold, with a separate base part, and is 61 mm in diameter. This object was at the time of analysis on display at Museum Victoria, and as such a weight measurement could not be taken. A further two oil/vinegar bottles are also present. They are both light green in color with molded decoration, one hexagonal and the other dodecago- nal in shape. The last glass object is a jam jar stopper, light green in color and manufactured by Albion Glassworks from Yorkshire, England, who were active from 1863 (Davies 2006:348).

7.2.11.2 Ceramic

Two ceramic vessels are present in this category, both of which are salt-glazed stoneware. One is a salt container, cylindrical in shape and beige in color. The container itself is complete with a missing lid. It has a maker’s mark from D Bumstead and Co. in London, England, active from 1858 to 1956. The other ceramic vessel is a round berry jam jar, two-toned (cream and beige) in color. It has a maker’s mark although the name of the maker was not identified.

7.2.11.3 Metal

Only one metal object was present in this category comprising a tin can of unidentified contents. This item is heavily corroded. 156 7 Casselden Place

7.2.12 Food/Beverage Storage

All fragments in this category are under 30% complete. Glass, ceramic, and organic fragments were identified, and each group is discussed separately. Subfloor Only one glass vessel was attributed to this category in the subfloor deposit.

7.2.12.1 Glass

A minimum of one glass bottle is present in the assemblage. It is dark green in color and has been manufactured in a two-piece mold. Other glass body fragments in light green, brown, and colorless were also present in this category. However, these were not given MNV counts due to their small size and the possibility that they were already counted in other categories. Subfloor The subfloor vessel was a light green glass bottle fragment. Due to its small size (5% complete), its function could not be identified.

7.2.12.2 Ceramic

Five ceramic (stoneware) bottles were present in this category. At least four of these were salt-glazed and in colors that included brown, cream, and two-toned. One bottle had a maker’s mark from Powell and Co. This company was from Bristol, England, and was active from 1830 to 1906 (Davies 2006:348). One coarse earthenware unidentified container was also identified. The vessel had no decoration present, and its function was indeterminable.

7.2.12.3 Organic

One complete cork stopper was identified in the assemblage. This would have been associated with a wide-mouthed bottle or jar.

7.2.13 Garden

One vessel was identified in the Garden category. It was located in the cesspit deposits, while no vessels attributed to this category were located in the subfloor deposit. The vessel identified is a terracotta flowerpot with no decoration present. This item is approximately 10% complete. 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 157

7.2.14 Hygiene

The Hygiene category comprises two Whiteware chamber pots. Both were identified in the cesspit deposits, while no artifacts attributed to this category were located in the subfloor deposit. One of the chamber pots has sponged decoration, and the other has molded and transfer-printed decoration in “Willow” pattern. Both are blue in color. One matching set was identified consisting of a Whiteware chamber pot from the Hygiene category and an unidentified vessel from the Food/Beverage Service category. Both vessels are blue sponged decorated. It is possible that the unidentified vessel is a hygiene-related item; however its function remains unidentified due to the fragmentary nature of the assemblage.

7.2.15 Jewelry

Four objects are present in the Jewelry category, identified in the cesspit deposits. No items attributed to this category were identified in the subfloor deposit. One of the items located is a copper alloy clasp likely to be from a necklace or bracelet. The clasp itself is complete and heavily corroded. Two beads are also present in the assemblage. One of these is a fine earthenware bead hand-painted in red. It is round in shape and measures 6.07 mm in diameter. The second is a black glass bead, which is also round and measures 10.63 mm in diameter. It has been manufactured by the wound method. Both beads are 100% complete. Black became a popular color in fashion accessories following the death of Prince Albert in 1861 when Queen Victoria was in mourning (Rappaport 2003:408). The final object in this category is a striped agate piece likely to be a pendant. It is octagonal in shape and has been finely polished. The stone itself appears to be almost complete, but the setting is missing. In its incomplete state, it measures 38 mm. This item is currently on display at Museum Victoria, and as such a weight measurement could not be taken. Mezey (2005) suggests that agate pieces found in Casselden Place likely originated from Idar-Oberstein in Germany, an area known for its agate mines. These are likely to have been exported to factories in Birmingham, England, specializing in jewelry manufacture and then re-exported elsewhere.

7.2.16 Manufacturing

The Manufacturing category comprises four tools identified in the cesspit deposits. No items attributed to this category were identified in the subfloor deposit. The tools are between 30% and 60% complete, and all demonstrate signs of fabric decay. 158 7 Casselden Place

The first is an iron alloy axe head measuring 86.87 mm long by 71.85 mm wide and 41.37 mm thick. The remainder of the objects are unidentified tools manufactured from composite materials including iron alloy with bone or wooden handles. One of these is likely to be a file; however identification is difficult due to the heavily corroded state of the metal.

7.2.17 Personal

Two objects were identified in the Personal category, both located in the cesspit deposits. No artifacts attributed to this category were located in the subfloor deposit. The first object identified is a wooden backing for a hairbrush. It is oval in shape and approximately 20% complete. The second object is a colorless glass perfume bottle, rectangular in shape with eight recessed panels. The bottle was manufactured in a two-piece mold and has an embossed maker’s mark from Jean Marie Farina, a Parisian parfumerie established in 1760 (Davies 2006:349).

7.2.18 Pharmaceutical

Two vessels were attributed to the Pharmaceutical category in the cesspit deposits. Both are unidentified glass medicine bottles. One of these is colorless and cylindrical in shape with a diameter of 30.56 mm. This bottle is 80% complete and was manufactured in a three-piece mold. The other bottle is light green, paneled, and rectangular in shape. This vessel comprises only body fragments, which are less than 20% complete. Subfloor One vessel was identified in this category in the subfloor deposit. The vessel is a Whiteware cold cream container, transfer-printed in black. This information is based on the Godden Mackay Logan et al. (2004) artifact catalogue, as the object was not relocated for analysis during this study. Consequently, no weight measurements were taken.

7.2.19 Recreation

This category consists of objects associated with recreational activities for children as well as adults. In the cesspit assemblage, these objects include five toy marbles and a minimum number of five smoking pipes. All objects were manufactured from clay, the smoking pipes specifically from Kaolin. Objects in this category are discussed in terms of adult or children’s recreational activities. 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 159

Fig. 7.4 Kaolin smoking pipe (two conjoining fragments). (Photograph taken by the author)

Subfloor As with the cesspit recreation assemblage, the objects in the subfloor deposit include toy marbles and smoking pipes.

7.2.19.1 Adult Recreational

Two smoking pipe fragments can be conjoined and represent a 95% complete pipe (Fig. 7.4), while the remainder of fragments are less than 50% complete. The assemblage comprises predominately stem and bowl fragments as well as one mouthpiece and three spurs. Four bowl fragments have burn marks. In terms of bowl shape, two are tapered straight, two angled, and one straight-sided and angled. Decorative styles on bowl fragments include impressed rouletted (n = 2) and molded petals (n = 2), while the remainder had no decoration present. Three stem fragments have maker’s marks. The first of these is from an Australian tobacconist, Hugh Dixon from Sydney. The pipe fragment was dated to 1839–1904 (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004). The other two tobacconists were British, Lesser Friedlander and Duncan McDougall. The fragments were dated to 1887– 1888 and 1846–1967 for each tobacconist, respectively (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004). Subfloor A minimum of two smoking pipes were identified in the assemblage. These include predominately bowl fragments; however stem fragments and a mouthpiece fragment are also present. All smoking pipe fragments were manufactured from Kaolin and are less than 20% complete. The mouthpiece fragment has a brown glaze, and 160 7 Casselden Place

Fig. 7.5 Clay marble with purple painted lines. (Photograph taken by the author)

two bowl fragments have molded decoration, one of which was identified as a banded pattern. The rest of the fragments have no decoration present.

7.2.19.2 Children’s Recreational

The marbles were all manufactured from clay and are either complete (n = 4) or almost complete (n = 1). Three of these are unadorned, and two are hand-painted with parallel lines, one in gray and the other in purple (Fig. 7.5). All marbles are spherical in shape and range from 15.07 to 20.14 mm in diameter. It has been suggested (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004:303) that the limited number of glass marbles in the Casselden Place assemblage may be due to their higher cost. Glass marbles were imported into Melbourne exclusively from Germany and became increasingly popular from 1870 to 1900 (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004:303). Subfloor The two marbles in the subfloor deposit were manufactured from clay and are 100% complete. Both are unadorned and measure 14–45 and 14.64 in diameter.

7.2.20 Sewing

One object was attributed the Sewing category, located in the cesspit. No items attributed to this category were identified in the subfloor deposit. The identified object was part of the handle of a pair of small scissors. Due to its small size, it is 7.2 Artifact Assemblage 161 likely that these were used for sewing. The scissors were manufactured from copper alloy with a bow diameter measuring 26 mm. The object demonstrates signs of corrosion.

7.2.21 Unidentified

The Unidentified category consists of objects that could not be attributed to a particular function. The cesspit deposits in this category include ceramic, glass, metal, and organic objects (Table 7.4). The glass and metal groups are the largest at almost 37% each, when MNV counts are considered. However, in terms of fragment counts, the metal group is the largest (Table 7.4). All objects in this category are highly fragmented and less than 30% complete. As a result, objects were often not given an MNV count. It is possible that some of the fragments in this category formed part of objects already counted in other categories. Each group based on material type is discussed separately. Subfloor The objects in this category for the subfloor deposit comprise ceramic, glass, and metal objects. At 80%, the glass group is the largest (Table 7.5). As per the cesspit deposits, the objects in the subfloor deposit are highly fragmented (less than 15% complete).

Table 7.4 Summary of objects in the Unidentified category (cesspit) Material Specific material Form MNV Quantity Weight % Ceramic Stoneware Unidentified vessel 0 2 4.84 0 Whiteware Unidentified vessel 1 7 71.15 5.26 Yellowware Unidentified vessel 0 1 2.07 0 Total ceramic 1 10 78.06 5.26 Glass Bottle 4 38 363.48 21.06 Tube 1 1 4.28 5.26 Unidentified object 2 6 63.81 10.53 Total glass 7 45 431.57 36.85 Metal Copper alloy Unidentified object 2 21 54.59 10.53 Iron alloy Unidentified object 3 62 3203.91 15.78 Lead alloy Unidentified object 2 3 336.95 10.53 Total metal 7 86 3595.45 36.84 Organic Unidentified object 4 99 183.69 21.05 Total organic 4 99 183.69 21.05 Total 19 240 4288.77 100 162 7 Casselden Place

Table 7.5 Summary of objects in the Unidentified category (subfloor) Material Specific material Form MNV Quantity Weight % Ceramic Whiteware Unidentified vessel 1 1 1.3 10 Total ceramic 1 1 1.3 10 Glass Bottle 2 5 7.4 20 Rod 1 1 0.1 10 Unidentified object 5 24 13.8 50 Total glass 8 30 21.3 80 Metal Iron alloy Unidentified object 1 9 81.38 10 Total metal 1 9 81.38 10 Total 10 40 103.98 100

7.2.21.1 Ceramic

The ceramic group consists of stoneware, Whiteware, and Yellowware fragments. One MNV was given to a Whiteware unidentified vessel with blue transfer-printed and molded decoration in Willow pattern. Other Whiteware fragments were transfer- printed in “Columbia” pattern. Unfortunately, no information was found on this pattern. Stoneware vessels were decorated with salt glazing, and the Yellowware fragment was decorated with industrial slip. Subfloor A single ceramic object was recorded in this category for the subfloor deposit. It is a Whiteware unidentified vessel glazed on both sides.

7.2.21.2 Glass

The glass group comprises four bottles, two unidentified objects, and one tube. Three of the bottles are light green, and the other is colorless. The glass tube fragment is colorless, and the unidentified objects are either colorless or white. Subfloor The glass group in the subfloor deposit comprises two bottles, five unidentified objects, and one rod. The bottles are light green and blue in color. There are also colorless bottle fragments that were not given an MNV number, as it is possible that these formed parts of bottles already counted in previous categories (e.g., Beverage Storage). Four unidentified objects are small in size and ribbed. Another unidentified object is white and appears to have two thin glass fragments encrusted together. The rod is very thin and black in color. References 163

7.2.21.3 Metal

The metal group comprises seven unidentified objects. All of these are heavily corroded. This made any attempts to establish form and function very difficult. Two of these are copper alloy, one in the shape of a band and the other likely to be a container of sorts with embossed decoration. Three unidentified objects were manufactured from iron alloy. One of these is another possible container, and the other is possibly a button. The final two objects are lead alloy, one in the shape of a band and the other a disk. It is likely that the remainder of the fragments in this group were associated with building materials, fittings, or furnishings. Subfloor One object was catalogued in this category for the subfloor deposit. The object was manufactured from iron alloy, and it is possible that it also may be associated with building materials, fittings, or furnishings. However, it was difficult to establish form and function due to heavy corrosion.

7.2.21.4 Organic

The organic items comprise four unidentified objects. One of these is a small oval wooden container with a lid. Another wooden object is possibly a game token, oval and irregular in shape. There is also a minimum number of one unidentified leather object. The leather fragments in this group are likely to be offcuts. The final object appears to be cane used in basket weaving. This chapter has provided an insight into what was being used and discarded by some of Little Lon’s residents who were probably the tenants living at the property during Henry Cornwell’s ownership. From an initial glance at the results above, similarities between the two assemblages can already be identified. Ceramics from Staffordshire potteries in England, kaolin smoking pipes, and French perfume bottles were identified at both sites. But what else can we learn from the two assemblages? What do the similarities reveal? What differences are there in the assemblages? These questions will be explored in greater detail in later chapters. The following chapter however will provide the results of the archival research.

References

Boow, J. (1991). Early Australian commercial glass: Manufacturing processes. Sydney: The Heritage Council of New South Wales. Brooks, A. (2005). An archaeological guide to British ceramics in Australia 1788–1901. Sydney: The Australasian Society for Historical Archaeology and La Trobe University Archaeology Program. Busch, J. (2000). Second time around: A look at bottle reuse. In R. L. Michael (Ed.), Approaches to material culture research for historical archaeologists. Chico: The Society for Historical Archaeology. 164 7 Casselden Place

Coysh, A. W., & Henrywood, R. K. (1982). The dictionary of blue and white printed pottery. Volume 1. Woodbridge: Antique Collectors’ Club Ltd. Coysh, A. W., & Henrywood, R. K. (1989). The dictionary of blue and white printed pottery. Volume 2. Woodbridge: Antique Collectors’ Club Ltd. Davies, P. (2006). Mapping Commodities at Casselden Place, Melbourne. International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 10(4), 343–355. Godden, G. A. (1991). Encyclopaedia of British pottery and porcelain marks. London: Barrie and Jenkins Limited. Godden Mackay Logan, La Trobe University (Archaeology Program), Austral Archaeology. (2004). Casselden Place 50 Lonsdale St, Melbourne Archaeological Excavations Research archive report. Unpublished report prepared for ISPT and Heritage Victoria. Hayes, S., & Minchinton, B. (2016). Cesspit formation processes and waste management history in Melbourne: Evidence from Little Lon. Australian Archaeology, 82(1), 12–24. Hinks, S. (1995). A structural and functional analysis of eighteenth century buttons. Volume 32 of volumes in historical archaeology. South Carolina: South Carolina Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South Carolina. Mezey, B. (2005). Reflections on Casselden Place through its jewelry. A comprehensive study of beads and jewelry items recovered from Casselden Place during the 2002 excavation. Unpublished honors thesis submitted to La Trobe University, Melbourne. Rappaport, H. (2003). Queen Victoria a biographical companion. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio. Ricardi, P. (2018). Working-class consumer behavior in “Marvellous Melbourne” and Buenos Aires, the “Paris of South America”. International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 22(1), 131–146. Veres, M. (2005). Introduction to the analysis of archaeological footwear. Australasian Historical Archaeology, 23, 15–24. Veres, M. (2011). Colonial footprints: An archaeological analysis of leather footwear from colonial Australia. Unpublished PhD dissertation submitted to La Trobe University, Melbourne. Williams, P. (1978). Staffordshire romantic transfer patterns. Jeffersontown: Fountain House East. Chapter 8 Trade and Consumer Goods

This chapter explores the kinds of goods that were being imported into Melbourne and Buenos Aires and the origin of these goods. It also briefly investigates local manufacturing in each city during the mid to late nineteenth century. Such information is relevant as it provides a context for interpreting the artifacts recovered and for understanding the trade patterns operating within the two cities. The chapter is divided into two main sections, one for each city, and examines the provenance of goods (where identifiable) in the artifact assemblage. It then provides an overview of trade networks and briefly examines the condition of local manufacturing industries. Each section also reviews the types of goods arriving into each city and where the residents of Little Lon and San Telmo are likely to have shopped for these goods.

8.1 Melbourne

8.1.1 The Artifact Assemblage

Objects such as beverage, condiment, and perfume bottles, ceramic tablewares, and smoking pipes with identifiable place of manufacture based on the presence of makers’ marks were identified in the Casselden Place assemblage. The makers’ marks showed that the vast majority of manufacturers operated in different parts of England (64.29%), while others in Scotland (21.43%), and fewer still (7.14% each) in France and other Australian colonies (New South Wales). Where makers’ marks are absent, the place of manufacture can also be inferred by other recognizable attributes such as pattern name. In the case of the transfer- printed ceramic assemblage, for example, all of the vessels with recognizable patterns (e.g., Watteau, British Flowers, Willow, Asiatic Pheasants, Chantilly, Ruins, and Amour) were manufactured in England or other parts of the United Kingdom.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 165 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_8 166 8 Trade and Consumer Goods

8.1.2 An Overview of Trade Networks

Since European settlement, Britain was the principal trade partner of the Australian colonies. This continued throughout the nineteenth century as almost all imported goods arriving into the Australian colonies came from the United Kingdom (Madsen 2015:51). Britain’s dominance in nineteenth-century trade is attributed to the following causes. Firstly, its political and economic strength was closely linked to its dominance in manufacturing after having become the first developed nation during the Industrial Revolution in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (Engerman 1996:ix; Reeve 1971:15). Secondly, success during the Napoleonic Wars made it an unrivalled naval power. Thirdly, its expanding Empire provided Britain with colonial bases stretching from Malta and Cape Town to Singapore and Australia (Bayly 2004:128; Killingray 2004:1). Colonial centers throughout the Empire formed part of a mercantile-capitalist system in which Britain encouraged the production of raw materials throughout the colonies and the colonies’ consumption of goods manufactured in Britain. One way Britain implemented this system was to impose trade sanctions, which determined which vessels could enter the ports of British colonies for the purposes of trade under the British Navigation Acts (eMelbourne 2008). The Acts determined that only vessels constructed in a British shipyard, owned by a British proprietor and operated by British crews, could trade goods and carry passengers to the British colonies. In addition, all exports from the colonies could only be shipped in British vessels. Some level of “informal” trading arrangements occurred before the abolishment of the Navigation Acts in 1850. An example is the final voyage of theWilliam Salthouse trading vessel, which sunk near Queenscliff, Victoria, in November 1841 (Staniforth 1987). The vessel’s cargo comprised predominately casks of flour and salted provisions, as well as French champagne, whisky, cider, vinegar, and nails. The British registered vessel was travelling from Montreal, Canada, to the recently established Port Phillip settlement in Melbourne when it sunk (Staniforth 1987:23). According to Staniforth (2009:97), the final voyage of theWilliam Salthouse repre- sents an attempt to circumvent the Navigation Acts by conducting trade directly from one British colony to another without making port in Britain. However, illegally traded goods made up the minority of goods arriving to the Australian colonies, and even though the abolishment of the Navigation Acts legally opened up trade with other nations, British colonies were still expected to trade almost exclusively within the Empire. Trade with other Australian colonies was also largely restricted. This was primarily due to different trade policies (e.g., New South Wales held a Free Trade Policy, while Victoria held a Protectionist policy) and fluctuating customs tariffs (Cotter 1970:166; Linge 1979:11; Ville 2015:212–213). An agreement on trade policy and import tariffs would not be reached between the colonies until Federation in 1901 (Hutchinson 2015:289). In addition, inter-colonial trade was also hindered by transport constraints (Linge 1979:11; Ville 2015:212–213). For instance, inter-colonial shipping from Melbourne tended to be irregular and largely restricted to the 8.1 Melbourne 167

Melbourne-Sydney run (eMelbourne 2008). Variations in train gauges and lack of inter-colonial connections also constrained overland rail transport (Ville 2015:212– 213). Furthermore, the colonies generally tended to produce similar goods for export, thus limiting the need for inter-colonial trade in the first place (Linge 1979:11). In order to identify the origin of vessels arriving into the port of Melbourne, a representative sample of archival resources was analyzed (see Chap. 5 for details on methodology). Entries from The Argus newspaper for the latter half of the nineteenth century showed that despite trade restrictions, vessels from other Australian colonies and other Victorian ports together made up the vast majority of vessels arriving into Melbourne (65%). Vessels from Great Britain and other British colonies made up the largest percentage of international arrivals (28%), while vessels from other international ports were represented to a much lesser extent (7%; see Fig. 8.1). Of the vessels arriving from Australian colonies, most originated from ports in Victoria itself (29.11%), followed by New South Wales (27.85%), Tasmania (22.79%), and South Australia (17.72%), while the remainder came from Queensland (2.53%). Vessels arriving from Great Britain and British colonies were predominately coming from Great Britain itself (45.71%. In particular, ships originated from the ports of London (25.72%) and Liverpool (11.43%), while other British ports such as Belfast and Glasgow were represented to a lesser extent. Vessels arriving from other parts of the Empire include New Zealand (17.14%), Mauritius (14.29%), Hong Kong, and Sri Lanka (5.7%), as well as India, Singapore, Fiji, and Canada (2.86% each). Other nations included the United States (22.23%), the Philippines (22.23%), as well as China, the Netherlands, Germany, Sweden, and Norway (11.11% each).

Fig. 8.1 Percentage of originating ports for vessels arriving in Melbourne between the years 1848 and 1900. (Source: The Argus Newspaper [Online]) 168 8 Trade and Consumer Goods

Although the above results show the origin of ships, we cannot conclude that their cargoes had the same origins. British trading vessels carried goods directly from Britain, continental Europe, and other centers along Britain’s trade routes including Africa, Asia, and the Americas (e.g., Nix 2005:34; Staniforth 2009; Staniforth and Nash 1998). However, having said this, Britain’s status as the “workshop of the world” (Counsell and Steer 1993) and its mercantilist trade policies meant that the majority of manufactured goods being traded throughout the Empire were produced in Britain.

8.1.3 Local Manufacturing Industries

As a result of British mercantilist policy stipulating that the colonies were to produce raw material for export to Britain, local industries in Victoria developed primarily out of resource extraction (e.g., gold mining) and agricultural/pastoral industries (e.g., wool production) (Linge 1979:317–352; Madsen 2015:29). Iron smelting, quarrying, sawmilling, flour milling, dairy processing, tanning, and abattoirs and meat processing plants were examples of industries operating during the first few decades following European settlement (Davison 1978:2–7; eMelbourne 2008; Linge 1979:317–352). Metal working foundries continued to experience growth, particularly following the gold rush and subsequent land boom. These industries were given government subsidies for the production of railway equipment as well as water supply and irrigation pipes (Davison 1978:2–7; eMelbourne 2008). There was also a large trade in assembling, adapting, and repairing imported goods (particularly tools used for gold mining) (Cotter 1970:165; Linge 1979:188–189). Manufacturing industries however were slow to develop throughout the Australian colonies (Madsen 2015:40–41). The major industries that developed in Victoria were geared towards producing everyday necessities and included processed food, clothing, textiles, footwear, glass, paper, munitions, asbestos, chemi- cal, and brick-making factories as well as breweries (Cotter 1970:165; Davison 1978:2–7; eMelbourne 2008; Linge 1979:7, 188–189). The manufacturing sector in Melbourne experienced some growth during the 1880s land boom, particularly in the areas of food manufacture and beverages such as biscuits, jams, jellies, self- rising flour, confectionary, beer, and cordial (Blainey 2013:74; Davison 1978:2–7; eMelbourne 2008). Essentially however, manufacturing in Victoria was largely restricted to producing goods that were not in direct competition with imported goods, which were either mass-produced (and thus inexpensive) or specialized/ luxury items (Cotter 1970:131; Linge 1979:7). 8.1 Melbourne 169

8.1.4 Where Goods Could Be Purchased

The Australian Customs Act 1830 formalized trading in New South Wales and its dependencies, which at that time included Victoria. Consequently, by the time Melbourne was settled, trade regulations had already been established. Retailing however may have been somewhat ad hoc in the first few years of settlement, as government did not legally formalize it until the appointment of eight market commissioners in 1841 (eMelbourne 2008). The commissioners established the Western Market, located between Market, Collins, and Williams Streets and Flinders Lane. This became the primary market for buying and selling fresh food. Other markets and retail premises around the city would soon follow. By the 1880s retailing had spread to the outer city suburbs as a result of increased population as well as the introduction of tramlines (eMelbourne 2008). For the middle and upper classes, there were several options to purchase goods. Some of the finest and most fashionable shops were situated on Collins Street between Swanston and Williams Streets, which specialized in clothing, furniture, homewares, and jewelry (Kingston 1994:31; Priestley 1984:23–26). Department stores such as Myer, Buckley, and Nunn, the Block Arcade, the Mutual Store, and Ball and Welch were also popular, as was mail ordering directly from stores in London or Melbourne (Kingston 1994:25). For the working class however, all necessary shopping occurred by means of street hawkers and stalls, at nearby markets or at cheap general and secondhand stores (Kingston 1994:38). Street hawkers and stalls were common by the 1850s and their numbers increased following the gold rush (Brown-May 1998:121; eMel- bourne 2008). Street sellers sold an array of different goods such as fruit, vegetables, fish, and flowers. Other items included Turkish delight, cigars, razor paste, china, brooms, and toys (Brown-May 1998:22, 145–146). In Sydney, as may also have been the case in Melbourne, street hawkers commonly sold pharmaceutical goods such as pills, potions, and patent medicines (Kingston 1994:23). As the nineteenth century progressed, street sellers began to be increasingly mar- ginalized. Legislation was introduced that limited the opportunities for them to carry out their business. By Law No 97, for instance, limited the area in which hawking could be conducted (Brown-May 1998:121). The number of markets in Melbourne, however, grew steadily as the nineteenth century progressed. The Eastern Market was established in 1847 and the Queen Victoria Market in 1878. The Eastern Market was located on the corner of Exhibition and Bourke Streets (also fronting Little Collins Street), while the Queen Victoria Market was located on the corner of Victoria and Elizabeth Streets (Priestley 1984:22; eMelbourne 2008). The Eastern Market was the closest market to Little Lon, and it is likely that many of its residents would have shopped there. Markets such as these offered the opportunity for bargain hunting and had many small traders selling everything from clothing and household goods to pets, secondhand clothes, and fresh food (Priestley 1984:22; eMelbourne 2008). Saturday nights were the most popular nights to head to the markets for shopping and other amusements 170 8 Trade and Consumer Goods

(Priestley 1984:23–26). The Eastern Market underwent various extensions and alterations before a new building was opened in 1879. By this time, the Queen Victoria Market had taken over the main wholesale venue for fruit and vegetables and another venue; the Flemington Road Hay Market had taken over as the main wholesaler for hay. The Eastern Market still had a variety of stalls but also became more of a venue for public entertainment featuring a range of sideshows. The Eastern Market fell into decline during the twentieth century and was demolished in 1960 (Bate 2016:42). Other affordable retail options in Melbourne included Bourke Street, which had an array of secondhand and general stores. Many of these catered mainly to gold miners and stocked goods such tools, tinware, kettles, working clothes, and footwear (Priestley 1984:23–26). In 1883, E. W. Cole opened in central Bourke Street (Coles Arcade) and sold new books on the ground floor, secondhand books on the first floor, as well as china, glass, and ornaments on the second level (Priestley 1984:134–135). A search on the Sands and Kenny and Sands and McDougall Melbourne directories was conducted for the city block encircling Little Lon. This resource was consulted to establish the types of stores that were present within close proximity to residents at Little Lon. In both years that were consulted (1857 and 1890), grocers and clothing shops occupied the highest numbers of retail premises (Table 8.1). Other shops represented included butchers, general dealers, chemists, jewelers, and tobacconists. The overall lower number of retail premises in 1890 than in 1857 is likely to be explained by the changing nature of the use of space, from residential to manufacturing with an increased number of factories in the neighborhood. The

Table 8.1 Summary of retail 1857 1890 premises listed on the Sands Types of retailers quantity quantity and Kenny (1857) and Sands Grocers/fruiterers 15 9 and Mcdougall (1890) Melbourne directories for the Dressmakers/tailors/clothiers/milliners 8 9 Commonwealth Block Boot makers/boot store 4 2 Butchers 3 1 General dealers 3 1 Drapers 2 1 Chemists 2 0 Confectioner and newsagent/stationer 1 1 Goldsmith 1 0 Coal yard 1 0 Timber yard 1 0 Tobacconists 0 2 Wine shops 0 2 Tea importer 0 1 Leather importer 0 1 Total 41 30 8.1 Melbourne 171 shops listed in the directories would have provided local residents with access to essential items such as food and clothing as well as pharmaceuticals, beverages, and tobacco.

8.1.5 Types of Goods Imported

The results of the archival analysis into the types of goods imported into Melbourne are presented below. Goods listed in the shipping lists of both sources (The Argus newspaper and statistical returns Public Records Office of Victoria (PROV [6470])) were divided into the categories outlined in Tables 8.2 and 8.3. Goods under each category were then added together. In both sources, goods were listed under multiple quantitative measures (e.g., cases, casks, bunches, bales, sacks). However, in order to present the data in a clear and concise manner, only quantity in the most common quantitative measures was used in Tables 8.2 and 8.3. The results of both The Argus newspaper (Table 8.2) and the statistical returns (Table 8.3) demonstrate that beverages, food, and building materials were among the categories with the highest quantitative values. The Building/Industrial Materials category encompasses a wide range of goods, including general hardware, manufacturing, building and industrial materials, and machinery (e.g., raw metal, cement, cordage, rubber, nails, marble, slates, wood, turpentine, canvas, bricks, and tools). As building materials in the artifact assemblages were not included for analysis, this category will not be discussed further in order to maintain consistency.

Table 8.2 Summary of Quantity import entries by category Imports by category (cases) listed in The Argus newspaper Agricultural/Plant Products 72 (online) 1848–1900 Animal Products 3 Arms/Ammunition 187 Beverages 14,346 Building/Industrial Materials 1273 Clerical 95 Clothing 3 Domestic 17 Food 4015 Furniture 1 Other 63 Personal 33 Pharmaceutical/Medical Supplies 1 Recreational 28 Textiles/Haberdashery 15 172 8 Trade and Consumer Goods

Table 8.3 Summary of Quantity (per import entries by category Imports by category unit) listed in the statistical returns Agricultural/Plant Products 4236 for the years 1852–1854 Animal Products 768 Arms/Ammunition 2126 Beverages 8,681,069 Building/Industrial Materials 730,075 Clerical 29,397 Clothing 113,431 Domestic 92,277 Food 212,998 Furniture 44,388 Livestock 6587 Other 42,019 Personal 6467 Pharmaceutical/Medical Supplies 48,237 Recreational 4,220,891 Textiles/Haberdashery 242,979

The Food category included grains and flour, vegetables and fruit, meat and seafood, eggs and dairy products, preserves, confectionary, oil, vinegar, sugar, salt, and spices. In the listings analyzed, the highest quantities of imported foods included various grains, flour, sugar, salt, and potatoes. Other goods represented in high quantities included fruit, fish, pork, butter, cheese, salted provisions, and vinegar. In terms of beverages, the listings included items such as beer, cider, spirits, and wine as well as nonalcoholic beverages such as coffee, tea, chicory, cordials, and soda waters. The sources show that beer, cider, and some spirits (such as brandy and gin) were among the highest imports for alcoholic beverages, while tea and coffee were the highest for nonalcoholic beverages. Entries for hops were also included in this category due to their use in brewing beer. The Recreation category comprises books, newspapers, tobacco products, and toys. The greatest quantities are in entries for books and tobacco. Entries related to clothing include apparel and slops, hats, hosiery, buttons, and footwear. The results demonstrate that the highest quantities are in entries for footwear, apparel, and slops. Wool, cotton, and haberdashery are among the highest listings for textiles and other goods relating to clothing manufacture. The Domestic category comprises items such as candles, blacking, mirrors, lamps, as well as hollowware, china, earthenware, lacquerware, stoneware, glassware, cutlery, and iron pots. It is unclear whether the “china” listing refers to porcelain or earthenware ceramics (or perhaps even both). The results demonstrate that candles, blacking, stoneware, and glassware are the entries with the highest quantities. The Clerical category comprises entries such as paper (including foolscap) show cards and papier-mâché. It is likely that the generic “stationery” entries would have 8.2 Buenos Aires 173 included items such as inkbottles, pencils, and slates. Paper and stationery are the entries with the highest quantities. Items in the Personal category include jewelry (e.g., watches and silver plate), perfumery, and soap. Entries for watches in the statistical returns also include clocks, which, although not items for personal use, were added to this category to maintain consistency with The Argus entries that included watches alongside jewelry items. Gold has also been included in the statistical returns listing although the entries may refer to coinage or bars rather than gold jewelry. The results demonstrate that soap entries have the highest quantities. Imports in the Pharmaceutical/Medical Supply category comprise drugs, chemicals, druggist’s sundries, castor oil, and medical/surgical instruments. It is unclear whether the drug listings include prescription and patent/other alternative medicines. However, there are no specific entries for patent (or alternative) medicines in either The Argus or the statistical returns listings. The results show that drugs (as well as chemicals and druggist’s sundries) present the highest number of entries. The remainder of the categories include Agricultural/Plants, Animal Products, Livestock, Arms/Ammunition, Furniture, and “Other.” They include items such as plants, skins, hides, guns, furniture, livestock, bags and sacks, works of art, and other sundry. None of the abovementioned categories will be discussed in any further detail in order to maintain consistency with the categories discussed in the artifact analysis chapters (Chaps. 6 and 7).

8.2 Buenos Aires

8.2.1 The Artifact Assemblage

Object fragments such as beverage storage vessels, ceramic tableware, condiments, perfume, personal hygiene products, medicinal products, and smoking pipes with identifiable place of manufacture were identified in the Casa Peña assemblage. The makers’ marks showed that the majority of manufacturers operated in different parts of England (54.16%), others in France (25%), Scotland (12.5%), and fewer still (4.17% each) in the United States and Argentina (Buenos Aires). Other objects in the assemblage were also manufactured in Argentina (e.g., La Nación newspaper fragments, coins). However, due to the fact that these objects dated outside the period of study, they were not included for discussion in this chapter. Where maker’s marks are absent, the place of manufacture can also be inferred by other recognizable attributes such as pattern name. In the case of the transfer- printed ceramics, all of the vessels with recognizable patterns (e.g., Italian, Fiber, British Flowers, Rhine, and Willow) were manufactured in the United Kingdom. The same can also be inferred for industrial slipware vessels in recognizable patterns such as Mocha and Cat’s Eye. 174 8 Trade and Consumer Goods

A smoking pipe manufactured by E. P. Oliviere was identified in the assemblage. Unfortunately, no information about this maker was located, but it can be inferred by the name that it was French in origin. A French military button was also located in the assemblage, which suggests this too was manufactured in France. In addition, two glass “German Swirl” marbles were identified in the assemblage. This type of marble was predominately manufactured in Germany but also in Britain and the United States.

8.2.2 An Overview of Trade Networks

Trading in Buenos Aires formally began following the city’s second and permanent settlement in 1580 (Brown 1982:2; Gutman and Hardoy 1992:26). In the years before independence, Spain enforced a mercantilist colonial trade system in Argentina, whereby trade with other nations was heavily restricted. However, as previously discussed (see Chap. 4), contraband had long since been an active part of commerce in Buenos Aires and even played a vital part in its growth (Brown 1982:5; Gutman and Hardoy 1992:41). Inevitably, goods from Britain (as well as other nations) made their way into the city’s market places long before it was legally possible to do so. Following independence, all formal commercial ties to Spain were severed, and custom tariffs became the principal form of revenue for the newly established local government (Bejar 1984). As a result, legal trade with other nations increased despite the lingering political and economic instability and reportedly long custom delays. Numerous ships would arrive from ports such as London, Hamburg, Cádiz, La Havre, Barcelona, New York, Montevideo, Paraguay, Rio de Janeiro, and Havana (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:59). Britain, however, became the city’s major supplier, and markets all around Buenos Aires became flooded with British manufactured goods as well as goods from other centers along its trade routes (Gutiérrez 1970:194; Dorfman 1970:53). Another major trade partner was France, and others included the United States, Belgium, Italy, Germany, and Brazil (Ortiz 1955:154–155; Dorfman 1970:53). Local trade throughout Argentina, however, was at times restricted due to limited transport options (Dorfman 1970:60). Long distances coupled with poor and often dangerous roads made freight to and from major cities and ports expensive. Government investment in rail and steamships did not occur until the latter half of the nineteenth century (Brown 2010:143). During the civil war, despite the problems with transport, trade between the autonomous state of Buenos Aires and the Confederate Provinces was legalized through the Pacto de Convivencia (Coexistence Agreement) reached by Unionists and Federalists between 1854 and 1855 (Lorenzo 1994:263). This was essentially a free trade agreement, whereby locally produced and imported goods could be traded free of additional tariffs (Lorenzo 1994:263). The influx of imported goods into the Buenos Aires market worried the local government. In a protectionist bid, a new law (Ley de Aduanas 1835) was intro- 8.2 Buenos Aires 175 duced during the Rosas administration (Bejar 1984; Lynch 1983:201). This law favored local industry, increased tariffs for importers, and prohibited the importation of certain goods, which could be manufactured or produced locally such fabrics, metal goods, wheat, and flour (Bejar 1984; Lynch 1983:201). The enforcement of this law resulted in strong retaliation by Britain and France. France (and later, Britain) imposed a blockade restricting all trade with Buenos Aires (Bejar 1984; Lynch 1983:201). Consequently, changes to the Ley de Aduanas were made which reintroduced the importation of some goods that had formally been prohibited. By 1845, France and Britain had also been successful in their demands to the Buenos Aires government to lower custom tariffs (Bejar 1984). Another law (Ley de Derechos Diferenciales 1856) was later introduced, by the Urquiza government, which stipulated that all imports arriving into Buenos Aires would be taxed between 30% and 50% more than imports arriving at any other Argentinean city (Bejar 1984; Lorenzo 1994:264). This law was introduced in an attempt by the Confederate Party to destabilize the commercial monopoly held by Buenos Aires (Lorenzo 1994:264). The law not only caused concern for the opposing Unitarian Party but also created tension among Argentina’s major trade partners, and several British merchant groups lodged complaints to the Urquiza government (Bejar 1984). The Ley de Derechos Diferenciales 1856 did not achieve the desired results for the Confederate Party, and Buenos Aires retained its commercial strong- hold throughout the nineteenth century (Bejar 1984). As with Melbourne, a representative sample of archival sources were consulted in order to explore the origin of vessels arriving into the port of Buenos Aires. The results show that the majority of vessels that arrived in Buenos Aires were coming from Great Britain (21.02%; see Fig. 8.2). A significant proportion of vessels also

Fig. 8.2 Percentage of originating ports for vessels arriving in Buenos Aires during the nineteenth century. (Source: Registro Estadístico Del Estado De Buenos Aires [Segundo Tomos]) 176 8 Trade and Consumer Goods arrived from Spain (14.03%), the United States (12.56%), Brazil (11.68%), France (8.53%), Germany (7.13%), and the Confederate Provinces of Argentina (7.35%). Other places were represented by less than 5% (Fig. 8.2). Of the ships arriving from Great Britain in 1857 and 1859, the majority originated in Liverpool (61.54%), followed by London (12.24%) and Glasgow (9.09%). Other ports included Cardiff (5.59%) and Newcastle (4.54%). British colonies were identified in at least two entries; one was Gibraltar, and another was labeled “Indies,” and each represented less than 0.35% of the total departure points from Great Britain. Of vessels departing from Europe, the majority originated from ports in Spain (35.59%), France (21.6%), Germany (18.06%), and Italy (10.62%). The majority of vessels from Spain set off from Cadiz (3.7%), Barcelona (11.92%), and Havana (Cuba), which was still a Spanish colony (3.54%). From France, the majority of vessels departed from La Havre, Bordeaux (7.08% each), and Cette-Eygun (3.35%). From Germany and Italy, most vessels departed from Hamburg (16.57%) and Genoa (10.42%), respectively. From the Americas, most vessels originated from ports in the United States (50.29%) and Brazil (46.76%). Vessels from the United States departed predominately from New York City (20.88%), Boston (7.06%), Baltimore (5%), and Charleston (4.42%). Most vessels from Brazil came from Pernambuco (13.24%), Paranagua (12.94%), and Rio de Janeiro (10.88%). Within Argentina itself, most vessels originated from the city of Rosario, within the Confederate Provinces (44.69%).

8.2.3 Local Manufacturing Industries

During the first centuries of European settlement, local industry was extremely restricted to anything other than resource extraction (particularly silver mining), agriculture, and trade in bovine products (Brown 1982:6–9; Edwards 2008:18; Guy 1982:353; Jones 1992:65; Lockhart and Schwartz 1999:273). This situation did not change immediately after independence due to the instability brought about by civil wars, hindering the establishment of new commercial laws. When commercial laws were introduced, they were influenced by (and protected the interests of) the dominant economic forces, such as mining companies and other companies established overseas, who tended to oppose the development of local industries (Guy 1982:353; Lynch 1983:196). Other factors contributing to the lack of industrialization included poor transport and a small labor force (Dorfman 1970:60–68). The lack of labor force was largely attributed to a declining population following the civil wars and to limited immigration during this period of political instability. As previously mentioned (Chap. 4), mass immigration to Argentina did not occur until the second half of the nineteenth century, finally boosting the country’s labor force (Scobie1974 :114). 8.2 Buenos Aires 177

Manufacturing industries that developed produced goods such as flour, wine, beer, sugar, textiles, clothing, shoes, furniture, bricks, matches, burlap bags, soap, and paper. Other industries produced various meat, leather, and metal goods, cigarettes, and distilled alcohol (Bejar 1984; Dorfman 1970:66–72; Guy 1982; Lynch 1983:200). The period of boom during the 1880s brought some growth to the manufacturing sector in Buenos Aires. In 1853, a total of 106 factories were established in the city, and by 1888 that number had grown to 10,000 (Dorfman 1970:73). As with the Australian colonies, many of the manufacturing industries that flourished were those that were not in direct competition with cheap, mass-produced imported products (Dorfman 1970:73–74).

8.2.4 Where Goods Could Be Purchased

Trade in Buenos Aires started as early as the founding of the second settlement in 1580, with the establishment of a customs house in the same year (Brown 1982:3). Under order 115 of the Ordenanzas de Descubrimiento y Poblacion 1573 signed by Felipe II of Spain, the construction of shops along the four main streets encircling the main plaza was reserved to accommodate merchants in the city (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:28–30). As the centuries progressed, open-air markets and further retail premises were established throughout the city and the suburbs to cater for the growing population. Elite commercial precincts situated close to the city’s center catered for the city’s upper classes. Victoria and Florida Streets as well as smaller adjacent streets specialized in French, Italian, and English clothing, shoes, furniture, books, and perfume (Scobie 1974:61:118). Some of the most elite shops in this area established in the latter half of the nineteenth century included Muebleria de Paris, Sombrería de A. Manigot, Zapatería de J. Bernasconi, and A la Ciudad de Londres (Scobie 1974:118). For the working class however, shopping commonly occurred in open-air markets. The oldest market in Buenos Aires was the Central Market, occupying the entire city block bounded by Moreno, Maipú, Potosí, and Florida Streets. This was predominately a food market specializing in vegetables, fruits, and meats with a few temporary stalls selling other types of goods (Scobie 1974:43). Other major markets established around the city included Plaza Constitución Market which specialized in wool, hides, grain, garden produce, and live poultry. Plaza Once Market specialized in wool hides and grains, while Plaza Britaníca market (opposite Retiro train station) specialized in wholesale foods and livestock (Scobie 1974:29, 39, 58). In San Telmo the local market was the Plaza Coronel Dorrego (previously known as “Plaza del Comercio”) market (Aizemberg et al. 1992:46). Plaza Coronel Dorrego market was bounded by Defensa, Humberto Primero and Bethlem Streets, and Calle de la Ferria and became the third oldest market established by the municipality of greater Buenos Aires in 1861 (Aizemberg et al. 1992:46). It was demolished in 1897 following the privatization of markets, and the space was subsequently converted 178 8 Trade and Consumer Goods into a plaza (Aizemberg et al. 1992:46). The privately owned “Mercado de San Telmo” was established that same year, taking up a quarter of a block between Bolivar and Carlos Calvo Streets, less than two blocks away from Plaza Coronel Dorrego (Aizemberg et al. 1992:56). Plaza Coronel Dorrego and the later Mercado de San Telmo would have been the principal markets for residents of San Telmo. Defensa Street was San Telmo’s principal commercial strip, particularly between Carlos Calvo and Humberto Primero Streets (Aizemberg et al. 1992:51). The Street was the principal gateway to the city of Buenos Aires from the port at the Riachuelo and the southern regions of the city. As a result, it became a major commercial center catering to travellers passing through. Permanent shops were established and temporary “carros” or street stalls as well as hawkers abounded (Aizemberg et al. 1992:51). For working-class people living in the conventillos of San Telmo (and Buenos Aires in general) markets, street stalls, cheap local stores, and, in particular, hawkers (selling anything from bread, meat, fruit, vegetables, milk, water, and cigarettes) were the most common ways to shop (Scobie 2002:179).

8.2.5 Types of Goods Imported

The results of the archival analysis into the types of goods imported into Buenos Aires are presented below. Statistical returns for the years 1857 (Compañia Sud- Americana de Billetes de Banco 1894 [1895]; 1895 [1896]; Registro Estadístico del Estado de Buenos Aires 1857 [1858]; 1859 [1860]) were consulted. Goods listed in the statistical returns were divided into the categories outlined in Tables 8.4 and 8.5. Goods under each category were then added together. For the 1894 to 1895 records, as goods were listed under multiple quantitative measures, only the most common measure (kilograms) was used (in order to present the data in a clear and concise manner). Of course using a weight measure will skew the data in favor of heavy

Table 8.4 Summary of Quantity import entries listed in the Imports by category (Kg) statistical returns for the Arms/Ammunition 2608 years 1894 and 1895 Beverages 1,246,706 Building/Industrial Materials 217,660,907 Clerical 43,926 Clothing 189,279 Food 15,310,825 Other 625,970 Personal 32,124 Recreational 377,663 Source: Anuario De La Direccíon General De Estadística 8.2 Buenos Aires 179

Table 8.5 Summary of total Imports by category Total pesos ($) value of imports in Arms/Ammunition 473,449 Argentinean pesos for the year 1857 Beverages 42,979,718 Building/Industrial Materials 26,931,865 Clerical 1,079,375 Clothing 5,582,633 Domestic 2,017,533 Food 57,695,197 Furniture 3,275,369 Other 9,800,026 Personal 3,504,093 Pharmaceutical/Medical Supplies 1,048,453 Recreational 4,741,474 Religious 161,600 Textiles/Haberdashery 60,295,340 Source: Registro Estadístico Del Estado De Buenos Aires 1857 items. However, the items highlighted presented the highest figures across multiple quantitative measures. For the 1857 statistical returns, the total monetary value (in Argentinean pesos) instead of quantitative values was listed in the records and presented in Table 8.5. The results of the 1894 to 1895 statistical returns demonstrate that building materials, food, and beverages were the categories with the highest quantitative values (Table 8.4). The 1857 statistical returns show that fabrics/haberdashery, food, and beverages were the categories with the highest monetary values for that year (Table 8.5). As with the results for Melbourne, the Building/Industrial Materials category encompasses a wide range of goods including general hardware, manufacturing, building, and industrial materials and machinery (e.g., raw metal, tools, fittings, wire, nuts and screws, pipes, tiles, plaster, flat glass, bricks, pumps, anchors, chemicals, and carriage parts). Once again, as building materials were not included for analysis in the artifact assemblages, they will not be discussed any further. The Food category included grains and flour, meat and seafood, pasta and legumes, oil, vinegar, salt, sugar, and other unspecified items. The results show that the highest quantities of imported consumable goods included malt and fish, while flour and sugar presented the highest monetary values. Alcoholic beverages such as beer, cider, vermouth, spirits, liqueurs, and wine were included in the Beverages category, as were nonalcoholic beverages such as tea, yerba mate (the herb used to drink mate), ginger ale, and mineral/soda waters. The results show that wine, bitters, and vermouth were among the highest imports for alcoholic beverages, while yerba mate was the highest for nonalcoholic beverages. The listings with the highest monetary values include wine and caña liqueur (a liqueur made from sugar syrup popular throughout South America). The 180 8 Trade and Consumer Goods highest monetary values for nonalcoholic beverages were for coffee and yerba mate. Again, entries for hops were also included in this category due to their use in brewing beer. Items in the Clothing category included general articles of clothing, buttons, hats, and footwear. The results show that the highest quantity of imports was for buttons, while the generic “clothing” entry and hats represented the highest monetary values. Cotton, wool, and silk had the highest quantity of imports for textiles and other items relating to clothing manufacture. Entries related to recreational activities included toys, tobacco and tobacco products (e.g., cigars), books, and newspapers. Among the entries with the highest values (quantitative as well as monetary) were cigars and tobacco. The Domestic category comprises items such as kitchen and household items, cutlery, glassware, majolica, terracotta, porcelain, mirrors, and lamps. The results demonstrate that mirrors and the generic “kitchen and household items” listing present the highest quantities of imports, while crystalware, porcelain, earthenware, other ceramics, and candles present the highest monetary values. Items such as pencils, paper, printing paper, and ink comprise the Clerical category. Again, it is likely that the generic “stationery” entries would have included items such as slates, cards, and other miscellaneous clerical objects. Only pencil entries were listed in the 1894 to 1895 statistical returns, and paper entries presented the highest monetary value in this category in 1857. Imports in the Personal category comprise items such as gold and silver jewelry, watches, perfumery, and soap. The results show that soap entries were the highest in quantity, while unsurprisingly gold and silver jewelry presented the highest monetary values. Items in the Pharmaceutical/Medical Supply category comprise medicine, eye- wear, and drugs. The medicine/drug listings may have included prescription, patent, or alternative medicines. Entries for medicine present the highest number of imports, and drugs are the only entries in the 1857 statistical returns. The remainder of the categories include Arms/Ammunition, Furniture, Religious, and “Other.” They include items such as arms, gunpowder, furniture, empty glass bottles, wax, cork, musical instruments, as well as crosses and candelabras for use in churches. None of the abovementioned categories will be discussed in any further detail in order to maintain consistency with the artifact assemblages.

8.3 Two Globally Integrated Market Economies

Conditions during the nineteenth century were ideal for integrated market economies to flourish. Globalization and its associated technological advancements greatly reduced transport costs. This coupled with the breakdown of former trade barriers caused a drop in import prices and a rise in export prices generally increasing trade throughout the world (O’Rourke and Williamson 2002:25). References 181

Economically, nineteenth-century Melbourne and Buenos Aires were part of what are referred to as dominion capitalist societies (Ehrensaft and Armstrong 1978:352). Such societies (which also included Canada, New Zealand, and Uruguay) shared several defining attributes. Essentially, these were peripheral societies, which had been established as a result of European colonialism. They shared stable, temperate climates, were sparsely populated by local Indigenous communities due to the impact of colonialism, and experienced large waves of European immigration. However, the fundamental attributes that economically defined these societies were being developed to an extent (particularly as exporters of primary products) yet dependent on foreign capital for industry and infrastructure as well as imports. This chapter has showed that trade and consumerism in nineteenth-century Melbourne and Buenos Aires shared some similarities. Both cities, for instance, had limited local manufacturing industries, and Great Britain was their major importer. The latter is reflected in the artifact assemblages where goods with discernible places of origin were predominately made in Britain, while few were made elsewhere (e.g., France or the United States), and fewer still were locally made. Differences in these areas were also highlighted. Buenos Aires had other major Atlantic trade partners besides Great Britain such as France, Spain, Germany, the United States, and Brazil, while Melbourne did not. Differences were also noted in the types of goods arriving into each city, particularly in relation to consumable products. For example, greater quantities of wine were imported into Buenos Aires, and greater quantities of beer were imported into Melbourne. These and other observations are discussed further in the following interpretative chapters.

References

Aizemberg, S., Brajtbort, E., & Noya, C. (1992). San Telmo 1580–1970. Inventario de Patrimonio Urbano. Santiago de Chile: Fyrma Gráfica Limitada. Bate, W. (2016). Bourke Street. In R. Broome, R. Barnden, D. Garden, D. Gibb, E. Jackson, & J. Smart (Eds.), Remembering Melbourne 1850–1960. Melbourne: Royal Historical Society of Victoria. Bayly, C. A. (2004). The birth of the modern world 1780–1914. Carlton: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Bejar, M. D. (1984). Politicas Económicas. Buenos Aires y la Aduana 1809–1862. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina. Blainey, G. (2013). A history of Victoria. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Brown, J. C. (1982). Outpost to Entrepôt: Trade and commerce at colonial Buenos Aires. In S. R. Ross & T. F. McGann (Eds.), Buenos Aires: 400 years. Austin: University of Texas Press. Brown, J. C. (2010). A brief history of Argentina. New York: Facts of File. Brown-May, A. (1998). Melbourne street life: The itinerary of our days. Kew: Australasian Scholarly Publishing. Compañia Sud-Americana de Billetes de Banco. 1895(1894). Anuario de la Dirección General de Estadística correspondiente al año 1894 (Vol. 1). Buenos Aires: Compañia Sud-Americana de Billetes de Banco. Compañia Sud-Americana de Billetes de Banco. 1896(1895). Anuario de la Dirección General de Estadística correspondiente al año 1895 (Vol. 1). Buenos Aires: Compañia Sud-Americana de Billetes de Banco. 182 8 Trade and Consumer Goods

Cotter, R. (1970). The golden decade. In J. Griffin (Ed.), Essays in economic history of Australia 1788–1930. Milton: Jacaranda. Counsell, C., & Steer, C. (1993). Industrial Britain: The workshop of the world. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Davison, G. (1978). The rise and fall of Marvellous Melbourne. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. Dorfman, A. (1970). Historia de la Industria Argentina. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Solar. Edwards, T. L. (2008). Argentina a global studies handbook. Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio. Ehrensaft, P., & Armstrong, W. (1978). Dominion capitalism: A first statement.Journal of Sociology, 14, 352–363. Engerman, S. L. (1996). Trade and the industrial revolution 1700–1850. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing. Gutiérrez, L. (1970). Los comerciantes ingleses en el Río de la Plata. In H. G. de Torres (Ed.), Historia integral argentina (Vol. 1). Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina. Gutman, M., & Hardoy, J. E. (1992). Buenos Aires Historia Urbana del Area Metropolitana. Madrid: Mapfre Editorial. Guy, D. (1982). La industria argentina, 1870–1940. Legislacion comercial, Mercado de acciones y capitalización extranjera. Desarrollo Económico, 22(87), 351–374. Hutchinson, D. (2015). Manufacturing. In S. Ville & G. Withers (Eds.), The Cambridge economic history of Australia. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Jones, C. A. (1992). British capital in Argentine history: Structures, rhetoric and change. In A. Hennessy & J. King (Eds.), The land that England lost Argentina and Britain, a special relationship. London: The British Academic Press. Killingray, D. (2004). Introduction. Imperial seas: Cultural exchange and commerce in the British empire, 1780-1900. In D. Killingray, M. Lincoln, & N. Rigby (Eds.), Maritime empires British imperial maritime trade in the 19th century. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press. Kingston, B. (1994). Basket, bag and trolley: A history of shopping in Australia. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Linge, G. J. R. (1979). Industrial awakening: A geography of Australian manufacturing 1788 to 1890. Canberra: Australian National University Press. Lockhart, J., & Schwartz, S. B. (1999). Early Latin America a history of colonial Spanish America and Brazil. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Lorenzo, C. R. (1994). Manual de Historia Constitucional Argentina. Rosario: Editoria Juris. Lynch, J. (1983). El Crecimiento del Comercio. In J. L. Romero & L. A. Romero (Eds.), Buenos Aires historia de cuatro siglos. Buenos Aires: Editoria Abril S. A. Madsen, J. B. (2015). Australian economic growth and its drivers since European settlement. In S. Ville & G. Withers (Eds.), The Cambridge economic history of Australia. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Nix, M. (2005). Silk gloves and cast Iron boilers: A study of cargoes from Scotland to Australia, 1820-1824. Australasian Historical Archaeology, 23, 25–39. O’Rourke, K. H., & Williamson, J. G. (2002). When did globalization begin? European Review of Economic History, 6(1), 23–50. Ortiz, R. (1955). Historia económica de la Argentina 1850–1930. Buenos Aires: Editoria Raigal. Priestley, S. (1984). The Victorians making their mark. McMahons Point: Fairfax, Syme and Weldon Associates. Reeve, R. M. (1971). The industrial revolution (pp. 1750–1850). London: University of London Press. Registro Estadístico del Estado de Buenos Aires Tomo 1. 1858. (1857). Imprenta de la Tribuna. Buenos Aires. Registro Estadístico del Estado de Buenos Aires Tomo 1. 1860. (1859). Imprenta Argentina de El Nacional. Buenos Aires. Sands and Kenny. (1857). Sands and Kenny’s commercial and general Melbourne directory. Melbourne. References 183

Sands and McDougall. (1890). Sands and McDougall’s commercial and general Melbourne directory. Melbourne. Scobie, J. R. (1974). Buenos Aires Plaza to Suburb, 1870–1910. New York: Oxford University Press. Scobie, J. R. (2002). The Paris of South America. In G. Nouzeilles & G. R. Montaldo (Eds.), The Argentina reader: History, culture, politics. Durham: Duke University Press. Staniforth, M. (1987). The casks from the wreck of the “William Salthouse”. Australian Journal of Historical Archaeology, 5, 21–28. Staniforth, M. (2009). Shipwreck cargoes: Approaches to material culture in Australian maritime archaeology. Historical Archaeology, 43(3), 95–101. Staniforth, M. & Nash, M.. (1998). Chinese export porcelain from the wrick of the Sydney Cove (1797). Australasian Society for Historical Archaeology and Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology Special Publication No. 12. Gundaroo. Ville, S. (2015). Colonial enterprise. In S. Ville & G. Withers (Eds.), The Cambridge economic history of Australia. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.

Websites eMelbourne. (2008). School of historical and philosophical studies. The University of Melbourne. Business & Industry. Available from: http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM00003b.htm. Accessed 11 Dec 2014. Public Records Office of Victoria (PROV [6470]). VPRS 1095 PO Unite 26, Files 4107-4131, Statistical Returns, 1st January 1852 to 31st December 1854. The Argus (Trove electronic resource). Various dates, listed below. Shipping Intelligence. Available from: http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-title13 [Accessed 3 October 2012–3 January 2013]. 19 September 1848, p. 2 26 September 1848, p. 2 1 January 1850, p. 2 20 December 1850, p. 2 10 February 1855, p. 4 2 November 1855, p. 6 9 March 1860, p. 4 27 October 1860, p. 4 26 January 1865, p. 4 29 April 1865, p. 4 28 February 1870, p. 4 8 July 1870, p. 4 15 May 1875, p. 6 22 September 1875, p. 4 14 July 1880, p. 4 22 November 1880, p. 4 14 November 1885, p. 10 16 February 1885, p. 4 22 September 1890, p. 4 5 August 1890, p. 4 5 January 1900, p. 4 Chapter 9 A Site Comparison

In this chapter1 the results of the artifact analysis and archival research are compared in order to explore the similarities and differences between the two cities and the two sites. This will lead to a discussion about consumer behavior and what it reveals about choice, class, ethnicity, and other factors in the following chapter. The majority of the categories discussed in Chaps. 6 and 7 will be examined under one of the following subheadings: Food and Beverage, Personal Appearance, Health and Hygiene, Work and Leisure, and Other Items for the Home. Categories that will be excluded from any discussion in this section include modern items (which include all artifacts in the “Economy” category for La Casa Peña) and the “Unidentified” categories in both assemblages. An exception to the latter is a discussion on the possible hot-water bottle extensions included in the “Unidentified” category that will be mentioned under the Health and Hygiene subheading. The final category, which is excluded from any further discussion, is the combined Food/ Beverage Service category. This was excluded because it contained vessels that were too fragmented and could not be attributed to a particular functional group.

9.1 Food and Beverage

In Chap. 6, Food Service was identified as the category with the highest MNV in the Casa Peña assemblage, while Beverage Storage and Beverage Service were third and fourth highest, respectively (see Fig. 6.1). In Melbourne as Chap. 7 has revealed, Beverage Storage was the highest category, while Beverage and Food Service were second and third, respectively (see Fig. 7.1). Overall, it is clear that in both assemblages, items related to Food and Beverage Storage and Service made up a

1 From this chapter onwards, when the Casselden Place assemblage is discussed, it includes both the cesspit and the subfloor deposits.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 185 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_9 186 9 A Site Comparison significant proportion of the consumer goods that were present in the archaeological record. In terms of items related to food preparation, both assemblages are quite similar in the low number of artefacts and in the fact that not many of them can be attributed to this category with great certainty. They may instead belong to the more generic “Domestic” category. Large knives and unidentified iron alloy containers or container handles (belonging to large pots, kettles, or possibly buckets) are present in both assemblages. Of the items in the Food and Beverage Service categories from La Casa Peña’s conventillo phase, the vast majority are Whiteware, with few other ware types present. This is similar to Casselden Place. In terms of Food Service vessel form, dinner plates are the most common in both assemblages however, differences begin to emerge in other vessel forms. For example, the Casselden Place assemblage has a higher number of different types of serving vessels (e.g., eggcup, butter dish). There was also a general preference for smaller plates at La Casa Peña, where there was a greater number of muffin plates than twifflers, whereas at Casselden Place, only three Whiteware muffin plates were identified. However, the observed differences may be explained by residents at La Casa Peña supplementing tableware vessels with older secondhand or hand-me-down wares (i.e., Pearlware, Creamware vessels). In terms of Beverage Service vessel form, teacups predominate in both assemblages; however there are a greater total number of teacups in the Casselden Place assemblage than in La Casa Peña (n = 31 and 14, respectively). Overall there is greater variety of vessels in the Casselden Place ceramic beverage assemblage, which as well as teacups included saucers, mugs, one teapot, and one jug. The Casa Peña assemblage, apart from teacups, contained a single teapot lid (buff-bodied earthenware). Similarities occur in the types of decoration for Whiteware vessels in the two assemblages. The vast majority of vessels are transfer-printed with few examples of flow-printed and hand-painted vessels. In terms of color, blue predominates in both assemblages. Black is the next most prevalent color in the Casselden Place assemblage with limited examples of other colors, which is the same for La Casa Peña. Where patterns could be identified for Food Service vessels, Willow is the most common in both assemblages; however it is much more prevalent overall in the Casselden Place assemblage. British Flowers is the next most common pattern in the Casa Peña assemblage, while at Casselden Place, it is Asiatic Pheasants. Few examples of other patterns were present at both assemblages. With regard to Beverage Service vessels, no pattern types were identified in the Casa Peña assemblage and only a few in the Casselden Place assemblage including British Flowers, Watteau, and Fiber. All vessels with identifiable patterns and/or makers’ marks in both assemblages were manufactured in Britain. Differences were noted in the glass Beverage Service vessels between the two assemblages. Namely, there is a greater variety of vessels recorded at La Casa Peña (e.g., decanter stopper, jug, shot glass, liqueur glass) with a greater range of orna- mentation than Casselden Place. 9.1 Food and Beverage 187

A total of five matching sets were identified in the Casselden Place assemblage, all of which comprised transfer-printed Whiteware items in patterns including Willow, Asiatic Pheasants, British Flowers, and Watteau. Food Service vessels in these sets comprised plates of various sizes and a bowl. Beverage Service vessels included teacups and saucers. The Willow pattern sets contain the highest number of vessels in both assemblages (n = 7 and 3 in Casselden Place and La Casa Peña, respectively). In the Casa Peña assemblage, there were a total of eight matching sets and comprised transfer-printed Whiteware items in patterns including Willow, British Flowers, and Italian. There was greater variety of matching Food Service vessels at La Casa Peña, which included plates of various sizes matching with Beverage Service vessels, namely, teacups and a jug. Other matching Beverage Service vessels included a hand-painted tumbler and jug set and fluted tumblers. The metal Food Service items are similar in both assemblages and comprise predominately cutlery items. Relatively few food storage vessels were identified in either assemblage (n = 7 and 4 in Casselden Place and La Casa Peña, respectively). Although the two assemblages differ from each other in terms of food storage vessels, both contain typical examples of such wares including condiment bottles, a mustard jar and a pickle container (from La Casa Peña), and oil and vinegar bottles, jam jars, a salt container, and a tin can (from Casselden Place). It is possible that both assemblages contain more food storage vessels that were catalogued under the Food/Beverage Storage category and could not be positively identified due to their highly fragmented nature. The Beverage Storage vessels demonstrate a number of differences between the assemblages. The main difference is the higher quantity of vessels at Casselden Place compared to La Casa Peña (n = 139 and 68, respectively). The vast majority of Beverage Storage vessels (glass and ceramic) in both assemblages comprised beer/wine bottles (n = 110 in Casselden Place and 37 in La Casa Peña). Of the remaining identified bottles, the next most common were gin/schnapps bottles at La Casa Peña (n = 11) and aerated waters at Casselden Place (n = 5). Where makers’ marks were identified, bottles at Casselden Place originated from England and from Scotland and France at La Casa Peña. All other bottles with distinguishing marks had start dates of manufacture ranging from 1830 to 1929. Consumable products are high on the priority list of any household consumer spending. Although the artifact analysis did not include organic (food) remains or residue analysis, the archival research component has highlighted food and beverage products among the most common imported products to both Melbourne and Buenos Aires for the years under study. As Chap. 8 has shown, some of the highest values of imported food products to Melbourne and Buenos Aires included flour and sugar. Listings for pasta or legumes were present in the Buenos Aires entries but not in the ones for Melbourne. Similarly, no listings such as confectionary, spices, preserves, or salted provisions were found in the Buenos Aires entries. However these may have been included in other generic entries such as “miscellaneous consumables.” The beverage entries also differed for both alcoholic and nonalcoholic beverages. For Melbourne, some of the highest alcoholic beverage imports included beer 188 9 A Site Comparison and spirits. The highest nonalcoholic beverage entries included tea and coffee. In Buenos Aires, however, some of the highest alcoholic beverage imports included wine and vermouth, while the highest nonalcoholic beverage entries included yerba mate and coffee. The archival research has also demonstrated that domestic goods such as porcelain, earthenware, stoneware, and glassware were exported to both Melbourne and Buenos Aires throughout the nineteenth century. The only significant difference that was noted between the two cities was that Majolica vessels were identified in the 1894–1895 entries for Buenos Aires, while no Majolica vessels were identified in any of the entries for Melbourne during the entire period under study. It is also interesting to note that these types of Spanish wares were still imported in the late nineteenth-century postdating independence. It must be stressed, however, that Majolica vessels appear to have been imported in far lesser quantities than other ceramics such as porcelain in the 1894–1895 statistical returns (Appendix 43). The Casa Peña artifact assemblage did not contain many Majolica vessel fragments, and none were identified in Casselden Place.

9.2 Personal Appearance

This section discusses clothing, jewelry, and personal items. The Clothing category presented high MNV numbers in both assemblages. It was the second highest category in La Casa Peña (n = 71) and the fourth highest category in Casselden Place (n = 36) (see Figs. 6.1 and 7.1). The other categories presented overall lower MNVs; however numbers were higher for La Casa Peña than for Casselden Place. The Jewelry category had an MNV of eight for La Casa Peña and four for Casselden Place, while the Personal items category had MNVs of four and two, respectively. When all categories are considered, goods related to personal appearance are second, in terms of MNVs, only to goods related to food and beverage. This is the case in both assemblages. In terms of clothing, the two assemblages appear quite different. However this is likely to be the result of site formation processes and/or conservation issues contributing to a lack of leather and textile artifacts in La Casa Peña. In Casselden Place, leather artifacts comprise the majority of items in this category with a total of 13 shoe and boot fragments. The Casa Peña assemblage comprises no leather or textile fragments and consists entirely of buttons. The majority of buttons in both assemblages are Prosser (n = 32 and 8 in La Casa Peña and Casselden Place, respectively). Where decoration was recorded, similar types of decoration, either stippled or piecrust molding, were recorded. The Prosser buttons are small to medium in size with diameters of 8 mm or more. Shell buttons are the next most frequently occurring in La Casa Peña (n = 19), while only two were recorded in Casselden Place. Diameters varied at La Casa Peña as opposed to Casselden Place where shell buttons are medium (7–8 mm) in size. Bone buttons are the next most frequently occurring at La Casa Peña, while only two were recorded 9.2 Personal Appearance 189 in Casselden Place. Generally, the bone buttons in both assemblages tended to be larger than other buttons. Few metal buttons are present in either assemblage, most of which were manufactured from copper alloy and are heavily corroded. Finally, three glass buttons were identified at La Casa Peña, while none were recorded at Casselden Place. These buttons are ornate, medium to large in size (11–22 mm), and varied in decoration and color. Overall, there are far fewer buttons at Casselden Place than at La Casa Peña. Previous studies focusing on buttons and sewing-related instruments have suggested that large quantities of both types of artifacts may relate to commercial sewing activities (e.g., Casey 2004:38–39; Lydon 1993:132). However, the assemblages that both Casey (2004) and Lydon (1993) were analyzing contained >1000 to >4000 sewing-related artifacts and buttons (respectively). The Casa Peña assemblage, although greater in comparison to Casselden Place, contained far fewer of such artifact types. Other lots in the Casselden Place site contained comparable results to Lot 35. The greatest number of buttons (n = 155) were found in Lot 83A/B, while other relatively high numbers were present in Lot 84A/B (n = 104), Lot 38 (n = 96), and Lot 41A (n = 93). The remainder of the button assemblages in other lots ranged between 1 and 79, with the majority comprising less than 20 buttons (Godden Mackay Logan et al. 2004:322–323). The difference between the Casselden Place and Casa Peña button assemblages is likely explained by factors other than commercial sewing. One possibility (which may be a factor in all differences) is the fact that numerous family groups lived in the various rooms of the Casa Peña conventillo, each contributing to the archaeological record, as opposed to a single-family unit at a time at Casselden Place. In terms of jewelry, the Casselden Place assemblage is more varied than La Casa Peña containing a metal clasp, two beads, and an agate pendant, while the Casa Peña assemblage consists entirely of beads. The beads at Casselden Place include a hand-painted earthenware bead and a black glass bead. The Casa Peña assemblage includes three Prosser beads and five glass beads in various shapes and colors (e.g., white, light blue, and black). The personal category also differed between the two assemblages. The Casselden Place assemblage comprised one perfume bottle and one hairbrush fragment, while the Casa Peña assemblage comprised eight perfume bottles and a Macassar hair oil bottle. “Jean Marie Farina” manufactured the perfume bottle at Casselden Place, while “Monpelas Parfumeur” manufactured five bottles from La Casa Peña. Both were French perfume manufacturers based in Paris. Archival research has revealed that clothing and fabric imports were greater in Buenos Aires than in Melbourne. The entries with the largest quantities in Melbourne included footwear, apparel, and slops, while in Buenos Aires, they included clothing and buttons. It is interesting to note that shoe and boot imports to Buenos Aires were less visible in the archival records than they were to Melbourne. Shoe manufacture was an important local industry in Buenos Aires, and footwear import taxes tended to be high. However, it was also a growing industry in Melbourne particularly following the introduction of import duties on apparel and slops, hosiery, gloves, hats, 190 9 A Site Comparison caps, boots, and shoes in 1866 (Vines and Churchward 1992:20, 34). Local manufacture in Melbourne tended to be for coarsely stitched, heavier footwear mainly workware, while better quality shoes made from fine leather were imported into the city (Vines and Churchward 1992:20, 34). Perhaps this helps explain the differences noted in the archival data. In terms of fabrics, wool and cotton presented the greatest quantity for both cities, while silk imports were also high in Buenos Aires. Clothing manufacture was also a flourishing local industry in Buenos Aires, and this likely explains why fabrics were among the principal imports to the city and one of the main imports from Britain throughout the nineteenth century. Imports of jewelry and personal items show similar results for both Melbourne and Buenos Aires where soap presents the highest number of imported goods to both cities. Luxury items such as perfume as well as gold and silver jewelry were also imported to Melbourne and Buenos Aires, however not in significant quantities or noticeable differences between the two cities.

9.3 Health and Hygiene

Items in the Pharmaceutical and Hygiene categories and two objects listed in the Unidentified category for La Casa Peña are discussed in this section. In terms of health-related items, the two assemblages showed rather different results. While the Pharmaceutical category is the fifth highest at La Casa Peña, it is one of the lowest at Casselden Place. Furthermore, pharmaceutical items at La Casa Peña show greater variety than Casselden Place. The hygiene category also appears quite different, with greater quantity and variability at La Casa Peña. However, the majority of the vessels at La Casa Peña are older (Pearlware and Creamware). This would indicate either a difference in hygiene practices between the various phases of occupation at La Casa Peña or the use of secondhand vessels by conventillo residents. The pharmaceutical items in the Casselden Place assemblage include two glass medicine bottles of unknown variety or maker, while the Casa Peña assemblage includes a total of 32 glass medicine bottles. Two bottles from La Casa Peña have identifiable makers’ marks. One is a possible prescription medicine bottle from a local pharmacist, and the other is a patent medicine bottle of “Doctor Pierce’s Extract of Smart Weed” from Buffalo, New York. Pharmaceutical items at La Casa Peña also include a Whiteware “Holloway’s Ointment” jar, three sulphur crystal fragments, and two possible enema syringes. Items related to personal hygiene in the Casselden Place assemblage comprise two blue Whiteware chamber pots. One is sponged decorated, and the other is transfer-printed in “Willow” pattern. The Casa Peña assemblage contains a total of three Whiteware chamber pots. One is blue with flow transfer and molded decoration, and the other two are transfer-printed. The archival research has also demonstrated that drugs, medicines, and earthenware home wares (which are the entries most likely to have included chamber pots) were imported to both Melbourne and Buenos Aires throughout the nineteenth 9.4 Work and Leisure 191

century. Again, no notable differences between the two cities were noted in relation to these items.

9.4 Work and Leisure

This section discusses manufacturing, sewing, clerical, and recreational items. Chapters 6 and 7 have shown that the recreation category was the sixth highest in terms of MNV counts for the Casa Peña assemblage and the seventh highest for Casselden Place. When compared against each other however, La Casa Peña has a greater total number of objects (n = 32) than Casselden Place (n = 14). The remainder of the categories discussed in this section presented overall lower MNVs in both assemblages. Items discussed under the Manufacturing category comprise (in both assemblages) tools commonly used while undertaking manual employment (e.g., pliers, axe head). The Casselden Place assemblage has a higher number of items in this category (n = 4) than La Casa Peña (n = 1). The Casa Peña assemblage contains two items in the Sewing category (a needle and a lace-making bobbin), while the Casselden Place assemblage contains a small pair of copper alloy scissors. Sewing paraphernalia may have been used to carry out domestic work such as making or mending clothing or for employment purposes carried out within the home. Working-class women both in Melbourne and Buenos Aires would at times have to supplement the household income by undertaking seamstressing, piecework, or lace-making tasks (Kingston 1975:60–62; Scobie 1974: 143). However as previously discussed, the small number of sewing-related artifacts suggests that commercial sewing was likely not undertaken at either site. Needlework and lace-making could also have been performed as leisure activities to make/mend things for personal use (Hayes 2008:205; Lawrence and Davies 2011:316). The clerical items in the assemblages may also have served different functions. They may have been used for personal letter or journal writing, administrative tasks, work-related tasks such as record keeping or bookkeeping, or children’s educational purposes. All these activities, however, point to literacy. A total of five items were recorded as clerical items at Casselden Place, while two items were recorded at La Casa Peña. The items at Casselden Place include two slate pencils, two stoneware inkbottles, and a paintbrush, while at La Casa Peña, they include a seal and a stoneware inkbottle. Evidence of adult recreational items in both assemblages consists entirely of clay smoking pipes. Five pipes are present at La Casa Peña, four of which are Kaolin pipes, while the other is a red earthenware pipe. Seven pipes are present at Casselden Place, all of which were Kaolin pipes. Glazed mouthpieces and molded bowl decoration (e.g., petals and rouletted) were identified in both assemblages, as were makers’ marks and other inscriptions. Places of pipe manufacture in the Casa Peña 192 9 A Site Comparison assemblage include Glasgow and possibly France, and in the Casselden Place assemblage, they include Glasgow, London, and Sydney. Evidence of children’s recreational activities in both assemblages consists of toys. La Casa Peña contains the highest quantity and greatest variety of the two assemblages (n = 25) compared with seven toys at Casselden Place. Toy marbles comprise the majority of toys at La Casa Peña (n = 21) and the entirety of toys at Casselden Place. All of the marbles in Casselden Place were manufactured from clay, and most are unadorned. Two marbles at La Casa Peña were also manufactured from clay. The remainder of the marbles in the Casa Peña assemblage were manufactured from glass, while no glass marbles were identified in the Casselden Place assemblage. The remainder of the toys at La Casa Peña include a fragment of porcelain reworked into a game token, a bronze model cannon, and three doll’s tea set vessels. Recreational items such as smoking paraphernalia, periodicals, books, and toys were imported to both Melbourne and Buenos Aires throughout the nineteenth century, as were tools, clerical, and sewing-related items (see Chap. 8). However, there was no notable difference between the two cities in relation to the importation of the majority of these goods. The one exception appears to be in the quantity (per unit) of smoking-related items imported to Melbourne for the years 1852–1854 which are second only to beverages and greater than food and building/industrial materials. This peak in demand would have been associated with population increase during the gold rush.

9.5 Other Items for the Home

This section discusses other domestic items not already previously discussed. It includes items in the Domestic, Collectibles/Decorative, Garden, and Ammunition categories. None of these categories had high MNV counts in either of the two assemblages. In some instances no items were recorded for specific categories in one of the assemblages (e.g., Garden category). Domestic items at Casselden Place included items related to lighting, an unidentified container handle (possibly from a bucket), and a furniture tack. The Casa Peña domestic items also included items related to lighting as well as a mirror and a glass sign fragment. This last item is likely not to be a domestic item but could relate to a home-based business. In terms of collectible and decorative items, the two assemblages are quite similar. A total of six items were present at Casselden Place and two items at La Casa Peña. A further two items were identified at La Casa Peña; however these were older Creamware vessels and will not be discussed further. Figurine fragments make up half the items in this category at Casselden Place and all items at La Casa Peña. The remainder of the items at Casselden Place included a terra-cotta vase and two glass vases. References 193

Only one item (a lead shot) was recorded in the ammunition category. This was present at La Casa Peña. The Garden category, meanwhile, was relevant only for Casselden Place and consisted of a terra-cotta flowerpot. Archival research has demonstrated that various domestic and ornamental items as well as ammunition were imported to both Melbourne and Buenos Aires throughout the nineteenth century. Once again, there were no notable differences between the two cities in relation to these items. This chapter has outlined the differences and similarities that were found as a result of the artifact analysis and archival research. The following chapter explores this further in order to interpret what these differences and similarities can reveal about consumer behavior in nineteenth-century Melbourne and Buenos Aires.

References

Casey, M. (2004). Falling through the cracks: Method and practice at the CSR site, Pyrmont. Australasian Historical Archaeology, 22, 27–43. Godden Mackay Logan, La Trobe University (Archaeology Program), & Austral Archaeology. (2004). Casselden Place 50 Lonsdale St, Melbourne Archaeological Excavations Research Archive Report. Unpublished report prepared for ISPT and Heritage Victoria. Hayes, S. (2008). Being middle class: An archaeology of gentility in nineteenth-century Australia. Unpublished PhD dissertation submitted to La Trobe University, Melbourne. Kingston, B. (1975). My wife, my daughter, and poor Mary Ann: Women and work in Australia. Melbourne: Thomas Nelson. Lawrence, S., & Davies, P. (2011). An archaeology of Australia since 1788. New York: Springer. Lydon, J. (1993). Task differentiation in historical archaeology: Sewing as material culture. In H. du Cros & L. Smith (Eds.), Women in archaeology: A feminist critique research papers in archaeology and natural history. Canberra: Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. Scobie, J. R. (1974). Buenos Aires Plaza to Suburb, 1870–1910. New York: Oxford University Press. Vines, G., & Churchward, M. (1992). Northern Suburbs factory study part one: History and analysis. Unpublished report to the Historic Buildings Council and Melbourne’s Living Museum of The West Inc, Melbourne. Chapter 10 Discussion: Consumer Behavior in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne and Buenos Aires

The preceding chapters have presented data from two contexts separated by more than 11,000 km. At the outset this is a tale of two markedly different cities, but archaeological and archival results suggest that they may share rather more similarities than might be expected. This chapter returns to themes raised earlier, including consumer choice, class, ethnicity, gender, and childhood as these relate to consumer behavior in the mid- to late nineteenth century in Buenos Aires and Melbourne. It also considers other factors at play.

10.1 Consumer Choice

The evidence from Casselden Place and La Casa Peña suggests that consumer choice did play a role in consumer behavior. It is clear from both assemblages as this section demonstrates that people adhered to changes in fashion (McKendrick et al. 1982) and that they used goods as vehicles of self-expression (Miller 1987:215). What is also clear from the assemblages is that goods carry meaning and that meanings can change from individual to individual (Douglas and Isherwood 1980:72). This is particularly evident when class is considered and when two such culturally different sites as Casselden Place and La Casa Peña are compared. The artifact assemblages at both Casselden Place and La Casa Peña contained examples of goods that were clearly purchased for fashion rather than necessity. For instance, goods related to personal appearance such as jewelry, perfume, and macassar oil are examples of nonessential items found at the sites. Goods related to personal grooming and appearance, namely, perfume and hair oil, were greater in number at La Casa Peña than at Casselden Place. This could have been a cultural difference whereby they represent a concentrated effort in these areas of one’s personal grooming and appearance that were valued more in Buenos Aires than in Melbourne. But this seems unlikely given that the difference (n = 9 in

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 195 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_10 196 10 Discussion: Consumer Behavior in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne and Buenos Aires

La Casa Peña and n = 1 in Casselden Place) is not significant in number. The lack of a major quantitative difference here is important when one considers that La Casa Peña comprised several rooms (possibly up to ten) that were leased to different tenants and there is no way of knowing whether all perfume and hair oil bottles can be attributed to the same tenant/family unit. As such, if the number of bottles is divided by the number of possible rooms, then the results are in fact similar to Casselden Place. However, what is particularly interesting to note about perfume is that both sites had examples of French perfume. French perfume was marketed as a luxury product even after improved mechanization lowered the cost of production in the nineteenth century (Briot 2011:275). Evidence of French perfume clearly reveals that residents at La Casa Peña and (to a lesser extent) Casselden Place were not only making nonessential, fashionable purchases but were actively purchasing luxury items. This is interesting given that working-class assemblages are not often associated with luxury purchases. When luxury items are located, they are attributed to be the result of theft, gambling, or hand-me-downs (see Crook 2000:24; Hayes 2014:75). Perfume is not the type of item to be handed down or kept as an heirloom through generations, while theft and gambling cannot be ruled out completely; they are unlikely explanations as multiple French perfume bottles were identified, not just a one-off isolated occurrence. The purchase of French perfume may have been a special gift for someone else or treat for purchaser – a beautiful scent to wear, an indulgent item to enjoy. What is clear is that it was a special purchase. Jewelry also represented this ideal of luxury and fashion. Precious items such as chains, pendants, and beads would have been treasured items used by residents to accessorize and embellish their appearance. These too were special purchases. While the Casa Peña assemblage contained more items related to personal grooming, the Casselden Place assemblage contained overall more jewelry. However, it is unlikely that this is a difference attributed to cultural preferences. Given the valuable nature of jewelry, not only in price but often also in sentimentality, people in both cities would have been careful to not lose or discard these items, leaving fewer items in the archaeological record. There were also examples in both assemblages of jewelry (namely, beads) and other items related to personal adornment, such as buttons that were black in color. This became a popular color for accessories during the Victorian era, particularly throughout the Empire following the death of Prince Albert (Rappaport 2003:408). The presence of such items at Casselden Place suggests that the residents followed this fashion trend of wearing black without actually being in mourning. It is less clear, however, whether such items at La Casa Peña were a reflection of the same fashion or whether they held a more traditional meaning, that of being associated with the mourning of a loved one. At present there is not enough evidence in the literature to determine whether the same fashion trend was adhered to in both places. Clothing items from Casselden Place further demonstrate that people followed changes in fashion trends. This assemblage contained both squared-toe shoes, which became popular during the 1850s, and rounded-toe shoes, which were popular from the 1870s onward. The collection demonstrates that the residents of Casselden Place 10.1 Consumer Choice 197 took pride in their (and their families’) appearance by purchasing new items on the market and that they aspired to be fashionable in their dress by keeping up with changes in trends. Fashionable decorative items for the home were also identified in both assemblages. These included earthenware and porcelain figurines, glass vases, a terracotta vase, and a flowerpot. Items such as these served purely ornamental rather than functional purposes and again demonstrate the consumption of nonessential goods. Other homewares were purchased for functional purposes and also followed the fashionable trend of owning matching sets of Food and Beverage Service vessels. This fashionable trend was prevalent at both sites. Although this is generally considered a fashionable nineteenth-century middle-class trend linked to gentility, the concept was adapted by working-class people to suit their own means and is associated with respectability (Lampard 2009; Lydon 1998; Karskens 1999; Yamin 2001b). Again, this trend is often associated with British culture. However, the idea of striv- ing for respectability and reputation is something that is universal, particularly among immigrants starting life anew in a different place (Spencer-Wood and Matthews 2011:1). Both assemblages contained examples of matching sets of ceramics and in the Casa Peña assemblage, matching sets of glass vessels as well. Most were either actual or probable matches. Some, however, were complimentary matches consisting of identified patterns, which were unmarked and may have been manufactured by different potters. The presence of probable and complimentary matching sets at the two sites suggests that the residents may not have been able to afford exact matching sets as this would have involved a large one-off purchase. However, it also suggests that people adapted genteel values to their own means and purchased vessels of the same pattern in a piecemeal manner as other studies of nineteenth-century working-class neighborhoods have indicated (e.g., Karskens 1999, 2001; Yamin 1997, 2001a). Along with fashion, the concept of gentility and respectability can also be measured against the idea that consumer goods are carriers of meaning and that the meaning attached to goods can vary from individual to individual (Douglas and Isherwood 1980:72). For instance, there were greater numbers of teacups identified at Casselden Place than at La Casa Peña. Considering that La Casa Peña was occupied during a longer period of time than Casselden Place, this is an interesting difference. The older Pearlware and Creamware assemblages comprise only one teacup each. The remainder of the Casa Peña assemblage contained a total of 14 teacups compared to 31 at Casselden Place. In addition, there was a greater variety of ceramic beverage vessels at Casselden Place including saucers, mugs, a teapot, jug, and unidentified vessel fragments, while at La Casa Peña, other than teacups, only one teapot lid was identified. Meanwhile, a greater number and variety of glass Beverage Service vessels were identified at La Casa Peña (e.g., a decanter stopper, jug, shot glass, liqueur glass, 4 wine glasses, and 13 tumblers). The Casselden Place assemblage in contrast contained three wine glasses, four tumblers, and two unidentified glasses. 198 10 Discussion: Consumer Behavior in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne and Buenos Aires

Another interesting difference mentioned earlier with regard to matching sets is that the Casa Peña assemblage contained evidence of matching sets that extended across both Beverage and Food Service vessels, while at Casselden Place this was not identified. Matching sets at Casselden Place formed part of either Beverage (specifically tea) serving vessels or Food Service vessels. These differences reflect how genteel values may have been adapted differently not only by the working and middle classes but also by people living in different places and of different ethnic backgrounds. The ceremony associated with tea drinking was an important aspect of nineteenth-century British middle-class genteel practice, particularly when shared with others. This was when the household’s possessions (e.g., matching sets of fine tea wares) and social status could be displayed (Di Zerega Wall 1991; Quirk 2008). The presence of matching sets of tea vessels, which were likely purchased in a piecemeal manner at both sites, suggests that working-class people adapted this genteel practice to their own means. However, the greater number of tea serving vessels at Casselden Place suggests that this practice was of greater social importance in Melbourne than in Buenos Aires. The consumption of tea itself was likely more popular in British colonies than in South America, where the local yerba mate tended to be the preferred beverage. This is supported by the archival evidence, which demonstrated that there was a clear preference for tea and coffee in Melbourne, while in Buenos Aires there was a preference for yerba mate and coffee. This does not mean that genteel values did not influence working-class consumer choice in Buenos Aires, but rather that the two cities were influenced differently. Ceramic Beverage Service vessels tended to match items in the Food Service assemblage at La Casa Peña, where a greater variety of glass Beverage Service vessels were also present. Evidence such as this, together with anthropological accounts suggesting that people of Mediterranean decent tend to link drinking alcohol with the consumption of food (discussed further in the following section), suggests that greater importance was placed on displaying a fuller table and that sharing meals and beverages among family, friends, or neighbors was of greater social importance than the ceremony of drinking tea. Families in Buenos Aires may have commonly used tea and coffee drinking vessels during breakfast or other family meals rather than as a vehicle for entertaining guests. Yerba mate was also important and likely the social equivalent of tea in Buenos Aires (particularly given the high imports of yerba found in the archival data). However no specific evidence of its consumption was located in the Casa Peña artifact assemblage. Consumer choice is also linked to the idea of goods as an expression of the self (Miller 1987:215). Miller (1987:215) saw consumer goods as a representation of people’s identities and social affiliations and as part of everyday practices. While social affiliations were harder to discern in either of the two assemblages, items related to everyday practices were certainly clear. Overall, both assemblages contained a wealth of goods related to home life and family, work and leisure, personal appearance, as well as health and hygiene. These comprised the material remains of everyday practices. As we have seen, residents at both sites actively sought to smarten their surroundings through decorative items for the home and garden as 10.2 Class, Ethnicity, Gender, and Childhood 199 well as through an array of ceramic and glass tablewares. They took care of their personal appearance by using perfume, hair care products, and fashionable accessories such as decorative buttons and jewelry. Parents provided their children with toys to play with and had slate pencils to use at home or at school. They used pliers and files to work or to carry out small jobs around the home. People enjoyed a drink or a smoke in their spare time, activities that perhaps provided them with a sense of escape from the daily grind. An artist’s paintbrush identified at Casselden Place, and a lace-making bobbin identified at La Casa Peña, represented hobbies or recreational pursuits. People used writing equipment. They mended their clothes. The material goods represent the activities that people performed at both sites from day to day and in turn represent the things that at least in part defined who they were. What becomes clear from the preceding discussion is that while choice contributed to consumer behavior, it was not the only factor at play. Discussion on respectability and cultural continuity has highlighted class and ethnicity as two important contributing factors. These and other forces, namely, gender and childhood, had as much as an impact on shaping people’s identities as they did on the purchases they made.

10.2 Class, Ethnicity, Gender, and Childhood

Life for working-class people living in nineteenth-century Little Lon and San Telmo was undoubtedly hard. Previous chapters have demonstrated that the cities’ houses were small, inadequately ventilated, and overcrowded. Poor sanitation was also a common feature of life where waste would be dumped in the streets and privies were infrequently emptied. Outbreaks of diseases such as typhoid, tuberculosis, and scarlet and yellow fevers were common threats. Conditions in the workplace were equally bleak requiring exceedingly long hours of work for low wages, and women and even children also needed to work in order to make ends meet. There can be no doubt that class and the realities of living in two poverty-stricken neighborhoods significantly impacted every aspect of life for the residents at the two sites. This extends to the type and amount of goods that were purchased and also where they were acquired. Shopping options for people living in working-class neighborhoods such as Little Lon and San Telmo were restricted to open air markets, cheap local (including secondhand) stores, street stalls, and hawkers. People also used alternative methods of acquisition such as barter and hand-me-downs distributed among family, friends, and acquaintances. Consequently, the goods that remain in the working-class archaeological record are restricted to what was available to people through social circles and within their neighborhoods. Ethnicity was another major factor influencing the lives of residents at the two sites. As has been demonstrated, both cities experienced unprecedented growth due to immigration in the mid to late nineteenth century. In Buenos Aires, government policies during the second half of the nineteenth century strongly advocated European immigration. As a result, the vast majority of immigrants during this 200 10 Discussion: Consumer Behavior in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne and Buenos Aires period came from Mediterranean nations such as Italy, Spain, and France but also from England, Germany, Switzerland, Austria, and neighboring Uruguay. Meanwhile, Melbourne as a British colony received immigrants primarily from Britain and Ireland but also to a much lesser extent from Germany, Scandinavia, China, India, and the Middle East. Many newly arrived working-class immigrants settled in neighborhoods such as Little Lon and San Telmo. These places were multicultural hotspots that were not just “British” or “Hispanic,” but the dominant immigrant groups were British and Irish in Melbourne and Mediterranean (Italian, Spanish, and French) in Buenos Aires. This section explores what the artifact assemblages reveal about daily life at Casselden Place and La Casa Peña and how this was influenced by class, ethnicity, gender, and childhood. For instance, it examines the types of health concerns that afflicted the sites’ residents as well as the work-related tasks they carried out. It considers domesticity and the efforts made by residents to beautify and improve their surroundings and looks at other aspects of daily life including leisure activities such as drinking, smoking, and children’s games. In addition, it explores cultural continuity and the commonality in tastes and customs that people share and take with them when they move to a new place. Through the exploration of themes such as respectability, cultural continuity, gender, and childhood, a complex picture of life at two working-class neighborhoods emerges. In terms of health concerns, for instance, there were rather significant differences between the two assemblages. La Casa Peña contained several pharmaceutical items (e.g., 32 medicine bottles, an ointment jar, a test tube, sulfur fragments, enema syringes), while the Casselden Place assemblage had just two medicine bottles. The difference in number of pharmaceutical items is quite vast and suggests that health concerns were more prevalent and/or medicines more affordable in Buenos Aires than Melbourne. However, it may also indicate cultural differences in attitudes toward healthcare. Buenos Aireans may have held a more cautious approach to ailments and consulted a doctor or pharmacist more frequently than Melbournians. One cultural difference that we can be certain of is the use of sulfur crystals. The three sulfur crystal fragments identified in La Casa Peña were used for medicinal purposes (as they remain used in Argentina today) in the relief of muscle aches. Evidence of similar practices was not identified at Casselden Place. Only two of the glass medicine bottles (both from La Casa Peña) and the ointment jar provide any information as to what these vessels contained and none can be linked to any of the diseases common at the time such as cholera and tuberculosis, which many medicines of the day, particularly patent medicines, claimed to cure. One glass bottle was a possible unknown prescription or homeopathic medicine from a local pharmacist, Cesar G. Petray. The second was a bottle of “Dr Pierce’s Extract of Smart Weed,” which, according to the Safety First booklet by Dr. Pierce, could “…be taken internally in cases of summer diarrhea, colicky pains, intestinal cramps and acute attacks of indigestion” (Pierce 1920). The jar contained “Holloway’s Ointment” which claimed to cure gout and rheumatism, while the sulfur fragments were likely used for the relief of muscle aches. It is unknown what the remainder of the glass medicine bottles contained nor what the test tube was used to 10.2 Class, Ethnicity, Gender, and Childhood 201 hold, mix, or dispense. However, the identified pharmaceutical products and the possible enema syringes reveal that the residents of La Casa Peña sought treatment for digestive ailments as well as joint and muscle pain. The former complaints may have been attributed to poor diet, while the latter may have been the result of stresses caused by hard physical work. Both conditions speak volumes about the reality of hardships endured by working-class people living with limited means. People’s diet was restricted and frequently did not consist of the freshest or healthiest options. Food storage and hygiene was also vastly different to today’s standards, with no refrigeration, and it is therefore unsurprising that diet was a cause of digestive- related ailments. Hard physical work was also a reality of everyday life for people living in Little Lon and San Telmo. We know this from the literature that work was physically demanding, conditions were bad, and hours were long. We know from the archaeological evidence that people sought pharmaceutical assistance from the effects of hard physical work on the body. But what other evidence is there of work-related activities at the sites? Both assemblages contained examples of tools and other work-related equipment including an axe head at Casselden Place and pliers at La Casa Peña. There was also a fragment of a glass sign found in the Casa Peña assemblage in which the only visible letter was a “T.” Although it is unknown what this sign marked and whether it is relevant to the period under study or later refuse, it is possible that it was a form of advertisement for a home-run business. Zarankin and Senatore (1995) suggest that the rooms at La Casa Peña (following subdivision) facing Defensa and San Lorenzo Streets were used as commercial premises as well as residences. It is possible therefore that the work-related items found at La Casa Peña were used to carry out paid employment at a home-based business or even outside the home, the tools of a tradesman, for example. However, the most of the items found in both assemblages (other than the sign fragment) are representative of common tasks carried out around the home. The axe was likely used to chop wood in order to provide heat and fuel. The pliers and other tools used to carry out repair works around the house. Irrespective of whether the items were being used for employment or for the home, they shed light on the types of activities that were taking place and that formed part of the lives of the sites’ residents. Other artifacts provide further insight into the types of activities that were carried out. For instance, clerical items such as inkbottles were found in both assemblages, and slate pencils were also identified at Casselden Place. Such items are indicative of literacy and demonstrate that writing was carried out at both sites. The presence of a paintbrush at Casselden Place suggests painting was another activity that was taking place there, while evidence of other recreational pursuits such as smoking and drinking were identified at both sites. Although fragments of clay tobacco pipes were found in both sites, neither assemblage contained particularly high numbers (n = 5 at each site). Given the fragility of clay pipes and the low numbers identified at each site, it is unlikely that smoking by pipe was carried out to a large extent or by many of the sites’ residents. That is not to say that tobacco was not consumed in 202 10 Discussion: Consumer Behavior in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne and Buenos Aires alternative ways (e.g., cigars, snuff, or chewing tobacco), but it does indicate that pipe smoking at least was not a particularly popular activity. The consumption of alcohol tells a different story. Archaeological evidence suggests people at both sites enjoyed alcohol to some extent. However, beverage bottles (predominately alcoholic) were significantly higher in number at Casselden Place than they were at La Casa Peña. An overall total of 114 alcohol bottles was found at Casselden Place and 48 at La Casa Peña (including beer/wine, gin/schnapps bottles). Considering that La Casa Peña was occupied for a much longer period and comprised several different tenements, it is surprising that it was not this site that produced the larger number. There is always the possibility that people other than the tenants such as their landlord or neighbors filled the cesspit at Casselden Place. Perhaps the people of San Telmo were excellent recyclers or acquired their wine in bulk and drew it from a barrel. However, the fact that Casselden Place was occupied for a much shorter period of time than La Casa Peña makes this an interesting point, which is likely explained by differences in cultural practices. Alcohol consumption and attitudes toward it vary throughout different cultures as sociological and anthropological research has revealed (e.g., Heath 1995; Wilson 2006). Wilson (2006) suggests that alcohol consumption is “important in the production and reproduction of ethnic, national…and local community identities not only today but also historically” (Wilson 2006:3). Consequently, as alcohol helps to establish cultural identity, it also helps to highlight cultural differences. This is demonstrated by comparing the main immigrant groups to nineteenth-century Melbourne (British) and Buenos Aires (Italian, Spanish, and French). According to Cottino (1995), Gamella (1995), and Nahoum-Grappe (1995), people in Italy, Spain, and France have tended to regard alcohol as an essential part of everyday life, closely linked to the consumption of food. Traditionally, in these societies intoxication was socially acceptable in exceptional or festive occasions but otherwise generally not encouraged (Cottino 1995:157; Gamella 1995:255; Nahoum-Grappe 1995:79–80). On the other hand, people from Britain have tended to view alcohol consumption as a recreational activity and as an important aspect of social (and not necessarily everyday) life (Dingle 1980:237; Plant 1995:295). Although Victorian temperance movements discouraged habitual drunkenness, a general ambivalence toward drinking was traditionally observed in Protestant Britain as opposed to Catholic Mediterranean nations, which advocated moderation (Dingle 1980:238; Plant 1995:289). According to Dingle (1980), drinking was widespread and excessive in nineteenth-century Australia. However, this did not result in particularly high levels of alcohol consumption per annum because it tended to occur in short binges that occurred infrequently (Dingle 1980:236–237). Therefore, although British people may have consumed alcohol less frequently than people from Italy, Spain, or France, it was generally done so in greater quantities. Caution needs to be employed when using contemporary social research to explain past behavior, and it cannot be assumed that these were the exact views held by residents at either Casselden Place or La Casa Peña. However, it does assist in highlighting the existence of traditionally held differences in terms of alcohol 10.2 Class, Ethnicity, Gender, and Childhood 203

consumption throughout different societies, which in turn offers a possible explanation to the notable differences found between the two archaeological assemblages. The archival data highlighted further differences in tastes and cultural continuity, particularly in relation to food and beverage options. Entry listings for pasta and legumes were frequently encountered in the sources for Buenos Aires. However, such entries were not encountered at all in the Melbourne sources. This highlights differences in cultural preferences due to immigration patterns. In Buenos Aires, immigration of people predominately from continental Europe was significantly high during the latter half of the nineteenth century. The highest individual immigrant group, at 31% of the city’s population, were Italians (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:77). In Australia, however, the peak period of Italian immigration did not occur until the post-World War II era, which saw the Italian-born population rise from 2428 in 1947 to 32,428 in 1971 (Jupp 2001: 494–496). This explains why the demand for pasta and other ingredients used in typical Italian cuisine (such as legumes) was higher in nineteenth-century Buenos Aires than in Melbourne where a peak period of Italian immigration did not occur until much later. A similar trend was noticed with beverage options in the archival data, which reflect similar results to what was found in the artifact assemblage. The archival sources showed that there was a clear preference for wine in Buenos Aires and beer in Melbourne, which again reflects differences in tastes and cultural preferences among European immigrant groups. Traditionally, wine has tended to be produced and consumed in more temperate Mediterranean countries such as Italy, Spain, and France, while beer was brewed and consumed in the cooler climates of Britain, Germany, and the Netherlands, among other regions (Grigg 2004:101). It is not surprising then that wine was popular in nineteenth-century Buenos Aires where immigrants from Italy, Spain, and France together comprised 45% of the city’s population in the late nineteenth century (Gutman and Hardoy 1992:77). Neither is it surprising that beer and spirits were the most popular alcoholic beverages in Melbourne where over 96% of all immigrants during the first two decades of settlement were British. This trend continued during and after the gold rush with the introduction of immigration assistance schemes for British citizens (Jupp 2001:44–49). According to Dingle (1980), the consumption of spirits was high during the early years of colonization in Australia, as well as during the gold rushes. During this early period, beer transportation was difficult and costly, and long- distance sea travel affected the quality, making spirits the more popular and accessible choice (Dingle 1980:235–240). This affected people in regional Australia in particular, until local brewing intensified and improvements in transportation (e.g., railways) were made. People in cities enjoyed greater access to drinks including beer throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century (Dingle 1980:237). The Casselden Place and La Casa Peña assemblages reveal further details about the daily lives of the sites’ residents, particularly in reference to family life, domesticity, and respectability. When considering the whole of the assemblages, evidence suggests that both sites contained family residences. This is important because it challenges many contemporary middle-class observations that these neighborhoods predominately housed single, working men and were dens of vice and scandal 204 10 Discussion: Consumer Behavior in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne and Buenos Aires

associated with urban slums. The assemblages instead contain evidence of family life, of shared meals and children’s games, and of everyday tasks carried out in a homely environment. The home lives of women and children are particularly visible in the archaeological record. Certainly, the presence of women is visible in items such as perfume bottles, ornate buttons, and sewing equipment. However, such an approach to material culture is tokenistic, misleading, and simplistic (Karskens and Thorp 1992:66). The same applies when attributing tools such as an axe or a pair of pliers with the presence of men at the two sites. Such an approach leaves little room for overlap, which would certainly have happened. It is an oversimplification of analysis that is not sensitive to the minutiae of everyday life or to past societies in general. Here gender is interpreted at a household level in order to better understand the lives and consumer behavior of residents at Casselden Place and Little Lon. Items that reflect a desire to create a comfortable and aesthetically pleasing home environment for a family reveal much about the way of life at both sites and about what mattered to people. As discussed in the previous section, there were several items in both assemblages purchased for fashion rather than necessity. Such items including ornaments, figurines, and vases add a touch of decoration and also represent attempts to improve and beautify the home environment. Tablewares, which included specialized serving vessels and matching sets, provide evidence of shared meals and also suggest a desire to have nonessential yet functional items that added to the home’s comfort. The presence of pharmaceutical and hygiene-related items suggests a level of care and attention to cleanliness, family health, and well-being. Evidence of clothing, shoes, fabric, thread, and sewing equipment reveal attempts to have family members adequately clothed and that clothing was mended as required. Similarly, items such as perfume bottles, macassar oil, a hairbrush, jewelry, and ornate buttons suggest that a level of care was taken to maintain personal appearance. Overall, the assemblages reveal that people cared about their families, their homes, and their own presentation as they strove for respectability and a better life for themselves most likely in a new country (given that many of the sites’ residents were recently arrived immigrants). We know that traditional divisions of labor stipulated that child rearing and domestic work, such as maintaining a nice home, were to be undertaken by women. We also know that the associated task of purchasing items to maintain a nice home was also undertaken by women. Researchers (e.g., Spencer-Wood 2011:185; Young 1998:134–135) have noted that the rise of cheap, mass-produced goods was linked to a rise in female spending on domestic goods, which applied to women of all classes. It is expected, therefore, that women living at Casselden Place and La Casa Peña were the ones making the necessary consumer purchases to help maintain their home and care for their families. However, class would have been a major factor impacting other gendered roles and expectations at the two sites. Working-class women living at Little Lon and San Telmo had different experiences in relation to the division of gender spheres than middle-class contemporaries, particularly in relation to work. It is likely that women at Casselden Place and La Casa Peña worked either outside or inside the home in order to contribute to the family income. 10.2 Class, Ethnicity, Gender, and Childhood 205

Although ideals of respectability were evident in the two assemblages and women were active participants in this space and in making associated consumer purchases, their class and economic limitations are likely to have prevented them to remain away from the public sphere as encouraged by middle-class domestic ideals. Gender and class, like other aspects of a person’s identity, need to be considered alongside other each other in order to obtain a fuller understanding of life in past societies. In this light, a thorough interpretation of the archaeological record requires the inclusion of all members of past societies, including its littlest members. Evidence of child-specific artifacts were present in both assemblages including children’s shoes and toys. Children at both sites would also have used, lost, and discarded many other items relating to everyday life that were not child-specific. While the child-specific artifacts confirm the presence of children at both sites, they also have the potential to reveal much about their lives, the adults around them, and the communities in which they lived. For instance, toys can represent attempts by adults to instill certain values in their children, including values associated with the division gender roles. Gender-specific toys (doll’s tea sets for girls, model cannon for boys) were present in the Casa Peña assemblage. No toys typically associated with girls were found in Casselden Place. Although a middle-class ideal, the separation of gender spheres was also something that working-class people wanted to pass down to their children. This suggests a desire by parents to instill the notion of upward mobility to the next generation even if living by those ideals was not always possible in their own lives. However, Davies and Ellis (2005:16) advise against the use of rigid gender boundaries when interpreting children’s toys, as advertisements did not assign gender to toys until the first quarter of the twentieth century. Furthermore, Wilkie (2000:106) maintains that marbles were not gender-specific toys and were used by boys and girls. As marbles were the only toy present at Casselden Place and the most frequently occurring toy at La Casa Peña, it is likely that the division of children’s play along gender lines was not a strong concern to the adults at either site. As the literature has indicated, the life of working-class children was very different to their middle-class counterparts. Often, working-class children had to work and contribute to the family income. Their time may also have been occupied in ways that middle-class children’s would not have been. Helping adults by carrying out chores around the home, running errands, and looking after younger siblings would have limited their time for play (Pragnell and Quirk 2009:45). It is clear that as goods such as toys and books aimed at children became increasing accessible during the nineteenth century, working-class parents provided their children with toys to play with. This can be interpreted as an adoption of middle- class values which recognized childhood as a unique period in life of innocence and play but also of preparation for the responsibilities of adulthood (Karskens 1999:179; Lawrence and Davies 2011:319). However, toys purchased by working-class parents may not have been the same types of toys bought by middle-class contemporaries. Nor would they necessarily have required the same type of structured play defined by middle-class values. For instance, as previously mentioned, marbles were present at both sites, and this was a toy that was well suited to the everyday 206 10 Discussion: Consumer Behavior in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne and Buenos Aires lives of children living in poor neighborhoods. With just one type of toy, several different games could be played, and they were easily transportable and could be played anywhere including inside and outside the home. They could be played after school or work or in between chores, and when these things needed to be done, they could be packed away conveniently inside a pocket (Yamin 2002:122–123). Perhaps more importantly, marbles were a social game requiring at least two participants. As both neighborhoods were overcrowded and likely packed full of children, there would always have been someone to play with. Parents at both sites may have considered this a more suitable toy than others designed for longer periods of solitary or indoor play. Although adults may have purchased and chosen toys for their children with a particular intent in mind, Wilkie (2000:102) stresses that children were not passive participants in this process. They could ignore toys, intentionally loose them, or create new ones. Toys and games could be created from everyday objects that children had around them. The game token found in La Casa Peña is an example of this and was likely made for use in table games. Although it is unknown whether the token was used by adults or by children, it indicates that people were making their own game tokens with whatever materials they had at their disposal. There may have been other tokens, possibly made from organic materials that did not survive in the archaeological record. Toys also provide insight into the different ways in which children would have played. For instance, playing with marbles was a group-based activity. The game token also indicates group play, while the doll’s tea vessels and model cannon could be used either alone or in a group. The few gender-specific toys from La Casa Peña may have been used interchangeably among siblings and friends of either sex. Furthermore, children in the past (as in the present) would have used toys in their own unique forms of play, negating what they were intended for. In addition to toys, the Casselden Place assemblage also contained a total of two slate pencils. Previous studies (e.g., Lawrence and Davies 2011:322; Pragnell and Quirk 2009:43; Yamin 2002:121) remind us that although slates are often attributed to children, they could also have been used by adults around the home or by tradespeople carrying out their work. In Victoria, slate pencils were provided free to school-aged children following the Education Act 1872, which established compul- sory education throughout the state (McDougall 1991). The presence of pencils suggests that there is a good chance that children (at least at Casselden Place) attended school. It is also likely that they were undertaking writing tasks at home. Items such as pencils and toys suggest that parents took care of their children’s educational as well as recreational needs. Furthermore, children’s shoes at Casselden Place suggest that children were adequately clothed and provided for. The overall evidence of children’s lives at both assemblages challenge the notion that children growing up in urban “slums” were neglected or denied the experience of a childhood with time to play and learn. This section has highlighted that factors such as class, ethnicity, gender, and the presence of children all played a role in consumer behavior at both sites. But what has also come to light is that while some differences were encountered, the 10.3 Other Factors Influencing Consumerism 207

assemblages overall looked similar. Differences were particularly evident in relation to pharmaceutical items as well as food and beverage preferences and in the way these were consumed. However, similarities were prevalent in a variety of different items across the two assemblages. The following section explores these similarities further and analyzes the conditions that made them possible. It considers the overarching forces that shaped the modern world including globalization and the British monopoly in manufacturing cheap, mass-produced goods.

10.3 Other Factors Influencing Consumerism

Casselden Place and La Casa Peña share many similarities. These stretch across a range of artifact types including food and beverage, personal appearance, health and hygiene, work and leisure, and other domestic items. For instance, the majority of ceramic vessels in both assemblages are Whiteware vessels, predominantly transfer- printed with some flow-printed wares. The most common colors are blue and black, and both assemblages contained examples of common patterns such as Willow and British Flowers. Staffordshire wares predominated as all identifiable patterns and makers were manufactured in this region of Britain. Examples of British manufactured bottles were also present in both assemblages where case gin, beer/wine, and aerated waters were common. Glass medicine and French perfume bottles were also present as were stoneware inkbottles. There were examples of Prossor, shell, bone, and metal buttons and sewing equipment. Both assemblages also contained ceramic figurines, Glaswegian clay pipes, toy marbles, and decorative beads. As demonstrated in previous chapters, it was not just assemblages that were similar but also their settings. Prior to colonization, Indigenous people had occupied the areas for thousands of years (Greater Melbourne for at least 30,000 years and Greater Buenos Aires for at least 10,000 years). The Querandí in Buenos Aires and Woi wurrung in Melbourne were hunter-gatherers who moved seasonally exploiting local resources and shared common attributes in languages and cultural traits with other local Indigenous groups. Colonization had a chaotic impact on the lives of both the Querandí and the Woi wurrung through violent confrontations with Europeans, introduced diseases, and the loss of food and freshwater resources. With such devastation imposed on the Indigenous inhabitants of both places, European colonizers were able to occupy and settle their land with relative ease while forcing Indigenous survivors to move into missions or government-run reserves. Following European colonization, the settlements of Melbourne and Buenos Aires grew to become two important port cities that flourished due partly to the success of pastoral ventures such as sheep grazing in Melbourne and cattle grazing in Buenos Aires. Exports of wool and bovine products such as meat, fat, hides, and tallow were lucrative; however, other factors contributed to the cities’ growth such as the discovery of gold in Melbourne and illegal contraband and smuggling in Buenos Aires. While these and other aspects of the regions’ histories differed (e.g., earlier versus later colonization in Buenos Aires and Melbourne, respectively; 208 10 Discussion: Consumer Behavior in Nineteenth-Century Melbourne and Buenos Aires

Independence declared, followed by periods of political instability and war in Argentina) by the 1880s and 1890s, the two cities had much in common. The 1880s was marked by significant growth in trade, foreign (primarily British) investment, and mass immigration. There was greater access to land and improved transportation due to investment in rail infrastructure. Meanwhile, grand, opulent buildings were constructed giving rise to the cities’ well-known nicknames (“Marvellous Melbourne” and the “Paris of South America”). The boom collapsed by the 1890s, and a depression set in due to rash speculation and substantial foreign debts. New loans ceased, unemployment grew, and many people lost their homes. It was during this period just before, during, and after the boom that people were living in Little Lon and San Telmo and contributing to the archaeological record in the sites of Casselden Place and La Casa Peña. The suburbs (and sites themselves) also shared common attributes. During the period under study, they were both inner- city working-class precincts with residences and businesses. They had the advantage of offering people affordable housing within a short commute to their places of work. But dwellings in these neighborhoods (including Casselden Place and La Casa Peña) were small, overcrowded, unsanitary, and poorly ventilated. Little Lon and San Telmo were regarded by many as slums, and this stereotype became entrenched in the collective psyche of both cities through the media and the work of historians and by means of popular culture including poetry, literature, plays, and tango. Such similarities were not expected at the beginning of this study, neither at the contextual nor assemblage-based scales of analysis. Melbourne and Buenos Aires seemed to be two markedly different cities that were colonized by different European powers four centuries apart; had different political networks; received immigrants from different nations; and, of course, were geographically separated by vast distances. As such, it was expected that different domestic goods, representing differences in consumer behavior, would be identified at the two sites. But as we have seen, this was largely not the case, and a number of interconnected factors can explain why this occurred. As demonstrated previously, both places were defined as dominion capitalist societies, sharing a number of defining attributes due to commonalities in their histories and geographic locations. These attributes included temperate climates that were suitable for farming industries; small populations of local Indigenous communities due to the impact of colonialism; and waves of European immigration, which brought them large labor forces. Most importantly, however, this economic definition meant that both societies were developed to an extent (particularly as exporters of primary products), yet they remained dependent on foreign capital for industry, infrastructure, and imports. This dependency on imports was encouraged under the wider mercantile capitalist systems imposed by Britain and Spain. These trade systems not only affected the colonies, they had far-reaching impacts across the world. Western imperialism in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries is one of the contributing factors to the rise of globalization. It connected the world and expanded trade to unprecedented levels. The other major contributing factor to globalization was of course the unprecedented technological advances that References 209 developed due to industrialization. The introduction of powered and specialized machinery gave rise to factories and allowed for the efficient and cost-effective mass production of goods. Meanwhile, advances in transportation such as the introduction of the steam engine led to the development of steamships and locomotives that improved transport across land and sea. This meant that goods could reach their destinations at greater speeds and ease than ever before while also reducing transport costs. Such technological advances coupled with the breakdown of former trade barriers and a rise in free trade (e.g., the Navigations Acts in Australia and the breakdown of colonial ties with Spain following independence in Argentina) caused a drop in import prices and a rise in export prices generally increasing trade throughout the world. In these conditions, Britain was the one nation that stood out as a leading supplier of goods across the world. Being the first nation to become industrialized, it was able to manufacture a range of affordable goods for export and had a large Empire that supplied it with the necessary raw materials to carry this out. As such, Britain was ideally placed to be a leading supplier of imports even to faraway destinations such as Melbourne and Buenos Aires. Meanwhile, as demonstrated in Chap. 8, local manufacturing industries in these cities struggled to develop. Those that flourished were industries geared at producing everyday necessities such as foodstuffs, beverages, clothing, and bricks. Essentially, the industries that succeeded were those that were not in direct competition with imported goods that were mass-produced and affordable. Limited local industries, globalization, and Britain’s monopoly of cheap, mass- produced goods all played a role in consumer behavior at Casselden Place and La Casa Peña. Therefore, it is easy to understand how the same types of goods, such as Willow plates and Glaswegian clay pipes, would find their way to residents at both sites. The following chapter summarizes this and other findings of this book and includes some final thoughts on future research.

References

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Gamella, J. F. (1995). Spain. In D. B. Heath (Ed.), International handbook on alcohol and culture. Westport: Greenwood Press. Grigg, D. (2004). Wine, spirits and beer: World patterns of consumption. Geography, 89(2), 99–110. Gutman, M., & Hardoy, J. E. (1992). Buenos Aires Historia Urbana del Area Metropolitana. Madrid: Mapfre Editorial. Hayes, S. (2014). Good taste, fashion, luxury: A genteel Melbourne family and their rubbish. Sydney: Sydney University Press. Heath, D. B. (Ed.). (1995). International handbook on alcohol and culture. Westport: Greenwood Press. Jupp, J. (2001). The Australian people: An encyclopedia of the nation, its people and their origins. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Karskens, G. (1999). Inside the Rocks: The archaeology of a neighbourhood. Sydney: Hale and Iremonger. Karskens, G. (2001). Small things, big pictures: New perspectives from the archaeology of Sydney’s Rocks neighborhood. In A. Mayne & T. Murray (Eds.), The archaeology of urban landscapes explorations in Slumland. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Karskens, G., & Thorp, W. (1992). History and archaeology in Sydney: Towards integration and interpretation. Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 78(3–4), 52–75. Lampard, S. (2009). The ideology of domesticity and the working-class women and children of Port-Adelaide 1840–1890. Historical Archaeology, 43(3), 50–64. Lawrence, S., & Davies, P. (2011). An archaeology of Australia since 1788. New York: Springer. Lydon, J. (1998). Boarding houses in the Rocks: Mrs Ann Lewis’ Privy, 1865. In M. Casey, D. Donlon, J. Hope, & S. Wellfare (Eds.), Redefining archaeology feminist perspectives. Canberra: Centre for Cross-Cultural Research, The Australian National University. McDougall, G. M. (1991). Australia and New Zealand. In N. R. Hiner (Ed.), Children in Historical and Comparative Perspective. New York: Greenwood. McKendrick, N., Brewer, J., & Plumb, J. H. (1982). The birth of a consumer society the commer- cialization of eighteenth century England. London: Europa Publications Ltd. Miller, D. (1987). Material culture and mass consumption. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Nahoum-Grappe, V. (1995). France. In D. B. Heath (Ed.), International handbook on alcohol and culture. Westport: Greenwood Press. Pierce, V. M. (1920). Safety first. Invalids hotel. New York: Buffalo. Plant, M. A. (1995). United Kingdom. In D. B. Heath (Ed.), International handbook on alcohol and culture. Westport: Greenwood Press. Pragnell, J., & Quirk, K. (2009). Children in Paradise: Growing up on the Australian Goldfields. Historical Archaeology, 43(3), 38–49. Quirk, K. (2008). The colonial goldfields: Visions and revisions.Australasian Historical Archaeology, 26, 13–20. Rappaport, H. (2003). Queen Victoria a biographical companion. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio. Spencer-Wood, S. M. (2011). Commentary: How feminist theory increases our understanding of the archaeology of poverty. Historical Archaeology, 45(3), 183–194. Spencer-Wood, S. M., & Matthews, C. N. (2011). Impoverishment, criminalization, and the culture of poverty. Historical Archaeology, 45(3), 1–10. Wilkie, L. (2000). Not merely child’s play: Creating a historical archaeology of children and childhood. In J. S. Derevenski (Ed.), Children and material culture. London: Routledge. Wilson, T. M. (2006). Drinking cultures: Alcohol and identity. Oxford: Berg (Oxford International Publishers). Yamin, R. (1997). New York’s mythic slum digging lower Manhattan’s infamous Five Points. Archaeology, 50(2), 44–53. Yamin, R. (2001a). Alternative narratives: Respectability at New York’s Five Points. In A. Mayne & T. Murray (Eds.), The archaeology of urban landscapes explorations in Slumland. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. References 211

Yamin, R. (2001b). From tanning to tea: The evolution of a neighborhood. Historical Archaeology, 35(3), 6–15. Yamin, R. (2002). Children’s strikes, parents’ rights: Patterson and Five Points. International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 6(2), 113–126. Young, L. (1998). The material construction of gentility: A context for understanding the role of women in early nineteenth-century sites. In M. Casey & D. Donlon (Eds.), Redefining archaeology. Feminist perspectives. Canberra: Australian National University. Zarankin, A., & Senatore, M. X. (1995). Informe de los trabajos realizados en la Casa Minima (la Esquina), barrio de San Telmo. Unpublished report for Centro de Arqueología Urbana, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires. Spencer-Wood, S. M. and C. N. Matthews. 2011. ‘Impoverishment, Criminalization, and the Culture of Poverty’ Historical Archaeology. 45(3): 1-10. McDougall, G. M. 1991. ‘Australia and New Zealand’ In N. R. Hiner (Ed.) Children in Historical and Comparative Perspective. Greenwood. New York. Chapter 11 Conclusion

This book has presented a comparative study of consumer behavior in nineteenth- century Melbourne and Buenos Aires derived from the analysis of archaeological collections and written documentary evidence. It was undertaken to establish what role factors such as consumer choice, class, ethnicity, gender, and childhood had on consumer behavior at the sites of Casselden Place and La Casa Peña. The study demonstrated that although each of the abovementioned factors had an impact on consumerism, the observed similarities point to larger forces at play including globalization and the dominance of British trade. Differences were few, and this was an unexpected result highlighting the importance of comparative studies at this scale and the need for further research to delve deeper. The methodology employed in this study involved sorting, analyzing, and cataloguing the Casselden Place and Casa Peña assemblages using the EAMC database. It also involved the analysis of primary and secondary historical data in order to establish the types of goods that were shipped to each city and the nature of the trade networks operating at the time. Limitations were certainly encountered, and the interpretative approach taken is complex in nature. Notwithstanding these issues, however, a number of key findings were identified. The first of these relates to the results of archival research and how it helped to describe the economies of Melbourne and Buenos Aires during the nineteenth century. The data revealed that although Buenos Aires had other important Atlantic trade partners, the major exporter to both Buenos Aires and Melbourne was Britain. Some differences were noted in the types of imports arriving to each city, indicating differences in cultural preferences. The data also revealed that although both places had strong industries in areas such as resource extraction and grazing, they had few local manufacturing industries, making them dependent on imports. Overall, the research demonstrated that both cities had globally integrated market economies, with Britain as the main source of imports, and this in turn helped to explain why we find the types of goods that are present in each of the assemblages.

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 213 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_11 214 11 Conclusion

The second finding relates to the role of consumer choice, class, ethnicity, gender, and childhood on consumer behavior. Goods at both Casselden Place and La Casa Peña could be seen as having been chosen for a range of reasons. Fashion, for instance, would have been a driving force behind purchasing items such as jewelry and decorative items for personal use and for the home. Goods were chosen as instruments of self-expression, reflecting who people were and how they carried out their day-to-day lives. They highlighted aspirations to respectability, as seen in the presence of matching sets and specialized tablewares, and acted as a means of escapism from the daily grind, as seen in items related to hobbies, smoking, and drinking. In all these purchases, we can see an element of choice. In terms of ethnicity, a comparison of the two assemblages and archival data highlighted some notable differences in this area. Differences were chiefly centered on the areas of food and beverage preferences and in the way these were consumed. The main nonalcoholic beverage import to Buenos Aires, for example, was yerba mate, while in Melbourne it was tea. The drinking of tea in Melbourne tended to be an important social activity shared among others, while in Buenos Aires this does not appear to have been the case. Such a difference (and others similar in nature) reflects cultural continuity in the tastes, customs, and traditions of the dominant immigrant groups to both places. Looking at class, gender, and childhood revealed that overall, Casselden Place and La Casa Peña were places where families lived, where people worked and spent their leisure time, and where children played. There is no doubt that life for people living in these suburbs was hard and plagued by the struggles associated with poverty. It cannot be questioned that they did not have the same opportunities as those of higher socioeconomic means. However, evidence suggests that there is more that can be said about life in these neighborhoods than the prevailing myths about vice and immorality would suggest. Artifacts from both sites also indicate that people made attempts to smarten their surroundings and take care of their health, hygiene, and personal appearance. They actively participated in consumer culture that assisted them in carrying out these activities. While doing so, they achieved a level of respectability that was unique to them, not in an attempt to imitate higher classes but which would not have been possible to many previous generations of working- class people. Consumer choice, ethnicity, class, gender, and childhood all played a role in consumer behavior. However, these factors existed under the wider umbrella of globalization, British monopoly in manufacturing, and limited local industries. The rise of globalization and the dominance of British trade meant that many of the same types of goods were imported into Melbourne and Buenos Aires. Several Staffordshire tablewares in the same colors and patterns, for instance, were found at both sites. Although choice, financial means, and cultural preferences may have played a role in their purchase, the fact remains that there would have been few other options. Overall, this book found that the forces that shaped the modern world – colonization, globalization, and the rise of British trade – had the greatest impact on consumer behavior. The importance of this study, however, lies on the fact that it was among the first to compare the historical archaeology of two such different peripheral cities. References 215

11.1 Final Thoughts: Toward a Greater Comparative Approach

This study has provided a unique contribution to the archaeology of the modern world. Previous comparative studies have focused on former British colonies and have largely tended to ignore cities outside the British Empire lying at the global periphery. As we have seen, researchers (e.g., Brooks and Rodríguez 2012) have recognized the potential of South American archaeology to broaden our understanding of global interactions during the nineteenth century and consumer culture in cities. This book has added to this research direction by exploring working-class consumer culture and comparing a nineteenth-century colonial British site with a contemporaneous site in South America. Through its analysis of consumer behavior, this study has increased our understanding of the impact of modernity and the resulting interconnectedness of the world at large during the nineteenth century. Further research toward a greater global comparative approach would shed more light on the nature of global interactions during the nineteenth century. It would assist in establishing if parallel results are found elsewhere or if the similarities found in this study are an uncommon occurrence. By comparing other sites in the same cities or looking further afield to other cities or other countries, a more complete picture of consumer behavior and trade networks throughout the world will begin to emerge. This applies to comparative archaeological as well as archival research as the latter is also important in understanding the nature of global economies, trade networks, and local industries and the overall reasons why particular goods reached different destinations. Orser (2011) has stressed the need for societal rather than household-based comparative analyses of archaeological assemblages as the latter can mask the complexities of social inequalities, such as race and poverty. Although Orser was discussing this in reference to a specific statistical comparison of tenement households in New York’s Five Points, the same may apply for the results of this study. Further comparative studies are therefore needed not only to understand consumer behavior but also to understand the nature of life for working- class people and immigrants living in nineteenth-century urban centers such as Melbourne and Buenos Aires. By looking further afield than within the British Empire (or its former colonies), we gain a better understanding of the modern world. Hopefully, there will be more comparative studies such as this to come.

References

Brooks, A., & Rodríguez Yilo, A. C. (2012). A Venezuelan household clearance assemblage of 19th-century British ceramics in international perspective. Post-Medieval Archaeology, 46(1), 70–88. Orser, C. E., Jr. (2011). Beneath the surface of tenement life: The dialectics of race and poverty during America’s first gilded age. Historical Archaeology, 45(3), 151–165. Correction to: An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina

Correction to: P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8

The book has been inadvertently published with an incorrect reference year for Lea & Perrins Worcestershire club sauce stopper in three instances. The correct year in all the three instances is 1958. • On page 109 - Chapter 5 - the sentence beginning “A Lea & Perrins Worcestershire sauce stopper dating from 1840 to 1858…” should say 1840 to 1958. • On page 130 – 1857 - Chapter 6 - should be changed 1958. • Appendix 1 - Again, the Lea & Perrins date should say 1840 to 1958.

The updated online versions of these chapters can be found at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_5 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_6 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 C1 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_12 Appendix 1: La Casa Peña: Start and End Dates of Artifact Manufacture

The original version of this book was revised. The correction is available at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8_12

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 217 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8 218 Appendix 1: La Casa Peña: Start and End Dates of Artifact Manufacture Appendix 1: La Casa Peña: Start and End Dates of Artifact Manufacture 219 Appendix 2: La Casa Peña: Food Service Vessels by Form and Ware Type

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 221 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8 222 Appendix 2: La Casa Peña: Food Service Vessels by Form and Ware Type % 25.24 51.46 15.53 1.94 0.97 2.92 0.97 0.97 100 2 1 3 1 1 26 53 16 103 Total Unidentified vessel 1 1 Unidentified plate/bowl 1 1 2 Unidentified plate 1 1 1 1 4 Twiffler 2 6 1 9 Tureen 2 2 Supper plate 1 2 1 4 Soup plate 1 1 2 Platter 2 4 6 7 7 1 15 Muffin plate 6 1 10 16 33 Dinner plate 1 7 2 1 14 25 Bowl Ware type Ware Whiteware Pearlware Creamware Porcelain Bone china Earthenware Majolica Stoneware Total Appendix 3: La Casa Peña: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Whiteware Vessels in the Food Service Category

Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Soup plate Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 1 Supper plate Flow Floral Blue 1 Bowl Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 1 Twiffler Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 2 Platter Transfer-printed Floral Blue 1 Platter Transfer-printed Unidentified Red 1 Muffin Transfer-printed Unidentified Purple 1 Muffin Transfer-printed Unidentified Green 1 Muffin Transfer-printed Unidentified Brown 1 Muffin Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 1 Muffin Transfer-printed Floral Blue 2 Muffin Transfer-printed British flowers Blue 1 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Scenic Blue 4 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 1 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Willow Blue 3 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Rhine Gray 1 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Asiatic palaces Blue 1 Unidentified plate Transfer-printed Unidentified Black 1 Unidentified vessel Transfer-printed Fiber Blue 1 Total 26

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 223 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8 Appendix 4: La Casa Peña: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Pearlware Vessels in the Food Service Category

Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Supper plate Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Blue 1 Supper plate Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Green 1 Twiffler Hand-painted Banded Purple 1 Twiffler Hand-painted Floral Blue 1 Twiffler Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Green 3 Twiffler Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Blue 1 Muffin Hand-painted Floral Polychrome 3 Muffin Hand-painted Floral Blue 1 Muffin Hand-painted Unidentified Various 2 Muffin Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Blue 1 Platter Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Blue 1 Platter Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Red 1 Platter Transfer-printed Scenic Blue 1 Platter Transfer-printed Italian Blue 1 Tureen Hand-painted Floral Pink 1 Tureen Hand-painted Floral Polychrome 1 Bowl Hand-painted Floral Polychrome 6 Bowl Hand-painted Banded Polychrome 1 Bowl Industrial slip Annular Polychrome 1 Bowl Industrial slip Unidentified Polychrome 3 Bowl Transfer-printed Chinoise Blue 1 Bowl Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Green 1 Bowl Glazed N/A N/A 1 Dinner plate Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Blue 7 Dinner plate Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Brown 2 Dinner plate Impressed/hand-painted Shell-edge Red 1 Dinner plate Impressed Shell-edge N/A 1 Dinner plate Hand-painted Floral Polychrome 3 (continued) © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 225 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8 226 Appendix 4: La Casa Peña: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Pearlware Vessels...

Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Dinner plate Hand-painted Banded Polychrome 1 Dinner plate Hand-painted Banded Blue 1 Unidentified plate Unidentified N/A N/A 1 Unidentified plate/bowl Industrial slip Annular Burgundy 1 Total 53 Appendix 5: La Casa Peña: Matching Sets in the Food Service Category

Matching set ID number Material Pattern Decoration Function Form Color MNV 2 Whiteware Unidentified Transfer-printed Food Soup Blue 1 floral service plate Beverage Teacup 1 service 4 Whiteware Unidentified Transfer-printed Food Twiffler Blue 2 service Beverage Teacup 1 service 5 Whiteware Italian Transfer-printed Food Platter Blue 1 service Beverage Jug 1 service 10 Whiteware Willow Transfer-printed Food Dinner Blue 3 service plate 12 Whiteware British Transfer-printed Food Muffin Blue 2 flowers service plate 13 Whiteware Unidentified Transfer-printed Food Dinner Blue 2 scenic service plate 26 Pearlware Shell-edge Impressed and Food Dinner Blue 4 hand-painted service plate Muffin 1 plate Twiffler 1 Platter 1 Hygiene Chamber 1 pot 26 Pearlware Shell-edge Impressed and Food Dinner Blue 1 (complimentary) “Rococo” hand-painted service plate (continued)

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 227 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8 228 Appendix 5: La Casa Peña: Matching Sets in the Food Service Category

Matching set ID number Material Pattern Decoration Function Form Color MNV 26 Pearlware Shell-edge Embossed Food Dinner Blue 1 (complimentary) service plate Supper 1 plate 26 Pearlware Shell-edge Hand-painted Food Dinner Blue 1 (complimentary) only service plate 26A Pearlware Shell-edge Impressed and Food Twiffler Green 2 hand-painted service Supper 1 plate Bowl 1 26A Pearlware Shell-edge Hand-painted Food Twiffler Green 1 (complimentary) only service 26B Pearlware Shell-edge Impressed and Food Dinner Red 1 hand-painted service plate Platter 1 26C Pearlware Shell-edge Impressed and Food Dinner Brown 1 “even hand-painted service plate scallop, impressed bud” 26C Pearlware Shell-edge Hand-painted Food Dinner Brown 1 (complimentary) only service plate 26D Pearlware Shell-edge Impressed only Food Dinner White 1 service plate 297 Pearlware Unidentified Hand-painted Food Bowl Polychrome 1 floral (with service Dinner 1 banded plate border) Muffin 1 plate Beverage Jug 1 service Hygiene Chamber 1 pot 306 Pearlware Unidentified Hand-painted Food Muffin Polychrome 1 floral service plate Tureen 1 309 Pearlware Unidentified Hand-painted Food Bowl Polychrome 1 floral service Dinner 1 plate 368 Creamware Glazed Food Dinner Cream 3 service plate Total 47 Appendix 6: Casselden Place: Start and End Dates of Artifact Manufacture

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 229 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8

230 Appendix 6: Casselden Place: Start and End Dates of Artifact Manufacture

195 - 0 192 0

1956 1929 1956

0 191

0 190 cupa oc d 1906

Mixe

0 189

0 188

1884 1884

0 187 1870

0 186 cupa c oc ti 1867 1867 1867 1860 1863 es

0 185

1850 1850 1850 1850 1858

0 184

1842 1840 1847

0 183

1834 1834 1830

0 182 tD 1828 ntac

0 181 Pre- 6 6 9 4

181 181 181 181

0 180 5 0

180 180 pre 1800 pre 4 0 0 5 0 9 0 179 178 178 177 179 176 176 le s . st ks er e Co urs) Ca & ow lo .

th swor . Farina y ia re u a co e ll

e Co l Slip as c Pheasants ou h Fl e) ti in ea s ri ho ar mb cha er ia way*** is tt & Co lu an lu ym zere iati tr Ch it ll & th land Spod ew Ma Mo

(o As Ch Lo Ta Br Co Willow Wa Ruin Rail we pe Bone Whit TP* TP Indus Shell-edge IS** Flow La TP TP TP TP TP TP Flow Gothic TP TP TP TP Co Po Booth D Bumstead Albion Gl Jean

Appendix 6: Casselden Place: Start and End Dates of Artifact Manufacture 231

0 1920-195

1920 1920 1920 1920 1920 1920

0 191

0 190

1904

0 189

0 188 -

1887 1888

0 187

1870 1870

0 186

1860 1867

0 185

1850

0 184

1840 1846 1840

0 183

1839

0 182

1820 1820 1820 1821 1827

0 181

0 180

1809 pre 1800 pre e 0 iv at 177 or d em te in mm Co al Slip r Pr y g ri l st in wa sh l er e ould ni ugal ta tt ander p ttl ol se Rail Do eM Le Me = Transfe = Indu n

Bo To on

Ba iedl Finish ec g tt xo n on r op in lo ssed ssed pagne Fi push-u e-pi -t sh bo bo me re am *= Cone Fini Blob Ch Separate Th Dip Mould Ma Em Hamilt Hugh Di Lesser Fr Duncan Mc Prosse Shell Bu Em * ** ** Appendix 7: Casselden Place: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Whiteware Vessels in the Beverage Service Category

Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Teapot Flow Unidentified Blue 1 Mug Transfer-printed Unidentified Gray 1 Mug Transfer-printed Railway commemorative Red 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Floral Black 2 Teacup Transfer-printed Floral Brown 2 Teacup Transfer-printed Floral Polychrome 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Polychrome 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Purple 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Geometric Green 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Fiber Gray 1 Teacup Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 10 Teacup Transfer-printed Watteau Blue 1 Teacup Transfer-printed British flowers Blue 1 Teacup Flow Unidentified Blue 7 Teacup Flow and hand-painted Floral Polychrome 1 Teacup None present N/A N/A 1 Unidentified vessel Hand-painted Unidentified Polychrome 1 Jug Molded Unidentified N/A 1 Muffin Transfer-printed Unidentified Black 1 Muffin Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 3 Muffin Transfer-printed Watteau Blue 1 Muffin Transfer-printed British flowers Blue 1 Muffin Flow Unidentified Blue 2 Total 43

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 233 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8 Appendix 8: Casselden Place: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Whiteware Vessels in the Food Service Category

Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Eggcup Transfer-printed Scenic Brown 1 Soup plate None present N/A N/A 1 Butter dish Transfer-printed Scenic Blue 1 Muffin plate Transfer-printed Geometric Blue 1 Muffin plate Transfer-printed Willow Blue 1 Twiffler plate Transfer-printed Willow Blue 1 Twiffler plate Transfer-printed Fiber Blue 1 Twiffler plate Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 1 Twiffler plate Flow Lahore Blue 1 Bowl Transfer-printed Willow Blue 1 Bowl None present N/A N/A 1 Bowl Industrial slip Annular Polychrome 1 Dinner plate Hand-painted Unidentified Polychrome 1 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Asiatic pheasants Blue 2 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Willow Blue 4 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Chantilly Blue 1 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Ruins Blue 1 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 2 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Floral Black 2 Dinner plate Transfer-printed Unidentified Black 1 Platter Transfer-printed Willow Blue 1 Unidentified plate Transfer-printed Willow Blue 2 Unidentified plate Transfer-printed Unidentified Black 1 Unidentified plate Hand-painted Shell-edge Blue 1 Unidentified plate None present N/A N/A 4 Unidentified vessel Hand-painted Unidentified Polychrome 1 Unidentified vessel Transfer-printed Taymouth castle Blue 1 Unidentified vessel Transfer-printed Rhine Gray 1 (continued) © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 235 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8 236 Appendix 8: Casselden Place: Decoration, Pattern, and Color of Whiteware Vessels...

Form Decoration Pattern Color MNV Unidentified vessel Flow Gothic Black 1 Unidentified vessel Transfer-printed Unidentified Blue 1 Unidentified vessel Transfer-printed Unidentified Black 1 Unidentified vessel Flow Unidentified Blue 1 Unidentified vessel None present N/A N/A 1 Unidentified serving dish Transfer-printed Willow Blue 0 Total 43 Index

A Australian Research Council (ARC), 4, 101, 102 Aboriginal people, 40 Axes, 44 Act to Restrain the Unauthorised Occupation of Crown Lands, 43 Adult recreational B Casselden Place results, 159 Bare-bosomed woman, 40 La Casa Peña results, 135 Batman Treaty, 42, 43 African-American assemblages, 30 Bluestone paving, 60 African-American consumers, 15 Blue transfer-printed vessels, 120 Alcohol consumption, 202 Boarding houses, 18 Ammunition category Bone china, 120, 127 La Casa Peña results, 119 Bourbon Reforms, 73 An ethnography of place, 52 Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, 53 Archaeological component, 4 Bric-a-brac, 23 Archaeological work, 20 Brisbane Valley, 25 Archival data, 141 British Flowers, 128, 186, 187 Area’s inhabitants, 20 British Navigation Acts, 166 Argentina, 7 British trade, 208 Argus newspaper, 108, 167 British trading vessels, 168 Artifact assemblage Buenos Aires, 122, 129, 133 Buenos Aires, 173, 174 artifact assemblage, 173, 174 Casselden Place (see Casselden Place Atlantic trade partners, 213 results) and beer, 203 La Casa Peña (see La Casa Peña results) boleadoras, 69 Melbourne, 165 Bourbon Reforms, 73 Artifacts, 4 ceramic vessels, 69 comparison cultural melting pots, 3 Casselden Place, 188, 189 and early contact, 71 La Casa Peña, 188, 189 early occupation sites, 69 start and end dates of manufacture, 143 economies, 213 types, 99 European diseases, 72 Asiatic Pheasants pattern, 153 European immigration, 77 Assemblage (archaeology), 51, 52 federalized provinces, 75 Assemblage comparison, 99–102, 104–112 food resources, 70 Australian Customs Act 1830, 169 French and Italian architectural styles, 1

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 237 P. Ricardi, An Archaeology of Nineteenth-Century Consumer Behavior in Melbourne, Australia, and Buenos Aires, Argentina, Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21595-8 238 Index

Buenos Aires (cont.) pharmaceutical and hygiene categories, Garay’s party, 72 190–191 Gennaken, 69 work and leisure, 191–192 goods (see Consumer goods) Little Lon, 5 government incentives, 76 location, 5 growth of trade, 72 Lot 35 Little Leichardt Street, 5 history, 68 multiple individual house allotments, 99 La Casa Peña (see La Casa Peña) paintbrush, 201 local and foreign investments, 77 post 2003, 56, 57 local manufacturing industries, purchasing patterns, 28 176, 177 The Sentimental Bloke, 6 local pastoral industries, 1 tools and work-related equipment, 201 long and diverse history, 1 2002 project, 5 May Revolution, 74 Casselden Place results military success, 75 beverage service Napoleon’s invasion, 74 ceramics, 144, 145 national campaign, 76 classification, 143 nonalcoholic beverage, 214 glass, 145 Nuestra Señora de Santa María del Buen beverage storage Ayre, 71 ceramics, 147 period of boom, 77 classification, 146 Querandí, 69–72 glass, 146, 147 San Telmo (see San Telmo) organic, 147 Spanish Crown trade, 73 subfloor deposit, 146 stability and unprecedented growth, 76 clerical category, 148 tastes and cultural continuity, 203 clothing trade networks (see Global trade) category, 148 Buff-bodied vessel, 120 ceramics, 150 Butchering marks, 26 metal, 150 organic, 149, 150 subfloor deposit, 149 C collectibles/decorative category, 150, 151 Capitalism, 17 domestic category, 151 Casselden Place economy, 151 alcohol consumption, 202 food/beverage service, 154, 155 ARC-funded Linkage project, 107 food/beverage storage archaeological excavations (2002-2003), ceramics, 156 55–56 glass, 156 artifact database catalogue, 107 organic, 156 artifact processing, 100, 101 food preparation category, 152 Commonwealth Block, 5 food service consumer choice, 195 ceramics, 152–154 daily lives, sites residents, 203 metal, 154 dataset, 100 subfloor deposit, 152 decoration, pattern and color of Whiteware wooden object, 154 vessels food storage beverage service category, 233 ceramics, 155 food service category, 235, 236 glass, 155 development phase 3 (2001), 54 metal, 155 EAMC database, 213 garden category, 156 vs. La Casa Peña hygiene category, 157 food and beverage storage, 185–187 jewelry category, 157 home-based business, 192–193 manufacturing category, 157, 158 personal appearance, 188–190 MNV counts, 143, 144 Index 239

personal category, 158 global scale, 23 pharmaceutical category, 158 labor division, 17 recreation living conditions, 19 adult, 159 Lowell’s middle class, 18 children’s, 160 Marxist theory, 17 sewing category, 160 material culture, 19 unidentified category middle-class observers, 19 ceramics, 162 multicultural nature of neighborhood, 19 glass, 162 poverty, 22, 23 metal, 163 private vs. public life, 21 MNV counts, 161 relational approach, 18 objects, 161, 162 respectability, 21 organic, 163 self-improvement, 22 Cattle grazing, 1 site formation processes, 22 Central Board for the Protection of slum debate, 22 Aborigines, 44 social production, 19 Ceramic artifacts, 101 socioeconomic status, 17 Ceramics urban slums, 17 Casselden Place results working-class, 20 beverage service, 144, 145 Class/poverty, 3 beverage storage, 147 Clay marble with purple painted lines, 160 clothing, 150 Clay smoking pipes, 26 food/beverage storage, 156 Clerical category food service, 152–154 Casselden Place results, 148 food storage, 155 La Casa Peña results, 124 unidentified category, 162 Clothing category La Casa Peña results Casselden Place results, 148–150 beverage service, 120, 121 La Casa Peña results, 124, 125 beverage storage, 123 Clumping method, 149 food service, 127–129 Collectibles/decorative category pharmaceutical category, 133 Casselden Place results, 150, 151 unidentified category, 137 La Casa Peña results, 125 Ceramic ware types, 102, 103 Colono-ware in North America, 24 Cesspits, 141, 142 Commercial ties to Spain, 174 Childhood, 200, 205, 206 Commodities, 14 Child-related artifacts, 29 Commonwealth Block, 5 Children’s recreational archaeological investigation (1989), 50–52 Casselden Place results, 160 Centre site (1979 and 1987), 50 La Casa Peña results, 135, 136 Conjoining artifacts, 104, 142 Children’s toys, 20 Consumer behavior, 2 Child-specific artifacts, 29, 205 analysis, 215 Chinamen, 40 British trade, 214 Chinese cabinetmakers, 49 Buenos Aires, 213 Christian institutions, 48 Casselden Place, 213 Civil war, 1, 174 class, 214 Class, 2, 213–215 class, gender and childhood, 3 alcohol consumption, 18 consumer choice, 214 archaeological work, 20 ethnicity, 3, 214 artifacts, 20 exploring choice, 3 boarding houses, 18 factors, 4, 8 and capitalism, 17 gender and childhood, 214 corporate control, 18 La Casa Peña, 213 culture of respectability, 22 material culture and documentary data, 2 fluidity, 19 Melbourne, 213 240 Index

Consumer behavior (cont.) San Telmo, 177 people’s experiences, 4 working-class, 178 study, 3 Melbourne and trade networks, 215 Bourke Street, 170 working-class, 215 department stores, 169 Consumer choice, 2, 3, 195, 198, 199, 213, Eastern Market, 169, 170 214 goods imported (see Imports) active role, 16 middle and upper classes, 169 African-American consumers, 15 retailing, 169 in Buenos Aires, 198 street hawkers and stalls, 169 carriers of meaning, 14 street sellers, 169 Casselden Place trade regulations, 169 artist’s paintbrush, 199 types of retailers, 170, 171 clothing items, 196 working-class, 169 complimentary matches, 197 Contemporary social research, 202 fashionable decorative items, 197 Conventillos, 7 French perfume, 196 Cooktown, 25 jewelry, 196 Corinella, 42 matching sets, 198 Creamware vessels, 109, 110, 120, 128 perfume and hair oil, 195, 196 Creolization, 24 tea vessels, 198 Cultural consumption, 14 teacups, 197 Culture of respectability, 22 class divisions and emulation, 13 concept, 13, 14 consumption D and culture, 14 Date range, 104 household goods, 14 Decorative techniques, 154 critics, 16 Defensa Street, 178 industrialization, 16 Department of Administrative Services and La Casa Peña Telecom Australia, 50 complimentary matches, 197 Department of Housing and Construction fashionable decorative items, 197 Victoria-Tasmania Region, 50 French perfume, 196 Department stores, 169 jewelry, 196 Dip molds, 146 perfume and hair oil, 195, 196 Documentary records, 40 teacups, 197 Documentary research, 107–108 shopping, 15, 16 Domestic category site location, 16 Casselden Place results, 151 social construction, 14 La Casa Peña results, 126 socioeconomic-driven research, 15 Drinking mate, 27, 28 socioeconomic factors, 16 socioeconomic means, 15 urban vs. regional settings, 14 E urbanization influence, 16 Early Melbourne Consumer goods Aboriginal people, 40 Buenos Aires archaeological sites, 40 commercial precincts, 177 Batman Treaty, 42, 43 Defensa Street, 178 Corinella, 42 goods imported (see Imports) documentary records, 40 Mercado de San Telmo, 178 domestic banks, 46 open-air markets, 177 economy, 44 Ordenanzas de Descubrimiento y European settlers, 43 Poblacion 1573, 177 fish traps constructed, 40 Plaza Coronel Dorrego market, 177 gold rush, 45 Index 241

grand public buildings, 45 fields, 101, 102 imported goods, 45 functional categories, 106 international exhibitions, 45 manufacturing location, 102, 104 Kulin Nation language groups, 41 matching sets, 105, 106 land boom, 45, 46 using Microsoft Access, 101 mass immigration, 46 MNV counts, 105 moieties and marriage partners, 41 official permission, 43 permanent settlement, 44 F Port Phillip Association, 42 Factory Act, 48 protectorate scheme, 44 Fashion, 3 rail construction, 46 Fluid and holistic approach, 3 sealers, 41, 42 Food/beverage service sheep grazing, 43 Casselden Place results, 154, 155 Sorrento, 42 La Casa Peña results, 130 Transient European settlement, 41 Food/beverage storage category unemployment, 46 Casselden Place results, 156 whalers, 42 La Casa Peña results, 130 Woi wurrung, 40, 41 Food preparation category wool, 44 Casselden Place results, 152 Eastern Market, 169, 170 La Casa Peña results, 126 Economy category Food storage category Casselden Place results, 151 Casselden Place results, 155 La Casa Peña results, 126 La Casa Peña results, 130 Education Act 1872, 206 Free trade agreement, 174 El Conventillo, 7 French perfume, 196 Ethnicity, 2, 3, 199, 200, 206, 213, 214 Functional categories, EAMC, 106 analyses, 24 archaeology of Chinese communities, 25, 26 G architecture and domestic ceramics, 25 Gambling tokens, 26 artifacts, 27 Garden category British culture, 25 Casselden Place results, 156 culturally diverse settings, 24 Gender, 204 drinking mate, 27, 28 and childhood, 28–30, 213, 214 fixed entity, 24 children’s toys, 205 fluid and diverse entity, 27 La Casa Peña, 206 intolerance, 24 Little Lon and San Telmo, 204 Irish immigration, 26, 27 Gin/schnapps bottles, 123, 147 Jewish and Irish communities, 26 Glass and material culture, 24 artifacts, 101 Melbourne and Buenos Aires, 24 Casselden Place results overpopulation, 24 beverage service, 145 person’s self-identity, 24 beverage storage, 146, 147 theory of mutualism, 25 food/beverage storage, 156 unemployment, 24 food storage, 155 Excavations, 18, 53 unidentified category, 162 Exploring the Archaeology of the Modern City La Casa Peña results (EAMC) database, 4 beverage service, 121, 122 ARC-funded project, 102 beverage storage, 123 ceramic ware types, 102, 103 pharmaceutical category, 133 conjoining, 104 unidentified category, 137, 138 data range, 104 Globalization, 4, 207–209 design, 102 Global scale, 2, 23 242 Index

Global trade personal category, 180 Buenos Aires pharmaceutical/medical supply archival sources, 175 category, 180 commerce, 174 recreational activities, 180 Confederate Provinces, 174 statistical returns, 178 imported goods, 174 Melbourne Ley de Aduanas 1835, 174 beverages, 172 Ley de Derechos Diferenciales 1856, 175 building/industrial materials category, percentage of originating ports, 171 175, 176 category list, 171, 172 supplier, and markets, 174 clerical category, 172 transport options, 174 clothing, 172 integrated market economies, 180, 181 domestic category, 172 Melbourne food category, 172 archival resources, 167 personal category, 173 British Navigation Acts, 166 pharmaceutical/medical supply British trading vessels, 168 category, 173 customs tariffs, 166 recreation category, 172 inter-colonial shipping, 166 shipping lists, 171 inter-colonial trade, 166 Industry Superannuation Property Trust Pty Napoleonic Wars, 166 Ltd (ISPT), 54, 55 percentage of originating ports, 167 Integrated market economies, 180, 181 political and economic strength, 166 Inter-colonial shipping, 166 principal trade partner, 166 Inter-colonial trade, 166 trade policies, 166 International comparison, 187, 188 Gold rush, 45 artifact processing (see Historical artifact processing) British Empire, 99 H Casselden Place dataset, 100 Habitus, 24 documentary research, 107–108 Hard physical work, 201 EAMC database (see Exploring the Historical artifact analysis, 112 Archaeology of the Modern City Historical artifact processing (EAMC) database) Casselden Place, 100, 101 La Casa Peña dataset, 100 La Casa Peña, 101 methodological limitations, 109–112 Homesickness, 26 International trade networks, 4 Hotspots, 56 Interpretative approach, 30–31 Hygiene category Irish and Irish-American identity, 27 Casselden Place results, 157 Irish nationalistic symbols, 26 La Casa Peña results, 131 Ironstone vessel, 152

I J Imports Jewelry category Buenos Aires Casselden Place results, 157 alcoholic beverages, 179 La Casa Peña results, 131, 132 building/industrial materials Jewish and Irish communities, 26 category, 179 category list, 178, 179 clerical category, 180 K clothing category, 180 Kaolin pipe fragments, 135 domestic category, 180 Kaolin smoking pipe, 159 food category, 179 Kulin Nation language groups, 41 Index 243

L beverage service Labor division, 17 ceramics, 120, 121 La Casa Peña classification, 119 alcohol consumption, 202 glass, 121, 122 archival sources, 88 beverage storage artifact catalogue, 107 ceramics, 123 artifact deposition, 118 clerical category, 124 artifact processing, 101 glass, 123 brick floor, 118 metal, 124 Buenos Aires, land, 88 clothing category, 124, 125 vs. Casselden Place collectibles/decorative category, 125 food and beverage storage, domestic category, 126 185–187 economy category, 126 home-based business, 192–193 food/beverage service, 130 personal appearance, 188–190 food/beverage storage category, 130 pharmaceutical and hygiene categories, food preparation category, 126 190–191 food service work and leisure, 191–192 ceramics, 127–129 construction, 117 metal, 129 consumer choice, 195 food storage category, 130 conventillos, 91 hygiene category, 131 daily lives, sites residents, 203 jewelry category, 131, 132 dataset, 100 manufacturing category, 131 EAMC database, 213 MNV counts, 118, 119 food service category personal category, 132 decoration, pattern and color of pharmaceutical category Pearlware vessels, 225, 226 ceramics, 133 decoration, pattern and color of glass, 133 Whiteware vessels, 223 sulfur, 133, 134 matching sets, 227, 228 recreation food service vessels by form and ware adult, 135 type, 222 children's, 135, 136 gender-specific toys, 205 sewing category, 136 glass medicine bottles, 200 unidentified category historical plans, 88 ceramics, 137 location, 6 glass, 137, 138 manufacturing ranges, 118 synthetic objects, 138 Peña property, 90 Lahore pattern, 153 periods of occupation, 118 Land boom, 45, 46 pharmaceutical items, 200 Ley de Aduanas 1835, 174 phases, 92 Ley de Derechos Diferenciales 1856, 175 purchasing patterns, 28 Limited manufacturing, 169, 174, 176, 181 redevelopment works, 7 Little Lon, 5 rental properties (House 1, 2 and 3), 92, archaeological and heritage studies, 50 94, 95 areas, 47 residence of the upper middle class, 7 business and residence, 47 spatial distribution, 117 Casselden Place, 54–56 sulfur crystal fragments, 200 Chinese cabinetmakers, 49 time lag, 118 Christian institutions, 48 tools and work-related equipment, 201 Commonwealth Block toys and games, 206 archaeological investigation (1989), La Casa Peña results 50–52 ammunition category, 119 Centre site (1979 and 1987), 50 244 Index

Little Lon (cont.) cultural melting pots, 3 conventional view, 6 economies, 213 deplorable conditions, 48 exporter, 213 inhabitants, 49 goods (see Consumer goods) inner-city working-class suburb, 47 Little Lon (see Little Lon) limited incomes, 48 local manufacturing industries, 168 Murray and Mayne (1999-2003), 52–54 local pastoral industries, 1 noxious industries, 47 slums, 39 poor ventilation, 48 social activity, 214 post 2003, 56, 57 Tasmania, 1 sewerage system, 47 trade networks (see Global trade) small lanes and alleyways, 47 Melbourne Central Business District war on slums and vice, 49 (CBD), 5 wealthier middle and upper suburbs, 47 Mercado de San Telmo, 178 wooden houses, 47 Metal working-class women, 204 Casselden Place results working conditions, 48 clothing, 150 Local manufacturing industries food service, 154 Buenos Aires, 176, 177 food storage, 155 Melbourne, 168 unidentified category, 163 Lonsdale Street property, 59 La Casa Peña results Lot 35 beverage storage, 124 accuracy, 59 food service, 129 bluestone paving, 60 Methodological limitations cesspits, 62, 142 Bean site, 110 Commonwealth Block site, 112 building structures, 111 history, 57–60 Casa Peña assemblage, 109 occupancy, 59 Casselden Place assemblage, 110, 112 occupation phase, 62 ceramic assemblage, 109 plan, 61, 62 conventillo phase, 109, 110 subfloor deposits, 60 discard patterns, 109 timber structure, 60, 62 EAMC catalogue, 109 Lucrative trade, 1 excavation and post-excavation methods, 109 surface artifact survey, 110 M survival rates, 111 Machine-made footwear, 149 Minimum number of vessel (MNV) Macro- and microscales of analysis, 3 counts, 105 Mahlstedt plans, 59 Mining techniques, 26 Majolica, 127 Miscellaneous, 137 Manufacturing category Mortuary rituals, 26 Casselden Place results, 157, 158 Myrnong/Yam Daisy, 41 La Casa Peña results, 131 The Mystery of a Hansom Cab, 39 Marvellous Melbourne, 1, 2 Little Lon (see Little Lon) Lot 35 (see Lot 35) N Marxist theory, 17 Napoleonic Wars, 166 Mass immigration, 46 Nehemiah Guthridge, 58 Matching sets, 105, 106 Nineteenth-century trade McCarthy’s site report, 53 Britain’s dominance, 166 Mediterranean countries, 203 country’s labor force, 176 Melbourne integrated market economies, 180, 181 artifact assemblage, 165 in Melbourne, 169 Casselden Place (see Casselden Place) restrictions, vessels, 167 characterization, 39 Noxious industries, 47 Index 245

O conventillo, 81 Open-air markets, 177 dockside areas, 78 Opium smoking, 26 European immigrants wages, 78 Ordenanzas de Descubrimiento y Poblacion house art galleries and antique stores, 82 1573, 177 immigrant working class, 78 industrial plants, 79 Jesuit Church, 85 P La Casa del Naranjo, 87, 88 Pacific Steam Navigation Company (PSNC), 121 Lezama Park, 84 Paneled decoration, 121–122 Michelángelo, 86–87 Paris of South America, 1, 2, 68, 77 slum stereotype, 82 See also Buenos Aires Tercero del Sur stream, 83 Pattern name, 173 test pits, 85 Pearlware vessels, 109, 110, 120, 121, 129 and working-class life, 78–82 Personal category working-class women, 204 Casselden Place results, 158 Scarred trees, 40 La Casa Peña results, 132 Scowlin slum, 52 Pharmaceutical category Sealers, 41, 42 Casselden Place results, 158 Self-expression, 3 La Casa Peña results, 132–134 Self-improvement, 22 Plaza Constitución Market, 177 The Sentimental Bloke, 6 Plaza Coronel Dorrego market, 177 Sewerage system, 47 Plaza del Comercio, 177 Sewing category Political instability, 1 Casselden Place results, 160 Poor ventilation, 48 La Casa Peña results, 136 Porcelain vessels, 120, 144 Sheep grazing, 43 Port Phillip Association, 42 Shell-edge decorated vessels, 129 Poverty, 22, 23 Shellfish, 30 Power dynamics, 22 Shopping, 15, 16, 199 Primary and secondary documentary sources, 4 Simmel’s theory, 13 Public Health Amendment Act 1876, 142 Site comparison, 189 Public Records Office of Victoria (PROV See also Casselden Place; La Casa Peña [6470]), 108 Slum debate, 22 Purchasing matching sets, 15 Smellbourne, 48 Smoking pipes, 135, 165, 173, 174 Social construction, 14 Q Socioeconomic-driven research, 15 Queen Victoria Market, 169, 170 Socioeconomic means, 15 Sorrento, 42 Spanish Crown, 70–75 R Spears, 44 Rail construction, 46 Square-shaped toes, 149 Railway Construction Act 1884, 46 Stem decoration, 122 Respectability, 21 Stoneware, 127 Rocks in Sydney, 20 Street sellers, 169 Rosas administration, 175 Subfloor deposits, 143 Subsurface testing, 87

S Sanitation, 199 T San Telmo, 177 Tablewares, 20, 204 Balcarce 433, 86 Tasmania, 1 Buenos Aires’ oldest suburbs, 78 Tea wares, 20 built heritage study, 83 Theory of conspicuous consumption, 13 Coni press, 86 Theory of mutualism, 25 246 Index

Tim Murray and Alan Mayne (1999-2003), 52–54 W Tobacco factories, 48 War of the Triple Alliance, 76 Trade Whiteware vessels, 120, 128, Atlantic trade partners, 213 144, 153 British, 213, 214 Woi wurrung, 40, 41 networks, 213, 215 Wool, 44 Transfer-printed ceramics, 173 Working-class Treyfe (non-kosher) foods, 26 British and Irish immigrants, 6 Trickle-down theory, 13 cities’ urban spaces, 2 Two-piece molds, 146 consumer behavior and ethnicity, 3 culture, 19 Cumberland/Gloucester Street U in Sydney, 15 Upper-middle-class housing, 18 identity, 19, 23 Urban archaeology, 14, 22 and Little Lon (see Little Lon) Urban ghetto, 52 neighborhoods, 2, 3, 20, 31 Urban vs. regional settings, 14 suburbs, 17, 24 Urban slums, 17, 19–23 tenement housing, 7 Urban spaces, 2 urban life, 4

V Y Valuable information, 2 Yarra River, 41, 43 Victoria, 44