1710_BIOR_2008/5-6_03_Tekst 30-01-2009 10:55 Pagina 658

721 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXV N° 5-6, september-december 2008 722

The , since the beginnings of their expansion into Syria, were faced with the fact that the various city-states had their own laws, each different from the other, even in mat- ters of the administration of justice. The Egyptians and the reign of Mittani, notwithstanding their having dominated dif- ferent areas of Syria prior to the Hittites, were apparently unable to tangibly influence the local administrations in this field. An example may be found in the legal texts coming from level IV in Alalakh: subjected to the reign of Mittani, the city was still able to rule autonomously on all its internal affairs regarding matters of justice (I. Márquez Rowe, “Alalakh” in R. Westbrook (ed.), A History of Ancient Near Eastern Law, Leiden – Boston 2003, 704). Nonetheless, the Hittites had put into effect more direct control over the terri- tory. In some cases, as in Karkemis, it was a Hittite dynasty that took over. In others, as in , a local dynasty sur- vived, but, in matters of internal justice, did not change its own regulatory system. In other cases, such as in Emar, a Hit- tite joined the local administration. During the course of the reign of Mursili II, the contentious cases that arose among the various states were, in general, referred to the king of Aleppo (see now L. D’Alfonso, “Talmi-Sarruma judge? Some thoughts on the jurisdiction of the kings of Aleppo dur- ing the Hittite Empire” in A. Archi – R. Francia, VI con- gresso internazionale di ittitologia. Roma, 5-9 settembre HETTITOLOGIE 2005 / parte I [SMEA 49], Roma 2007, 159-169; J.L. Miller, “Mursili II’s dictate to Tuppi-Tessub’s Syrian antagonists”, D’ALFONSO, L. — Le procedure giudiziarie ittite in Siria KASKAL 4 [2007], 121-152). (XIII sec. a.C.) (Studia Mediterranea 17). Italian Uni- D’Alfonso affirms that an attempt to run the territory versity Press, 2005. (24 cm, 239). ISBN 88-8258-028-8. jointly was carried out only at the beginning of the reign of / 80,-. Muwatalli with the constitution of a judiciary system (p. 196). However, it appears there is insufficient proof in this regard, The book written by Lorenzo D’Alfonso amplifies and given the lack of documents concerning the period of this revises part of his dissertation, presented to the University of sovereign. Instead, it is a known fact that in the reign of at- Florence in 2002. It examines a particular group of texts con- Î tusili III, the role of the king of Karkemis became even more taining court rulings by the Hittite administration in Syria and incisive in resolving questions governing justice in the dif- is a successful attempt at reconstructing the legal system: ferent states. It was actually during this phase that the figure rules of law, judiciary procedures, personages, places of jus- of the king of Aleppo completely disappeared. tice in the area of Syria that was controlled by the Hittites in Indeed, no regulatory text exists concerning judicial pro- the late Bronze Age. cedures. This information is valid both for the Anatolian The author has focused on how the laws were possibly nucleus in the reign of Îatti, and for the Syrian possessions. brought to fruition by virtue of the different conceptions of Essentially, the sources concern the sentences issued by a justice existing in the area during this historic period: from judging authority. Furthermore, Hittite documents such as the the autochthonic ideas in Syria that differed from city to city; collection of laws (CTH 291-292), the texts on instructions from the Hittite dominators, who inevitably had started a cen- and the swearing of oaths (CTH 251-271) are basically prac- tral management process for the administration and power of tical in nature and, above all, are not useful for the recon- justice; and from the reign of Mittani, which had dominated struction of the judiciary procedure in the Syrian area. This the area in the period prior to the Hittite conquest. is due to the fact that these texts were strictly connected with The book is divided into five chapters: 1. (Il contesto) A the administration of the Anatolian cities, as D’Alfonso historical introduction with particular reference to the local points out (p. 29 ff.). worlds of Karkemis (1.2), Emar (1.3), Ugarit and Amurru Instead, the important documents for analyzing the Hittite (1.4); 2. (Le fonti) The main sources and, therefore, the reg- judiciary administration in Syria are: the letters of the Impe- ulatory part (2.1), the court rulings (2.2), other legal sources rial period that were exchanged between the various courts of various kinds (2.3), and sources such as the letters found of the empire (letters make reference to controversies that the in Ugarit and Îattusa concerning facts of a legal sort (2.4); Hittite administration in Syria must have been involved with), 3. (Il personale) The personnel who handled the administra- decrees and sentences coming from the Mid-Euphrates area, tion of justice and all the competent branches like the tri- as well as international agreements issued in Karkemis. The bunals (3.1), judiciary officials (3.2), and witnesses (3.3); 4. political treaties from the era of which were (La procedura) The legal procedures, including those on the drawn up together with Syrian vassals are also important. initiative of the litigants (4.1), and the official one (4.2); 5. What emerges from this study is how extremely heteroge- (I casi controversi e i loro protagonisti) The controversial neous the judicial system in the Syrian region was, and also cases attested in Ugarit (5.1), Emar and the Mid-Euphrates connected to the local sphere. On internal questions in the area (5.2). single states, Hittite justice does not seem to have played a 1710_BIOR_2008/5-6_03_Tekst 30-01-2009 10:55 Pagina 659

723 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — HETTITOLOGIE 724

fundamental role. Even in the city of Emar, where officials a sentence was issued by a judge acting with authority in from Karkemis resided, it seems that the role of the judges favour of one of the two litigants. This process was used was exercised by said officials together with the local admin- especially by the Hittite administration when the dispute istrators, starting, at least, in the second half of the 13th cen- was serious enough to put the Hittite supremacy in Syria at tury BC (pp. 72-75). What is different and perhaps more inci- risk. sive is how the central Hittite power settled the issues of the In the fifth chapter, D’Alfonso analyses controversial cases dominating state connected to disputes regarding the rela- and, more importantly, tries to set them against a historic- tionships between the very small Syrian states. It is logical political background. The chapter is divided into one section to think that the Hittites must have held this sort of priority on Ugarit (5.1) and another on Emar (5.2). One of the most control, being aware of the fact that the disputes among the important controversies, reported in the first part, concerned states could cause revolts and political instability in the the known divorce case of the king of Ugarit - Ammistamru region. - from the princess, daughter of Bentesina of Amurru. The Part of our knowledge in this sphere is surely weakened reasons for the divorce are not clear and these documents do by the scarcity of direct sources, and particularly by the lack not help to uncover the causes of said dispute. The author of a considerable number of verdicts in Syria issued by the observes how, added to the hypotheses of adultery and con- local administrators or by the Great King himself. spiracy, there is possibly a third: the princess might have In the chapter regarding the personnel who administrated tried to harm her spouse by making use of black magic. justice, D’Alfonso rightly describes the figure of the king of According to D’Alfonso the indicators are the Akkadian Îatti as supreme judge (pp. 53-61), a role that over time was expression maruÒ qaqqadi-su ubta’’i “She searched for ill- affiliated with the figure of the king of Karkemis (pp. 61-63). ness of his person/head” (RS. 17.159 7) and its parallel with The centrality of the latter in the Syrian area and, in general, the Hittite idalu sanÌ- (p. 150). In my opinion, however, this in the Hittite empire as the third highest-ranking state offi- construction does not seem semantically connected to the cial was already recognized in the era of Mursili II, together practices of black magic, which normally is expressed by with the treaty drawn up with his brother Piyassili (CTH 57, other verbal and nominal forms like alwanzaÌÌ- and alwan- KBo 1.28). Perhaps it would have been interesting in this sec- zatar (e.g. CTH 81, III 18; CTH 19 IV 31). idalu sanÌ- sim- tion to make a deeper comparison between the sentences ply means “to desire evil, to plot (against someone)” and has issued in Syria by the Great King of Hatti and those which its opposite in the expression assu sanÌ- “to desire good (for saw the king of Karkemis as supreme judge. It may be true someone)” (see. CHD S, 165b-166). To say that the execu- that Mursili II assigned a great deal of power to his brother tion of evil (idalu) at this juncture may also have been car- Piyassili, however he seems not to have placed the adminis- ried out through the practice of black magic is only a pre- tration of international justice in his hands. Documents of this sumption. In fact, accusations of carrying out “black magic” kind date back only to the period of Ini-Tessub, king of were commonly used to harm political opponents. But what Karkemis from 1270 to 1210 who ruled in the period of Îat- we do not know is whether the persons accused were really tusili III and TutÌaliya IV. We may take as an example the guilty of such actions, or if the accusations served simply to continuous fighting between Ugarit and Siyannu (I. Singer, obstruct dangerous political adversaries: accusations of “Political History of Ugarit” in: W.G.E. Watson – N. Wyatt, witchcraft were often indeed an efficacious means of keep- Handbook of Ugaritic Studies, Leiden –Boston – Köln 1999, ing away one’s opponents. The documents regarding the pp. 640, 648-651). In the sentence RS. 13.335+, the dispute princess of Amurru say, in truth, little about her real wrong- concerning the ownership of lands on the borders of the two doings or on the ways of putting them into effect; there is states was governed by Mursili II. We have no document that much more on how she had become troublesome in Ugarit. might testify a deed by Piyassili or by his successor SaÌu- In general, the documents in question appear to show how runuwa on this matter. Instead, we know that successive dis- the small kingdom of Ugarit, albeit subjected to the Hittites, putes between the two states saw the involvement of both Ini- managed to maintain a certain political influence, probably Tessup of Karkemis (RS. 17.341) and TutÌaliya IV of Îatti in virtue of its wealth. That is why the king Ammistamru suc- (RS. 19.081). We note in particular that direct control by the ceeded in getting the restitution of the Amurrite princess. (For Great King seems to get weaker in the period of Îattusili III the same reason, the city would be exonerated from sending when internal problems left little room for dealing with Syr- troops during the war between the Hittites and the Assyrians ian issues. The administration of the provinces therefore [174-176]). became an appanage of the dynasty of Karkemis, which was In the section concerning Emar (5.2), a different political- much more stable than the court of Îattusa. The appearance administrative world is pictured in which the control of the of Hittite supremacy was kept in form. In substance, starting king of Karkemis is direct and strong (see R. Pruzsinszky, from the 13th century, all current affairs, including the admin- “Emar and the Transition from Hurrian to Hittite Power” in: istration of justice between the states, were managed by the M. Heinz - M. H. Feldman, Representations of Political king of Karkemis. The writer delves further into this aspect Power. Case Histories of Change and Dissolving Order in in the fourth chapter concerning judicial procedure (p. 95). the Ancient Near East, Winona Lake, IN 2007, 21-33). The This chapter is the most original part of the book. The writer judiciary cases show conflict linked to every day business has distinguished, based on the documentation handed down more than the intrigues within the reach of the dominating to us, two different judicial processes: (1) the initiating pro- state; matters concerning non-payment of debts, theft, and cedure of the parties (pp. 92-123); (2) the official initiating disputes linked to land property. Indeed, in Emar, two juris- procedure (pp. 124-138). dictions are seen to be operating along parallel paths, the Hit- The essential difference between the two processes is tite one and the autochthonic one; however they do interact that in the former case there were two litigants who sought with each other. It does not appear that there are any impor- an accord through recourse to a judge, whereas in the latter, tant differences in the principles of the law applied. 1710_BIOR_2008/5-6_03_Tekst 30-01-2009 10:55 Pagina 660

725 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXV N° 5-6, september-december 2008 726

The cases reported by the author for both Ugarit and Emar Appendix A serves as an appendix to B. van Gessel’s Ono- therefore allow us to observe two political realities which had masticon of the Hittite Pantheon. However, it does not use the very different political destinies in the same geographical same subdivisions as the latter. The names of the gods are area. divided into Hittite (1), Hurrian (2), Sumerian (3) and Akka- In the first few chapters, D’Alfonso could have reported dian (4). Sections 3 and 4 list the names of gods that are the texts of the documents, used as his main sources, in their Sumerographically resp. Akkadographically written, section 2 original language, to let the reader understand his “corretta lists those names of gods occurring in a Hurrian (con)text. The interpretazione del testo antico” (p. 10) in light of the possible attestation of Taru (dTa-a(?)-]ru-u-un Bo 8604 3’) in undoubtedly accurate reconstruction of the historic-political Hattian context is not included. Also omitted are Halui2) (dHa- context. lu-u-i-is Bo 2689 obv. iii 25’), Hepat (dHé-pát Bo 3378 r. col. Tables on the content of the sentences, and their possible 5’, dHé-p[át Bo 3378 r. col. 8’, 9’), IM (dIM-as Bo 5164 obv? dating, indexes and bibliography bring the book to a close ii 6’), ISTAR (dISTAR Bo 5571 rev. v 10’, dISTAR URULa-wa- (pp. 200-239). za-an-ti-ya Bo 5251 l. col. 5’, dISTAR URUSa-mu-ha Bo 5251 The book by L. D’Alfonso is a very useful tool for schol- l. col. 4’), Kulitta (dKu-li-it-ta Bo 5251 l. col. 6’), LAMMA ars of the Near East to learn more about the multiple aspects (dLAMMA Bo 6014 l. col 15’), Ninatta (dNi-na-ta Bo 5251 l. of the administration of Hittite justice in Syria in the 13th cen- col. 6’), Pirwa (dPí-ir-wa Bo 3243 rev. 8’), U (dU Bo 3686 tury BC. rev. iv? 3’, dU URUHi-es-s[a- Bo 5087+ rev. iii 21’) and UTU (dU]TU URUA-ri-in-[na Bo 6014 l. col. 14’). Florence/Italy, June 2008 Giulia TORRI Appendix B is an appendix to E. Laroche’s Les Noms des hittites. Here, we may also add Haluti (mHa-lu-ti-i[n(-) Bo 5814 5’) and the fragmentary -]waziti ( ]-wa-LÚ Bo 4965 KORTE AANKONDIGINGEN obv. 12’). In appendix C, several attestations of geographical names are not included: (URU Bo 5664 obv. i 4’, FUSCAGNI, F. — Hethitische unveröffentliche Texte aus Ayakki A-ya-ak-ki Bo 6554 l. col. 3’), ? (URU [ ? Bo 5005 rev. 8’), den Jahren 1906-1912 in der Sekundärliteratur. (Hethi- Alisa A-l i-sa (KUR URU [ Bo 9201 obv. 8’), tologie Portal Mainz-Materialien 6). Verlag Otto Har- Amurru A-mur-r a Anasapri (URU [ (-) Bo 5262 rev? 2’), (URU rassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2007. (24 cm, IX, 202). ISBN A-na-sa- ap-ri Ankuwa A-an- [ ] Bo 5005 rev. 5’), (URU Bo 978-3-447-05529-1, ISSN 1862-202X. / 52,-. ku-w a Hanhana Ha-an-ha-na 7937 l. col. 14’), Hursama? (URUHur-sa-m]a? Bo 3817 obv. In 1988, all clay tablets and fragments found during the ii, 24), Ku(wa)nnaniya (TÚLKu-wa-an-na-ni-y[a(-) Bo 5222 r. early excavations of H. Winckler and Th. Makridi in the col. 6’), Masa (URUMa-a-s[a Bo 6754 r. col. 3’), Munisga period 1906-1912 were transported from the Vorderasiatis- (TÚLMu-un-ni-is[- Bo 3875 r. col. 7’), Ta-[ (URUTa-a-x[ Bo ches Museum in Berlin to the Museum of Anatolian Civi- 7937 l. col. 11’), Daha (H]UR.SAGDa-a-ha Bo 5110 obv. 5’, lizations in Ankara. Of these fragments, approximately 4,000 HUR.SAGD]a-ha-an-na Bo 7863 obv. i 7’), Za-x[ (TÚLZa-x Bo were still unpublished, and remain unpublished to this day. 7863 obv. i 71), Zaratna (URUZa-ra-at-na Bo 5587 rev. 3’), Some (parts) of these fragments however, have been cited Zipalanta (UR]UZi-ip-la-[an-da Bo 3456 obv. i? 12’) and over the years in secondary literature. Zuliya (ÍDZu-li-ya Bo 5667 6’, Bo 5813 rev. 5’) as well as all The present book gives an overview of all citations of attestations of Hatti (URUHa-at-ti, Bo 5045 obv. ii 15’, Bo these unpublished fragments in secondary literature. As the 7960 rev. iv 3’, URUH]a-at-ti Bo 3508 2’, Bo 9200 obv. 4’, author remarks in his preface, the work is to be considered Bo 9201 obv. 3’, U]RU Ha-at-ti Bo 9201, obv. 6’) and Hat- an expansion of DBH 5 by D. Groddek.1) Whereas the lat- tusa (URUHa-at-tu-sa-as Bo 6736 obv. i 3’, URUHa-at-tu-sa- ter lists the secondary literature in which the unpublished [as] Bo 5045 obv. ii 6’, URUHa-at-tu-]sa-as Bo 5045, obv. ii Bo-fragments are mentioned and cited, Fuscagni takes it one 17’, URUH]a-at-tu-sa-as Bo 6943 rev. 3’, URUHa-at-tu-si Bo step further and not only gives the bibliographical refer- 3385 obv. i 7’, URUHa-a[t-tu-si Bo 10293 rev. vi 5’, URUH[a- ences, but also offers the complete quoted text parts in at-tu-si Bo 3857 rev. iv? 3’). Furthermore, note that Matila transliteration. is to be found in Bo 4097 12’, Tasa in Bo 6030 rev. iii 18’ The discussed fragments are arranged according to their (text references missing in appendix), Zinishap[- is attested Bo. numbers. They have been subdivided into three cate- in Bo 4262 10’ instead of Bo 3508 10’ and that Tuhuluk[a gories: Hittite texts (pp.1 -176), Akkadian texts (p.177) and (Bo 8662, 2’) is placed under the lemma Zahaluka without Hattian texts (pp.179-186). The length of the cited fragments reference. varies greatly: some of them are quite small containing one Unfortunately, there are also some distracting typographi- (part of a) word only, whereas other fragments can be quite cal flaws: especially in the footnotes the character sizes all extensive. The decision not to include the CTH-numbers (for too often switch within one sentence, sometimes the font which the author refers us to S. Kosak’s Konkordanz der het- even changes (p.198, n.225) and the use of italics is incon- hitischen Texte) is somewhat unfortunate, for the inclusion sistent (e.g. in appendix C, some geographical names are not of this information would certainly have contributed to the — or only partly— in italics (p. 201). book’s usability. The inaccuracies aside, this book is a very convenient addi- At the end there are three useful, though not extensive tion to existing scholarly tools and certainly contributes to appendices, listing the names of gods (appendix A), personal the accessibility of the unpublished Bo-fragments. names (appendix B) and geographical names (appendix C).

2) Possibly, this god is also attested in Bo 2689 obv. ii 33’, if we inter- 1) D. Groddek, Konkordanz zu den Grabungsnummern, Dresden 2002. pret dHa-lu-u-in-ka-at-ta-an as dHaluin (acc.) kattan.