Humaniora, Vol. 19, No. 2 Juni 2007: 168-174 HUMANIORA

VOLUME 19 No. 2 Juni 2007 Halaman 168 − 174

THE PROMINENT CHARACTERISTICS OF CULTURE AND THEIR REFLECTIONS IN LANGUAGE USE

FX Nadar*

Keterkaitan budaya dan bahasa sudah dikenal dan diakui secara luas. Penggunaan bahasa Jawa yang sopan dan halus tidak terpisahkan dari budaya Jawa yang memiliki sifat-sifat khas tertentu. Sifat-sifat khas yang teridentifikasi antara lain adalah keinginan untuk menyembunyikan perasaan diri, mengutarakan pendapat secara tidak langsung, menghindari perhatian bagi diri penutur Jawa, memupuk kebersamaan, dan menghormati lawan tutur. Sifat-sifat khas tersebut direfleksikan dengan jelas dalam penggunaan bahasa Jawa yang dipergunakan dalam komunikasi sehari-hari oleh penutur yang berlatar belakang budaya Jawa.

Key wordswords: culture, Javanese, feeling, attention, indirectness, status, language.

INTRODUCTION unpredictable, and which they therefore try to Hofstede (1984; 307-308) proposes four avoid by maintaining strict codes of behaviour. dimensions of cultural difference: individualism, Masculinity is opposed to femininity, and the power distance, uncertainty avoidance and dimension of masculinity relates to the degree masculinity. Individualism is opposed to of distinction made between what men are collectivism in that as individualist culture it is expected to do and what women are expected assumed that any person looks primarily after to do in a culture. In a masculine culture the her/ his own interests and the interests of her/ rules of men and women are maximally his immediate family such as husband, wife distinct, while in a feminine culture the social and children, while in a collectivist culture it is rules for the sexes are relatively overlapping. argued that any person through birth and possible later events belongs to one or more CHARACTERISTICS OF JAVANESE tight in-groups, from which she/ he cannot CULTURE detach her/himself. Thus, the extended family, Hofstede (1986:309-310) describes clan or organisation protects the interests of , including , Java culturally into a members, but in turn expects their permanent large power-distance low individualism, and loyalty. The power distance dimension defines weak uncertainty-avoidance feminine category. the extent to which less powerful persons in a Though these cultural dimensions were not society accept inequality in authority and initially intended for the explication of language consider it normal, while uncertainty avoidance study, they may increase our understanding relates to the extent to which people within a of socio pragmatic considerations underlying culture are made nervous by situations which the way members of a community use they perceive as unstructured, unclear, or language. Thus, high-collectivism and low-

* Staf Pengajar Jurusan Sastra Inggris, Fakultas Ilmu Budaya, Universitas Gadjah Mada,

168 FX. Nadar – The Prominent Characteristics of and Their Reflections in Language Use individualism suggest that there are strong needs mothers never initiate a conversation should among members of the community to be close learn from the situation that they are not well to one another, and to be very conscious of any accepted in those families. In Javanese culture elements which may impede or reduce the quality truth and straightforwardness may sometimes of their togetherness. Inequality in society may not be desirable in interaction among people. occur in a variety of areas, i.e. physical and mental Related to this cultural predilection to the characteristics, social status and prestige, power, concealment of feeling is the tendency towards laws, rights and rules (Hofstede, 1984:67). indirectness or “indirection” in Javanese culture Culture plays an important role in the production because people often do not say directly what of language, and therefore it is useful to discuss they mean (Geertz, 1976:244). It is therefore prominent elements in Javanese culture viz. crucial in Javanese to get the rasa ‘feeling’ of what indirectness, concealing one’s feeling towards people are saying. Perceived cultural advantages others, avoiding responsibility and attention, involved in such an attitude include tranquillity, preference for togetherness, and adherence to harmony, smooth and peaceful interpersonal status difference. relations. In her work on indirectness and A preference for hiding feelings is common dissimulation in Javanese, Wierzbicka (1991: among Javanese speakers, such that it is 104) paraphrases this cultural predilection in considered inappropriate for others to know terms of what she calls semantic primitives as “I what a speaker has on her/his mind. While this don’t want to feel something bad” and “ I don’t tendency in some form may be universal, it is want someone to feel something bad”. Thus, taken to greater extremes in the Javanese outsiders, and even non-Javanese , culture. Wierzbicka (1991:100) argues that in find indirect Javanese responses boring and Javanese culture it is considered appropriate to long-winded. In practice are conceal one’s wishes and one’s intentions, not allowed to speak directly about people in particularly if they are in conflict with other order to avoid those people becoming the people’s wishes or desires. Wierzbicka objects of overly direct reference (Errington, (1991:128) describes this as “not saying what 1988:192-193). They will therefore go to great one feels” and the need “to protect one’s own length to avoid such reference often using equanimity and peace of mind, which could be expressions such as “There is a man” or “A threatened by an overt expression of feeling”, and woman we all know …” instead of directly proposes that this element of concealment, is mentioning the people they are talking about. typically Javanese (Wierzbicka, 1991:101). Such In this way, Javanese people hope to avoid bad a bias towards concealment extends to the feeling between themselves and their system of government in which the principle of interlocutors. “traditional Javanese king-where his subjects Another aspect of Javanese culture, the interpret his utterances” can still be applied in avoidance of responsibility and attention, is Javanese government leadership. perhaps the most distinct of all. For cultural In Java, hidden feeling (rasa) is very important reasons, Javanese speakers whose first but not clearly expressed, though actually it can language is Javanese still often consider sometimes be guessed partly from symbols and themselves different from members of other facial gestures, and so it is vital for interlocutors ethnic groups in Indonesia, and frequently prefer to attempt to understand the covert feeling of to converse with other Javanese people using individuals or community from various symbols Javanese, though they are actually able to speak and gestures. Thus, children may generally Indonesian (Berman,1992:5) because they can understand that when their fathers have a stern express their ideas more comfortably in look, this means they are angry. Young people Javanese. In Javanese, unlike in Indonesian, who visit their girlfriends and find their girlfriends’ the interactants can frequently and comfortably

169 Humaniora, Vol. 19, No. 2 Juni 2007: 168-174 use the pronoun “we” instead of “I” (Berman, Members of low individualist and high 1992:5), as the appropriate form to refer to the collectivist communities seem to be prepared speaker who is first person singular. This is to make sacrifices for the sake of maintaining perhaps a manifestation of how Javanese do friendship, solidarity and harmonious not like to “signal their individuality” and “avoid relationship with other members in the society. being pushy or forcing oneself upon another, Javanese people seem to be particularly keen thus become the centre of attention” (Berman, to preserve their culture, and do not seem to 1992:8) and therefore assume responsibility. easily adapt to a new culture, so that when they By using “we” the speaker assumes that the live in another culture, such as the United hearer also takes part in the activities, and by States, they often become isolated in a new doing so the speaker maintains solidarity and cultural environment (Berman, 1992:5) as they togetherness, which as Hofstede (1986:309- tend to stay with other Javanese only. 310) argues is important in Javanese society. Javanese people living overseas, for example, The effort not to signal individuality is often form a Javanese society, where they manifest to such an extent that a Javanese informally meet once a month in a member’s adult often uses aku or ‘I’ (low level) which home to discuss Javanese social events, would normally be used only by children poetry, novels, arts, music and other cultural (Berman, 1992:11). By linguistically assuming elements using the . the role of a child, Javanese adults are free Javanese people, in order not to feel isolated, from taking responsibility for their utterances frequently seek other Javanese and talk about because they are distancing themselves from things in ways which are culturally acceptable the utterances. Kana (1982:31-32) observes to them. Perhaps, they feel that they have that avoiding responsibility in connection with friends because “the feeling one does not the production of refusals is done by using stand alone in this world is very important for excessive apologies and detailed reasons or Javanese” (, 1985:457). justifications as to why refusals have to be Another reason is perhaps they can interact made. This avoidance of responsibility is so using the appropriate speech levels suitable widespread throughout all levels of society, from the lowest to the highest that examples to their roles and status and apply the principles abound in everyday life and are evident in of andhap asor ‘people respects one another refusals. Thus, for example, although the by lowering themselves’ (Errington,1988:38). A principal of a high school in Java has the right well known proverb “It does not matter whether to refuse the enrolment of a certain student for we have food or not, the most important thing is what ever reason, in expressing this refusal we stay together” (Koentjaraningrat, 1985:457) decision either in a written or verbal way, the illustrates how deeply Javanese value principal would normally use “we” or “ On behalf togetherness with other Javanese. It is this of all teachers and staff ….” in preference to preference for togetherness which perhaps “I”. Other examples of refusals include recent prevent Javanese speakers from producing statements in response to a request for a refusals to interlocutors because when they do financial compensation, high ranking Javanese so they may find difficulties to maintain their officials that the El Nino was considered the togetherness . main factor in most recent forest fires in In Javanese society, status is connected response to a request for a financial primarily to social structures, and it is these compensation. Similarly currency traders were structures which create and maintain inequality blamed as the source of financial and economic in society. Members of the lower classes crisis in response to a request for a better realise their position within the social structure domestic economic management. and consider it normal to use Javanese high

170 FX. Nadar – The Prominent Characteristics of Javanese Culture and Their Reflections in Language Use language level to people of higher status, and REFLECTIONS ON LANGUAGE USE to let higher status people use lower language In Javanese society, status is closely related level in interactions with them in order to to language use (Koentjaraningrat, 1985:15), and maintain harmony and togetherness (see the status difference normally denotes authority last paragraph of this section for discussion of difference. Javanese etiquette makes it Javanese language levels). In a situation of imperative for a person first to determine intense and continuous social contact, the accurately the exact status of the other person maintenance of harmony with one’s social before engaging in an interaction. The higher the environment becomes a key virtue which status members of a Javanese community extends to other spheres beyond the family. In have, the higher the authority they possess. most collectivist cultures, direct confrontation This authority can perhaps be clearly seen in of another person is considered rude and the manifestation of Javanese speech levels. undesirable. The word “no” is seldom used, For example, people have to decide which because saying “no” is a confrontation: “You speech-level to use when engaging in a may be right” or “ We will think about it” are conversation with other interlocutors after examples of polite ways of turning down a taking into account their status. People of lower request. In the same vein, the word “yes” should status do not normally start a conversation with not necessarily be seen as an approval, but people of higher status, and to a certain extent as maintenance of the communication line may find it difficult to refuse higher status (Hofstede, 1991:58). people’s requests. On the other hand, people The structures of Javanese society and the of higher status may find it easier to refuse way the Javanese view social structures of their requests from interlocutors of lower status. society have not changed much despite in the Javanese government officials, for example modern age. Social structures in Java may be staff of the agriculture ministry, may use ngoko divided into two basic classifications, i.e. (low level language) and madya (middle level (of hereditary aristocracy), and language) when conversing with farmers in a nonpriyayi (Geertz, 1976:361). The nonpriyayi village. Farmers, however, have to use krama is further subdivided into several layers from (high level language) to government officials. the top downwards (1) government officials, High ranking government officials, of both (2) high clerks, administrators, high school civilian and military background, have the teachers, (3) petty clerks and lower teachers, highest authority because they can impose (4) traders, land owners, land-owning peasants, their self-evaluation on other groups in the social (5) small craftsman, petty traders, plantation structure. Javanese people’s attitude towards workers, (6) landless agricultural workers, status difference is a salient characteristic of handymen, the unemployed, beggars, etc. Thus, Javanese culture. the highest level is occupied by government Attitudes towards status difference are officials, and the lowest, who are the majority, reflected in the system of naming and address- are mostly landless agricultural workers, or in ing in Javanese culture (Errington, 1988:112; Javanese buruh tani ‘Farmer Labour’ and Kartomihardjo, 1981:118). Javanese language beggars (Geertz, 1976:361). There are at has three levels, namely, krama (high or refined present thousands of prosperous traders who language), madya (middle level) and ngoko have become rich, richer than government (low or informal level). Naming and addressing officials, however, the rural Javanese social systems play an important role in interaction, structure seems relatively unchanged (Koen- and the wrong use of the system may disrupt tjaraningrat, 1985:460-463). In terms of social harmonious interaction. This system will be structures, government officials are still discussed in this section. The first part covers considered higher than rich traders.

171 Humaniora, Vol. 19, No. 2 Juni 2007: 168-174 first person and second person pronouns used have their specific kin terms (Koentjaraningrat, by Javanese people when they are interacting 1985:264-273). with one another, the second part discusses Kin terms are also used outside of the family kin-terms used in present day Javanese system. Thus, the kin terms pak (short form society, and the third discusses the use of of bapak) and bu (short form of ibu) are kin certain pronouns along with high level terms which are very popular, because these language in Javanese for and face can be used as terms of respect to anyone old redress. enough to be put in the generation of the First and second person pronoun usage speakers’ parents (Koentjaraningrat,1985: follows speech level classification. In modern 272). Mbak ( kin term for older sister) is also usage Javanese, that is since the end of the used to address senior cousins, and dik (kin second world war when Indonesia declared its term for younger brother) for junior cousins, independence, the first person pronouns in mature men with pak and mature women with Javanese are aku (ngoko/low), kula (madya/ bu. Girls and boys may be addressed with dik, middle) and dalem (krama/high), while second but not young women. Outside the family person pronouns are kowe (ngoko/low), system, young women are addressed with dik jenengan/ sampeyan/ penjenengan (madya/ only by young men with whom they normally middle) and panjenengan (krama/high). have a close or intimate relationship. Pak lik Speakers would therefore use panjenengan to is used to address mothers’ and fathers’ address a person of higher status, and use kula younger brothers, and bu lik for fathers’ and or dalem to refer to themselves (Errington, mothers’ younger sisters. Pak de for mothers’ 1988:111-120). The pronouns dalem is also and fathers’ older brothers, and bu de for used for honorificss. . mothers’ and fathers’ older brothers. Lik is a Besides personal pronouns, kinship short form of cilik meaning little and de is derived terms, which may be used in all speech levels, from gedhe meaning big. are also important in daily interaction among The wrong use of various types of kin terms Javanese. Kin terms may be used within family both within and outside the family system in relationship such as: bapak (father), ibu Javanese may cause confusion, and (mother), adik or dik (younger brother/ sister), sometimes embarrassment. Errington mas (older brother), mbak (older sister), mbah (1988:143) provides an example of three older (grandmother/ grandfather). These are the people who were addressed with eyang (the widely accepted standard kin terms. There are higher class term) but who did not feel they some alternatives which are used among deserve this mode of address and therefore Javanese people depending on the areas where they become embarrassed because they they live, and the social class they are from. In themselves had always addressed their grand rural areas, for example, older brothers are parents with mbah (the lower class term). For addressed as kang/kakang , older sister as the three older people the term eyang felt too yu or mbakyu. A young, respectable Javanese refined. On another occasion, a young lady lady is also commonly addressed with jeng, felt annoyed because she was addressed with but the people addressing her that way should jeng by a driver she did not consider her equal be older, and of equal level with her. It is normally and who should therefore have addressed her acceptable to address any young man with with mbak. mas and any young woman with mbak. High Kartomihardjo (1981:87) claims that the class Javanese address their grand mother or choice of pronouns and terms of address grand father with eyang instead of mbah. clearly states the speaker’s relationship vis-a- Members of the Javanese royal families also vis the other participants, and thus is important

172 FX. Nadar – The Prominent Characteristics of Javanese Culture and Their Reflections in Language Use in predetermining the future course of dealings. Javanese environment, it is very common to see Javanese speakers respect their interlocutors parents speaking in high language on behalf of with higher status by choosing their language their children when conversing with other older and terms of address carefully. To Javanese interlocutors as the children have not been able people, showing respect is related to the to master high Javanese language, because if perception that the other person is superior the children use low language, the parents will (Koentjaraningrat, 1985:248) and Javanese be embarrassed and the hearers may be people have a feeling of ajrih ‘fear’ towards offended. The correct use of pronouns, terms of superior people. Javanese people feel ajrih address and language level seems to greatly when they do not know what the other persons determine the success of communication in the will do to them (p.249). This notion of fear Javanese system. Errington argues (1988:242) significantly differs from the Western concept that use of krama could be construed as of fear which emerges in anticipation of ideas redressive of negative face in accordance with about discomfort, physical pains, loss of the maxim of ‘give deference’. As an example property and death. Errington cites a situation while doing research The pronouns briefly reviewed above may in , where he used kula (middle) also be used as honorifics as a way of showing instead of dalem (high) to converse with elder respect and self-denigration. Two honorifics people. This pronoun did not lower himself (dalem first person and nandalem second sufficiently in relation to the elder people who person) are used by Javanese people in were therefore uncomfortable. This situation interaction to show this respect to higher status improved when dalem was used to replace people, dalem is used to people of higher status kula. than themselves and nandalem is used to put Speech levels in Javanese language and hearers higher than themselves. Errington this system of naming and addressing aid (1988:105) claims that the two terms were successful interaction in Javanese culture historically used by priyayi (members of the since the use of the right level of language to the Javanese royal family). Before the common right person and addressing the person in the usage at the present time, in the royal circle, correct way help to maintain harmonious relation- the second person pronoun nandalem was . Harmony in relationship is particularly used to address superiors, while the first important in Java where, as characterised in person pronoun dalem, formerly abdi dalem Hofstede’s dimension classification, collective meaning your servant, was used to denigrate sentiments are very strong and members of themselves when interacting with superiors. In Javanese society need to feel close to one addition to the appropriate use of pronouns, in another. Java, academic titles are considered significant Concealing one’s feeling as well as indirect- social symbols, along with military ranks and ness is perhaps best reflected in a type of refusal other social positions in government. Thus, titles which does not really function as a refusal. In and whole names are used to show respect Javanese culture, refusals may be genuine, i.e. (Errington, 1988:127). So, it is commonly accep- actually mean “no”, or unreal or ritual, i.e. do not table and preferred in Javanese to say the always mean “no”. For example, when guests following: Mrs. Professor Doctor followed by full visit a family, and they are requested to decide name, or Mr. Colonel followed by academic title what drink they would like to have, their first plus full name, or Mr. Governor plus academic reaction will likely be a prompt refusal. This is titles plus full names. not, however, a true refusal, because it is only Another way of showing respect is by using an implementation of Javanese cultural krama (high level language). The use of this concept of ethok-ethok ‘pretence’ (Wierz- high level language is so important that in a bicka, 1991:100) by which the guests may hide

173 Humaniora, Vol. 19, No. 2 Juni 2007: 168-174 their real feelings. The Javanese people will not CONCLUSION show that they actually would like to have People often consider that Javanese is a certain drink or food. After the third or fourth complicated and unique language. Speakers of request, they may reluctantly and hesitantly say Western languages are frequently astonished to what they would like to drink. However, if after learn the ways Javanese speakers use Javanese the forth request the guests still refuse, the hosts language in their efforts to conceal their feelings, should conclude that their refusal is genuine. This to avoid hurting their interlocutors, to show tendency to conceal their feelings may seriously indirectness and to lower themselves whenever disrupt communication with native speakers of considered necessary. All these characteristics English whose culture may appreciate are reflections of the Javanese culture. straightforwardness, openness and frankness. Understanding Javanese culture is, therefore, It might be inconceivable to native speakers of crucial for people from other countries in order English who make requests to Javanese for them to communicate with Javanese speakers that they do not receive direct speakers successfully and to avoid any responses simply because the Javanese people unnecessary misunderstanding which may do not want their feelings to be exposed and block further communication. become known. Indirectness is preferable in Javanese REFERENCES culture and boldness, straightforwardness and Berman, L.A.1992. “First Person Identities in Indonesian directness are often considered offensive. In Conversational Narratives” in Journal of Asian Pacific connection with the language of refusing, the Communication, 3,1, pp.3-14. more indirectly the refusals are made, the less Errington, J.J. 1988. Structure and Style in Javanese. A harm they may result in relationships with Semiotic view of Linguistic Etiquette . Philadelphia: interlocutors. Expressions of refusals to University of Pennsylvania Press. requests, using the equivalent of the verb “to Geertz, Clifford.1968.”Linguistic Etiquette”. In Fishman, refuse” are hardly ever heard. Direct refusals J.A. (Ed.) Readings in the sociology of language. Mouton: The Hague, pp. 282-289. (Kana, 1982:31) are considered impolite in Geertz, Clifford.1976. The Religion of Java . Chicago: Javanese culture, thus refusing indirectly is Chicago University Press. very common and acceptable. People from Hofstede, Geert.1984. Culture’s Consequences. other cultures, including native speakers of International Differences in Work-Related Values . English, may frequently find it difficult to Newbury Park, California: Sage Publications. perceive the real meanings behind Javanese Hofstede, Geert.1986. “Cultural differences in teaching and learning” in International Journal of Intercultural speakers’ indirectness, particularly when they Relations , 10, pp 301-320. expect clear responses to requests. This Hofstede, Geert. 1991. Cultures and Organisation: Software results in uncertainty on the part of the of the Mind . London: Mc-Graw Hill Book Company. requesters as to whether the request they have Kana, Marit.1982. “Saying NO in English: A Sociolinguistic made is actually accepted or refused, and may Lesson on Refusals”. RELC Journal, 13, 2, pp. 29-50. lead to misinterpretation (Kana, 1982:32). Kartomihardjo, Soeseno.1981. Ethnography of Therefore, when Javanese culture and English Communicative Codes in . Canberra: The Australian National University, Department of culture meet, there is potential for misunder- Linguistics. standing, miscomprehension and perhaps Koentjaraningrat.1985. Javanese Culture. Oxford: Oxford disappointment to both sides, as the Western University Press. speakers may be frustrated at the Javanese Wierzbicka, A. 1991. Cross Cultural Pragmatics: The disinclination to refuse, and on the contrary, Semantics of Human Interaction . Berlin: Mouton de quite frequently the Javanese people may be Gruyter. shocked by the “bluntness of the Western speakers” (Kana, 1982:32).

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