until after a long struggle, that the cheapness and good quality of com- modities are most effectively provided ReportReport for by leaving the producers and sellers perfectly free, under the sole check of equal freedom for the buyers to supply themselves elsewhere.’ By this statement Old Liberals, New Liberals and Mill showed that his commitment to liberty and free trade were not logically Social Democrats: the Liberal interdependent, and that his commit- ment to free trade only went as far as Democrats’ political heritage was practical. This distinction opened the door to the rise of New Liberalism Evening meeting, July 2002 , with Earl (Conrad) at the start of the twentieth century. Russell stressed that it is the party’s Russell, Baroness (Shirley) Williams and Professor commitment to ensuring the level Michael Freeden playing field in economic policy between buyers and sellers that separates Report by Ian Hunter it from its political competitors. Professor Michael Freeden, who spoke next, began with Hobhouse, one onrad Russell opened the argued that the party’s commitment to of the principal philosophers of New Cmeeting by stressing the party’s Mill’s principles was not complete Liberalism. In  Hobhouse argued commitment to pluralism. He observed until the policy paper on civil liberties in Liberalism that freedom was only one that both the Social Democratic and at the Liberal Democrat conference in side of social life, and that mutual aid Liberal wings of the party had signifi- spring  closed the circle by was not less important than mutual cant philosophical roots in common incorporating the far-reaching idea forbearance. Freeden argued that there and that as many good Liberal ideas that the only reason for which a state is no such thing as Liberalism; rather, came into the party from the SDP as may interfere with the liberty of one of that there were many liberalisms – from its traditional Liberal roots. its number was to prevent harm to variations on a set of themes that may The seventeenth-century roots of others. Concern about what would be contain family resemblances but which Liberalism had been built around a best for the individual’s own physical can mutate over time and space into common tradition of giant-killing. or moral good was not sufficient different patterns. Individuality, liberty, During – and the attempt to justification. ‘Now with the Liberal progress, well-being and reason may be exclude James II and VII from the Democrats’ commitment to pluralism contained within any liberal text, but throne, the forebears of the Liberal goes a long-standing commitment to not necessarily in the same order in Party had been motivated by a com- the rule of law, and the  commit- each one. The core of Liberalism is mitment to an ascending theory of ment to the security of judges and the constantly reinterpreted and reapplied power. This asserted that power comes independence of the judiciary remain to changing circumstances. up from the people to those they elect, among our key beliefs.’ Freeden views the New Liberalism rather than coming down, like an Russell went on to argue that the as part of a seismic shift in Western avalanche, the other way. Although this Liberal Democrats are most regularly European thought from the eighteenth was a seventeenth-century idea it misunderstood or misrepresented by century onwards, which occurred as remained a vital one. With it came a their political opponents as being a freedom came to mean removing the commitment to intellectual pluralism party that believes in a singular laissez barriers to natural growth and the and the theories of Locke. Locke faire approach to the economy. He opening up of individual choice. distinguished between religion, which quoted Mill’s statement that ‘trade is a Individuals came to be seen as not he thought was not the state’s business, social act; whoever undertakes to sell being solely responsible for obstacles and the enforcement of a common any description of goods to the public such as ill health and poverty and it was code of morality, which he thought does but affect the interest of other recognised that people would need was exactly the state’s business. persons and of society in general, and help from friends and strangers to In Russell’s opinion it was not until thus his conduct in principle comes overcome such obstacles to growth. J. S. Mill that political thought went within the jurisdiction of society. Freeden argued that the New beyond that. And it was not until Roy Accordingly, it was once held to be the Liberalism was a response to the Jenkins became in the duty of governments in all cases consid- sudden shock of the discovery of the mid-s that the country had a ered to be of importance to fix prices human costs of the industrial revolu- Home Secretary who was fully com- and regulate the process of manufacture. tion. It was also a response to the mitted to Mill’s principles. Russell But it is now recognised, though not emerging perception that capitalism

26 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 37 Winter 2002–03 had not sufficiently delivered the good tradition and practice and opened the where the basic rules and regulations life to the majority of people. Liberals door for European social democracy to upon which an efficient free market such as Hobhouse and Hobson argued move away from centralisation and depended failed to exist. The SDP had that the increasing human interde- nationalisation towards more progres- come from a tradition that was con- pendence of people generated a new sive views, similar in many ways to those cerned with how a society adapted and need for an enlightened society. Social of Grimond’s Liberal Party. It was the regulated the free market so that it justice became a goal in itself, as the desire to create a non-Marxist Labour worked efficiently. This was not a whole could not survive unless all its Party, similar to the German example, tradition that Williams felt had often constituent parts were looked after. that motivated at least some of the troubled the Liberal Party prior to Freeden summarised the philo- figures who formed the SDP in . . However, this had not hindered sophical heritage which contempo- The central influence on the the relationship between the two rary Liberals can draw on as stemming formation of the SDP was the figure parties, as Liberalism had made the from two main areas. First, a set of of Tawney and his approach to ‘managerialism’ of the SDP look much principles and policies developed in equality and open education. John more humane and attractive. the first two decades of the twentieth Stuart Mill was also an iconic figure Williams said that the key challenge century that can be called the pursuit to the SDP founders and his influence facing the Social Democratic and of welfare. Second, the inevitable can be seen in the joint Alliance Liberal philosophies was the phenom- drawing in of the state to the Liberal manifesto written in , with its enon of different kinds of fundamen- orbit. Freeden argued that these two emphasis on constitutional reform, talism, which spoke to deep emotions trends met in the ideology of the devolution for Wales and Scotland, created by concern about inequality, welfare state and its construct that the devolution of power to regional and was not satisfied by traditional concept of modern citizenship assemblies, human rights legislation political processes, which were increas- entitles individuals to a share of the and freedom of information. The ingly seen as remote and meaningless. goods of that society. The emergence principles behind these proposals Williams also found it curious that of these concepts of mutual support highlighted the areas where both historically neither Social Democracy and mutual vulnerability remain traditions could come together in nor Liberalism had fully taken on important to liberal thinking today. total amity. board the significance of the women’s The state’s accrual of the roles of Williams went on to argue that the movement or the rise of inter-racial- overseeing and executing central huge constitutional reform agenda that ism. The Liberal Democrats had been economic functions and of providing has been achieved since the early s very slow to recognise the power of emotional and physical sustenance for reflects great credit on the Liberal these two movements, which had its citizens in the early part of the Democrats and compares favourably made huge changes to society without twentieth century enabled Liberals to with the historic peaks of Gladstone’s being very visible. play a key role in humanising the state. Home Rule and disestablishment In summing up the dilemmas that The New Liberals believed in the agenda and with Lord Russell’s mid- Liberal Democracy faces Williams benevolent agency of the state sup- nineteenth century Reform Act. emphasised three main challenges: ported by democratic procedures. Further common ground between the •How can Liberal Democrats think Liberals worked to harness the state as Liberal and Social Democratic wings through philosophically what a a major partner in social activity, of the party could also be found in the decentralised welfare state might working alongside individuals and common commitment to the princi- look like? employers. ples of a decentralised welfare state. •How far do we ensure that, without Shirley Williams spoke on the In considering economic power and a structure of law and regulation, the philosophical underpinnings of the the tradition of the free market which powerful in a society do not con- SDP and what its common threads stemmed from the work of Adam tinue to determine the economy, were with the Liberal Party. The SDP Smith, Williams reminded the audi- shape and colour of that society? saw itself originally as the new Labour ence that the author of the Wealth of •How far do we believe we should Party. Since the Second World War the Nations had been writing from within take regulation, which at a certain predominance of Keynesian thinking Edinburgh’s small, extremely moral point can shrivel the soul, but had made people believe that the state and well-educated society. Smith was without which fair chances cannot could match demand to supply and able to make assumptions about be guaranteed to the less privileged therefore assist in the maintenance of relationships between people in society parts of society? full employment. This ability to being based on fundamental trust. It The meeting spent some time discuss- ‘manage’ capitalism and free markets was impossible to make such assump- ing the distinction between Liberalism seriously undermined the attractions tions today. The outcome of exporting and libertarianism. Professor Freeden of Marxism to many on the left by free market principles to societies argued strongly that liberty is a part of making capitalism manageable. where a sufficient degree of trust did Liberalism but is not the only part. The In the s the German Social not exist were apparent in the chaos to presence of the notion of liberty in a Democratic Party buried its Marxist be found in much of modern Russia, political philosophy does not mean that

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 37 Winter 2002–03 27 it is a Liberal philosophy. Liberalism is argued that Blair’s government had no transferred from the Scottish Record an enormously complex philosophy of determination to narrow the gaps in Office form a separate and coherent which liberty is just one element. In society, and could not be considered a group, consisting of papers of – libertarianism, liberty has been exagger- Liberal government either, as it had no relating to the Scottish Office, the ated and blown up to eclipse the other commitment to liberty, as demon- Scottish Board of Health and Thurso’s core components, such as a belief in the strated by its profound centralising period as Secretary of State for Scot- power of progress. tendencies. Conrad Russell reminded land. The papers in the first box of There was also a question concern- the meeting that the Liberal Demo- Section I are also particularly notewor- ing to what extent the panel thought crats’ commitment to creating a level thy as they include Thurso’s corre- that the current government was a playing field was also a powerful tool spondence with Winston Churchill social democratic one? ‘Decreasingly’ to help deliver equality and to preserve from  to . was the simple answer. Shirley Williams liberty and should not be undervalued. The papers came into Churchill Archives Centre through the good offices of the nd Viscount, in several batches between April  and September . The collection had incurred two major misfortunes before ArchiveArchive sourcessources its transfer to Cambridge. During the war, the bulk of the Thurso papers that were being stored in Liberal Party headquarters in London were de- The Thurso papers at the Churchill stroyed by an incendiary bomb. After the war, a large portion of the remain- Archives Centre ing papers were destroyed in a fire that broke out at Thurso East Mains where by Katharine Thomson they were being kept in a room above the laundry. Most of the papers that were rescued from this second blaze were severely damaged both by the he papers of Archibald Henry member of the Empire Marketing flames and by water from the firemen’s    TMacdonald Sinclair, st Viscount Board ( – ). hoses. Section VI of the collection   Thurso of Ulbster ( – ) Thurso’s growing standing in the contains the charred remains of this  broadly consist of boxes of con- Liberal Party was shown when he was accident which are too fragile to  stituency, parliamentary and Liberal made Liberal Chief Whip in , and handle, whilst those damaged files   Party correspondence of the s and in he received his first ministerial which have already been repaired by  s. Overall the papers date from position when he became Secretary of the Conservator have been placed in   to . State for Scotland, a post which he their appropriate places within the  Lord Thurso, or Archie Sinclair, as held for just over a year. By , collection. he was generally known, was born on Thurso had become Leader of the  October , the son of Liberal Parliamentary Party, and was to Clarence Granville Sinclair. After remain so for the next ten years until Archie Sinclair (Lord Thurso) being educated at Eton and Sand- the end of the war. During the war hurst, he entered the Army in , years, he also returned to government, but began his political career in , serving as Secretary of State for Air when he became Personal Military from –. Lord Thurso died on Secretary to Winston Churchill, the  June . Secretary of State for War. When Within the Thurso Papers, there is a Churchill moved to the Colonial considerable amount of official, Office as Secretary of State for the political and constituency correspond- Colonies, Thurso went with him, as ence, also some speeches, and roughly his Private Secretary, from –, twenty boxes of material on the Liberal and in  became the Liberal MP Party and Scottish Liberal organisation. for Caithness and Sutherland, a seat There is virtually no wartime material, which he was to hold until . but Section IV of the papers does Later in the s Thurso held the contain correspondence (arranged post of Temporary Chairman of alphabetically by correspondents’ Committees, House of Commons names) and press cuttings from  (–) and also worked as a on into the s. A section of papers

28 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 37 Winter 2002–03