WIDER Working Paper No. 2010/114 Populist Strategies in African
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Barotseland Kingdom Seeks to Leave Zambia Bbc.Com
3/30/2014 BBC News - Barotseland kingdom seeks to leave Zambia bbc.com http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-17546620 Barotseland kingdom seeks to leave Zambia 29 March 2012 Last updated at 10:46 GMT Continue reading the main story Related Stories The Barotseland royal household in western Zambia has demanded independence, accusing the government of ignoring a 1964 treaty. Barotse Ngambela, or Prime Minister, Clement Sinyinda told the BBC that successive Zambian governments had failed to honour the deal for the kingdom to enjoy autonomy. The Lozi people are the most numerous in Western Province Mr Sinyinda said the independence movement would remain peaceful. The government has denounced the call as treason. Barotseland, the kingdom of the Lozi people, was a protectorate under British colonial rule and became part of Zambia at the country's independence in 1964. The area is now known as Western Province, although the BBC's Mutuna Chanda in the Zambian capital, Lusaka, says before national independence, it also extended into other areas. Our reporter says this is the first time the Barotse royal household has backed the calls for the region to become independent, which have long been made by activists who accuse the government of ignoring the region, which remains one of the poorest in the country. After two days of meetings, a group of traditional Lozi leaders, calling itself the Barotseland National Council, issued a declaration: "We the people of Barotseland declare that Barotseland is now free to pursue its own self- determination and destiny. We are committed to a peaceful disengagement with the Zambian government," it said, according to the AFP news agency. -
Zambia Page 1 of 16
Zambia Page 1 of 16 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2002 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 31, 2003 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991 generally free and fair multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi -Party Democracy (MMD). In December 2001, Levy Mwanawasa of the MMD was elected president, and his party won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. The MMD's use of government resources during the campaign raised questions over the fairness of the elections. Although noting general transparency during the voting, domestic and international observer groups cited irregularities in the registration process and problems in the tabulation of the election results. Opposition parties challenged the election result in court, and court proceedings remained ongoing at year's end. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units operated under the Ministry of Home Affairs, had primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, was responsible for intelligence and internal security. Members of the security forces committed numerous, and at times serious, human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 22 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth slowed to 3 percent for the year, partly as a result of drought in some agricultural areas. -
Post-Populism in Zambia: Michael Sata's Rise
This is the accepted version of the article which is published by Sage in International Political Science Review, Volume: 38 issue: 4, page(s): 456-472 available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512117720809 Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24592/ Post-populism in Zambia: Michael Sata’s rise, demise and legacy Alastair Fraser SOAS University of London, UK Abstract Models explaining populism as a policy response to the interests of the urban poor struggle to understand the instability of populist mobilisations. A focus on political theatre is more helpful. This article extends the debate on populist performance, showing how populists typically do not produce rehearsed performances to passive audiences. In drawing ‘the people’ on stage they are forced to improvise. As a result, populist performances are rarely sustained. The article describes the Zambian Patriotic Front’s (PF) theatrical insurrection in 2006 and its evolution over the next decade. The PF’s populist aspect had faded by 2008 and gradually disappeared in parallel with its leader Michael Sata’s ill-health and eventual death in 2014. The party was nonetheless electorally successful. The article accounts for this evolution and describes a ‘post-populist’ legacy featuring hyper- partisanship, violence and authoritarianism. Intolerance was justified in the populist moment as a reflection of anger at inequality; it now floats free of any programme. Keywords Elections, populism, political theatre, Laclau, Zambia, Sata, Patriotic Front Introduction This article both contributes to the thin theoretic literature on ‘post-populism’ and develops an illustrative case. It discusses the explosive arrival of the Patriotic Front (PF) on the Zambian electoral scene in 2006 and the party’s subsequent evolution. -
Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
The Spectre of Global China
Zambia and the Central African Copperbelt t a n z a o n g o n i c o f c i a e p u b l t i c r o c r a d e m Kasama C O Chililabombwe P P E R B E L T Mansa Zambezi Mpika Konkola angola Deep Mine Chingola Mulufira Mine Chambishi m Copper Mine A a Kitwe l Ndola Chipata a Luanshya w Mine I i Kabwe Z B m o z a m b i q u e Mongu A M LUSAKA Zambezi Zambezi b w e Choma a m b z i a 0 100 miles n a m i b i ching kwan lee THE SPECTRE OF GLOBAL CHINA fter three decades of sustained growth China, an eco- nomic powerhouse of continental proportions, is becoming choked by bottlenecks: overcapacity, falling profits, surplus capital, shrinking demand in traditional export markets and Ascarcity of raw materials. These imbalances have driven Chinese firms and citizens overseas in search of new opportunities, encouraged by Beijing’s ‘going out’ policy. Their presence in Africa has drawn a vast amount of attention, despite the fact that the prc only accounts for a tiny fraction of foreign direct investment there—4 per cent for 2000–10, compared to 84 per cent for the Atlantic powers.1 In the ensuing rhetori- cal battle, the Western media has created the spectre of a ‘global China’ launching a new scramble for Africa, while Beijing for its part claims simply to be encouraging South–South cooperation, free of hegemonic aspirations or World Bank-style conditions. -
Vol. 9: Zambia Sub-Saharan Report
Marubeni Research Institute 2016/09/01 Sub -Saharan Report Sub-Saharan Africa is one of the focal regions of Global Challenge 2015. These reports are by Mr. Kenshi Tsunemine, an expatriate employee working in Johannesburg with a view across the region. Vol. 9: Zambia April 10, 2015 In October 2014, the president of Zambia, Mr. Michael Sata, died in London while recuperating from medical treatment and the vice president, Mr. Guy Scott, was named interim leader of the country. Although this type of succession is normal under a constitutional government, it was the first time in 20 years for a sub-Saharan African country to have a white leader since F. W. de Klerk of South Africa (1989- 1994). In the subsequent by-election held in January this year, Mr. Edgar Lungu, from the ruling party, was elected the new president of Zambia, which is the country I am introducing to you this time. Table 1: Zambia Country Information The Republic of Zambia is a landlocked country in the southern part of Africa surrounded by the Democratic Republic of Congo, Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Angola and Botswana—8 countries in all. Zambia’s land is found at a high altitude of 700-2,000 meters (the capital, Lusaka, is at 1,200 meters), and most of the country, being on a plateau, has a moderately humid climate or tropical savanna type climate. In thinking about Zambia’s most famous attractions, Victoria Falls, one of the world’s three major waterfalls (note 1), usually comes to mind first. The waterfall is a UNESCO World Heritage Site found on the border of Zambia and Zimbabwe and is 1,700 meters wide. -
Chinese Investments
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 16, Issue 3-4| December 2016 Zambia and China: Workers’ Protest, Civil Society and the Role of Opposition Politics in Elevating State Engagement AGNES NGOMA LESLIE Abstract: This paper examines the role of civic protest and opposition politics in changing the dynamics of the relationship between Zambia and China at the top leadership and working class levels. It looks specifically at how the workers’ plight became elevated to the top agenda and became a major issue for the two countries’ diplomatic and strategic engagement. It takes the view that China does not always play the dominant role, but is at times compelled to engage in strategic negotiations to maintain a satisfactory relationship with African governments, suggesting that African countries have resources they can use to strengthen their bargaining positions at the negotiating table. The paper concludes that contrary to much scholarship, China does not always play the dominant role with African countries. It suggests that African governments, leaders and communities can and do actively engage in political and community actions that influence their relationships with China. The paper looks specifically at the role that workers’ protest, opposition politics and civil society have played in changing the dynamics of the relationship between Zambia and China, at both the leadership and working class levels. On the basis of the Zambian case, it suggests that African countries have significant resources that they can leverage to bargain and advance their national priorities when negotiating with China and to exercise leadership in that relationship. Introduction Most analyses of China’s foreign relations dwell on its strength and dominance in that domain, especially with regard to African polities. -
What Drives Input Subsidy Policy Reform? the Case of Zambia, 2002–2016
IFPRI Discussion Paper 01572 November 2016 What Drives Input Subsidy Policy Reform? The Case of Zambia, 2002–2016 Danielle Resnick Nicole M. Mason Development Strategy and Governance Division INTERNATIONAL FOOD POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE The International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), established in 1975, provides evidence-based policy solutions to sustainably end hunger and malnutrition, and reduce poverty. The institute conducts research, communicates results, optimizes partnerships, and builds capacity to ensure sustainable food production, promote healthy food systems, improve markets and trade, transform agriculture, build resilience, and strengthen institutions and governance. Gender is considered in all of the institute’s work. IFPRI collaborates with partners around the world, including development implementers, public institutions, the private sector, and farmers’ organizations, to ensure that local, national, regional, and global food policies are based on evidence. AUTHORS Danielle Resnick ([email protected]) is a senior research fellow in the Development Strategy and Governance Division of the International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington, DC. Nicole M. Mason ([email protected]) is an assistant professor in the Department of Agriultural, Food, and Resource Economics at Michigan State Univeristy, East Lansing, MI, US. Notices 1. IFPRI Discussion Papers contain preliminary material and research results and are circulated in order to stimulate discussion and critical comment. They have not been subject to a formal external review via IFPRI’s Publications Review Committee. Any opinions stated herein are those of the author(s) and are not necessarily representative of or endorsed by the International Food Policy Research Institute. 2. The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on the map(s) herein do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) or its partners and contributors. -
The Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding Brief No
Policy The Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding Brief No. 18 Policy Recommendations for Addressing Subnational Tension in Relations between Zambian Citizens and Chinese Migrants By Emmanuel Matambo, Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding Scholar January 2020 s Africa-China relations continue to grow, including Zambia-China relations, tension amongst Chinese migrants and Zambian citizens is also emerging. This policy brief outlines the nature and sources Aof tensions between Chinese migrants and Zambian citizens, assesses the Zambian government’s response to the tensions, and offers recommendations and options for how the Zambian government could more effectively ameliorate tensions between the two. Background of Zambia-China Relations Official Zambia-China relations remain warm and close, 55 years after their establishment in 1964. China’s financial, technical, and labor contribution to the Tanzania-Zambia Railway (TAZARA), which proved a lifeline for landlocked Zambia, enhanced China’s reputation in Zambia. During that era of Cold War politics, liberation struggles, and anti-colonial agitation, Zambia-China relations were characterized by state-to-state interaction. In contrast, today, interaction between ordinary Zambians and the burgeoning numbers of Chinese migrants in Zambia is distinctly tense. The reasons include: fear of economic domination and disadvantage at the hands of Chinese immigrants, media reporting, political opportunism, and dissonant views of China and the Chinese. Fear of Economic Domination and Disadvantage at the Hands of Chinese Immigrants Anxiety about economic domination and disadvantage at the hands of Chinese immigrants is inflamed by the fact that aggregate unemployment (unemployed plus potential labor force) in Zambia is alarmingly high, at more than 40 percent. -
Members of the Northern Rhodesia Legislative Council and National Assembly of Zambia, 1924-2021
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF ZAMBIA Parliament Buildings P.O Box 31299 Lusaka www.parliament.gov.zm MEMBERS OF THE NORTHERN RHODESIA LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL AND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF ZAMBIA, 1924-2021 FIRST EDITION, 2021 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD ................................................................................................................................................ 3 PREFACE ..................................................................................................................................................... 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................................... 5 ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................................................................................... 7 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................ 9 PART A: MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, 1924 - 1964 ............................................... 10 PRIME MINISTERS OF THE FEDERATION OF RHODESIA .......................................................... 12 GOVERNORS OF NORTHERN RHODESIA AND PRESIDING OFFICERS OF THE LEGISTRATIVE COUNCIL (LEGICO) ............................................................................................... 13 SPEAKERS OF THE LEGISTRATIVE COUNCIL (LEGICO) - 1948 TO 1964 ................................. 16 DEPUTY SPEAKERS OF THE LEGICO 1948 TO 1964 .................................................................... -
B-8-2017-0368 EN.Pdf
European Parliament 2014-2019 Plenary sitting B8-0368/2017 16.5.2017 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION with request for inclusion in the agenda for a debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law pursuant to Rule 135 of the Rules of Procedure on Zambia, particularly the case of Hakainde Hichilema (2017/2681(RSP)) Cristian Dan Preda, Bogdan Brunon Wenta, Deirdre Clune, Mariya Gabriel, Pavel Svoboda, Tunne Kelam, Milan Zver, Krzysztof Hetman, Dubravka Šuica, Maurice Ponga, Sven Schulze, Stanislav Polčák, Lefteris Christoforou, Marijana Petir, Claude Rolin, Ivan Štefanec, Tomáš Zdechovský, Eva Maydell, Csaba Sógor, Adam Szejnfeld, Patricija Šulin, Sandra Kalniete, Ivana Maletić, Brian Hayes, Luděk Niedermayer, Elisabetta Gardini, Željana Zovko, Laima Liucija Andrikienė, Andrey Kovatchev, Jiří Pospíšil, Mairead McGuinness, José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, Roberta Metsola, Francisco José Millán Mon, Ramón Luis Valcárcel Siso, Seán Kelly, Inese Vaidere on behalf of the PPE Group RE\P8_B(2017)0368_EN.docx PE605.467v01-00 EN United in diversityEN B8-0368/2017 European Parliament resolution on Zambia, particularly the case of Hakainde Hichilema (2017/2681(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to previous resolutions on Zambia, – having regard to the statement of 16 April 2017 by the EEAS spokesperson on political tensions in Zambia, – having regard to the EU Electoral Observation Mission Report on the 2016 elections in Zambia, – having regard to the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights, – having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, – having regard to the Zambian Constitution, – having regard to the Cotonou Agreement, – having regard to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, – having regard to Rule 135 of its Rules of Procedure, A. -
The Principle 'One Zambia, One Nation': Fifty Years Later
The Principle ‘One Zambia, One Nation’: Fifty Years Later Lyubov Ya. Prokopenko Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow ABSTRACT In the first years of independence, United National Independence Par- ty (UNIP) and President of Zambia Kenneth Kaunda, realizing that Zambia as a young multi-ethnic state can develop only assuming nor- mal relations between its 73 ethnic groups, proclaimed the slogan ‘One Zambia is One People’ as the basic principle of nation-building. The formation of a young nation should also be facilitated by the in- troduction of the principle of regional and ethnic balancing – quotas for various ethnic groups for representation in government bodies. Under the conditions of political pluralism since 1991, power in Zam- bia was transferred peacefully, including after the victory of the oppo- sition in the elections in 2011. Zambia is often called a successful ex- ample of achieving ethno-political consolidation in a multi-ethnic Af- rican state, which can be regarded as a certain success in the for- mation of a national state. The new president Edgar Lungu re-elected in September 2016 declares that the policy of his government and of the PF party will be firmly based on the inviolability of the principle ‘One Zambia – One Nation’. INTRODUCTION On October 23, 2014, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Zam- bia's independence, the national bank issued a commemorative 50 kwacha banknote (for the first time as legal means of payment) which portrays all the presidents of Zambia: Kenneth Kaunda, Freder- ick Chiluba, Levy Mwanawasa, Rupiah Banda and Michael Sata.