St. Catherine University

From the SelectedWorks of Hui Wilcox

2016

‘Authentic’ and Racialized Ethnic Identities in Multicultural America: Chinese in Minnesota and Peruvian in New Jersey Hui Wilcox, St. Catherine University

Available at: https://works.bepress.com/hui-wilcox/3/ SREXXX10.1177/2332649216674224Sociology of Race and EthnicityWilcox and Busse research-article6742242016

Original Research Article

Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 15–­1 “Authentic” Dance and © American Sociological Association 2016 DOI: 10.1177/2332649216674224 Racialized Ethnic Identities sre.sagepub.com in Multicultural America: The Chinese in Minnesota and in New Jersey

Hui Niu Wilcox1 and Erika Busse2

Abstract We investigate how Chinese and Peruvian immigrants in the United States construct the idea of authenticity through dance and what roles the discourse and practice surrounding authenticity play in the formation of racialized ethnic identities. This inquiry reveals that “authenticity” in the context of immigrant dance has two distinct but related dimensions; it is both a descriptor of cultural practice and a quality of individual subjectivities by which immigrants recognize the importance of dance for both cultural preservation and individual self-actualization. Additionally, through so-called authentic cultural practices such as dance, immigrants in the United States preserve their before-migration national identities. They do so in the institutional context of multiculturalism, where the host society’s demands for authenticity converge with immigrants’ desire for belonging and where immigrants experience racial formation and ethnic construction simultaneously.

Keywords dance, racial formation, ethnic construction, Chinese immigrants, Peruvian immigrants

Introduction suggests that it was invented before the Spanish conquest of and is an ancient authentic With [SY Dance Company], we use classical [italics added] dance of the mountain-dwelling Chinese dance in its purist form, we don’t mix in Peruvian Indians. (Rosseta Stone Blog 2013) modern, contemporary, , and other dance forms. . . . Authentic [italics added] classical The idea of authenticity is often invoked in popular Chinese dance can really give the audience an 1 uplifting experience of pure goodness and discourses about dance and yet rarely investigated. consummate beauty. (Wang 2012) In the previous quotes, authenticity derives from

The is a mixture of Spanish rhythms 1St. Catherine University, Saint Paul, MN, USA and styles (namely ), Moorish and 2Universidad del Pacifico (Perú), Lima, Peru Andean seen in the stamping, quick turning, and held carriage of the upper body. . . . [T]he Corresponding Author: Hui Nui Wilcox, Department of Sociology, St. style is purer—possibly based on Inca Catherine University, 2004 Randolph Ave., Saint Paul, ritualistic stamping, and has less variety of MN 55105, USA. steps. It does not include Latin influences which Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ST. CATHERINE UNIVERSITY on November 1, 2016 2 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity the dance’s purportedly pure origin and through and where immigrants experience racial formation comparison to something else that is less pure, and ethnic construction simultaneously. tainted with “foreign” influences. Both quotes Chinese and Peruvian communities in the come from diasporic sources: a maker of Chinese United States are very different in terms of history, dance in the United States and a Peruvian dance location, and economic standings. However, both critic living in the United Kingdom. In our respec- communities demonstrate an intense collective tive ethnographic research of the Chinese commu- interest in dance. The two authors came together nity in St. Paul, Minnesota, since 2000 and the after years of engaging with each other’s work, with Peruvian community in Paterson, New Jersey, shared interest in migration, ethnicity, and embodi- since 2006, we have encountered the idea of ment. We contend that dance is an important cul- authenticity frequently. We place these two ethno- tural practice in many immigrant communities and graphic cases side by side to illustrate the impor- that the social meanings and functions of dance are tance of immigrant dance practices that are worthy of sociological investigation. We combine considered “authentic” in ethnic construction and our case studies in one article to show that dance racial formation of contemporary American and its accompanying discourses in immigrant society. communities are not an isolated phenomenon and to The prevalence of dance practices in many con- shed light on both the commonality and diversity of temporary immigrant communities has evaded embodied immigrant cultural practices. attention by sociologists, except for a few isolated studies (Thomas 1995; H. Wilcox 2011). The fast growing sociology of the body has paid little atten- Chinese in Minnesota, tion to dance and movement. Rather, sociologists PeruvianS in New Jersey of the body tend to focus on the body as an object As a result of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, of social control and discipline (Fox 1998). While the presence of Chinese people in Minnesota was not precluding the presence of control and disci- minimal for much of the nineteenth and twentieth pline, a sociology of dance can potentially shed century. Since the 1980s, the Chinese population in light on the agency of the moving body (Albright the United States has surged after the normalization 1997). We echo Green’s (2008) call for sociologists of the U.S.-China diplomacy in 1979 and China’s of the body to take serious Bourdieu’s (1984) con- subsequent economic liberalization. From 1980 to cept of habitus. The theory of habitus illuminates 2013, the population of Chinese immigrants grew that embodied practices are bound up with meso from 384,000 to 2 million, of which only about and macro social structures. Bodily practices, scaf- 7,000 reside in Minnesota (Minnesota Compass folded in micro structures of temporality and spati- 2016). A significant portion of the Chinese immi- ality, are not mere reflections of structures of race, grant population in Minnesota are highly educated gender, and class; practices such as dance produce professionals working in IT, science, engineering, and reproduce social structures. and finances. According to 2010 census data, 50 Based on ethnographic studies of Chinese and percent of mainland Chinese and 73 percent of Peruvian dance in the United States, we unravel Taiwanese living in Minnesota have college educa- three related arguments. First, “authenticity” in the tion (Kao 2012). context of dance has two distinct but related dimen- The steady growth of the Peruvian migrant pop- sions. On one hand, it is used to describe immigrant ulation also took place in the 1980s and early cultural practices that are considered “true to their 1990s, mostly due to the hyperinflation and politi- origins.” On the other hand, “being authentic” con- cal instability in Peru (Altamirano 2000). The 2000 notes a genuine quality of individual subjectivities, census registered 233,926 Peruvians, though other the opposite of being disingenuous. Immigrants estimates (e.g., Altamirano 2000) indicate that as recognize the importance of dance for both cultural many as 1 million Peruvians reside in the United preservation and individual self-actualization. States. According to Peruvian Consulates in the Second, immigrants in the United States preserve United States, Paterson hosts one of the largest their before-migration national identities through Peruvian immigrant populations. In 2000, 37 per- so-called authentic cultural practices such as dance. cent of Peruvians in the United States had com- And last but not least, immigrant dance takes place pleted high school, and 48 percent had either in the institutional context of multiculturalism, attended college or had obtained a college diploma where the host society’s demands for authenticity (Sabogal 2005). Education, however, has largely converge with immigrants’ desire for belonging failed to translate into prestigious professions for

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Peruvians in the United States, many of whom are LaBennett, and Pulido 2012), we nonetheless find confined to menial jobs (Cordero-Guzmán and it meaningful to engage with particular ideas con- Grosfoguel 2000; Julca 2001). tained in the framework: racialization, racial proj- ects, and the importance of embodied cultural Ethnic Construction and representation. Our study of immigrant dance offers an empirical investigation of racialization— Racial Formation “The extension of racial meaning to a previously Our exploration of authenticity and its use in racially unclassified relationship, social practice, or immigrant dance draws on and contributes to the group” (Omi and Winant 1994:14). Racialization sociological literature on ethnicity, race, and immi- involves the “othering” of subordinate social gration. We echo the critique that sociological groups to justify their experience of marginaliza- study of immigration has overwhelmingly focused tion and oppression. Immigrants and their embod- on ethnicity and assimilation and underdeployed ied cultural practices are subject to racialization in the lens of race and racism (Brown and Jones 2015; contemporary multicultural “celebrations.” For the Saenz and Douglas 2015; Treitler 2015). We find it purpose of our analysis, we define multiculturalism useful to distinguish ethnicity and race analyti- as the ideology and practice of accommodating cally: Ethnicity emphasizes peoplehood con- diversity without heeding racial and class inequal- structed through perpetuation of origin narratives ity (Lowe 1996). As such, it exemplifies Omi and and through interaction with institutions and other Winant’s (1994) concept of “racial projects”— “the groups in society; race is a socially constructed cat- discursive and cultural initiatives” that both con- egory highlighting certain phenotypes that lead to struct racial meanings and influence distribution of stereotypes and systemic inequalities. Our under- material resources along racial lines (Lawrence standing of both ethnicity and race is shaped by a 2012:248). constructionist approach that Omi and Winant (1994:56) recognize that “[r] ace is a matter of both social structure and cultural sees ethnic and racial identities as highly representation.” Our study of immigrant dance will variable and contingent products of an ongoing bring the question of representation to the fore- interaction between, on one hand, the front. Given the emphasis on the phenotype in circumstances groups encounter—including the racial classification, people experience race in conceptions and actions of outsiders—and, on embodied ways (Omi and Winant 1994:59–60). the other, the actions and conceptions of group Immigrants and people of color are often racialized members—of insiders. It makes groups active through representations of their physical appear- agents in the making and remaking of their own ances as well as embodied movements. These identities, and it views construction not as a racializing representations often come into exis- one-time event, but as continuous and historical. tence through the work of the white racial frame— (Cornell and Hartmann 2007:87) ideologies that “rationalize and buttress the oppressive hierarchy and related social structures This constructionist approach encompasses both of systemic racism” (Feagin and Elias 2013:937). ethnic and racial identities; ethnic construction and According to Feagin and Elias (2013), racial racial formation are not mutually exclusive pro- formation theory proves inadequate in explaining cesses. Omi and Winant (1994), in building the the role of white racial framing in the construction theory of racial formation, also recognize the con- of race and racism. But this weakness has not pre- ceptual overlapping of race and ethnicity. However, vented sociologists from appropriating racial for- their account prioritizes race as their goal is to chal- mation theory to study the social construction of lenge the ethnicity paradigm that largely bypasses whiteness as identities, ideologies, and practices the analysis of race. They appropriately argue that (Engelen-Eigles 2001; Hughey 2010). According ethnicity alone cannot illuminate the history of to the growing sociological literature of whiteness, identity politics in the United States. To understand white racial identity is constructed through the this history, we have to consider the numerous symbiotic process between the normalization of institutions and processes of domination and resis- being white and the exotification of others (Hughey tance that are linked to the construction of race. 2010). In the context of representation, the white Aware of the recent developments and critiques gaze motivated by the desire for authenticity plays of the racial formation theory (Cheng 2014; Feagin a crucial role in maintaining this power dynamic. and Elias 2013; Golash-Boza 2013; HoSang, As Hughey (2010:1299) discovered through

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ST. CATHERINE UNIVERSITY on November 1, 2016 4 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity ethnographic work, among white Americans, Eurocentrism. Anthropological studies of tourism “whiteness was often understood as ‘normal,’ have provided ample evidence of the same dynamic. ‘dull,’ ‘plain,’ ‘boring,’ ‘empty,’ or even ‘inauthen- For the “enlightened” Western individuals, their tic.’” In Hughey’s study, both racist whites and frustration at their own industrialized societies and antiracist whites use knowledge of non-white cul- their tendency to romanticize “authentically” exotic tural practices (music, dance, food, etc.) for pur- others are the two sides of the same coin poses of constructing whiteness. For the former, (Theodossopoulos 2013). “Modern man has been this knowledge functions as a defense against condemned to look elsewhere, everywhere, for his potential accusations of their ignorance. For the lat- authenticity, to see if he can catch glimpses of it ter, their multicultural knowledge is offered as reflected in the simplicity, poverty, chastity or purity proof of their antiracist identity (Hughey 2010). of others” (MacCannell 1976:41). Our focus on authenticity and multiculturalism In spite of sophisticated awareness of this colo- allows us to see the between white racial nial dynamic, the existing anthropological discourse formation on one hand and racialized ethnic con- of authenticity (Banks 2013; Theodossopoulos struction of immigrants of color on the other. In U.S. 2013) proffers two pairs of corroborated binaries: immigration history, the meaning of ethnicity has authentic self versus authentic culture and individu- always been racialized since all immigrants have to als in the West (often imagined to be white) versus find their places in the existing racial hierarchy in immigrant communities (imagined to be non-Western which whiteness and blackness signify binary mean- and non-white). The former are seen as individuals ings. Therefore, we will bring attention to both eth- pursuing authenticity for themselves while the latter nic construction and racial formation in our analysis are burdened with representing “authentic” cul- of the authenticity discourse in and around two dif- tures. These binaries obscure the complexity of the ferent communities. Instead of debating whether world: The autonomy of individuals in Western race or ethnicity is the better theoretical frame, we societies is always constrained by social structure, try to understand the complex interconnections and conversely, immigrants are not mere bearers of between race and ethnicity along with other catego- cultures. They are also individuals who make delib- ries such as nation, class, and gender2 (HoSang et al. erate decisions to come to the United States to pur- 2012). We suggest that focusing on embodied cul- sue the American Dream, lured by the vision of tural practice such as dance and specific cultural modern lifestyle and the possibility of self-reinven- memes such as “authenticity” will move us beyond tion. Unfortunately, both mainstream cultural repre- the “race or ethnicity” tussle and toward an intersec- sentations and social scientific accounts tend to tional approach that acknowledges the full complex- downplay immigrants’ agential desire for individual ity of racial and ethnic construction. authenticity. As a result, the stereotypical difference between autonomous Western individuals and vic- timized immigrants is reified, thus contributing to Authenticity: the otherization and racialization of immigrants Construction, from the global South. Investigating these dynamics Contradictions, and of authenticity against the background of multicul- turalism allows us to understand racial formation Contestation and ethnic construction as interrelated embodied Rooted in Western philosophical traditions of liberal cultural processes. individualism, authenticity is constructed to be a The idea of authenticity makes a cameo in moral ideal (Taylor 1992), the state of embodying Cornell and Hartmann’s (2007) discussion of ethnic one’s “true” identity as individuals (Banks 2013; construction. They present the case where scholars Theodossopoulos 2013). On the other hand, in colo- who discussed the historical construction of nial and neocolonial encounters, authenticity is used “authentic” Maori identity found themselves under as a descriptor of cultures associated with marginal- political heat over indigenous rights. Constructed or ized communities or colonized societies. These two not, “authentic identities” are politically important aspects of authenticity are intimately connected. for many marginalized and oppressed groups. Lindholm (2008, 2013) notes the Western Romantic Similarly, the claim of authenticity can have instru- tradition’s tendency to idolize exotic non-Western mental value for contemporary immigrants who cultures as sites for real authenticity since they are seek inclusion or survival in their host societies. presumably free of modern influences. The fetishiza- Unlike social scientists who insist on the arbitrari- tion of the Other is rooted in and constitutive of ness of authenticity, the majority of interlocutors in

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ST. CATHERINE UNIVERSITY on November 1, 2016 Wilcox and Busse 5 immigrant communities sincerely believe in the photographer, and friend of the families who enroll validity of authentic culture, as demonstrated by the their children to learn the Marinera. Our experi- quotes at the beginning of this article. Cornell and ences with the “backstage” of authenticity perfor- Hartmann remind us: mance can be seen as a kind of “rite of passage” that Theodossopoulos (2013) recognizes as an The key issue is not authenticity, but what kinds important first step to deconstruct authenticity. We of identities in what kinds of situations organize treat authenticity as a social construct, and the human lives and motivate human action—and focus of our empirical investigation will be the dis- why. The Maori response to Hanson tells us one courses and practices that make authenticity a thing at least: Whatever the nature of Maori “reality.” identity, that identity matters a great deal to Maoris, and they act in its defense. The important thing is to find out why and how that Background happens. (P. 98) The National Dance of Peru—the Marinera—in the United States We agree. In the sphere of representation—under- The Marinera is a form of Peruvian . It is girded by social structure of inequality—authentic- performed by a male and a female dancer, enacting ity becomes a significant trope that signifies both the courtship between a male landowner and a female domination and resistance. We intend to find out peasant. The former follows the latter who seduces why and how authenticity matters for Peruvian and him through subtle movements of her hips, feet, and Chinese immigrants, especially concerning their torso. In turn, the man (landlord), courteous and pro- dance practices. Specifically, our research ques- tective, leads the dance and shows his strength and tions are: How does the meaning of authenticity speed through feet tapping. The difference in their shift when dance forms travel across national bor- social standings is contested but ultimately main- ders? How do institutions, groups, and individuals tained in the dance: The dancers flirt with each other negotiate the meaning of authenticity in diasporic but make no physical contact. It is a dance of a contexts? How is authenticity used—by immi- socially sanctioned—albeit impossible—romance. grants as well as mainstream institutions—in the The woman wears a layered skirt (which can construction of racialized ethnicity? weigh up to 10 pounds), slips, a cotton lace blouse, gold or silver jewelry, and a wide belt that under- Methods and scores her waist. Her hair is collected in a bun and tightly knotted with a decorative comb. The wom- Positionality an’s skirt pans out when she spins to reveal the Both authors came to the study of ethnic dance intricate patterns made by her bare feet. She holds through our ethnographic research of contempo- her long skirt with her left hand while the right rary immigrant communities. Hui Wilcox is a hand shakes a white handkerchief inviting her part- Chinese-born American sociologist who has con- ner to follow. The male dancer wears a suit (some- ducted ethnographic research with Chinese Dance times without the jacket). Some male dancers wear Group (fictitious name) in St. Paul, Minnesota, a wool or linen poncho. The man holds a straw hat since 2000. She has played multiple roles in that in one hand, and with the other he shakes a white group: dancer, administrator, volunteer, master of handkerchief to court his partner. The male dancer ceremony, teacher, and parent of dance students. also wears a wide belt. Unlike the woman, the male Erika Busse is a Peruvian sociologist who has car- dancer almost always wears shoes, signifying the ried out ethnographic work in the Peruvian com- difference between their social statuses. munity in Paterson, New Jersey, since 2006. She In Paterson, the Marinera is performed at events joined a Marinera school after one of the dance that mainly draw Peruvians, along with some peo- teachers told her: “How can you study Peruvians ple from other immigrant communities and a few without knowing how to do a Peruvian folk dance!” white Americans. Chief among these events are Given the prominence of the Marinera in the annual Marinera tournaments organized by a Peruvian community, dance became a focus of Peruvian civic organization (often held in a Busse’s research of how Peruvian migrants embody Paterson high school gymnasium). Those who par- their Peruvian-ness. Beyond her role as a researcher, ticipate in these tournaments aspire to make it to Busse has been a student of the dance, a the National Festival and Tournament in Trujillo,

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Peru. All tournaments in New Jersey follow the activities and families bought food and beverages. rules set by Club Libertad, an elite Peruvian coun- Underneath one of the bigger tents was a round try club.3 Club Libertad is also the main source of tiled dance floor, about 15 feet in diameter. The innovations for Marinera teachers and dancers in audience members stood or sat—on the floor or Paterson. The circulation of videos from the their own camping chairs—on all sides. The Peruvian tournament and video clips on YouTube Chinese dance program included six : a indicate that staying true to Peruvian sources is an dance about young women spending leisurely time important criterion of authenticity to Marinera by a river, teenage girls learning the craft of paper practitioners. To ensure authenticity, Peruvian cutting for the Chinese New Year, girls celebrating migrants invite champions from the National Chinese New Year with Chinese knots, girls learn- Tournament in Trujillo to Paterson each year to ing Peking opera, girls celebrating Chinese New teach and/or to serve as tournament judges. Year with red handkerchiefs, and finally, girls play- ing the tambourine. Each dance has 6 to 10 danc- ers, all girls. And each dance had its own costume. Chinese Dance in the United States The color themes of the costumes were white, Unlike the Marinera, Chinese dance is not a singu- white and red, yellow and green, and simply red. lar form of folk dance but rather a broad category The costumes were made in “traditional” styles: that includes a variety of styles and repertoires. It is silky, button-down jackets and flowy wide-legged historically inspired by folk dance traditions pants decorated with sequins and embroideries. (Gerdes 2008), but since the 1950s, the state- Most of the program was festive, and the music sponsored dance academies have shaped Chinese dance is percussive and loud. The dancers, aged 9 to 13, by integrating traditional Chinese opera, martial executed movements that required strength and flex- arts, and ballet. The outcome of this integration ibility—backbends, walkovers, splits, and leaps—in was an elite performance genre oriented to the pro- pretty good unison. During the dances, the girls scenium stage, much like Western genres such as wore happy expressions for the audience and made ballet and . The narrative or theme of little eye contact with each other. The Master of a given Chinese dance performance is determined Ceremony, a teacher of the group, announced the more by the idiosyncrasies of the choreographer titles of the dances and referred to the dancers as stu- than tradition (E. Wilcox 2012). However, Chinese dents of Chinese Dance Group. Their names were dance practiced in the United States tends to be not announced, nor was the fact that they were more limited and prescribed in themes and reper- Chinese American children (Field notes 2015). toire compared to its counterpart in China. Among the most prominent themes of Chinese dance in the Deconstructing Authenticity: The United States are rituals around the Lunar New Year. Practitioners of Chinese dance often have to Marinera and Chinese Dance as adjust to outdoor festival settings with makeshift Nationalistic Constructs stages. Some Chinese dance teachers in the United The idea of authenticity as being true to origins is States also experience a significant slide in terms of untenable in the context of immigrant dance. For their professional prestige: Their lifelong careers as both the Marinera and Chinese dance, the so-called celebrated dancers and choreographers in China original was already a historical construct. Although cannot save them from being labeled as mere prac- we do not have the space to elaborate on the full titioners of folk dances in the United States, where histories of these dances, it is important to point out the hierarchy of dance places Western genres such that they are both products of social, historical pro- as ballet and modern dance at the top and in the cesses in which the nation-state has played a pivotal center. Their careers in China, however, are instru- role. As a result, dance connects immigrants to their mental in proving the authenticity of the Chinese nations of origin in uncanny ways. dance they teach to their students. The Marinera was named as a tribute to the A 2015 performance by the Chinese Dance noble Peruvian Navy at the beginning of the Chile Group at an international children’s festival in War in 1879, where Peru was defeated (Aguilar downtown St. Paul exemplified a typical Chinese 1998). It reemerged in 1959 through the launching dance performance in North America. It was a of the first National Marinera Tournament by Club sunny, breezy Saturday in June. A plaza in the heart Libertad (Aguilar 1998; Burmester and Burmester of the downtown was populated with white tents 2000). In 1969, the socialist dictatorship in Peru where children were coached in arts and crafts designated Club Libertad as the official organizer

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ST. CATHERINE UNIVERSITY on November 1, 2016 Wilcox and Busse 7 of the National Tournament in which the Marinera executing moves from the latest Peruvian dance Norteña was the only genre of dance qualified for competition. competition. Hailed as the Peruvian dance By continuing to practice the dances without (Recuenco 2007), the Marinera is one of the few seeing the ideologies behind them, contemporary Peruvian dances that feature elements of Spanish immigrants reenact national identities oriented to colonial culture as well as aspects of Andean indig- their home countries. They maintain these practices enous and Afro Peruvian cultures. Designating this labeled national by the nation-state, not necessarily dance as its national dance, the Peruvian state sym- for their political meanings but because they are bolically acknowledges the mestizo identities of its emotionally attached to the dances. Lucas, a population and sanctions a particular form of het- Marinera teacher in New Jersey, testifies: “Why do eronormative and class-bound gender and sexual parents want their children to learn? . . . Remember, relations. It is also the most popular dance in New most people that migrate retain the picture of Peru Jersey among Peruvian immigrants. from when they left the country. . . . The Marinera Chinese dance as we know it today—as a sys- is a way to connect with their past” (Interview tem of movement—did not exist until after the 2008). Another teacher echoes, “They are here [to 1950s. After the end of WWII and the civil war that learn the dance] because they love Peru!” Helen, a led to the split of Mainland China and Taiwan, both Chinese woman who has danced with Chinese the Communist state of the former and the Dance Group for 20 years, speaks of her abiding Nationalist government of the latter used dance as connection with China: tools of propaganda. The Communist government invested heavily in dance, supporting numerous In general, we try to teach our children: “Even song and dance troupes. In addition to several though you were born in the U.S. and you are national-level troupes, every province has its own American citizens, your roots are still in China. troupe, as does every major military branch. Your mom, dad, grandma, grandpa . . . Performers and other artists in these troupes are everybody in your family is Chinese. . . . All the state employees, enjoying financial security and relatives are still in China.” And our kids go social prestige but lacking creative autonomy. back to China every year. (Interview 2002) Under such a system, the government closely mon- itors and censors the content of the art work pro- These quotes highlight the intimate connections duced by these artists (E. Wilcox 2012). All the Chinese and Peruvian immigrants have with their Chinese dance teachers in Minnesota have emerged home countries and connote their transnational from this system, and instead of choreographing identities (Guarnizo, Portes, and Haller 2003; new works for their immigrant students, they typi- Kearney 1995; Portes 2003). cally draw from the existing dance repertoire pro- But this does not necessarily mean that these duced in China. immigrants have made a rational decision to hold on to the ideologies associated with these national dances. In many cases, pre-migration national iden- Claiming Authenticity tities function as a base for community building through National among co-ethnics. But the fallout is that immigrants can be marginalized by the mainstream society pre- Origins cisely because of their ambiguous national identity. Albeit in different ways, the Marinera and Chinese To counter the devaluation of their deep-rooted, dance were both nationalistic constructs prior to affect-driven pre-migration identity, immigrants their journey to North America. Most practitioners, assert this devalued identity by building value however, do not acknowledge the traces of nation- around it. Appiah (1994:160–61) spells out similar alism in their artistic practice. Instead, they empha- dynamics citing multiple marginalized identities: size the national origin of their practice in order to claim authenticity. As seen in the quotes at the In our current situation in the multicultural beginning of the article, “authentic” Chinese dance West, we live in societies in which certain supposedly comes from ancient China and has no individuals have not been treated with equal influence from ballet and modern dance. Similarly, dignity because they were, for example, women, to be considered authentic, the Marinera in New homosexuals, blacks, Catholics. . . . One form Jersey needs to have indisputable Peruvian roots, of healing the self that those who have these with dancers donning costumes made in Peru and identities participate in is learning to see these

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collective identities not as sources of limitation “She’s always very happy when it’s time to dance. and insult but as a valuable part of what they She’d keep on dancing even after the class is over.” centrally are. He continues, “My wife thinks that dancing is good for girls. It’s good for their postures and figures” This dynamic similarly applies to immigrants who (Interview 2002). experience the marginal status of being newcomers Dancers in both the Chinese and Peruvian to the American nation. Tammy, a Chinese woman immigrant communities gain recognition from who has danced and volunteered with Chinese their fellow immigrants for their accomplishments. Dance Group for 15 years, speaks of her alienation Chinese Dance Group provides scholarships to at work and a sense of belonging offered by the dancers dedicated to Chinese dance and presents group, “At work, you don’t feel at home, even the awards in public ceremonies (Field notes 2016). when they don’t explicitly discriminate against During the interviews, most dancers speak about you. Chinese Dance Group is home to me. I feel at the memorable experience of receiving praises home here” (Interview 2002). after performances. Zack, for example, is not at all bashful, “The best part of dancing with Chinese Dance Group is that you can perform (laugh). . . . Authentic Culture After the performance, others will compliment and Authentic Self in you, which is quite satisfying” (Interview 2002). Immigrant Communities For the Marinera dancers, the motivation to par- ticipate in tournaments and win championships The rest of the two-hour interview with Tammy definitely also involves public recognition and thus reveals that she feels at home with Chinese Dance status. Kusi and Urpi, who take on multiple roles as Group for at least two reasons: First, Chinese Marinera dancers, mothers of dancers, and dance Dance Group offers dance lessons that help her teachers, agree on the following point: daughter connect to China and Chinese culture, and second, Tammy has become a highly respected Why do people want to invest a lot of money in member of the community through her years of ser- the dance? Lessons, dresses, accessories, and vice as a volunteer. Tammy’s story illustrates the other things are involved in this dance. This is a two related dimensions of authenticity discussed fever because of the contests, which happens in earlier in the article—a quality of individual sub- Peru, too. We want our students to perform in jectivity versus a marker of cultural/communal whatever presentations we have. Sometimes we practices. Like most of the interviewees in Chinese get our students’ pictures in newspapers or in Dance Group, Tammy is keenly aware of dance’s the news. This motivates parents to send their function of cultural maintenance: children. (Field notes 2008)

Allie [Tammy’s daughter] often says, “I’m The use of the word invest implies that parents American!” Chinese Dance Group plays an expect returns such as publicity and status and per- important role in teaching her about her own haps even something more concrete. Our fieldwork culture. At school and at home, . . . Allie speaks indicates that dancing well in both communities is English. We have to force her to speak Chinese. associated with accumulation of three forms of . . . [Her Chinese dance teacher] always speaks capital: cultural capital (embodied knowledge of a Chinese when she teaches. This is a benefit. refined art form), social capital (the size and Allie can somehow identify with her own embedded resources of one’s social network), and culture. (Interview 2002) economic capital (as a result of cultural knowledge and expanded networks). Yasmine, a dance teacher In addition to maintenance of pre-migration of Chinese Dance Group, posts on her social media national/cultural identity, the immigrant interview- page, “Enroll your little princess in Chinese dance ees in our studies cite four other reasons for their classes. It’ll be the best dowry for her down the own or their children’s participation in Peruvian or road!” (Field notes 2016). Her assumptions may be Chinese dance: fun, desirable body image, social unspoken but are widely shared by the Chinese status, and capital. Here is Zack’s comment on his immigrants interviewed by Wilcox: A girl who teenage daughter’s involvement in Chinese dance: dances will grow up to have a good figure and

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ST. CATHERINE UNIVERSITY on November 1, 2016 Wilcox and Busse 9 posture, which might translate into attractiveness But these goals are not always materialized. and might in turn help her marry someone of higher Many Chinese and Peruvian immigrant parents sign social standings. According to this logic, parental their children up for dance lessons when they are resources devoted to dance lessons are an invest- three or four years old, with both individual and cul- ment whose return can take the form of money in tural authenticity in mind. But as the children get the future. older, some quit and others persist, asserting their The status and capital implications of dance for own sense of authentic self. Those who stay learn to the Peruvian migrants in Paterson are indicative of love “Chinese dance” or the Marinera and the com- their class aspirations. Given their working- or munity they cultivate while dancing two to five middle-class status at home, they would not be able to hours a week with their friends. Here is where dance participate in the Marinera—an elite art form—had does the work of community building, an essential they stayed in Peru.4 The Marinera’s allure as a sta- part of ethnic construction. Katherine, a 12-year-old tus symbol in Peru makes it all the more attractive Chinese American girl explains, “All my friends are for the migrants, who have successfully invented from Chinese Dance Group. At school [a predomi- their own circuit of competition and performance nantly white suburban public school], no one talks and transformed the Marinera into a transnational to me” (Field notes 2015). Renee, a Chinese mother, trope for ethnic identity, economic success, cultural comments: “I don’t believe that the kids think sophistication, and upward mobility. Comments they’re promoting Chinese culture when they per- like the following are frequently uttered by dance form Chinese dance (laughs). . . . They like dancing teachers: “You know the Marinera is a dance that is and like hanging out with friends” (Interview 2002). for the upper class, and everything related to the Renee also reports that her daughter was mocked at upper class is good” (Field notes 2008). In other school by white classmates for having “slanted words, in choosing the Marinera over other forms of eyes” in first grade. These narratives, consistent Peruvian dance, the Peruvian migrants in Paterson with our observation in the field over the years, express their desire to embody an upper-class iden- indicate that dance cultivates a sense of ethnically tity and “everything related to the upper class.” based solidarity among immigrant children. The Fun, body image, status, and capital: These are pursuit of cultural and individual authenticity inad- the rationales for dance articulated by both Peruvian vertently becomes these children’s coping strategy and Chinese immigrants. These rationales point to against subtle and overt racism, although the effort how individuals benefit from dancing, not what the may have been spurred by their parents’ attempt to community might gain from this practice. Immigrants preserve ethnic identities. who articulate these goals are asserting their indi- In the Peruvian community in Paterson, the vidual agency. By emphasizing immigrants’ indi- Gonzalez brothers speak of the Marinera lessons as vidual agency in their dance practices, we hope to “a therapy to release stress”: “Dancers work on rectify the tendency to see immigrants as only bear- their cognitive, physical, psychic and emotional ers of authentic culture and not as individuals who aspects as individuals. As such, dancing is a fulfill- make deliberate choices. Individual and collective ing experience. This is a group experience, not identities are dialogic and intertwined, not dichoto- individually done (like going to a gym)” (Field mous or separated. Anthony Appiah (1994) notes notes 2008). The stress-relieving benefits of the that intergenerational conflicts in migrant communi- Marinera dance are accomplished through “a group ties and families take place precisely because of the experience,” but ultimately it is dancers “as indi- contradicting pulls that immigrant children experi- viduals” who gain from this experience. Community ence. They are in an in-between place where they building and individual self-actualization are inti- negotiate multiple social scripts: One dictates that mately connected and are both important for immi- they must seek their authentic self (influenced by the grant dance practitioners. When mainstream dominant ideology of the host society), and another institutions—social sciences included—overlook demands that they strive to preserve the “authentic” immigrants’ desire for individual authenticity, they cultures of their parents, often undervalued and mar- contribute to the racialization of immigrants by ginalized in the host society. Ethnic dance seems to rendering them into homogeneous masses offering offer a space where both of these demands can be exotic cultures to be consumed or studied. Such met: to have fun, develop a desired body image, gain consumption and study are essential components of status, cultivate capital for oneself, and maintain multiculturalism and racial/ethnic formation, Chinese or Peruvian culture. which will be the focus of the next section.

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Authenticity and It was therefore the mainstream audience’s and Racialized Ethnicity in institutions’ desire to consume exotic dance, along with exotic food, that propelled the creation of Multiculturalism Chinese Dance Group. Such consumption is a key aspect of racialization—namely, otherization The White Gaze, Racialization, and through reifying embodied differences (Hughey Authenticity 2010). To perform at these venues, Chinese Dance As pointed out by MacCannell (1976) and Group is pressured to perform authenticity as Lindholm (2013), many individuals in Western defined by predominantly white mainstream insti- society consume the cultures of primitive “others” tutions. For example, Festival of Nations stipulates in order to feed the authenticity of their modern that all participants “must be dressed in traditional “selves.” Herein lies the imperative of multicultur- ethnic clothing” (Festival of Nation 2016). Similar alism: to celebrate diversity without displacing the pressure applies to Peruvian immigrant community centrality and power of whiteness. In fact, the in Paterson. The Gonzalez brothers, both Marinera white touristic gaze has been the driving force teachers, indicate that when they perform for white behind American multiculturalism (Lowe 1996) Americans, they are more likely to do Andean and can be considered an important aspect of con- dances instead of Spanish-influenced dances such temporary white racial formation (Hughey 2010). as the Marinera, because “it’s like in Peru where This gaze has the power of shaping identities of tourists like Andean dances. Here it’s the same. immigrants and their children. Linda, a college-age They are interested in the colors, the fabric, the Chinese American, remembers a moment when she indigenous aspects of our culture, the accessories, performed at a multicultural festival: “I found the music, the mystique that the Peruvian Andean myself looking at the ‘Indian’ dancers, thinking culture has” (Interview 2008). These immigrant ‘Oh they must be from India.’ A few seconds later, dance practitioners perceive the parallel existence I realized, ‘But others must think I was born in of the white tourist gaze in the United States and in China, too, which is not true’” (Interview 2002). Peru. They are also aware that this gaze has the Linda first experienced looking at other immigrant power of defining authentic Peruvian dance. children as “foreigners.” First, she assumes the Authenticity and ethnicity are constructed through “Indian” identity of the dancers based on the “cul- dynamic interaction between cultural insiders and ture” they represent through dance without investi- outsiders. gating the dancers’ history and experience. But then she realizes that she is in the same position as the “Indian” dancers. She knows, of course, that Different Orientations toward she is not from China, even though she performs Multiculturalism Chinese dance. So why would she assume that the To be part of the multicultural American nation, both dancers who perform Indian dance are from India? the Chinese immigrant community in St. Paul, Through reflexivity and empathy, she is able to Minnesota and the Peruvian immigrant community identify the shared experience by both Indian and in Paterson need to perform exotic otherness. But Chinese American children, the experience of Chinese Dance Group is more actively engaged with being seen as foreigners through the gaze of many multicultural America. As a registered nonprofit white Americans. organization, it must conform to all the rules and For better or worse, immigrants’ entry into the regulations for nonprofits, such as having a board arenas of multicultural celebration is predicated on and a mission statement. Judging from this state- their embodiment of cultural authenticity. Chinese ment, Chinese Dance Group aspires to engage with Dance Group’s founding story is particularly illu- mainstream American society beyond the Chinese minating. In 1992, Chinese Dance Group was no immigrant community. As there is no residential more than a small dance class with four students enclave for Chinese immigrants in Minnesota, the assembled by a Chinese immigrant group in St. Chinese community there gains visibility primarily Paul, Minnesota. They scrambled to start this class through participating in multicultural events and so that they could participate in the Festival of applying for support from mainstream funders such Nations, a quintessential multicultural event in St. as the government and foundations. Consequently, Paul, Minnesota.5 The Festival insisted that a group they adjust their programming based on funder would be allowed to sell food only if they perform requests. In 2016, Chinese Dance Group acquired a their ethnic dances. foundation grant to offer “free” dance lessons. The

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ST. CATHERINE UNIVERSITY on November 1, 2016 Wilcox and Busse 11 grant stipulates, however, that these dancers deliver For the American-born children of immigrant a certain number of public performances within a parents, these public announcements can be inter- given timeframe. Chinese Dance Group’s annual preted as speech acts (Butler 1990) that have the Lunar New Year productions, primarily designed for effect of reiterating their foreignness instead of the immigrant community, are also funded by the their American-ness. In reality, most immigrant government and foundations. The best seats in the children do not take their American identity lightly. theater are reserved for representatives of these Teresa, an 18-year-old dancer with Chinese Dance funding agencies. Group, responds to the question “Do you consider By contrast, the Marinera is performed in the yourself Chinese or American?” Paterson ethnic enclave more frequently than for multicultural events beyond the enclave. Marinera It kind of depends. When I’m at school, . . . dancers appear at social, civic, and religious occa- because all the people around me are Americans, sions, such as wedding anniversaries, the Peruvian I don’t really think of myself as Chinese. But Independence Day Festival, and the procession of sometimes in history or social studies we talk the Lord of the Miracles. The Marinera teachers set about minority issues, then I think of myself up their own schools in their houses or garages. more like a Chinese. And, when I’m around They do not attempt to turn their schools into non- Chinese people, then I also think of myself as profit organizations. This means the Marinera Chinese. (Interview 2002) teachers rarely receive funding from state agencies and foundations. The schools are financially sus- Teresa sees identity as fluid and situational. So tained by tuitions, which come from participating does Deena, a college student who danced with Peruvian families. With fewer financial strings Chinese Dance Group throughout her childhood: attached, Marinera practitioners, compared to their “I’m both Chinese and American. I think I feel Chinese counterparts, engage in fewer activities more Chinese than American. But I remember requested by mainstream institutions. when I went to China, I felt totally American. There is no way I was Chinese” (Interview 2002). Peruvian American identity is similarly flexible. Dancing Chinese/Peruvian, Being Wilson, an 18-year-old Marinera dancer, states: American “I’m Amerincaico.” He highlights his American It is important to note the diverse ways in which identity by using the prefix Amer and his Peruvian immigrant dance is practiced. However, the differ- identity by adding the incaico. His Peruvian identi- ent orientations of Chinese and Peruvian immi- fication is with the Inca Empire—prior to the grants should not be overstated. The Marinera Spanish colonization. By creating his own identity dancers in Paterson sometimes participate in school label, Wilson has found a way to combine his fam- performances or municipal multicultural events. ily roots and his American national belonging. And as the Gonzalez brothers see it (see previous These nuances of identities and lived realities quote), Peruvian dancers are well aware of white are typically lost in the context of multicultural Americans’ preference to indigenous Peruvian celebrations: Event organizers almost never con- dance. In Minnesota, both Peruvian dance and sult with the performers about how they would Chinese dance are on the program of Festival of like to be presented. By introducing them as Nations. At these performances, the dancers are Chinese and Peruvian, these organizers flatten anonymous; the program only indicates “Chinese” the dancers’ complex identities and compromise or “Peruvian” without acknowledging the names of their sense of national belonging as American the organizations that send the dancers, let alone citizens. the names of the dancers. Having attended Festival of Nations for at least 10 years, Wilcox is no longer startled when a booming male voice announces, Immigrant Dance as Fetishized “Let’s welcome—the Chinese dancers!” The use of Commodities sweeping national labels combined with the prac- To be included in these multicultural events, the tice of anonymity—both for individuals and Chinese and the Peruvian immigrant dancers must organizations—erases not only immigrants’ indi- interact with predominantly white gatekeeping viduality but also the material realities of immi- institutions. These institutions display immigrant grant cultural production, such as the challenges of cultures without acknowledging the backstage keeping a nonprofit organization afloat. labor of their performances. Presenting a dance as

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“folk” implies that it is part of a group’s daily life Once we performed for this multinational and thus comes natural to the practitioner instead of corporation’s Christmas event, because they requiring training and work. Our extensive field- wanted an “Asian theme” to go along with their work in both Chinese and Peruvian communities plan to expand in the Asian market. While the reveals that immigrant dancers engage in rigorous rich white people ate their fancy Asian dinner, dance training and rehearsals that require substan- we changed into our costumes in a bathroom, tial financial and time input. Chinese Dance and hung out in the cafeteria with the catering Group’s tuition for one student ranges from $700 to staff, black and Latino guys. After we danced $2,000 a year. Peruvian families pay thousands of on a tiny makeshift stage, we were asked to put dollars for dance costumes alone. on our Qing-dynasty dance costumes and And then there is the physical exhaustion and present a birthday cake to the mother of the time commitment. The following is a confession CEO. I felt very uncomfortable with how some by Zack, a dancer with Chinese Dance Group: of the guys looked at us, and said “Hello” in “I’m scared of the rehearsals. . . . I had a one-min- Chinese. (Interview 2016) ute role in [a production], and I worked hard for 2 months. I had to go Tuesdays, Thursdays, This story encapsulates the complex racial project Saturdays, and Sunday!” (Interview 2002). If mul- of meaning-making through the dominant, con- ticultural presenters do not acknowledge the day- suming white gaze and racialized resource alloca- to-day labor behind the dance on stage, they have tion (Lawrence 2012). Roles and space are both an even harder time seeing the macro-structural allocated along racial and class lines: Well-to-do context of dance production: histories and material whites are seated in the banquet hall; blacks, conditions of migration and the intersecting struc- Latinos, and Asians provide service in the kitchen. tures of race, class, and gender in American soci- The young Asian females are allowed into the ety that shape immigrant cultural practices (Lowe white space only as decorative performers of cul- 1996). tural authenticity. Just like at the Festival of Since the backstage production process is Nations, these racialized bodies are introduced as veiled, immigrant dance becomes yet another signifiers of the foreign and the world beyond the fetishized commodity (like food), offering individ- United States. Both imagined and real, this world is uals within the dominant culture an opportunity to to be traversed by the passport-holding white devour the authentically “foreign” without having American individuals or conquered by the market- to leave their comfort zone and without learning hungry American corporations. about the materiality of immigrant cultural produc- tion. The majority of the visitors of Festival of Nations are white Minnesotans, and the majority of Conclusion the performers and vendors are immigrants of Embodied cultural practices provide important color. Visitors can purchase a fake American pass- insights into immigrant experiences in contempo- port and collect stamps as they eat unfamiliar foods rary American society. In juxtaposing our ethno- and watch performances representing different graphic work, we discover the similarities of our “nations.” Festival of Nations thus aspires to simu- respective communities as well as their differences. late world traveling and touristic experiences. What the Chinese in Minnesota and the Peruvians Regardless of intentions, this practice symbolically in New Jersey have in common is that they have and viscerally validates the power of mobility mobilized the dancing body as an important site of vested in the American passport/citizenship at the national and ethnic identity construction, and they expense of otherizing immigrants and their have used dance and the notion of authenticity as a American-born children. means through which they participate in American Festival of Nations, however, is only one of multiculturalism. In doing so, the immigrants col- many multicultural settings that immigrant dances lude with the white American desire to consume are requested. Schools, government agencies, and “authentic” and exotic cultures, thus participating corporations all invite immigrants to perform in the racialization of their own “authentic” prac- “authentic” dances at their diversity/multicultural tices, identities, and bodies. events. Most of the interviewees of Chinese Dance Although they both claim authenticity through Group concur that audiences for these perfor- origin stories of their dances, the two communities mances are primarily white. An adult female dancer differ in their approach to mainstream audiences. recalls: Chinese Dance Group adjusts their repertoire and

Downloaded from sre.sagepub.com at ST. CATHERINE UNIVERSITY on November 1, 2016 Wilcox and Busse 13 organizational practices to appeal to the main- participation is a mandate for ethnic minorities and stream audience’s thirst for “exotic” authenticity, new immigrants in order to be considered “good” partly to secure funding from state and private immigrants—exotic but not so (in)different as to be institutions. By contrast, the primary goal of the considered inassimilable by the white American Marinera dancers is to win Peruvian Tournaments, mainstream. An apt metaphor for this qualified not to negotiate their entrance into the mainstream. inclusion can be found in the food served at Festival The Marinera dance practitioners do not depend on of Nations and corporate banquets alike: exotically mainstream funding for survival, nor do they con- spiced but not so much that it offends the palates of form to the American nonprofit culture as Chinese white Minnesotans. Dance Group does. What implications does the performance/con- Acknowledgments struction of authenticity have for immigrants’ col- lective identities? First, the persistent discourse of We want to thank Lisa Park and Donna Gabaccia for their authenticity within immigrant communities indi- crucial comments on an earlier version of the article. We are also thankful for the feedback and support from mem- cates their lasting connection to pre-migration bers of our writing salon: Olga Gonzalez, Meghan national identities. Second, and paradoxically, Krausch, Wenjie Liao, Paige Miller, and Wei Zheng. immigrants’ performance of cultural authenticity communicates their willingness to contribute to a multicultural American nation. In contemporary Notes American society, multiculturalism “tolerates” dif- 1. The concept of authenticity has been explored in ference but remains white-centered as the gaze is Sociology of Food as a contested social construct primarily white and the “others” remain objects of mobilized to reinforce ethnic and national identities the white gaze. In their pursuit of authenticity, (DeSoucey 2010; Lu and Fine 1995). immigrants construct collective national and ethnic 2. The gendered dynamic in both Chinese and identity but subject themselves and their children Peruvian dance will be explored in a separate arti- to racialization and otherization. When the existing cle. The limitation of space prevents us from going more in depth regarding gender in this article. race/class hierarchy is left intact, racialization of 3. Club Libertad is an elite country club in northern immigrant/ethnic identities is inevitable as the mul- Peru, an exclusive organization accessible mainly to ticultural American nation reworks and recenters the descendants of the Peruvian oligarchy that used whiteness in relation to exotic others. to monopolize landownership before the socialist Our analysis of Peruvian and Chinese dance in reform in the 1960s. the United States offers a glimpse into the racial 4. A recent photojournalist account of Zapotec dance project of multiculturalism: where cultural repre- from Oaxaca, Mexico, reveals similar dynamics: sentation does the work of racial and ethnic con- Mexican migrants from Oaxaca used the money struction, exclusion, and marginalization. Our work they make in the United States to keep their ancient illustrates the potentials of empirical studies and dance alive, both through purchasing the elaborate costumes and participating in the required three- theoretical development when sociologists of immi- year training for performers (Bacon 2015). gration trek the unfamiliar grounds of embodied 5. According to their website, Festival of Nations is performance and of cultural discourses such as “the longest running multicultural festival in the authenticity. The structure of micro embodied prac- Midwest” that “has inspired people throughout tices both reflects and constitutes the structure of the region to discover more about our world and two symbiotic American nationalistic discourses— embrace the rich cultural diversity brought to us by multiculturalism and individualism. The discursive immigrants” (Festival of Nations 2016). and institutional support of multiculturalism feeds on the desire for authenticity by neoliberal individu- References als. The mode of individual consumption is thus imperative for an American brand of multicultural- Aguilar Luna Victoria, Carlos. 1998. La Marinera. Baile ism, where the consumers can become cosmopoli- Nacional del Perú: Alcances teóricos para la eje- cución de la marinera. Ilustraciones e informaciones tan individuals by consuming “authentic” cultural folklóricas. Lima: Ministerio de Educación. products such as ethnic dance. Immigrant practitio- Albright, Ann Cooper. 1997. Choreographing Difference: ners of ethnic dances also have stakes in authenti- The Body and Identity in . cating their practices, for the sake of Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press. self-actualization, collective belonging, and mate- Altamirano, Teófilo. 2000. Liderazgo y Organizaciones de rial survival in American society. 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Imaginarios sobre el Desarrollo. Lima: Universidad Green, Adam Isaiah. 2008. “Erotic Habitus: Toward a Católica del Perú Fondo Editorial & PromPerú. Sociology Desire.” Theory and Society 37(6):597– Appiah, K. Anthony. 1994. “Identity, Authenticity, 626. Survival: Multicultural Societies and Social Guarnizo, Luis Eduardo, Alejandro Portes, and William Reproduction.” Pp. 149–63 in Multiculturalism, Haller. 2003. “Assimilation and Transnationalism: edited by A. Gutmann. Princeton: Princeton Determinants of Political Action among University Press. Contemporary Migrants.” The American Journal of Bacon, David. 2015. “A Resistance Dance.” Contexts Sociology 108(6):1211–48. 14(3):50–57. HoSang, Daniel Martinez, Oneka LaBennett, and Laura Banks, Marcus. 2013. “Post-authenticity: Dilemmas Pulido. 2012. Racial Formation in the Twenty-first of Identity in the 20th and 21st Centuries.” Century. Berkeley, CA: University of California Anthropological Quarterly 86(2):481–99. Press. 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Rosseta Stone Blog. 2013. “On the Rhythms of Peruvian Wilcox, Hui. 2011. “Movement in Spaces of Liminality: Marinera and Huayno.” Rosseta Stone Blog. Chinese Dance and Immigrant Identities.” Ethnic Retrieved November 7, 2015 (http://www.rosettast and Racial Studies 34(2):312–32. one.co.uk/blog/on-the-rhythms-of-peruvian-mari nera-and-huayno/). Sabogal, Elena. 2005. “Viviendo en la Sombra: The Author Biographies Immigration of Peruvian Professionals to South Hui Niu Wilcox, PhD, is an associate professor of sociol- Florida.” Latino Studies 3(1):113–31. ogy, women’s studies, and critical studies of race/ethnic- Saenz, Rogelio, and Karen Manges Douglas. 2015. “A ity at St. Catherine University. Originally from China, Call for the Racialization of Immigration Studies: Wilcox received her PhD in sociology from the University On the Transition of Ethnic Immigrants to Racialized of Minnesota, specializing in race/ethnicity, migration Immigrants.” Sociology of Race and Ethnicity studies, transnationalism, gender, and dance studies. Her 1(1):166–80. research on the sociological implications of dance has Taylor, Charles. 1992. The Ethics of Authenticity. yielded publications in Ethnic and Racial Studies and Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. National Women’s Studies Association Journal. She is Theodossopoulos, Dimitrios. 2013. “Laying Claim to currently co-editing a book titled Meditation on Dream: Authenticity: Five Anthropological Dilemmas.” An Anthology of Essays, Reflections, and Responses from Anthropological Quarterly 86(2):337–60. a Creative Process. Thomas, Helen. 1995. Dance, Modernity and Culture: Explorations in the Sociology of Dance. London: Erika Busse, PhD, is an assistant professor in the Routledge. Department of Social and Political Science at the Treitler, Vlina Bashi. 2015. “Social Agency and White Universidad del Pacifico (Perú). She received her doc- Supremacy in Immigration Studies.” Sociology of toral degree in sociology from the University of Race and Ethnicity 1(1):153–65. Minnesota. Her research areas include transnational Wang, Betty. 2012. “Speak Out: The Chinese Renaissance, migration, race relations, family, and gender. She has Through Dance.” Art Times. Retrieved May 19, 2015 published in Ethnic and Racial Studies, Motherhood (http://www.arttimesjournal.com/speakout/Apr_12_ Initiative for Research and Community Involvement, online_Shen_Yun/Chinese_Classical_Dance.html). Diversities: International Journal on Multicultural Wilcox, Emily. 2012. “Han-Tang Zhongguo Gudianwu Societies, and Journal of Women’s History. She is cur- and the Problem of Chineseness in Contemporary rently conducting ethnographic research on Peruvian Chinese Dance: Sixty Years of Creation and dance groups in the United States to investigate the inter- Controversy.” Asian Theatre Journal 29(1):206– play of gender and context of reception in the process of 32. ethnic identity construction.

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