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Martineau Department of English University of British Columbia (Canada) OTTER SKINS, CLEARCUTS, AND ECOTOURISTS: RE-RESOURCING HAIDA GWAII Joel Martineau Department of English University of British Columbia (Canada) Abstract: This essay traces a history of re- colonizing discourses that have positioned source extraction on Haida Gwaii, the archipel- Haida Gwaii as a source of primary re- ago that is sometimes called the Queen Charlotte sources that could be extracted and trans- Islands and is situated off of British Columbia’s ported to centers where they would be proc- northwest coast. I argue that, beginning with essed. Various manifestations of these the maritime fur trade in the 1780s, visitors have discourses of resource extraction have domi- viewed the archipelago as a source of raw mate- nated social and economic relations on rials that could be advantageously extracted and Haida Gwaii (and much of the Northwest processed in various colonial and neocolonial Coast) ever since. However, during the last centers. I then argue that, since the 1970s, the quarter of the twentieth century, the dis- discourse of ecotourism has contributed to an course of ecotourism has offered Haida and alternative way of viewing the islands. It has non-Haida residents of the islands a means provided the Haida nation with a means to ques- to challenge long-standing colonial and neo- tion the rhetoric of progress through resource colonial discourses. I believe that the dis- extraction and to regain control of some of their course of ecotourism is helping local resi- lands. dents, especially Haida, regain control of their lands. Keywords : Haida, Haida Gwaii, natural resources, resource extraction, ecotourism, land claims, cultural resources A History of Resource Extraction on Haida Gwaii Introduction James Cook’s third expedition (1776-1780) set out from England with instructions to Haida Gwaii, an archipelago of one hun- sail north through the Pacific, locate the dred fifty islands, lies between the parallels Northwest Passage that led into the polar of 54º 50’ and 51º 50’ North, thirty to ninety sea, and then sail eastward through that sea miles off the northwestern coast of and out into the Atlantic. The objectives mainland British Columbia. The tip of the were exploratory and scientific. However, Alaska panhandle reaches to within thirty- while careening the ships at King George’s five miles of the archipelago, while Vancou- Sound (later named Nootka Sound) in ver Island is one hundred fifty miles south- March and April 1778, officers and crew east and Vancouver is four hundred miles traded for many sea otter skins. Following southeast. There are two large islands in the unsuccessful searches for a Northwest Pas- archipelago: Graham Island to the north, sage in the summers of 1778 and 1779 that and Moresby Island to the south. Spanish bracketed Cook’s untimely death in Febru- sailors on board the frigate Santiago re- ary 1779, the expedition turned homeward corded the first visit to the islands by Euro- with stops at Petropavlovsk and Macao. Americans in 1774 (Beals, 1989; W. Cook, There the pelts acquired at Nootka, and 1973). Soon thereafter, the maritime fur some additional skins acquired in Sandwich trade brought the first in a series of Sound (later named Prince William Sound), 238 Martineau fetched such high prices that the crew on the North West Coast of America” (1789, threatened mutiny, hoping to force an im- p. ix). The financiers assumed that their mediate return to the Northwest Coast for captain-traders would implement trade rela- more furs. However, the officers prevailed tions modeled on British understandings of and the ships returned to England, arriving law, property, and commerce. Specifically, in October 1780. to “secure the trade of the continent and the islands,” Portlock and Dixon were “to estab- When reports of Cook’s voyage began circu- lish such factories” as they deemed neces- lating in Europe, they ignited the maritime sary, purchasing from the natives such fur trade to the Northwest Coast (Cook and tracts of land as the captains thought best King, 1784; Scofield, 1993). Given the high suited for the purpose of trading while pay- demand for sea otter furs in Canton, traders ing the natives “in the most friendly and from England and New England hoped to liberal manner for the same” (Howay, 1929: parlay this “soft gold” from the first leg of 61-62). According to this line of thinking, their voyages into silks, teas, spices and por- the natives were the same as Europeans celain in China and finally return to their (owning and trading tracts of land and wel- home ports bearing Oriental treasures (Gib- coming commercial expansion) yet different son 1992). By the 1790s, British and Ameri- from Europeans (unable to determine and can fur traders had identified Haida Gwaii, obtain the value of their lands). The consor- which they respectively named Queen Char- tium’s instructions to Portlock and Dixon lotte’s Isles and Washington’s Isles, as a were consistent with imperial perspectives, prime source of sea otter skins. Information but at odds with the situations the com- about Cook’s voyage and the possibilities manders encountered en route to and upon for a lucrative fur trade on the Northwest arrival on the distant coast (for example, Coast spread rapidly, with accounts marvel- concern about scurvy, challenges in acquir- ing at the ease with which furs had been ing provisions, fear of native attacks). obtained on the Northwest Coast and the desire they had elicited in Asian markets. Portlock and Dixon acquired few furs in James King, who had assumed command of 1786, their first season on the Northwest the expedition during its final stages, out- Coast. After wintering at the Sandwich Is- lined a comprehensive plan for commerce. lands (later named the Hawaiian Islands), His proposal detailed the types of ships that they experienced further disappointments at should be used, the various trade commodi- Prince William Sound in May 1787. Dixon ties they should carry, the seasons during struck out in a southerly direction and ar- which they should sail, the arrangements rived at Haida Gwaii on July 2, where, he that should be made with the East India writes, “A scene now commenced, which Company, and ways to procure victuals for absolutely beggars all description.” Haida the voyage (Cook and King, 1784, III: 437- paddled out to the Queen Charlotte in canoes 40). The British expedition that would bring bringing “most beautiful beaver [otter] Haida Gwaii into this web of exploration, cloaks,” and “fairly quarrelled with each capital and trade responded to King’s pro- other about which should sell his cloak first; posal. A consortium of financiers hired and some actually threw their furs on board, George Dixon and Nathaniel Portlock, offi- if nobody was at hand to receive them.” cers on Cook’s third voyage, to command The Haida yielded their furs so avidly that the expedition, which departed England in the British had to “take particular care to let September 1785 and returned in September none go from the vessel unpaid” (1789: 201). 1788. Dixon pinpoints the motives of the These events so impressed Dixon that two expedition in the introduction to his account days later he “distinguished” the bay with of the voyage: Cook’s final voyage had “laid the name “Cloak Bay” and then similarly open to future Navigators . a new and honored the islands with the name of his inexhaustible mine of wealth” available “by vessel. The questions Dixon and other mer- trading for furs of the most valuable kind, chant explorers raised in their imaginings Martineau 239 and representations of Haida Gwaii were with transforming the social environment primarily those of capital — opportunity, that he encountered. He saw the Haida as risk, return — rather than those of theology, heathens who needed to be saved, yet his philosophy, or science. Dixon’s account, goal exceeded converting subjects through published in 1789, furthered the premise baptism: he sought to implements British advanced in King’s 1784 account: Euro- forms of law and order, British dress codes, Americans should approach the Northwest and European rules of economic regulation. Coast as a resource-based economy that His project was to transform the Haida into could be best understood in terms of re- ideal imperial subjects (Collison, 1981). source extraction. The resources would be brought from the frontier to various eco- Such colonizing schemes accelerated as Brit- nomic, political, and cultural centers where ish Columbia was drawn into the new Ca- their value could be realized. In short, King nadian confederation. Geologist George M. and Dixon appropriated the area into an Dawson was one of the first representatives imperial discourse, aspects of which endure of the federal government to visit Haida to this day. Gwaii. In 1878, the Geological Survey of Canada assigned Dawson to explore the By the end of the 1790s, traders from New archipelago and to assess its potential for England came to dominate the sea otter resource exploitation. His report trade on the Northwest Coast (Gibson, 1992; cartographically erased Haida presence and Busch and Gough, 1997). The American reterritorialized the islands into a national traders redirected capital that the War of (and by extension, international) geological Independence had displaced from its pre- scheme (Dawson 1993; Braun 2000). In es- Revolution applications. Their efforts to sence, his survey cataloged the islands as a develop trade were crucial to the economy fount of resources waiting to be incorpo- of the newfound nation, which was sud- rated into the new nation and its progres- denly isolated from England, the main sive economy. In addition to his profes- source of its pre-Independence exchanges. sional duties, Dawson used his visit to the Alas, the sea otter population on the North- islands to pursue his avocations of ethnol- west Coast could not withstand the pres- ogy and photography.
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