The Sexual and Intimate Life of UK Austerity Politics

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The Sexual and Intimate Life of UK Austerity Politics London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) The Sexual and Intimate Life of UK Austerity Politics Aura Lehtonen A thesis submitted to the Department of Gender Studies of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. London, July 2018. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out Jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. In accordance with the Regulations, I have deposited an electronic copy of it in LSE Theses Online held by the British Library of Political and Economic Science and have granted permission for my thesis to be made available for public reference. Otherwise, this thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that this thesis consists of 94,282 words. Statement of Use of Third Party for Editorial Help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling, and grammar by Dr Jacob Breslow, Melissa Chacón, Neal Harris, Aiko Holvikivi, Billy Holzberg, and Tomás OJeda. 2 Abstract This thesis is concerned with the role of sexuality and intimacy in austerity politics in the UK since the formation of the Coalition Government in 2010. Conceptualising austerity politics as a broad political, cultural, and economic formation, it interrogates some of the key ways in which sexuality and intimacy are embedded within the discursive and regulatory functioning of austerity. Each of its three case studies examines sexuality and intimacy within a different discursive and/or regulatory site, including policy discourse, media discourse, and processes of policy implementation and service delivery. The cases studies focus, specifically, on the sexual and gendered assumptions embedded in austerity discourse; the limited narrative possibilities available for sexualised and racialised subjectivities in circulations of austerity discourse within popular media; and the materialisation of neoliberal penalisation in sexual and intimate lives as a series of intimate disruptions. In enquiring after the kinds of sexual and intimate lives, subjects, and politics that are made (un)imaginable, (il)legible, or (il)legitimate by and within austerity politics, central to this thesis is the claim that austerity politics has a sexual and intimate life. It focuses on non-identitarian forms and modes of sexuality and intimacy, examining them through the frameworks of sexual inequalities, sexual subjectivities, and intimate disruptions. Finally, as well as intervening in epistemologies of sexuality, this thesis also explores the consequences that the embeddedness of sexuality and intimacy within austerity politics has for conceptualisations and understandings of the political. 3 Acknowledgements Like most (writing) proJects, this thesis could not have been written without the kind and generous help, support, and feedback of many others. First and foremost, I must thank my incredible supervisor, Professor Clare Hemmings, whose always astute and thought-provoking feedback has shaped my thinking in incalculable ways. As well as her generous critique, over the past four years Clare has provided me with a more supportive environment than I could have ever hoped for, in which I could not only grow as a scholar but also begin to believe I could, indeed, be(come) one. My adviser, Dr Ania Plomien, also deserves special thanks. Her feedback and support – always delivered in a kind and caring manner – particularly in navigating the economic and policy fields, have been invaluable. My endless gratitude also goes to Hazel Johnstone and Dr Kate Steward, who are the heart and soul of the Department of Gender Studies at the LSE. Both of their kindness and practical and emotional support have extended well beyond their job descriptions, and at times – particularly in the final year of my PhD – literally sustained me through the process of writing this thesis. My experience at the Department would have also not been the same without Dr Leticia Sabsay and Dr Sadie Wearing, who have provided me not only with generous support in teaching, but also with many important moments of support, guidance, and laughter. As well as everyone above, I want to thank Dr Marsha Henry, Professor Diane Perrons, and Professor Wendy Sigle for reading and commenting on my work at various points during my PhD. I am also indebted to all the staff and visiting scholars at the Department for creating such an intellectually stimulating and crucially important space within the LSE and academia more broadly, and to all my students at the Gender and Sociology Departments at the LSE for both their insight and their trust. Numerous other people have also contributed to the intellectual life of this thesis, as well as sustained me in writing it. Dr Jacob Breslow has been my best friend and confidante since we did our master’s degrees together at the Gender Department, and without his unparalleled kindness and care I simply would not have made it all the way here. From his 4 generous critique and the numerous life-sustaining conversations we have had, to the countless meals he has cooked and haircuts he has given me – his support has been invaluable and extended much further than the term ‘friend’ suggests. I am also extremely happy that I got to share the journey of writing, and especially finishing, this thesis with the amazing Jacqui Gibbs and Ilana Eloit – both of whom have (slowly but surely) become such important friends and colleagues to me. To Jacqui, I am also thankful for the many conversations about austerity (and everything else) that have given me both intellectual and emotional sustenance, and for embarking with me on the pleasurable Journey of working collaboratively on something important to both of us; and to Ilana for her unmatched confidence in her friends, and for her wonderful sense of humour. Thanks go also to Billy Holzberg, who has also become a dear friend and whose sense of social justice and willingness to listen I admire; and to Dr Emma Spruce and Dr Maria Alexopoulos, both of whom I greatly look up to. I also want to thank the many other (past and present) colleagues with whom I have got to share great conversations, collaborations, and drinks: Louisa Acciari, Melissa Chacón, Jenny Chanfreau, Dr Marina Franchi, Julia Hartviksen, Aiko Holvikivi, Dr Magdalena Mikulak, Magda Muter, Tomás Ojeda, Priya Raghavan, Dr Amanda Shaw, Dr Nicole Shephard, Leonie Taylor, and Hannah Wright. Special thanks also to Jacob, Melissa, Neal, Aiko, Billy, and Tomás for their proofreading assistance. Apart from the community I have had the pleasure of partaking in at the Gender Department, the process of writing this thesis has also been greatly enhanced by two other communities I belong to: London Rollergirls and particularly all my teammates have truly been a lifeline, especially in the final months of finishing this thesis; and London’s community of boatwomen has provided me with much-needed respite and kindness. I have so much love and appreciation for all of my friends and, as well as everyone above, I want to especially thank Annette Behrens, Milo Bettocchi, Jarkko Virtanen, and Henna Örn for their support. Last but not least, I want to extend my gratitude to everyone in my family, and in particular my mum Anne Mäkinen for always believing in me, 5 and for instilling in me both her love for knowledge and her determination to live a political life. Most importantly, Jazmyn Sadri deserves my boundless love and appreciation for all the innumerable ways in which she has sustained me over the past four years – thank you for loving me, for teaching me about priorities, and for always coaxing me to be my best self. I dedicate this thesis to the memory of all four of my grandparents – Maila and Yrjö Lehtonen, and Kirsti and Sakari Mäkinen – who all in their own ways struggled with and against the boundaries of what a legible and legitimate (working-class) life looks like, and who would have all been immensely proud of this achievement. 6 Table of Contents Abstract 3 Acknowledgements 4 Introduction 9 Origin Stories 9 (Still?) Austerity Politics 16 Framing and Methodology 23 Why Sexual Politics? 28 Structure of Thesis 31 Chapter 1 Neoliberalism and the Gendered Politics of Austerity 37 The Politics of Austerity in the UK 37 A Crisis – or More of the Same? 46 Neoliberalising the Crisis Response: Work and Welfare 52 Neoliberalising the Crisis Response: The State 62 Conclusion: What about Sexuality? 73 Chapter 2 Sexuality: Subjectivity, Inequality, Intimacy 77 Introduction 77 Sexuality: Procreation, Identity, Regulation 79 Sexual Subjectivities: Figuration 88 Sexual Inequalities: (Policy-as-)Discourse Analysis 96 Intimate Disruptions: Policy Implementation and Service Delivery 106 Conclusion 114 Chapter 3 Tackling Cultural Poverty: Sexual Inequalities in Austerity Discourse 116 Introduction 116 Framing Cultural Poverty: Method and Materials 118 Worklessness 121 Family Stability and Parenting 129 7 Cycles of Dependency, Disadvantage, and Poverty 137 From ‘Troubled Families’ to the ‘Underclass’ 143
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