Special issue article: Placing LGBTQ+ urban activisms

Urban Studies 1–17 Urban Studies Journal Limited 2020 Travel guides, urban spatial Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions imaginaries and LGBTQ+ activism: DOI: 10.1177/0042098020913457 journals.sagepub.com/home/usj

The case of Damron guides

Larry Knopp University of Washington Tacoma, USA

Michael Brown University of Washington, USA

Abstract In this paper we focus on LGBTQ+ travel guides and the creation of a North American LGBTQ+ urban imaginary as forms and facilitators of activism. Specifically, we consider one of the few con- tinuously published sources detailing such an imaginary in the mid-20th century and its construc- tion of an ‘epistemological grid’ onto which entries were placed. We briefly situate the guides in the context of an emerging (and frequently politicised) mid-20th-century LGBTQ+ media ecosys- tem, then proceed to a detailed analysis of the imaginary they evoke. Cities are the guides’ assumed building-blocks, along with certain other ontologies, most notably bars, sex establish- ments and other meeting places (though these change over time). As aggregators of information at a national scale, the guides standardised and communicated particular notions of what LGBTQ+ space was (and is). At the same time, as way-finding tools they helped readers navigate actual communities at the local scale. In so doing, we argue, Damron guides helped shape early forms of LGBTQ+ identity and community in North America – including the establishment of ‘gaybourhoods’. We therefore interpret the guides as both activist and facilitators of activism. They claimed space at an abstract level while simultaneously facilitating place-making, territoriali- sation and simple survival strategies by actual people on the ground. Our analysis contributes to understandings of the relationship, over time and at multiple scales, between travel guides, an urban-based North American spatial imaginary and LGBTQ+ activism. It also highlights Damron guides’ potential as a rich source of data.

Keywords community, diversity/cohesion/segregation, gender, politics, queer, sexuality, social

Corresponding author: Larry Knopp, School of Interdisicplinary Arts & Sciences, University of Washington Tacoma, 1900 Commerce Street, Box 358436, Tacoma, WA 98402-3100, USA. Email: [email protected]

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᪈㾱 ൘ᵜ൘ѝˈᡁԜሶ䟽⛩ޣ⌘LGBTQ+൘㹼൘ই઼े 㖾LGBTQ+൘ᐲᖒ䊑Ⲵ൘ᔪˈሶަ ൘ Ѫ㹼ѫࣘ 䘋㘵DŽަ փᶕ䈤ˈᡁԜ⹄ウቁ൘൘њ䘎㔝൘⡸Ⲵ䍴൘ᶕⓀѻаˈ䘉њ䍴൘׳ ѹⲴᖒᔿे઼ ԕ৺ᆳᶴᔪⲴањਟ൘ަ к൘㖞ᶑⴞⲴ “䇔䇶䇪ˈۿ䈖㓶᧿ 䘠Ҷ20ц㓚ѝᵏⲴ䘉൘ᖡ 㖁 Ṭ”DŽᡁԜㆰ 㾱ൠሶ䘉 Ӌ൘ই൘൘20 ц 㓚 ѝᵏ൘ޤⲴ ˄ 㓿ᑨ㻛൘⋫ े Ⲵ ˅ 䘋 㹼 䈖 㓶 ۿLGBTQ+Ⴢփ⭏ᘱ㌫㔏Ⲵ㛼൘ лˈ❦े ሩᆳԜᡰ൘ 䎧 Ⲵᖡ ˄ᇊᶴԦ ˈ 䘈ᴹަ Ԇ а Ӌᵜփ ˈᴰᱮ㪇Ⲵᱟ䞂 ൘ǃᙗ൪ᡰे઼ ަ Ԇ 㚊 Պ൪ᡰٷⲴ᷀൘DŽ൘ᐲᱟ൘ ইⲴ ഭ 㤳 ത൘Ⲵؑ൘ 㚊 ਸ 㘵 ˈ 䘉 Ӌޘቭ㇑䘉 ӋՊ䲿⵰൘䰤㘼൘ਈ˅DŽ֌Ѫ ൘ইḷ߶े ᒦՐ 䗮Ҷ LGBTQ+オ䰤Ⲵ⢩ᇊᾲᘥDŽे ൘ˈ൘Ѫራ 䐟ᐕަ ˈᆳԜᑞࣙ䈫 㘵൘ᖃൠ㤳ത൘ሬ㡚ᇎ䱵 ४DŽᡁԜ䇔Ѫˈ䘉֯ᗇ䗮Ֆ൘ইᑞࣙກ䙐Ҷे 㖾൘ᵏᖒᔿ Ⲵेᙗᙻǃ൘ਈᙗ㘵⽮ ׳ 䐘ᙗ൘㘵䓛ԭे઼ ⽮४——व൘ᔪ・“े ᙗᙻ⽮४”DŽഐ↔ˈᡁԜሶ൘ই䀓䈫Ѫ㹼ࣘѫѹ Ⲵे઼ ઼े 䘋Ҷᖃൠᇎ䱵 ት≁Ⲵ׳䘋㹼ࣘѫѹⲴDŽᆳԜ൘ањᣭ䊑Ⲵቲ⅑кᶴᡀҶオ䰤ᇓ⽪ˈे ൘ オ䰤൘䙐ǃൠฏ े઼ ㆰঅⲴ⭏ᆈㆆ⮕DŽᡁԜⲴ᷀൘ᴹࣙҾ⨶䀓൘㹼൘ই˄а൘ส Ҿ൘ᐲⲴे ㌫DŽᆳ䘈 ᕪ䈳ҶޣLGBTQ+㹼ࣘѫѹѻ䰤൘䮯ᵏѝे઼ нे 㿴⁑кⲴ ઼े˅ۿ㖾オ䰤ᖡ 䗮Ֆ൘ই൘ѪѠᇼ൘ᦞᶕⓀⲴ▌൘DŽ ޣ䭞䇽 ⽮४ǃཊṧᙗ/൘㚊൘/䳄൘ǃᙗ൘ǃ൘⋫ǃेᙗᙻ ǃᙗǃ⽮Պ

Received April 2019; accepted February 2020

Introduction Over nearly the same time period there has emerged a broad literature on LGBTQ+ As part of a special issue on LGBTQ+ activisms. Most recently reviewed by urban activisms, this paper analyses the con- Johnston (2017), this scholarship has tent of two longstanding guidebooks for les- explored a wide range of bodies, sites, places bians and (Bob Damron’s Address and spaces. With some notable exceptions Book – later known as The Damron Men’s (e.g. Shuttleton et al., 2000) these sites have Travel Guide – and its companion, The been urban-focused. We build on and Damron Women’s Traveler) and the urban broaden this literature by theorising the spatial imaginary they produced. We focus extent to which Damron guides and the particularly on how the guides’ content and urban spatial imaginary created by them associated spatial imaginary functioned – might be conceptualised as nodes of and continue to function – as forms and LGBTQ+ activism that challenged hetero- facilitators of activism. We do this by con- normativity and homophobia. Thus, we seek to extend scholars’ thinking about how this ducting a textual analysis of the guidebooks particular form of knowledge production themselves and by considering the political and dissemination was (and is) also an possibilities (and limitations) of the ‘episte- important dimension of LGBTQ+ activism. mological grid’ they produced. Since 1964 for the men’s guides and 1990 Our textual analysis shows that, as social for the women’s guides, these books cata- artefacts, the guides challenged the particu- logued locations across an ever-increasing lar power formation of the mid-20th-century range of urban and rural areas in North closet, which alienated LGBTQ+ individu- als from each other and from the broader America (and later selectively globally). community. Damron guides framed

Knopp and Brown 3 practical information for LGBTQ+ people 20th-century ‘gaybourhood’. The paper con- about where to find resources, opportunities cludes with a discussion of the implications (including sexual opportunities) and other of our reading for contemporary LGBTQ+ LGBTQ+ people in terms of a particularly activisms, including how Damron guides urban spatial imagination. Following might be further utilised by scholars and Magnusson (2013), we note the importance activists. of proximate diversity that the guides and their internal organisation presumed and propagated. Cities and locations within LGBTQ+ activisms and urban them were the consistent building blocks of space this knowledge-producing activism. From a variety of theoretical perspectives, We have structured the paper to reflect cities have long been viewed as conducive to these points. First, we review the literature political activism (e.g. Castells, 1977; on LGBTQ+ urban activism to show how Harvey, 1989; Miller and Nicholls, 2013; the guides can be thought of as a different Wilson, 1992; Wirth, 1938; Young, 1990). form of spatial activism rather different While scholars’ particular logics vary widely, from the intra- and inter-urban foci in the almost all locate this conduciveness in the literature. By creating an epistemological material conditions of urban life, including grid of possible meaning – inevitable in any issues of size, density, diversity and modes of form of representation, especially geo- production and consumption. The contem- graphic – Damron guides built a spatial ima- porary political theorist Warren Magnusson ginary that offered isolated folks survival (2013) in fact argues that urban life is poli- strategies and a less closeted spatial imagina- tics, because of the imperative of dealing tion of how their lives could be different. with the ‘proximate diversity’ – economic, Second, we discuss the guides’ specific ori- cultural and social – that is inevitable in gins in the life of their namesake/creator and cities. situate them within an emerging mid-century The centrality of urban space to studies LGBTQ+ media-scape. Third, we offer a of LGBTQ+ activisms is not, therefore, sur- reading of the guides as texts that highlights prising. It is manifest in numerous historical the particularly urban imagination created monographs about particular cases of by them, one that shaped the ability of LGBTQ+ activism (e.g. Atkins, 2003; LGBTQ+ individuals to locate themselves, Beachy, 2014; Boyd, 2003; Chauncey 1994; break down the isolation of the closet and Faderman and Timmons, 2009; Houlbrook, better live their lives. The guides’ qualitative 2005; Stewart-Winter, 2016) as well as in discussion of cities and states, and their more social scientific attempts to make sense detailed coding of particular listings, allowed of sexual politics and the politics of sexual- a singular, systematic grid through which ity. George Chauncey’s (1994) famous places could be compared, contrasted and account of the emergence of a gay subcul- generally made legible. In particular, we ture in early 20th-century , for read a great deal of activism around the evo- instance, demonstrated the importance of lution of codes for types of locations in a certain features of urban life to the forma- city, and the shifting identity politics around tion of gay male as well as lesbian identities race and gender, but also age, sexuality and and communities in that city. These include (dis)ability. We also ponder the activism a diverse array of bars, bathhouses and around how the systematised coding of neighbourhoods, including particularly venues formed the building blocks of the late those catering to or associated with New

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York’s industrial working class. Many of gentrification’ inspired by his work. These the dynamics he described entailed either the emphasised neighbourhood-based economic exile of segments of LGBTQ+ populations and political empowerment in cities but to these urban spaces (see also Atkins, 2003; often with an eye that was critical of and Weston, 1995), affirmative claims to Castells’ essentialisation of gender differ- them by segments of the LGBTQ+ popula- ences and his relative silence around issues of tion, or some combination thereof. Either racial and ethnic stratification and exclu- way, the result was a series of spaces whose sions within these spaces. Poststructuralist existences were seen as inextricably linked to analyses, meanwhile, have focused on identi- the urban contexts in which they were found tarian, anti-identitarian and other forms of and that were legible, by virtue of their rela- cultural politics in the creation of more com- tively counterhegemonic norms and relative plex and contradictory urban spaces. These safety, as places to various LGBTQ+ peo- include a range of studies, from Valentine’s ple. Variants of these processes are docu- (1993) examination of lesbian homemaking mented and replicated in the LGBTQ+ strategies through Nash and Bain’s (2007) histories of other cities. These include inter- study of a lesbian night at a men’s bathhouse actions with state authorities (for example, in Toronto, to Podmore’s (2001, 2006) stud- police, liquor control boards, planning ies of lesbian (in)visibility and place-making boards), market actors (for example, land in Montreal, Binnie and Skeggs’ (2004) and and housing developers, employers, unions, Nash’s (2006) critiques of the creation of legal and illegal syndicates) and various Manchester’s and Toronto’s ‘gay villages’ social and political groups and movements and Brown’s (2007) and Browne and (for example, workers, immigrants, unions, Bakshi’s (2013) place-sensitive explorations religious groups and eventually the women’s of complex and contradictory forms of and gay rights movements). LGBTQ+ activisms aimed at producing non- A range of social scientific theories and normative forms of ‘ordinariness’ in models aimed at generalising from and ‘ordinary cities’. Brown’s (2000) multi-scalar building on these histories have also empha- examination of the spatiality of the closet, sised exile, territorialisation and place- meanwhile, details the ways in which the clo- making in cities as foundational to set’s particular epistemology of ‘knowing by LGBTQ+ activism. These include structur- not knowing’ (Sedgwick, 1990) is manifest in alist accounts that emphasise the role of class (among other things) the production of dynamics, usually in combination with the urban space. His textual analysis of the forces of patriarchy, heterosexism and race, inner-city landscape of Christchurch, New in the creation of LGBTQ+ commercial Zealand, shows how an urban landscape’s and residential areas in cities (Browne and subtle coding – including, ironically, Bakshi, 2013; Castells, 1983; Knopp, 1990; attempts at the erasure of LGBTQ+ visibi- Lauria and Knopp, 1985; Murphy, 2010; lity by governmental authorities – actually Nash, 2006; Nash and Gorman-Murray, facilitated LGBTQ+ people’s navigation of 2015; Podmore, 2006; Schroeder, 2013). This that landscape, as well as their strategies for type of analysis is perhaps best exemplified empowerment and community-building. by Castells’ (1983) study of San Francisco’s Both strands of literature often stress the Castro district, which he interpreted as a territoriality of urban place-making through form of activism expressed through place- processes of resignification as well as physi- based development of economic and political cal occupation and control of space (Misgav, power, and a spate of studies of ‘gay 2015). A variety of spaces within the city

Knopp and Brown 5 have been considered, including the local spatial imaginaries have focused on hegemo- state (Andrucki and Elder, 2007; Forest, nic practices rather than resistances (for 1995), streets (Podmore and Chamberland, example, Jessop and Oosterlynck, 2008; 2015), parks and recreational space (Muller, Massey, 2005; Puar, 2006). In addition, acti- 2007; McCann and Catungal, 2010; Patrick, visms are quite intersectionally problematic 2013), parades and festivals (Browne, 2007; for a truly progressive politics (Doan, 2007; Currans, 2017; Johnston, 2007), housing Johnston, 2017). They are always partial/ (Brown, 2007) and community centres incomplete and often even contradictory, in (Hartal, 2018; Misgav, 2016), as well as pri- that a form of activism that may be empower- vate spaces such as the home (Valentine, ing in one dimension or for one constituency 1993), religious organisations (Schroeder, may be disempowering or even perpetuate 2013; Seitz, 2017), non-profits (McLean, oppression for another (Currans, 2017). 2018) and commercial establishments Our intervention here is about activisms (Brown et al., 2014; Nash and Bain, 2007; at the scale of individual North American Weightman, 1980). Additional work has cities and of North American cities as an stressed the importance of embodiment and expanding, networked whole. We focus par- emotion in this territorialisation (Doan, ticularly on the creation, through the 2017; de Jong, 2017; Johnston and Waitt, Damron guides, of a specific, urban-focused 2015). A sensitivity to scales of activism spatial imaginary and certain of its activist beyond the urban is an emerging but still dimensions and effects. In this case, the spa- underdeveloped characteristic of this litera- tial imaginary takes the form of an ‘episte- ture (compare DiFeliciantonio, 2014; Doan, mological grid’ onto which LGBTQ+ 2016; Johnston, 2017; Oswin, 2015). people could place themselves and recognise A consistent theme across this literature each other across space. In the context of a is the partiality and complexity of ‘activism’ much broader philosophical discussion of (de Jong, 2017). In recent years a consensus approaches to social science, Dixon and has emerged – at least within more critical Jones (1998: 215) describe such a grid, circles – that battles over signification and abstractly, as follows: meaning (e.g. ‘ordinariness’), along with everyday survival strategies and even explicit [It] is at once a procedure for locating and seg- failures, can rightfully be seen as ‘activist’ menting a complex, relational, and dynamic (Browne and Bakshi, 2013; Knopp and social reality . . . The grid segments social life so that it may be captured, measured and Brown, 2003). The creation, content and interrogated . . . [I]t should also be regarded contestation of ‘spatial imaginaries’ . . . as a way of knowing that imposes itself (Gregory, 1995; Watkins, 2015) constitute upon and eventually becomes inseparable particularly fertile ground for discussions of from the processes it helps to understand. these more broadly defined forms of (Dixon and Jones, 1998: 251) LGBTQ+ activism (Binnie and Klesse, 2016). As representational discourses, spatial This description calls attention to two imaginaries frame debates and delimit important points that inform our reading of material practices, including activisms. Yet, the guides: the impossibility of accessing except in the context of cosmopolitan/ reality without representation, and the fact transnational/global LGBTQ+ activisms that all acts of representation have selective (Bacchetta et al., 2015; Binnie and Klesse, meaning-making effects. In the case of 2011; DasGupta, 2019) and anti-racist acti- Damron guides, a grid of some sort was visms (Bates et al., 2018), most discussions of inevitable if the social world they sought to

6 Urban Studies 00(0) capture was to be represented. Yet the grid aimed at connecting men who shared inter- also inevitably foregrounded a particular ests in hobbies such as stamp collecting in imagination about that social world and, in the immediate post-war era (Meeker, 2006: so doing, had both direct and indirect 22–26). By the 1950s, national organisations meaning-making (and activist) effects. such as the Mattachine Society and We are keenly aware, of course, that any Daughters of Bilitis had emerged and were discussion of spatial imaginaries is its own producing their own national publications. form of representation and thus risks univer- ONE magazine, published in Los Angeles by salising its own situated truths. In the context individuals associated with the Mattachine of activisms associated with Damron guides, Society, circulated nationally by mail the obvious danger is the perpetuation of the between 1953 and 1969. The Mattachine guides’ own racist, sexist, classist, ableist and Society itself published The Mattachine ‘Western’ homonormative imagination. But, Review between 1955 and 1967. And the as we argue below, the guides also created Daughters of Bilitis published The Ladder liberatory possibilities for many LGBTQ+ magazine from 1956 to 1972. These publica- people in North America during the mid- tions typically featured a mix of literary, 20th century and into the 21st century. informational and educational content Moreover, the activisms associated with the about LGBTQ+ people and experiences guides shifted over time, certainly in response and were infused with an ethic of reducing to changes in national-scale (and some local- prejudice and discrimination against scale) LGBTQ+ activisms and perhaps also LGBTQ+ people (albeit from quite diverse as activist innovations themselves. ideological perspectives). In 1969 the more explicitly political magazine The Advocate Damron guides in context began national publication. The Advocate emerged in early 1967 as a local Los Angeles The first Damron guide was published in newsletter, in response to police brutality 1964 by Bob Damron, a San Francisco gay and raids on gay bars in the city (Faderman bar owner, and Hal Call, then President of and Timmons, 2009). Numerous local news- the Mattachine Society,1 in San Francisco letters and, eventually, gay and lesbian news- (Meeker, 2006; Sears, 2006). It was oriented papers (and even occasional radio shows) overwhelmingly, but not exclusively, towards also emerged during this period, and gay men. Though not the first lesbian or gay increased rapidly after the Stonewall rebel- travel guide published commercially in the lion in in 1969. Combined USA, it was one of the earliest and for with travel guides such as The Address Book, decades was the most commercially success- they constituted a nascent LGBTQ+ media ful.2 Moreover it is the only such guide to ecosystem that connected LGBTQ+ people have survived in print form to the present in disparate locales, helped them overcome day. (or at least evade) prejudice and discrimina- Of course, travel guides were neither the tion and, perhaps most important, helped first nor the only kind of publication of, by popularise and standardise what it meant to and for LGBTQ+ people in the USA. be gay or lesbian in the USA (see below). Historian Martin Meeker traces the emer- In The Address Book’s early years, Bob gence of such publications to privately dis- Damron personally gathered content by tra- tributed circulars published by US military velling across the USA, visiting gay bars and personnel during the Second World War, developing contacts with as many gay men and heavily coded directories ostensibly and lesbians as he could. As the guides grew

Knopp and Brown 7

Cincinnati Note: See also Covington KY. At present due to local pressure this large and otherwise sophisticated city has very little to offer.

Georgia (Open Mon. to Fri. til 2am. On Saturdays bars technically close at 12 midnight, but if you are already inside you can “order ahead” and drink til 2am. Closed Sundays, but here again, some places are challenging the antiquated “Blue Laws” and opening as private clubs, which you can “join” or BYOB. Last year, the State Legislature approved a bill given 18-year-olds the “right” to drink.

NEW YORK CITY As I predicted last year, trouble did hit some of the private clubs. The Stonewall was a prime example. Beware of more to come, especially in some of the hip, wilder spots and un-licensed private clubs. However, generally the bar scene is great.

Idaho (10am-1am, closed Sundays) This State draws a complete blank, and chances of anything happening here are very remote.

Figure 1. Examples of entries in Damron Guide (Men’s) 1971. in size and popularity, these individuals – friendship, companionship, and sex . . . [T]hey disproportionately bar owners, managers, believed a sort of gay nationality existed but patrons and people who shared Damron’s was waiting to be discovered by its members; particular sexual interests – were then relied by cataloging and mapping this nation, the on to provide updates and new information. publishers of these guidebooks not only told gay men and, to a lesser extent, lesbians where The guides’ readership was also encouraged they could find others like themselves, but to contribute information and updates, in an they provided them with evidence of the larger early, low-tech example of crowd-sourcing world, indeed the quasi-nation, in which they that is consistent with the more democratic lived. and activist side of Damron’s project. The eventual consequence of this method, and of The publication of the Damron Women’s the guides’ publication in general, was to Traveler in 1990 extended this imaginary to create a standardised, nationalised and to a recognise explicitly women and women’s considerable extent commercialised imagina- experiences as different from those of men.3 tion about what it meant to be gay or lesbian Along with shifts over time in the ways both in the USA. This imagination was also pro- guides dealt with issues of gender and race, foundly spatial and multi-scalar. As Meeker the emergence of the Women’s Traveler high- (2006: 214) explains, lights the important role of identity politics in shaping the spatial imaginary evoked by Damron and others imagined the gay world to the guides. It also draws attention to their be expansive, established, and spatially imbrication with various forms of activism. anchored . . . [T]hey knew there were gay sites We turn next, then, to a detailed discussion in small towns and large cities and that the commonalities they shared were far more of the specific architecture and content of important than their differences – that at the the Damron guides, the spatial imaginary base these were places where men could meet they produced, and how both functioned as men and women could meet women for forms and facilitators of activism.

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Damron guides, their urban information provided about these jurisdic- spatial imaginary and activism tions and the guides’ privileging of the kinds of venues and opportunities found in urban The Damron guides began as a project that areas, led readers to expect (or not!) a partic- was simultaneously commercial and activist ularly urban form of LGBTQ+ life at a (Meeker, 2006: 212). Damron and Call listed venue, regardless of where it was actu- sought to create a successful business by ally located. helping LGBTQ+ people (initially mostly This universalising of an urban imagina- gay men) find sex, friendship and commu- tion about LGBTQ+ life, via the creation nity (see below). Their strategy for doing so of a national-scale epistemological grid, can involved the cataloguing of detailed infor- be seen as an innovative form of activism. mation about specific places and the cre- Prior to the guides’ publication, individuals ation of a spatial imaginary – in this case a such as Damron and Call (and the publish- detailed epistemological grid – that con- ers of their less-successful predecessors) may nected those places and the people in them. have had their own national-scale imagina- A US-based urban imagination animated tions about LGBTQ+ life but The Address 4 the grid from the beginning. Cities and Book and its successors universalised and towns were the grid’s basic building blocks, extended that imagination in ways that were with individual venues typically associated both practical and idealistic. They created a with LGBTQ+ life assigned to them, most set of ideals about what LGBTQ+ life was notably gay bars. Listings by city were then and could be and put those ideals into prac- grouped by US state (and, eventually, tice, by helping diverse LGBTQ+ travellers Canadian province), with important infor- and others find each other, live their lives mation about particular cities and states also and imagine themselves as part of something often provided (see Figure 1). Note the larger. detailed, qualitative nature of this informa- The guides’ epistemological grid was not tion and the implicit assumptions made the sole product of their editors and publish- about how the information might be used. ers, however. Diverse LGBTQ+ individuals Listings for the state of Georgia, for in cities and towns across North America instance, are introduced with a lengthy contributed information and content from explanation of what to expect based on that the very beginning and only became more state’s liquor laws and, crucially, how they important over time. While the crowd- might be skirted. Idaho’s listings, mean- sourcing was initially built on Bob Damron’s while, are preceded by a fairly damning own personal networks, it was also explicitly commentary to the effect that the entire state encouraged in the early years of the guides’ may not be worth an LGBTQ+ traveller’s publication: time. And the listings for Cincinnati and New York City caution readers about ‘local Compiler Bob Damron . . . personally visited pressure’ putting a damper on potential some 200 cities in 37 states and toured Canada ‘offerings’ as well as ‘trouble’ at ‘private to obtain data presented here. In addition clubs’ – including the now famous resis- many letters and telephone calls were utilized tances at New York’s in to expand information and attain highest pos- 1969,5 while also providing a positive overall sible accuracy . . . Still, there are bound to be some mistakes and omissions, for which we assessment of the ‘bar scene’ in New York. solicit accurate information so that correct Thus the guides’ organisation of information listings can be printed in the next edition. (The by city (and state), the particular kinds of Address Book, 1965: 2)

Knopp and Brown 9

contributed to breaking down the closet and Code Description helped reduce isolation. * Very Popular The creation of the grid helped diverse C Coffee (sometimes food too, Usually late, LGBTQ+ individuals live their lives in other when bars close) ways as well. By drawing affinities between D Dancing diverse locales and creating a network of G Girls, but rarely exclusively seemingly similar venues across space, H Hotel, Motel, lodgings or other overnight Damron guides enabled LGBTQ+ people accommodations to see themselves and each other through M Mixed, and or tourists various nodes on the guides’ epistemological P Private (Make inquiries locally as to grid, while at the same time helping them admission policies) navigate the marginalised and at times dan- PE Pretty elegant (usually jacket and tie gerous world(s) they encountered. required) Figure 2 shows a series of codes used in R Restaurant, although not all places serving the early men’s guides to draw these affi- food are indicated. A * after this symbol nities. Note that these codes cover a lot of does not indicate quality of food served, but useful ground, from descriptions of venues’ popularity of the bar itself. clienteles, to the types of services or enter- RT Rugged, often commercial tainment provided, to evaluations of a S SHOWS (often impersonators or venue’s popularity, to information about pantomime acts) possible barriers to entry and how one might S-M SOME MOTORCYCLE overcome them. In the early years of the guide, the codes themselves were often Figure 2. Codes and their descriptions from an coded, in that they drew on subcultural early edition of The Address Book. understandings that conveyed more sensi- Source: The Address Book (1965: 4). tive, nuanced and sometimes compromising

or inculpating information about particular venues. This is a classic form of ‘knowing by not knowing’, a key epistemological feature As in the past, the publishers are grateful to of the closet. The coded codes had the dual readers for their information on new places to effect of protecting readers from the poten- go and other appropriate changes for future tially prying eyes of public authorities, fam- editions of this book. (Bob Damron’s Address ily and others while also enabling Book, 1968: 3) engagement in taboo activities (including

This crowd-sourcing clearly contributed to forms of sex-radicalism). ‘S-M’, for example, the guides’ increasingly rich, complex and was formally defined as ‘SOME diverse content over time. Moreover, it sug- MOTORCYCLE’ but almost surely was gests a dialogue between editors, publishers meant to convey that the venue in question and readers that was relatively democratic drew a clientele interested in sadomasochis- and activist in its effects. Contributors were tic role-play (at a time when openly empowered to help inform and shape the acknowledging such could have been used guides’ content and spatial imaginary, which against both the venue and its clients by they obviously did. This agency on the part local authorities). Similarly, ‘RT’ (defined in of the crowd-sourcers, in cooperation with the guide as ‘Rugged, often commercial’) the guides’ publishers, democratically was almost surely an allusion to the then common term ‘rough trade’, which referred

10 Urban Studies 00(0) to male street hustlers willing to engage in code had changed to ‘MRC’ (for sex with men in exchange for money. A few ‘Multiracial Clientele’) and included the sub- years later the code ‘FFA’ appeared, and codes ‘MRC-A’, ‘MRC-AF’ and ‘MRC-L’, was defined as ‘Final Faith of America, or which meant ‘mostly Asian-American’, ask your friendly SM serviceman’ – an ‘mostly African-American’ and ‘mostly almost certain allusion to ‘Fist Fuckers of Latino-American’, respectively. These codes America’, a group associated with the have continued to the present day in the BDSM subculture of the time that allegedly men’s guides. By contrast, the Women’s met at the famous Mineshaft, a gay club in Traveler (which from the start eschewed the New York City.6 A rather different subcul- complex coding of the men’s guides in tural understanding is alluded to via the favour of fewer and more descriptive word- codes ‘M’ and ‘PE’, defined as ‘Mixed, and/ codes),7 recognised race through a single or tourists’ and ‘Pretty elegant – usually word-code ‘Multi-racial Clientele’, further jacket and tie required’, respectively. The defined as ‘Our favourite category – We love former indicated predominantly non- a variety of colours’. This word-code has LGBTQ+ venues where LGBTQ+ people changed relatively little over time, with the were nonetheless likely to be found but most recent one being simply ‘Multiracial’, where knowledge of subcultural cues was now described as ‘A good mix of women of necessary to do so (and to avoid detection colour and their friends’. The Damron by others). The latter was most likely a sani- guides’ spatial imaginaries have thus been tised version of the term ‘piss elegant’, used racialised in ways that suggest an ongoing at the time to refer to a subtle, sometimes effort on the parts of their editors and pub- campy, upper-class (or aspirationally upper- lishers to grapple with a broader racial poli- class) subculture of homosexual men, legible tics, albeit in ways that continue to assume as such only to each other, often in other- whiteness as the norm. They have struggled wise heterosexual spaces. These codes were to acknowledge racial diversity while repro- very often applied to the bars of older, ele- ducing particular racial formations and gant (or once-elegant) downtown hotels. recentring whiteness. The activism around The coding of the Oak Room bar in New this particular form of identity politics is York City’s Plaza Hotel as ‘M-PE’, in the thus liberal and reactive, rather than radical 1965 guide, is a particularly clear example. and proactive. But it is nonetheless real. By the late 1970s the guides had become Moreover, the guides’ crowd-sourcing a much larger commercial operation and the dimension suggests a potentially powerful codes describing venues expanded substan- role for readers in this activist process. tially. The evolution in coding bespeaks an A similar process plays out with respect imbrication with yet another kind of acti- to an activist identity politics around gender. vism: identity politics. For example, the Both guides frequently coded venues for guides first called out race explicitly in 1970, whether women or men predominated, through the code ‘B’, which was described though neither coded for the presence of as ‘Blacks Predominate’ (by 1975 this had gender non-conforming people (except in the become ‘Blacks Frequent’). By 1991, in what context of drag shows) until 1997. The was now the Damron Men’s Travel Guide, Women’s Traveler focused its gender descrip- the same code was described as ‘Multi- tions primarily on the relative proportions of Racial Clientele’, signalling a partial shift women and men found in a venue and later towards a language of multiracialism, even on whether or not gender non-conforming if the code itself had not shifted. By 1994 the people were likely to be welcome (e.g.

Knopp and Brown 11

‘Mostly Women – 80–90% lesbian crowd’, The coding of venues around other iden- ‘Mostly Gay Men – Women welcome’, tities have similarly morphed over time, sug- ‘Lesbians/Gay Men – Roughly 50/50 mix of gesting other ways in which the guides’ lesbians and gay men’ and ‘Transgender- epistemological grid has facilitated engage- Friendly – Transsexuals, cross-dressers, and ments with identity politics. These include other transgendered people welcome’ in the issues of age, sexual orientation (including of 2014 guide). The men’s guides, by contrast, venues’ ownership and management) and to a initially assumed and reproduced male spa- limited extent (dis)ability. Generally speaking, tial dominance and only coded for gender in both guides have long coded for the ages and cases where women or, later, gender non- sexual orientations of venues’ clienteles and, conforming people might be present. This beginning in the early 1990s, for wheelchair began with the code ‘G’ in 1965, described access as well. However, the issue of age has as ‘Girls, but rarely exclusively’, which lasted been more complexly coded in the men’s through 1979. It was replaced in 1980 by the guides while those of sexual orientation and code ‘L’, whose meaning was initially (dis)ability have been more complexly coded ‘Ladies/Ms’ but then was described simply in the women’s guides. These sensitivities and as ‘Lesbians’. In 1989 the code switched to differences can be seen as having activist ‘W’ (meaning ‘Mostly Women’) and has effects in at least four senses: first, they facili- been unchanged since. Beginning in 1989, tate different segments of the LGBTQ+ pop- and continuing to the present, the code ulation finding and interacting with one ‘MW’ has been defined as ‘Men and another. Second, they facilitate interactions Women’ or a close variant thereof, indicat- between sub-groups (including, potentially, ing venues serving women and men more or cross-generational sexual interactions). Third, less equally. Then, in 1995 (and continuing they identify businesses and venues one might to the present), the men’s guides added the wish to patronise (or not) based on their man- code ‘MO’, described as ‘Men Only’. This agement’s/ownership’s relationship to an code’s emergence is potentially important. It emerging and diversifying LGBTQ+ commu- represents an acknowledgement that male- nity. And fourth, they facilitate an intersec- only spaces now needed to be recognised as tional approach to identity politics generally. such, rather than male spatial dominance Finally, the guides’ spatial imaginary had simply being assumed. Finally, as noted the effect of helping build place-based above, in 1997 both guides added the code LGBTQ+ communities, including ‘gaybour- ‘TG’, described as meaning ‘Transgender hoods’ (see Ghaziani, 2014: 2–3, for a discus- Friendly’ (or something similar). Like the sion of this term). From the very beginning evolving racial codings, then, these gender the largest areas were broken codes and their transformations suggest an down by sub-area that, some of which would activist ethos around gender issues that has later become anchors for gaybourhoods (for been largely liberal and reactive, though per- example, West Hollywood, CA). Other sub- haps a bit more proactive on the parts of the areas that appeared as gaybourhoods began Women’s Traveler’s editors than those of the to develop in them (for example, Polk Street men’s guide. And, again, as a result of the and the Tenderloin in San Francisco). As the crowd-sourcing, these changes suggest a guides became more commercial, advertisers potentially important role for readers in this made note of and capitalised on these activism as well. geographical understandings. A full-page

12 Urban Studies 00(0) advertisement for the Church Street Station LGBTQ+ readers could see themselves, restaurant, in the middle of several pages of find each other and live their lives. In these listings for San Francisco in the 1978 guide, ways they can be seen as both forms of acti- highlights this, by describing it as ‘Midway vism themselves and facilitators of activism Between the Polk and The Castro’ (Bob by everyday LGBTQ+ people. The grid in Damron’s Address Book, 1978: 62). Similarly, particular helped LGBTQ+ people see recent years of the men’s guides include a themselves as part of a networked whole – subdivision of Chicago called ‘Boystown/ something approximating Meeker’s ‘quasi- Lakeview’ (Damron’s 50th Anniversary Men’s nation’ – while the guides’ content gave Travel Guide, 2000: 156), a recognition of them lots of practical information. The that area’s emergence as a gaybourhood. codes and other descriptions (of jurisdictions And the women’s guides have routinely as well as venues) were particularly impor- included an inset page for major cities that tant in this regard, as they provided place- includes a section titled ‘Where the Girls specific and generic information that enabled Are’. The 2012 section for Atlanta, for exam- readers to navigate their worlds, resist het- ple, explains that: erosexism and homophobia, and build com- munity. The evolution of the codes, the Many lesbians live in DeKalb County, in the crowd-sourcing of content and the eventual northeast part of the city of Decatur. For fun, recognition by the editors and advertisers of women head to Midtown or Buckhead if they’re incipient ‘gaybourhoods’, meanwhile, indi- professionals, Virginia-Highland if they’re funky cate an activist role for readers in the guides’ or 30-ish, Little Five Points if they’re young and production. This role includes complex wild, and Castleberry Hill if they’re artistic. (Damron Women’s Traveler, 2012: 141) engagements with identity politics as well as a democratising of the process of breaking Thus, by calling attention to areas with con- down the closet. centrations of LGBTQ+ people and venues, the guides have facilitated the association of Conclusion these areas with LGBTQ+ communities, as well as their growth. Indeed, they may Our reading of the Damron guides and their potentially have contributed to an imagina- production of a spatial imaginary, as forms tion that made the building of those commu- and facilitators of activism, is important for nities possible in the first place. This holds at least two reasons: first, it highlights the even for some areas outside of major metro- importance to activist politics of catalo- politan areas, such as Fire Island and guing, systematising, synthesising and disse- Easthampton, NY (some 65 and 95 miles minating mundane information, particularly from , respectively). As early as for a politics aimed at empowering margina- 1965, these communities were listed sepa- lised people. Damron guides represented a rately from New York City but were none- lot of hard, collaborative work. And while theless called out in the overview for that they certainly benefited some segments of city as among several ‘nearby communities the LGBTQ+ population more than others, . . . listed separately’ (The Address Book, they nonetheless productively contributed to 1965: 33).8 the dismantling of the closet for many, many Overall, then, the Damron guides’ con- people. Second, our reading illustrates the tent, and the grid produced by them, have central role spatial imaginaries can play in constituted both a practical tool and an cultural politics. Creating a new spatial ima- abstract spatial imaginary through which ginary can be seen as not just a way of

Knopp and Brown 13 controlling or contesting a narrative, or of diversity was certainly part of the context in framing a debate, but as a strategy for claim- which Bob Damron and his collaborators ing space at an abstract level. Damron first developed the guides. So was a certain guides thus gave LGBTQ+ people the abil- privileged position within that diversity, ity to locate themselves in an abstract, which clearly shaped not just the execution affirming, space, and to imagine themselves of their project but its conceptualisation in as part of a larger, networked whole. This in the first place. At the same time, the closet’s turn helped make national-scale LGBTQ+ particular epistemology of ‘knowing by not activism imaginable. knowing’ arguably functioned (and contin- Our analysis raises numerous additional ues to function) similarly in urban and non- questions, though. How else might these urban environments, suggesting certain com- guides be associated with LGBTQ+ acti- monalities in the experiences of LGBTQ+ vism (especially beyond urban areas)? How people in both contexts. Thus, non-urban might they facilitate (or work against) the LGBTQ+ activisms, and the spatial imagi- creation of a less urban-centred imagination nations associated with them, would likely about LGBTQ+ life? How might they pre- be informed by conditions of life that are clude, rather than facilitate, activism(s)? different in some respects and similar in oth- What about possible connections to anti- ers. They would also depend heavily on the LGBTQ+ activism? On a different note, positionalities of those executing them. In how might they function in ways similar to – addition, it is important to consider the or different from – other resources and ima- extent to which the closet remains (or does ginations produced for other marginalised not remain) central to LGBTQ+ lives and populations in the USA, such as The Negro experiences of LGBTQ+ people today, and Motorist Green Book (Kennedy, 2013)? And its contemporary geographies. as a data source, how might Damron guides With respect to constraints on activism, be used to address altogether different kinds and the potential facilitation of anti- of research questions? While we cannot hope LGBTQ+ activisms, there is no question to answer all of these questions here, we but that Damron guides and their associated close this paper with a few thoughts about spatial imagination have had numerous how each might be framed. potential downsides. Most obviously, they Thinking about Damron guides and acti- were not designed to facilitate activism on visms beyond the urban requires grappling the parts of particularly marginal segments with the question of whether or not an alter- of the LGBTQ+ population. They were native spatial imagination was even possible designed first and foremost by and for at the time they began or might have become LGBTQ+ folks with the means to travel feasible since then. We share the scepticism and consume, primarily white gay men. of many about the coherence of the urban as They also risked making the contours of the a social or spatial category, and so find closet visible not just to LGBTQ+ people nothing fundamentally or inevitably urban but to determined opponents. This clearly about an imagination informing or enabling has the potential to facilitate anti-LGBTQ+ LGBTQ+ activism(s). Still, we find useful activisms, which could take many forms, Magnusson’s (2013) notion of ‘proximate including exposing particular people and diversity’ as a spatial condition – particu- places, infiltrating and disrupting LGBTQ+ larly apposite in cities – that leads to the spaces and perpetrating campaigns of har- foregrounding of certain kinds of politics, assment and violence. A recently initiated including LGBTQ+ activism. Proximate transnational project on heteroactivism

14 Urban Studies 00(0)

(Browne and Nash, 2017; Browne et al., manifestations vary across space, as the dif- 2018) constitutes a promising context in ferences between urban, rural and multiple which these sorts of anti-LGBTQ+ activist ‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’ LGBTQ+ lives strategies might fruitfully be explored in and cultures make clear. Thus drawing com- detail. parisons between Damron guides and some- The issue of constraints on activism is thing like The Negro Motorist Green Book complex in other ways. It entails a deep requires a detailed analysis of how the closet, engagement with a wide range of activist its logics, its place-specific historical lineages practices. As we have argued here, these and its empirical manifestations intersect range from very material ones, such as way- with those of white supremacy and, in turn, finding and community-building, to symbolic white supremacy’s intersections with class and semiotic ones, such as creating a stan- and various other aspects of culture. dard notion and set of expectations around The above agendas are all tremendously what LGBTQ+ life looks like. Such prac- important, but daunting. We end this paper, tices – indeed all activisms – always have a then, with a modest plea for Damron guides duality to them. In developing their theories also to be recognised as a fertile data source of what needs to be changed and how to for research, including historical/activist change it, activists privilege some realities research. Here we have only scratched the and imaginations over others. In the process surface of what might be possible using these they necessarily foreclose opportunities for guides. Other possibilities abound. Among some activisms while opening up opportuni- some of the most exciting (and manageable!) ties for others. This is perhaps most easily are: mapping venues’ locations to explore seen in the ways in which the Damron guides’ changing spatial patterns over time; using efforts to manage the complex demands of maps and other visualisations of Damron certain kinds of identity politics were necessa- guide data to correct exclusions (by present- rily, in the end, liberal and reactive rather ing them to locally knowledgeable individu- than radical and proactive. Deeper explora- als for feedback, especially folks from tions of this issue might look beyond identity marginalised segments of the LGBTQ+ politics to issues of commercialism and class population); using new digital techniques (barely touched on in our analysis, yet central and technologies, in combination with data to the guides’ purpose) as well as the slow from the guides and other sources, to visua- disappearance of sex-radicalism as an ani- lise LGBTQ+ life and its intersectionalities mating feature of the guides. in more complex and subtle ways (e.g. ‘heat Exploring ways in which the Damron maps’ – see Zhao et al., 2017); tracking insti- guides and their associated spatial imaginary tutional, organisational and commercial his- functioned similarly or differently from other tories; verifying, validating and honouring guides and their imaginaries, such as The particular institutions’ and organisations’ Negro Motorist Green Book, requires careful places in local, regional and national his- examinations of different forms of oppres- tories; building LGBTQ+ archives; and sion and their associated epistemologies, as building communities of LGBTQ+ scho- well as their intersections and geographic spe- lars, activists and archivists. cificities. The epistemology of the closet pro- With a lot of leg-work and an appropri- duces a particular kind of alienation that is ate investment of resources, any one of these different from that of many other oppressed could be accomplished, given that the guides groups but that nonetheless overlaps and themselves are already archived in at least intersects with them. Moreover, its empirical two libraries (the Gerber/Hart Library in

Knopp and Brown 15

Chicago and the New York City Public in 1970 and was also commercially successful, Library) and many are available online (via though it became less so over time and ceased Alexander Street, an online academic press print publication in 2017. and publisher). The impacts of such work 3. The inaugural issue of the Women’s Traveler, would be profound, as LGBTQ+ histories edited and primarily staffed by women, stated its goal as: ‘to get you, the lesbian traveler, in and geographies – and particularly intersec- contact with the women’s community’ (Letter tional histories and geographies – are notor- from the Editor, Damron Women’s Traveler, iously difficult to excavate and preserve, 1990). because of the erasures of both the closet 4. This eventually became selectively interna- and creeping homonormativity. tional, beginning with listings for large Canadian cities, then select cities in Mexico and elsewhere. Acknowledgements 5. The Stonewall Inn actually closed after the We are deeply grateful to Ayanda Masilela and 1969 uprisings – but after the 1971 guide was Miller Spitler for their assistance with data collec- compiled – and did not reopen at its original tion, management and analysis, and to Greggor location until 1990. The Damron guides Mattson for his inspiration, encouragement and recognised this but never explicitly acknowl- insights regarding the larger project from which edged the venue’s iconic status (except impli- this paper is drawn. We are also grateful to three citly, through listings for other entities and anonymous referees as well as the editors of this organisations named after the Inn). special issue for their extremely detailed and help- 6. Mineshaft Newsletter, February 1978, quoted ful comments on an earlier draft of this paper. by Jack Fritscher, http://www.jackfritscher. com/PDF/Drummer/Vol%201/33_Mineshaft_ Mar2008_PWeb.pdf. Funding 7. ‘. . . no confusing letter or picture codes to The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following remember’ (Damron Women’s Traveler, 1990). financial support for the research, authorship, 8. This Fire Island example also underscores our and/or publication of this article: The research contention that the Damron guides’ spatial ima- was made possible, in part, by a grant from the ginary was fundamentally urban. Meeker (2006: Royalty Research Fund at the University of 215) makes a similar point when he argues that Washington. the publishers of early LGBTQ+ travel guides were ‘exporting the very idea of a gay bar’ from ORCID iD large urban areas to smaller places.

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