Gisela Färber (Hrsg.)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Gisela Färber (Hrsg.) Gisela Färber (Hrsg.) Governing from the Center: The Influence of the Federal/Central Government on Subnational Governments Papers Presented at the Conference of the IACFS September 29 – October 1, 2011 in Speyer Speyerer Forschungsberichte 269 Gisela Färber (Hrsg.) GOVERNING FROM THE CENTER: THE INFLUENCE OF THE FEDERAL/CENTRAL GOVERNMENT ON SUBNATIONAL GOVERNMENTS Papers Presented at the Conference of the IACFS September 29 – October 1, 2011 in Speyer DEUTSCHES FORSCHUNGSINSTITUT FÜR ÖFFENTLICHE VERWALTUNG SPEYER 2012 Gefördert durch die Bundesrepublik Deutschland Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbiblio- grafie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. (Speyerer Forschungsberichte ; 269) ISBN 978-3-941738-07-2 Herstellung: DEUTSCHES FORSCHUNGSINSTITUT FÜR ÖFFENTLICHE VERWALTUNG SPEYER Umschlagentwurf: © 8/97 TRIFTY ART Grafik Design • 67550 Worms • Hauptstr. 32 • Tel.: 0 62 41/95 15 38 V Preface In theory, federal states provide for a clear division of competences among the orders (or levels) of government. Federal constitutions determine the dis- tribution of the various tasks as well as the most important institutions and the rules of cooperation among them. Both vertical and horizontal divisions of powers limit the overall power of the state. From the economic point of view, federal constitutions safeguard the efficiency of the supply of public goods by establishing institutionally preset conditions for making political decisions when regional preferences differ and by instituting a horizontal competition among jurisdictions. In practice, however, federal arrangements in all countries depart from this clear separation of competences, with pervasive formal and informal coopera- tion in decision-making processes and in the production of public goods. The Federation or “central state” in particular routinely becomes involved in the provision of public goods by subnational governments, affecting their policy initiatives through a variety of federal institutions, measures, or processes. This may lead to a vertical imbalance within the federal system, because the subnational units do not have a similar influence on the policy initiatives of the Federation. The vertical influences tend to be rather indirect – for exam- ple, in the field of general economic policy affecting price level and inflation rate, interest rates, wages and the base of revenues and expenditures of the decentralised jurisdictions. They may also involve direct influences or even interventions when specific responsibilities are transferred and when the Fed- eration regulates in detail the conditions for the supply of those public goods that fall within the responsibility of states, provinces, and communities. In some federal states – for example, in Canada – interventions by the Federa- tion may affect local governments, overleaping the provincial/state level, with the Federation oftentimes using financial transfers to accomplish this. But in Germany, for example, the federal Constitution was amended to restrict such interventions by the Federation. Some federal constitutions expressly introduce contain vertical interven- tions into their basic construction. One may think, for example, of executive federalism under which the powers of legislation and execution are systemati- cally separated. These constitutional arrangements do not necessarily limit the advantages of the federal division of powers. Shifts in competencies that may be necessary as a result of changes in the economic and social environment are simpler to undertake than under other federal constitutions. But there is VI also an inherent danger of over-centralization depending on how the “vertical channels” between the orders of government are understood. Likewise important are unitary states that are involved in the process of regionalization or devolution. Here the long-standing vertical administrative structures remain alongside the new autonomous regional competences. Ad- ministrative tasks that are imposed by the central state “compete” with the re- gions’ own administrative and financial responsibilities. The sub-national or- ders here are hybrids, combining imposed responsibilities and autonomous re- sponsibilities in a single set of regional and local institutions. There has been little systematic research into the forms and extent of ver- tical “interventions” in federal systems, into the reasons for such interven- tions, their legal base, the institutional patterns they assume, and their positive and negative consequences. The in this research report presented papers of the IACFS conference in Speyer, Germany, from September 29 to October 1, 2011 aim to fill the gap of mainly empirical examination of the topic, both country-specific and comparative. The conference papers explore the direct and indirect influences of these vertical interventions and consider how such actions of the Federation affect the way in which subnational governments, regional and local, undertake their own responsibilities. The contributions come from various academic disci- plines, including constitutional law, political science, administrative science, and public finance/fiscal federalism. They cover various countries, some of them ‘real’ federal states, other unitary countries with a however considerable degree of decentralisation of power under the label of regionalisation and devolution. They deal with the political institutions and legal rules as well as with the intergovernmental financial relations and therefore provide a very broad insight into the vertical dimension of multi-level ‘game of political powers’. I owe many thanks to all the contributors of the conference, especially to those who helped to intensify the diffusion and the understanding of the very complex formal and informal arrangements in federal and regionalised multi- level states. I also thank Dr. Jürgen Kühl, Minister of Finance of Rhineland- Palatinate, and Dr. Günter Hoos, director of the state vineyard in Neustadt- Mußbach, for the inspiring evening of the wine tasting. And last but not least, I owe infinite gratitude to my secretary Mareke Schröder who was the ener- getic and stable centre of the organisational part of the conference, and now provided the format and layout of this research report. Speyer, July 2012 Gisela Färber VII Contents Michael Burgess and Frédéric Lépine What is the Federal Centre? .................................................................. 1 Mercè Corretja Torrens Cooperation in the Public Administration as a Mechanism of Centralisation in Spain ...................................................................... 21 Stelio Mangiameli Governing from the centre: the influence of the federal/central government on subnational governments. The Italian case. General report ........................................................................................ 47 John Kincaid State Challenges to Coercive Federalism in the United States .............. 65 Christian Leuprecht Governing from the Centre – Resisting from the Periphery: Constitutional, Institutional and Societal Conditions and Drivers of Federal Encroachment on the Autonomy of Constituent Units ........ 75 Hans-Peter Schneider The Berlin Republic – Germany: A Federal State without Federalists .............................................................................................. 105 Yonatan Tesfaye Fessha Governing from the centre: Federal-state relations in Ethiopia ............ 115 Nico Steytler, Jaap de Visser and Robert Williams Unfunded Mandates: Directing Subnational Governments ................... 135 Miguel Angel Asensio Constitution and Fiscal Constitution. Central Government Influence on the Federal System in Argentina ...................................... 157 VIII Nicolas Schmitt The Role of the Political Culture of Non-central Government for the vertical (lack of) influence of the Federation and how it affects cantons and communes in Switzerland ................................... 175 Giancarlo Pola Italy: Financial Implications of the Transition to Fiscal Federalism. Fears and Hopes .................................................................................... 201 Enrico Buglione Central Government Influence on Sub-Central Governments: The Case of Italy ................................................................................... 215 Index of Authors .................................................................................... 231 1 What is the Federal Centre? Michael Burgess and Frédéric Lépine 1. Introduction One of the most important questions often overlooked in scholarly discourses on federalism and federation is that of the so-called “federal centre”. Given the way that this subject is the victim of semantic confusion, it is hardly sur- prising if we tend to be somewhat complacent about its nature, purpose and meaning. Indeed, this is why we blithely assume that it is self-evident, requir- ing little explanation and no serious investigation. In general terms this over- sight is probably because it is regarded at the outset as synonymous with the national or central government of the federation. The unconscious assump- tion is that every state, whether federal or non-federal, has a “centre”, usually conceived as a singular political authority, which is usually legitimated by a written constitution and whose principal task is to govern, in different modes,
Recommended publications
  • The Changing Boundaries of the EU Member State Polity the What, Who and How of Late Sovereign Argument
    The Changing Boundaries of the EU Member State Polity The What, Who and How of Late Sovereign Argument Alastair MacIver Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Laws of the European University Institute Florence, 02 October 2018 European University Institute Department of Law The Changing Boundaries of the EU Member State Polity The What, Who and How of Late Sovereign Argument Alastair MacIver Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Laws of the European University Institute Examining Board Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Carlos Closa, Institute of Public Goods and Policies, Madrid Professor Jo Shaw, University of Edinburgh Doctor Nikos Skoutaris, University of East Anglia © Alastair MacIver, 2018 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Researcher declaration to accompany the submission of written work Department of Law – LL.M. and Ph.D. Programmes I Alastair MacIver certify that I am the author of the work The Changing Boundaries of the EU Member State Polity: The What, Who and How of Late Sovereign Argument I have presented for examination for the Ph.D. at the European University Institute. I also certify that this is solely my own original work, other than where I have clearly indicated, in this declaration and in the thesis, that it is the work of others. I warrant that I have obtained all the permissions required for using any material from other copyrighted publications. I certify that this work complies with the Code of Ethics in Academic Research issued by the European University Institute (IUE 332/2/10 (CA 297).
    [Show full text]
  • Federalism Issues in Surface Transportation Policy: a Historical Perspective
    Federalism Issues in Surface Transportation Policy: A Historical Perspective Robert Jay Dilger Senior Specialist in American National Government December 8, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40431 Federalism Issues in Surface Transportation Policy: A Historical Perspective Summary P.L. 114-94, the Fixing America’s Surface Transportation (FAST) Act, was signed by President Obama on December 4, 2015. The act reauthorizes federal highway and mass transit programs through the end of FY2020. It also authorizes to be appropriated about $305 billion for these programs, an increase of about 4.2% over current funding levels plus projected inflation for highway programs and 7.9% over current funding levels plus projected inflation for public transportation programs. Although the federal presence, and influence, on surface transportation policy remains significant, FAST is a continuation of previous reauthorizations’ emphasis on increasing state decisionmaking authority. For example, FAST provides states greater flexibility in the use of federal highway assistance by converting the Surface Transportation Program (STP) into a block grant; rolling the Transportation Alternatives Program into the STP and allowing 50% of local government transportation alternatives funding to be used on any STP-eligible project; and consolidating truck and bus safety grant programs. FAST also includes changes to the project delivery approval process in an effort to reduce the average project delivery time for highway and mass transit construction projects. For many years, state and local government officials have lobbied for increased federal assistance for surface transportation grants and increased flexibility in the use of those funds. They argue that they are better able to identify surface transportation needs in their states than federal officials and are capable of administering federal grant funds with relatively minimal federal oversight.
    [Show full text]
  • Main Articles
    MAIN ARTICLES i. Affirming that Cyprus is our common home and recalling that we were co-founders of the Republic established in 1960 ii. Resolved that the tragic events of the past shall never be repeated and renouncing forever the threat or the use of force, or any domination by or of either side iii. Acknowledging each other’s distinct identity and integrity and that our relationship is not one of majority and minority but of political equality where neither side may claim authority or jurisdiction over the other iv. Deciding to renew our partnership on that basis and determined that this new bi-zonal partnership shall ensure a common future in friendship, peace, security and prosperity in an independent and united Cyprus v. Underlining our commitment to international law and the principles and purposes of the United Nations vi. Committed to respecting democratic principles, individual human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as each other’s cultural, religious, political, social and linguistic identity vii. Determined to maintain special ties of friendship with, and to respect the balance between, Greece and Turkey, within a peaceful environment in the Eastern Mediterranean viii. Looking forward to joining the European Union, and to the day when Turkey does likewise We, the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, exercising our inherent constitutive power, by our free and democratic, separately expressed common will adopt this Foundation Agreement. 6 Article 1 The new state of affairs 1. This Agreement establishes a new state of affairs in Cyprus. 2. The treaties listed in this Agreement bind Cyprus and the attached legislation shall apply upon entry into force of this Agreement.
    [Show full text]
  • SECURITY Cquncil
    SECURITY q/4259 CQUNCiL 22 January 1960 ORIGINAL: XEZLISH LET'BR DATED 22 JANUARY 1960 FRCM 'I'HF: ACTING PERi?!NT P;EPRESENTATIVEOF PAKISTAN ADDRESSEDTO TFiZ FRESIl%NT .OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL I am instructed by the Government of Pakistan to refer to the letter addressed by the Permanent RepresentEative of India to the President of the Security CouncS-1 on 12 October 1959. 2. It appears from this correspondence that the practice has become habitual with the Government of In&ia to aF&ver every question, and attempt to meet every objection, about their actions regarding Kashmir by making a general statement 'which, in itself, is completely baseless. To refute a statement of this character is merely ts cite the rudimentary facts of the Kashmir dispute, as known and realized by the United Nations and the world community in general. Since the Government of India shows itself as impervious to all arguments, it is necessary here only to make a statement of a basic position. It is:' (i) Jammu and Kashmir is not, and never has been, in point of human, moral or legal fact, a constituent state of the Indian Vnion. It is a territory in dispute, whose disposition shall be determined only by the will of its own people to be ascertained in a free and impartial manner and without any coercion. (ii) The resolutions of the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan were framed, not on the basis of InAials complaint against any alleged aggression, but with regard to the situation in Jammu and Kashmir and to the legitimate rights and interests involved therein.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Law on the Strength and Equipment of the Constituent State Police Forces
    Foundation Agreement Annex II, Attachment 2, Law 1 A Constitutional Law on the Strength and Equipment of the Constituent State Police Forces Short title 1. This Law may be cited as the Constitutional Law on the Strength and Equipment of the Constituent State Police Forces Interpretation 2. In this Law, unless the context otherwise requires - “Cooperation Agreement” means the Cooperation Agreement between the federal government and the constituent states on police matters; “law-enforcement agencies” means the police forces of the constituent states, the Federal Police, the Financial Intelligence Unit, and the Joint Investigation Agency; Constituent state police to be regulated by constituent state law 3. Subject to the provisions of this Law, each constituent state’s police force shall be regulated by the said constituent state’s law. Size of constituent state police forces 4.(1) Each constituent state police force may not number more than 700 police personnel plus six police personnel per thousand constituent state inhabitants. (2) Each constituent state government shall submit to the Presidential Council every year a detailed report on the strength, including structure and personnel, of its police force: Provided that during the first five years from the entry into force of this Law, such report shall be submitted every six months. Weapons held by constituent state police forces 5.-(1) Constituent state police forces may only carry weapons appropriate for normal civilian police duties. (2) No weapons shall be purchased by any constituent state for the needs of its police force unless the following procedure is followed: a) Before purchasing any such weapons, the government of the constituent state concerned shall notify the Presidential Council and the government of the other constituent state of the type and number of weapons to be purchased.
    [Show full text]
  • Sense and Nonsense About State Immunity David E
    University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 1985 Sense and Nonsense About State Immunity David E. Engdahl Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Engdahl, David E., "Sense and Nonsense About State Immunity" (1985). Constitutional Commentary. 222. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/222 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SENSE AND NONSENSE ABOUT STATE IMMUNITY .David E Engdahl* Defending the state immunity principle of National League of Cities v. Useryi is a lonely and somewhat suspect task for a consti­ tutional scholar today. Having played a small contributing part2 in precipitating that controversial decision, however, this writer perhaps has some modest obligation to attempt to illuminate the debate. The judicial and academic discussions of National League of Cities contain a great deal of nonsense on both sides of the issue. The single most troublesome bit of nonsense is the idea that the principle somehow derives from the tenth amendment. To be sure, that attribution is made by its judicial proponents, but it is woefully inapt. Another recurrent mistake is the claim that Na­ tional League of Cities is a revival of the long-discredited "dual federalism" doctrine. Yet another is the notion that the principle is tied to the commerce clause. In fact, National League of Cities itself was not truly a "commerce clause case." National League of Cities, like most of United States v.
    [Show full text]
  • 7. the Federated State and Its Treaty-Making Power
    3 7 7 SAMEDI 27 FEVRIER 1982 Troisième séance de travail Président : M. Paul DE VISSCHER Professeur à l’Université Catholique de Louvain 7. THE FEDERATED STATE AND ITS TREATY-MAKING POWER M. Frank L.M. VAN DE CRAEN (L.LL., Lie. Dipl. Sc., LL.M.) Lecturer at SIU (Heidelberg Campus), chargé de recherches au C.I.D.P. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction PART I. The extemal Aspects of a lus Tractatuum Chapter 1. The sources of the Federated State’s Treaty-Making Power (if existent) in International and in Constitutional Law Section A. In International Law Section B. In Constitutional Law 1. Argentina 2. The Commonwealth of Australia 3. The Fédéral Republic of Austria 4. Belgium 5. Canada 6. The Fédéral Republic of Germany 7. Italy 8. The Swiss Confédération 9. The Union of Socialist Soviet Republics 10. The United States of America 11. The Socialist Fédéral Republic of Yugoslavia Chapter 2. The Nature and Essence of the Treaty-Making Power. Section A. An Autonomous and Independent lus Tractatuum ? Section B. An Autonomous but Dépendent lus Tractatuum ? 3 7 8 FRANK L.M. VAN DECRAEN Chapter 3. The Scope of the Federated State’s Treaty-Making Power Section A. The Areas and the Intensity of the Treaty-Making Activity Section B. The Existence of an « Exclusive » Treaty-Making Power Vested in the Federated State ? Section C. Excursion. The Fédéral Treaty-Making Power under Direct Fe­ derated State’s Control PART II. The Internai Aspects of the Federated State’s lus Tractatuum 1. Canada 2. The United States of America 3.
    [Show full text]
  • State-Building, Nation-Building, and Constitutional Politics in Post-Conflict Situations: Conceptual Clarifications and an Appraisal of Different Approaches
    State-Building, Nation-Building, and Constitutional Politics in Post-Conflict Situations: Conceptual Clarifications and an Appraisal of Different Approaches Armin von Bogdandy/ Stefan Häußler/ Felix Hanschmann/ Raphael Utz I. Defining the Issues 1. A Useful Distinction a. State Failure and State-Building b. Nation Failure and Nation-Building c. The Habitus of Obedience to Law 2. Foreign Intervention and the Promotion of Democracy a. The Policy of the United States b. The Policy of the United Nations II. Constitutional Politics 1. Constitutional Nation-Building 2. Collective Identity and Constitutional Identity 3. The Procedural Aspect: Democracy, Elite Consensus, and Foreign In- tervention a. The South African Constitution b. The Afghan Constitution c. The Cypriot Constitution 4. The Institutional Aspect: Strong Leadership or Consensual Democ- racy? III. Conclusion A. von Bogdandy and R. Wolfrum, (eds.), Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law, Volume 9, 2005, p. 579-613. © 2005 Koninklijke Brill N.V. Printed in The Netherlands. 580 Max Planck UNYB 9 (2005) I. Defining the Issues 1. A Useful Distinction After military defeats of political regimes or civil wars, one crucial problem of the rebuilding efforts in general and the constitutional proc- ess in particular can be termed as follows: does the country need only state-building or nation-building as well? The problem is not termino- logical, but substantive.1 a. State Failure and State-Building State failure can be defined as the failure of public institutions to deliver positive political goods to citizens on a scale likely to undermine the le- gitimacy and the existence of the state itself.2 State failure occurs in re- spect to a wide range of political goods of which the most important ones are the provision of security, a legal system to adjudicate disputes, provision of economic and communication infrastructures, the supply of some form of welfare policies, and increasingly also opportunities for participation in the political process.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the Competitive Security Postures in Cyprus by Pavlos I
    ISSN: 2036-5438 Bi-Ethnic Federalism and the Question of Sovereignty: Understanding the Competitive Security Postures in Cyprus by Pavlos I. Koktsidis Perspectives on Federalism, Vol. 10, issue 3, 2018 Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E -244 Abstract When ethnic groups negotiate self-government arrangements, ‘ethnic sovereignty’ lies boldly at the heart of their security considerations. The constitutional nature of self- determination and the extent of territorial control can determine the degree of ethno- territorial sovereignty attributed to groups. However, in competitive contexts influenced by fear and mistrust, groups interpret these pillar elements in ways that increase their own sense of security. The present study argues that legal and political positions on sovereignty in Cyprus are largely built around the competitive security assumptions held by the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaderships, and explains how the divergent viewpoints and understandings of sovereignty reflect the underlying security fears and suspicion of parties. The analysis finds that the two ethnic leaderships in Cyprus have sought to accumulate a distinct ‘sovereignty capital’ in an effort to safeguard their own and overpower each other’s perceived security intentions in the event of federal collapse, making thus the attainment of settlement in Cyprus particularly elusive. Key-words federalism, territory, sovereignty, security, conflict, Cyprus Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E -245 1. Introduction In most ethnic conflicts, the nature and expressions of sovereignty represent part of the conflicting interests and objectives held by groups.
    [Show full text]
  • 1St Submission of the Constitutional Committee to the Ca
    VOLKSTAAT COUNCIL FIRST SUBMISSION TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL COMMIITEE OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL ASSEMIBLY 28 FEBRUARY 1995 (Hierdie voorlegging is ook in Afrikaans beskikbaar) VOLKSTAAT COUNCIL SUBMISSION TO THEME COMMITFEE 1 DEMOCRACY A. PRINCIPLES 1. A democratic system of government is accepted for both South Africa and the Volkstaat. 2. Democracy relates not only to participation by the individual in the state, but also to the participation of communities, constituent states and participating states in the state as a whole. 3. The division of state authority between various state organs and territorial units is in accordance with the principle of democracy encountered in federal constitutions. 4. The division and control of power are important principles in any democracy. 5. Democracy does not necessarily mean that every individual entitled to vote must exercise his vote in the same area or for the same person. 6. 'Me majoritarian principle applied in a multinational state may in certain instances amount to a violation of the principle of democracy. 7. In a multinational state the principle of democracy must also be respected within a specific national context. 8. Although the recognition of individual human rights is a characteristic of a democracy, it does not necessarily guarantee a democratic state in a multinational society. 9. Within a democratic context, the principle of asymmetry implies that different territorial units or government organs need not necessarily enjoy the same governmental authority. B. PROPOSAL FOR CONSTITUTIONAL WORDING In this Constitution democracy is realised through universal suffrage for adult citizens, the recognition of individual rights, the division of power between different organs of state and territorial units and the recognition of the self-determination of different peoples.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria's Federal Structure and the Rise of Separatist Movements in The
    KIU Journal of Humanities KIU Journal of Social Humanities Copyright©2020 Kampala International University ISSN: 2415-0843; 5(2): 85-94 Nigeria’s Federal Structure and the Rise of Separatist Movements in the Fourth Republic RASHEED TAIWO D.S Adegbenro ICT Polytechnic, Itori-Ewekoro, Ogun State, Nigeria ANDREW TOBI ARIYO Olabisi Onabanjo University,Ago-Iwoye, Ogun-State, Nigeria Abstract. This study examined the nature of the spanned over sixty years, it has at various times Nigerian federal political system with the view to continued to be threatened by agitations for local identifying how the defects inherent therein have autonomy and secession by different groups from the spawned a series of separatist movements from various ethnic nationalities. almost every part that makes up the federation. The study made use of data obtained from secondary In the early 1950s, the Northern region threatened to such as textbooks, journal and newspapers. It adopted secede from the country twice if the conditions they a framework of analysis anchored on the principles of clamoured for were not granted.(Okoh, 1999) The shared rule and self-rule. The argument canvassed in first attempt was at the Ibadan conference, and the this study is that the defects in the Nigerian federal second attempt was the aftermath of the self- system whose foundation was laid during the government in 1956, which led to the popular eight- colonial era, centralisation introduced by the military point programme signalling the intention of that and embraced by successive governments as well as region to quit the union.(Awofeso, 2017). Similarly, distorted patterns of governance have been spurring the Western region also threatened to secede if the separatist movements in Nigeria.
    [Show full text]
  • Federalism and the American Economic Order, 1789-1910
    FEDERALISM AND THE AMERICAN ECONOMIC ORDER, 1789-1910 HARRY N. SCHEIBER* University of California,San Diego From the beginning of nationhood under the Constitution to the present day, the federal system of American government- what Madison termed "a novelty and a compound," and what Hamilton declared was "necessarily a compromise of dissimilar interests and inclinations"'-has been of profound importance in shaping the nation's economic order. Power has shifted over time between the national government and the constituent state gov- ernments; and these structural shifts have had an impact upon policy process and outcomes, as well as upon the economy's institutional framework. The study of federalism has long been, of course, a concern of scholarship in constitutional law, political science, and history. Moreover, historians of American politics have lavished much attention upon the great conflicts of interest groups, parties, and ideologies, from 1787 to the New Deal and after, over the basic question of the extent to which power ought to be centralized in our federal system.2 And yet no scholarly The author thanks the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Founda- tion, the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, and the University of California for support of research from which this study derives. A briefer, preliminary version of this article was pre- pared as a paper for the Sixth International Congress, Association Internationale d'Histoire .conomique, in Copenhagen. The author is much indebted to Professor Lawrence Friedman of Stanford University for close reading and criticism of the manu- script. Professors Friedman, Paul W. Gates (Cornell University), and Willard Hurst (University of Wisconsin) have offered many val- uable suggestions during the course of research for this monograph, over several years.
    [Show full text]