DOCSLIB.ORG

Ficinian Influence on Henry More's Arguments for The

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ficinian Influence on Henry More's Arguments for The FICINIAN INFLUENCE ON HENRY MORE’S ARGUMENTS FOR THE SOUL’S IMMORTALITY David Leech Since the publication of Cassirer’s Die Platonische Renaissance in England (1932) it has become a commonplace of Cambridge Platonism scholarship that the Cambridge Platonists owe a great intellectual debt to Ficino.1 The English Platonists share in the philosophia perennis ideal, and behind the works of the Cambridge thinkers is the silent presence of the Ficino translations of Plato and many of the late- antique Platonists without which the Platonism cultivated by figures such as Whichcote, Cudworth and More would not have taken the shape it did. However, it is also a fact that despite their readiness to quote sources there is a surprising lack of direct references to Ficino in the Cambridge Platonists, which makes tracing Ficino’s influence, beyond true but very broad generalities, more difficult. This is no doubt one of the reasons why the detailed work of finding out in which respects Cambridge Platonism is Ficinian has by and large not been attempted, although it is a desideratum of scholarship that this be done if we are to form a more exact idea of the nature and extent of the influence.2 In the present essay I propose to make a small contribution in that direction by examining probable traces of Ficino’s influence on the seminal Cambridge Platonist Henry More’s arguments for the immor- tality of the soul, a doctrine as central to the latter philosopher as it was 1 Ernst Cassirer, Die Platonische Renaissance in England und die Schule von Cam- bridge, Studien der Bibliothek Warburg, 24 (Leipzig and Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1932). 2 For existing studies concerning Ficino’s influence on More, see Craig A. Stau- denbaur, ‘Galileo, Ficino and Henry More’s Psychathanasia’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 29 (1968): 565–78; Alexander Jacob, ‘Henry More’s Psychodia Platonica and its Relationship to Marsilio Ficino’s Theologia Platonica’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 46 (1985): 503–22; Sarah Hutton, ‘Henry More, Ficino and Plotinus: The Continuity of Renaissance Platonism’, in Forme del neoplatonismo. Dall’eredità ficiniana ai pla- tonici di Cambridge. Atti del Convegno (Firenze, 25–27 ottobre 2001), edited by Luisa Simonutti (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2007), pp. 281–96. In More’s large corpus, Ficino is mentioned very infrequently. For the lack of significant direct citation of Ficino in the works of More and of the Cambridge Platonists generally, see Hutton, ‘Henry More, Ficino and Plotinus’. 302 david leech (famously) to the former, and where we would consequently expect to find a concrete influence.3 In the first part I shall consider some of the evidence for Ficinian influence in More’s embryonic (and not always mutually consistent) arguments for the soul’s immortality in his early philosophical poems. In the second part, I will take a deeper look at how More made selective use of his Ficinian borrowings, abandoning some by the time of his mature prose works while retaining others, but putting them to uses which go beyond his Florentine source. * * * More’s arguments for the soul’s immortality have generally been examined within the context of his controversies with Descartes and Hobbes. However, prior to the arrival onto the English philosophical scene of these famous adversaries, More had already outlined vari- ous arguments in defence of the soul’s immortality in his early poems which were meant to counter older threats to the doctrine, amongst them Italian Averroism, and it is to this earlier context that we must primarily turn if we are to look for Ficinian influence on More. More’s philosophical poems are a good place to start in considering the ques- tion of a Ficinian influence on his arguments for the soul’s immortality, since we know that Ficino was one of the authors he had read shortly before their composition. We learn from More’s own testimony in the General Preface of his Opera Omnia (1679) that by about 1634–5 he had become disenchanted with scholasticism, and in particular the School doctrine of the soul. More seems to have entered into a spiritual crisis at about this time, and over the following four years (1636–40) underwent a period of spiritual conflict, during which time he reports that he benefited from reading certain Platonic authors. The ‘Platonick Writers’ he refers to are ‘Marsilius Ficinus, Plotinus himself, Mercurius Trismegistus; and the Mystical Divines.’4 3 Cf. Paul Oskar Kristeller, The Philosophy of Marsilio Ficino, translated by Virginia Conant (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943), p. 346. More was also intensely preoccupied with the topic and devoted what is often regarded as his most important work, the Immortality of the Soul (1659), to its demonstration. 4 Henry More, Opera Omnia, 3 vols. (London, 1679), vol. 2, ‘Preface General’, section 10, translated in Richard Ward, The Life of Henry More by Richard Ward (1710), edited by Cecil Courtney, Sarah Hutton, Michelle Courtney, Robert Crocker and A. Rupert Hall, Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Idées, 167 (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2000), pp. 18–20..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Physician and Witchcraft in Restoration England
    THE PHYSICIAN AND WITCHCRAFT IN RESTORATION ENGLAND by GARFIELD TOURNEY THE YEAR of 1660 witnessed important political and scientific developments in England. The restoration of the monarchy and the Church of England occurred with the return of Charles II after the dissolution of the Commonwealth and the Puritan influence. The Royal Society, after informal meetings for nearly fifteen years, was established as a scientific organization in 1660 and received its Royal Charter in 1662. During the English revolution, and for a short time during the Commonwealth, interest in witchcraft mounted. Between 1645 and 1646 Matthew Hopkins acquired the reputation as the most notorious witch-finder in the history of England.I His activities in Essex and the other eastern counties led to the execution of as many as 200 witches. In Suffolk it is estimated that he was responsible for arresting at least 124 persons for witchcraft, of whom 68 were hanged. The excesses soon led to a reaction and Hopkins lost his influence, and died shortly thereafter in 1646. There then was a continuing decline in witchcraft persecutions, and an increasing scepticism toward the phenomena of witchcraft was expressed. Scepticism was best exemplified in Thomas Hobbes' (1588-1679) Leviathan, published in 1651.2 Hobbes presented a materialistic philosophy, emphasizing change occurring in motion, the material nature of mental activity, the elimination of final causes, and the rejection of the reality of spirit. He decried the belief in witchcraft and the supematural, emphasizing
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Address
    Empowering Philosophy Christia Mercer COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY Presidential Address delivered at the one hundred sixteenth Eastern Division meeting of the American Philosophical Association in Philadelphia, PA, on January 10, 2020. The main goal of my presidential address in January 2020 was to show that philosophy’s past offers a means to empower its present. I hoped to encourage colleagues to make the philosophy we teach and practice more inclusive (both textually and topically) and to adopt a more public- facing engagement with our discipline. As I add these introductory remarks to my January lecture, it is June 2020 and the need to empower philosophy has never seemed more urgent. We’ve witnessed both the tragic death of George Floyd and the popular uprising of a diverse group of Americans in response to the ongoing violence against Black lives. Many white Americans—and many philosophers—have begun to realize that their inattentiveness to matters of diversity and inclusivity must now be seen as more than mere negligence. Recent demonstrations frequently contain signs that make the point succinctly: “Silence is violence.” A central claim of my January lecture was that philosophy’s status quo is no longer tenable. Even before the pandemic slashed university budgets and staff, our employers were cutting philosophy programs, enrollments were shrinking, and jobs were increasingly hard to find. Despite energetic attempts on the part of many of our colleagues to promote a more inclusive approach to our research and teaching, the depressing truth remains:
    [Show full text]
  • Philosophy, Religion, and Heterodoxy in the Philosophy of Henry More, Ralph Cudworth, and Anne Conway
    Church History Church History and and Religious Culture 100 (2020) 157–171 Religious Culture brill.com/chrc Philosophy, Religion, and Heterodoxy in the Philosophy of Henry More, Ralph Cudworth, and Anne Conway Sarah Hutton University of York, York, UK [email protected] Abstract Philosophers who hold the compatibility of reason and faith, are vulnerable to the charge of opening the way to atheism and heterodoxy. This danger was particularly acute when, in the wake of Cartesianism, the philosophy of Spinoza and Hobbes neces- sitated a resetting of the relationship of philosophy with religion. My paper discusses three English philosophers who illustrate the difficulties for the philosophical defence for religion: Henry More, Ralph Cudworth, and Anne Conway, for all of whom philo- sophical and religious truth were deeply intertwined. But each of them also subscribed to heterodox religious beliefs. This raises questions of whether there is a direct the rela- tionship between their philosophy and religious heterodoxy—whether they exemplify the charge that philosophy undermines religion, or indeed whether their defence of religion was a cover for heterodoxy. Keywords atheism – heterodoxy – Platonism – Descartes – More – Cudworth – Conway 1 Introduction Accusations of atheism occur relatively frequently in the philosophico-theo- logical polemics of the seventeenth century.1 This is particularly the case with 1 The term “atheism” itself had broader sense than it does today as a blanket term for irreligion © sarah hutton, 2020 | doi:10.1163/18712428-10002002 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0Downloaded license. from Brill.com10/01/2021 08:06:06PM via free access 158 hutton Hobbes and Spinoza, but Cartesianism was seen by many as leading to athe- ism.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Stephen Gersh
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-41528-6 — Plotinus' Legacy Edited by Stephen Gersh Excerpt More Information Introduction Stephen Gersh The almost continuous influence through two millennia of European history of Plotinus’ philosophical doctrine or of the philosophical move- ment that he founded, Neoplatonism, is a generally acknowledged fact. The term philosophia perennis was introduced by the Italian Augustinian Agostino Steuco (–) as referring to precisely this tradition and was understood in the same way at least until Leibniz. Acknowledgment of the continuous influence of Plotinus and Neoplatonism has often been qualified on the part of historians of philosophy by restricting that influ- ence to specific regions and epochs – for example, early twelfth-century France or late fifteenth-century Italy – or else by assigning it rather to “non-philosophical” disciplines such as theology or literature. However, the doctrines concerned have actually reappeared in many places and times besides those most generally noted by historians, while any permanently rigid demarcation between the genres of philosophy, theology, and litera- ture is questionable in practice. But before proceeding further with the main topic of the present undertaking, which is to understand and trace Plotinus’ legacy, it may be useful to state some basic facts about the ancient philosopher himself and his re-emergence on the European intellectual scene at the beginning of the modern era. Plotinus (ca. / to ) was the author of the Enneads, a set of philosophical treatises grouped in six sets of nine (Greek ennea = “nine”) and prefaced by a biography of the author by Porphyry. It appears from the biography that much of the organization of the Plotinian corpus, including the assignment of titles such as “On Beauty” or “On Providence” to individual treatises, was due to Porphyry, who had been Plotinus’ student in Rome, rather than to the master himself.
    [Show full text]
  • Henry More, Richard Baxter, and Francis Glisson's Trea Tise on the Energetic Na Ture of Substance
    Medical History, 1987, 31: 15-40. MEDICINE AND PNEUMATOLOGY: HENRY MORE, RICHARD BAXTER, AND FRANCIS GLISSON'S TREA TISE ON THE ENERGETIC NA TURE OF SUBSTANCE by JOHN HENRY* The nature of the soul and its relationship to the body has always proved problematical for Christian philosophy. The source ofthe difficulty can be traced back to the efforts of the early Fathers to reconcile the essentially pagan concept of an immaterial and immortal soul with apostolic teachings about the after-life in which all the emphasis is placed upon the resurrection of the body. The tensions between these two traditions inevitably became strained during the sixteenth century when Protestant reformers insisted on a closer adherence to Scripture. Furthermore, even when leaving the problems of Scriptural hermeneutics aside, the dualistic approach to the question, in which soul (or spirit) and body are held to be categorically different in essence, had to overcome a number of intractable philosophical problems. So, it was not simply coincidence that when the new mechanical philosophy began to be formulated in a systematic way in the seventeenth century, it was couched in vigorously dualistic terms. In fact, three of the earliest fully elaborated systems of mechanical philosophy, those of Descartes, Digby, and Charleton, were explicitly intended to provide a philosophical prop for dualist theology.' Moreover, it was because of its usefulness in promoting dualism that Cartesianism was first popularized in England not by a natural philosopher but by the Cambridge Platonist and theologian, Henry More.2 *John Henry, MPhil, PhD, Wellcome Institute for the History ofMedicine, 183 Euston Road, London NWI 2BP.
    [Show full text]
  • Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations Spring 2010 Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection Jason Skirry University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History of Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Skirry, Jason, "Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection" (2010). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 179. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/179 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/179 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection Abstract This dissertation presents a unified interpretation of Malebranche’s philosophical system that is based on his Augustinian theory of the mind’s perfection, which consists in maximizing the mind’s ability to successfully access, comprehend, and follow God’s Order through practices that purify and cognitively enhance the mind’s attention. I argue that the mind’s perfection figures centrally in Malebranche’s philosophy and is the main hub that connects and reconciles the three fundamental principles of his system, namely, his occasionalism, divine illumination, and freedom. To demonstrate this, I first present, in chapter one, Malebranche’s philosophy within the historical and intellectual context of his membership in the French Oratory, arguing that the Oratory’s particular brand of Augustinianism, initiated by Cardinal Bérulle and propagated by Oratorians such as Andre Martin, is at the core of his philosophy and informs his theory of perfection. Next, in chapter two, I explicate Augustine’s own theory of perfection in order to provide an outline, and a basis of comparison, for Malebranche’s own theory of perfection.
    [Show full text]
  • Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction Du Branch Patrimoine De I'edition
    The "Masculine Mind" and the Woman's Body: Exploring the Strategies of Seventeenth- Century Female Philosophers Anne Conway and Damaris Masham to Reconcile Domesticity and Intellectualism by Leslie Baker Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia August 2008 © Copyright by Leslie Baker, 2008 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43505-2 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-43505-2 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Title Joseph Glanvill and Some Restoration Climates of Opinions
    Title Joseph Glanvill and Some Restoration Climates of Opinions Author(s) Rees, Simon Citation 英文学評論 (1987), 54: 26-44 Issue Date 1987-10 URL https://doi.org/10.14989/RevEL_54_26 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University 26 Joseph Glanvill and Some Restoration Climates of Opinions Simon Rees Discussing Joseph Glanvill in The Seventeenth Century Background, Basil Willey used the phrase 'the "Climate of Opinion" ', which he had adapted from a passage in Glanvill's first book, The Vanity ofDogmatizing, to describe how ideas of Reason and Nature could become confused with those of commonsense.1' Glanvill's actual phrase referred to 'the larger Souls, that have travail'd the divers Climates of Opinions', and who are 'more cautious in their resolves, and more sparing to determine'.2' Glanvill certainly included himself among these larger souls, and it is his journey through the different climates of opinions that prevailed in the years of the Restoration that is his most interesting memorial: his work is a meteorological record of the changing fashions of ideas and beliefs, habits of thought and expression, and the conduct of controversies of fact and, if not of law, of doctrine and faith. The first edition of Glanvill's most often reprinted work appeared in 1666 with the title A Philosophical Endeavour towards the Defence of the Being of Witches and Apparitions, just in time for most of the copies to be destroyed in the Great Fire, and was later incorporated into the text of an enlarged edition, Saducismus Triumphatus, published in 1681, a year after Glanvill's death.3' However, the final revision of the text did not appear in this edition, but in a collection of essays that Glanvill published in 1676, called Essays on Several Important Subjects in Philosophy and Religion, under the title 'Against Modern Sadducism in the Matter of Witches and Apparitions.
    [Show full text]
  • 83 Re-Reading De Grammatico Or Anselm's Introduction to Aristotle's
    RE-READING DE GRAMMATICO 83 MARILYN McCORD ADAMS Re-reading De grammatico or Anselm’s introduction to Aristotle’s Categories1 I. RESTORING ANSELM’S GOOD NAME In the mid-fifties, D.P. Henry began publishing a series of works2 aimed at recovering St. Anselm’s reputation as a logician from blows suffered at the hands of nineteenth century commentators. Scandalized by the apparently nonsensical opening line of De grammatico — « Whether literate is substance or quality ? » (« De grammatico ... utrum sit substantia an qualitas ? ») — Cousin, Prantl, Maurice, and Hauréau found the work ridiculous. Hastening to usher it to the margin of Anselm’s corpus (the only piece — as they thought — devoted solely to logical matters), they rushed to conclude that for Anselm theology and logic have little to do with one another3 . Inspired by F.S. Schmitt’s discovery of Anselm’s logical fragments4 , Henry found them to shed new light, not only on De Grammatico but also on Anselm’s whole literary output, revealing Anselm to be a consummate logician whose formidable technical powers lent brilliance to his writings on other topics. 1 Norman Kretzmann introduced me to D.P. Henry’s work on paronyms in the early sixties, when it first came out, and I have been worrying about it on and off ever since. More recently, I have benefitted from helpful discussions with Robert Merrihew Adams, Andrew Finch, and Calvin Normore. 2 Most notably, D. P. HENRY, The « De Grammatico » of St. Anselm : The Theory of Paronymy, Notre Dame University Press, Notre Dame 1964 ; ID., The Logic of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Douglas Hedley's CV
    DOUGLAS HEDLEY CURRICULUM VITAE Address Clare College, Trinity Lane, Cambridge, CB2 1TL Faculty of Divinity, West Road, Cambridge, CB3 9BS Phone 01223 763028 Email [email protected] Date of birth 31 December 1961 Nationality British PROFESSIONAL HISTORY 2017 - present PROFESSOR of the Philosophy of Religion, Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge 2009 - 2017 READER in Hermeneutics and Metaphysics, Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge 2002 - 2009 UNIVERSITY SENIOR LECTURER in Philosophy of Religion, Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge 1996 - 2002 UNIVERSITY LECTURER in Philosophy of Religion, Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge 2000 - 2007 GRADUATE TUTOR at Clare College, University of Cambridge 1998 - present FELLOW of Clare College, University of Cambridge 1996 LECTURER in Philosophy of Religion, Faculty of Theology, Nottingham University 1993-1995 German Academy POST-DOCTORAL FELLOWSHIP, Ludwig Maximilian University, Munich EDUCATION/QUALIFICATIONS 1988 - 1992 PhD in Philosophy, Ludwig Maximilian University, Munich 1984 - 1985 MSt in Theology, Keble College, Oxford 1981 - 1984 BA in Philosophy and Theology, Keble College, Oxford AWARDS AND VISITING LECTURESHIPS 2018 Visiting Professor of the Philosophy of Religion, University of McGill 2017 – present Director, Cambridge Centre for the Study of Platonism, Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge 2016-19 Principal Investigator for major AHRC grant: The Cambridge Platonists at the Origins of Enlightenment: texts, debates and reception (1650 – 1730) 2017 Visiting Fellow, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität Münster, Germany 2017 Visiting Fellow, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, India 2013-19 Team member, Early Modern Conversions, McGill University, Canada 2013-14 Templeton Fellow, Notre Dame University, Indiana, USA 2012 AHRC grant Principal Investigator AHRC Award AH/K003127/1: Re- visioning Cambridge Platonism 2012 Member of Centre for Research on Religion.
    [Show full text]
  • Henry More’, Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception, Ed
    ‘Henry More’, Encyclopedia of the Bible and its Reception, ed. Hans-Josef Klauck et al. (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2020), in press. More, Henry (1614-1687), an English philosopher, theologian and poet. The most important member of the Cambridge Platonists, a group of seventeenth century thinkers associated with the University of Cambridge. Accepting of the developments of Galilean science, Cartesianism and atomism, they sought an alternative to the faltering philosophical foundation of Aristotelianism by looking to the Platonic tradition, viewed through the framework of Renaissance perennial philosophy. More’s Christian apologetics argued for the existence of God, the immortality of the soul, and the veracity of Christian ethics in light of the atheistic, mechanistic, and fatalistic conclusions drawn from the thought of Spinoza and Hobbes. The interpretation of the Bible figures prominently in More’s defence of Christianity. He maintained Christianity’s rationality, not because it could be axiomatically or evidentially demonstrated, but because it was in accord with both human reason and Biblical revelation. For More, both Protestant enthusiasm (More 1656), and rationalistic atheism (More 1663a), threatened this rationality in mutually reinforcing error: ‘For the Atheist's pretence to Wit and natural Reason… makes the Enthusiast secure that Reason is no guide to God: And the Enthusiast's boldly dictating the careless ravings of his own tumultuous Phansy for undeniable Principles of Divine knowledge, confirms the Atheist that the whole business of Religion … is nothing but a troublesome fit of over-curious Melancholy’ (More 1656/1662: 1-2). The Bible combated both narrow reason and irrationality by communicating expanded divine reason, articulated rationally through symbolic and allegorical form.
    [Show full text]
  • Occasional Thoughts on the Masham-Astell Exchange1
    1 [Please note that this is an earlier version of an article that is now published: Jacqueline Broad, ‘Adversaries or Allies? Occasional Thoughts on the Masham-Astell Exchange’, Eighteenth-Century Thought 1 (2003): 123-49. Please cite the published version.] Adversaries or Allies? Occasional thoughts on the Masham-Astell exchange1 Jacqueline Broad Monash University Abstract Against the backdrop of the English reception of Locke’s Essay, scholars have identified a little-known philosophical dispute between two seventeenth-century women writers: Mary Astell (1666-1731) and Damaris Cudworth Masham (1659-1708). On the basis of their brief but heated exchange, Astell and Masham are typically regarded as philosophical adversaries: Astell a disciple of the occasionalist John Norris, and Masham a devout Lockean. But in this paper, I argue that although there are many respects in which Astell and Masham are radically opposed, the two women also have a surprising amount in common. Rather than interpret their ideas solely in relation to the “canonical” philosophies of the time – Lockean empiricism and Malebranchean occasionalism – I examine the ways in which Astell and Masham are influenced by the metaphysical 1 This paper was originally derived from two chapters in my book, Women Philosophers of the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). I presented an earlier version of the paper at a symposium on “Women Philosophers in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries” at the Pacific Division of the American Philosophical Association meeting in Seattle, 29 March 2002. I am extremely grateful to Sarah Hutton and Catherine Wilson for their comments on that occasion, and to the organisers of the symposium, Eileen O’Neill and Bill Uzgalis.
    [Show full text]