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CID Working Paper No. 168 :: Reconfiguring Industrial Policy Reconfiguring Industrial Policy: A Framework with an Application to South Africa Ricardo Hausmann, Dani Rodrik, and Charles F. Sabel CID Working Paper No. 168 May 2008 © Copyright 2008 Ricardo Hausmann, Dani Rodrik, Charles F. Sabel, and the President and Fellows of Harvard College Working Papers Center for International Development at Harvard University Reconfiguring Industrial Policy: A Framework with an Application to South Africa Ricardo Hausmann, Dani Rodrik, and Charles F. Sabel May 2008 Abstract: The main purpose of industrial policy is to speed up the process of structural change towards higher productivity activities. This paper builds on our earlier writings to present an overall design for the conduct of industrial policy in a low- to middle-income country. It is stimulated by the specific problems faced by South Africa and by our discussions with business and government officials in that country. We present specific recommendations for the South African government in the penultimate section of the paper. Keywords: industrial policy, South Africa JEL Codes: O25 This paper is part of the CID South Africa Growth Initiative. This project is an initiative of the National Treasury of the Republic of South Africa within the government’s Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative (ASGI-SA), which seeks to consolidate the gains of post-transition economic stability and accelerate growth in order to create employment and improve the livelihoods of all South Africans. For more information and the entire series of papers, visit the project's web site at http://www.cid.harvard.edu/southafrica. RECONFIGURING INDUSTRIAL POLICY: * A FRAMEWORK WITH AN APPLICATION TO SOUTH AFRICA Ricardo Hausmann, Dani Rodrik, and Charles F. Sabel Revised August 31, 2007 I. Introduction In this paper, we build on our earlier writings to present an overall design for the conduct of industrial policy in a low- to middle-income country. Our reflections have been stimulated by the specific problems faced by South Africa and by our discussions with business and government officials in that country. In the penultimate section of the paper, we present specific recommendations for the South African government. However, we expect these ideas to have wide relevance to a range of other countries as well. We take the main purpose of industrial policy to be to speed up the process of structural change towards higher productivity activities. This is a challenge that is common to all developing countries. We begin by presenting the main differences of our approach from the traditional conception of industrial policy. We next lay out a two-pronged approach, entitled industrial policy in the “small” and industrial policy in the “large.” Lastly, we discuss our policy recommendations for South Africa. II. The policy problem The traditional way in which economists think about policy is to first identify distortions which prevent market prices from signaling real marginal social costs and then to design taxes or subsidies that can reduce the identified gaps. Market failures of this sort are presumed to be few and far in between, and therefore the need for intervention by the government tends to be the exception rather than the rule. Private actors in the traditional view play little or no role in designing these public solutions: either they free ride on the efforts of others who are presumed to have an interest in addressing the problems, or they prefer to lobby for solutions that serve their particular interests at the expense of the public. This way of thinking about policy leads to the long-standing and by now entirely familiar debate on the pros and cons of industrial policy. On the one side, we have advocates who point to the magnitude of the observed or presumed market failures and call for robust interventions in response. On the other, we have the skeptics who point to * We thank Dana Brudowsky for editorial assistance. 2 the near-impossibility of precisely locating the imperfections in question and to the likelihood that rent-seeking firms can and will take the government for a ride. We depart from the traditional framework in a number of ways. We believe our departures give us a better handle on industrial policy while helping us move beyond the stale debates about its feasibility and desirability. To begin, we presume that in a developing country the relevant market failures are not a rarity but rather a rampant feature of the landscape. The market failures that demand industrial policy – i.e., interventions that have differential effects on some economic activities over others – take three forms in particular: a) Self-discovery externalities: Learning what new products can be produced profitably in an economy, and how, is an activity whose social value greatly exceeds its private value. b) Coordination externalities: New economic activities often require simultaneous and lumpy investments upstream, downstream, and in parallel forks, which decentralized markets are not good at coordinating. c) Missing public inputs: Private production typically requires highly specific public inputs – legislation, accreditation, R&D, transport and other infrastructure specific to an industry – of which the government has little ex-ante knowledge. In reality, missing public inputs are a form of coordination externality with the added complexity that the requisite public inputs lack proper markets to generate information and incentives – and even if they did exist, the government, not being a profit- maximizing institution, would not automatically respond to the signals generated. We believe that the three types of market failures lie behind slow structural transformation, and hence low economic growth. (We do not want to minimize the role of obvious government failures such as poor governance, corruption, and lousy macroeconomic management, but we think the latter are inadequate to explain slow growth in general). However, we assume that neither economists and public officials, on the one side, nor private actors, on the other, know where the relevant distortions are. A key feature of the policy process is to identify them, or, more precisely, to organize “searches” to identify and respond to them. Furthermore, we assume that these distortions are very high dimensional. They implicate many different markets and inputs, each relatively specific to a variety of existing and potential activities. Solutions to the distortions correspondingly require 3 complex bundles of measures of various kinds. The space that needs to be searched to assemble such bundled solutions is therefore very large. Consequently, most of the distortions cannot be addressed through appropriate first-best Pigovian cash subsidies or money transfers. Instead, they reflect missing markets or public inputs (infrastructure, industry-specific skills, regulation, property rights, and social norms). So seen from this vantage point too the requisite solutions involve a portfolio of measures or activities (e.g., building specific infrastructure while passing certain laws, regulating certain markets, and providing certain services) which cumulate into purposeful capabilities (e.g., being able to transport and sell fresh meat in a foreign market). Transfers of money do not create the equivalent effect. The nature of market failures in any country is determined by and embedded in the pre-existing patterns of specialization of that country. These market failures are not universal or free floating. What a country produces successfully reflects its current capabilities. In particular, it reflects its capacity to overcome those coordination failures and other market failings that would have otherwise severely limited the efficiency of existing activities or would have prevented their existence altogether. Given the difficulty in coordinating the creation of capabilities for activities that do not yet exist, productive transformation tends to favor “nearby” goods, in other words goods that require capabilities that are similar to those that already exist in the country. With the expectation that rapid development will continue to go hand in hand with vertiginous changes in products and production processes, public inputs regarding practices such as regulation and certification must increasingly allow and even encourage differentiation in their application and on-going specification of their central purposes. Thus in domains as diverse as financial regulation, phytosanitary conditions, air traffic safety, and water quality, the state, or the state acting under the umbrella of an international agreement, now sets minimal and explicitly provisional framework goals. Private or local actors are obligated to establish a plan for meeting the goals and then to show that they are actually doing so. The original goals and the methods of monitoring progress towards them are periodically revised in the light of this experience. The obligations arising under these frameworks can only be met locally, and often only with the help of highly specialized public inputs – for instance, assistance to private actors in “complying” with the changing requirements by scanning the outside world for new developments more regularly and extensively than before. Self-discovery – investigation of what markets an enterprise or entrepreneur can (come to be able to) serve – is an on-going process in the economy. Firms are constantly trying to identify the market opportunities arising from changing social needs and patterns of economic cooperation and
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