FOCUS 60

Introduction The streets of play host to the city’s Beyond the Bounds of the State: pageant of daily life in a uniquely post- Reinterpreting Cairo’s Infrastructures Arab Spring, Middle Eastern context. It is in these public realms that people visibly of Mobility negotiate their everyday lives. This article poses that Cairo’s local, or baladī1 streets, often neglected by the state and ill-ser- Anna Rowell viced, offer their residents a spatial reser- voir of possibilities, where elements of Mobility in Cairo is characterized by junc­ cumvent such boundaries and construct political subjugation mask a highly mobile tures of residents who redefine connec­ social solidarities to support their daily and connected social realm. This reading tivity beyond the city’s spatial arrange­ livelihoods, they reveal networks of resis­ of informality infers that invisible infra- ments of tangible networks. This article tance and subversion. structures of networks and relationships presents Cairo as a mesh of invisible rela­ Material infrastructures, deeply embed­ open marginalized spaces to new produc- tions between material infrastructure, ded in everyday politics and social rela­ tive exchanges and lived practices, where lives, and practices. tions, become key conceptual instru­ expressions of collective identity flourish. ’s governing systems have, for many ments in understanding how residents years, neglected to tackle inequality, par­ negotiate their freedoms in Cairo. Their Cairo is a city in flux, characterized by ticularly since the political turmoil of the ability to move from one sphere to ceaseless intersections of residents who January 2011 revolution. Cairo’s urban another, whether social and cultural, or claim their rights to transition and stasis landscape is now one of fluctuating reali­ through a reinterpretation of public and beyond the city’s material infrastructure ties. Spates of laws prohibiting gather­ private structures defines their right to and political will. Flanking the foot of the ings and committees, demographic the city outside formal governmental Nile Delta, Cairo’s heaving mass of around neighbourhood shifts, uncontrolled urban institutions. 20 million inhabitants overlap and con- growth, and arbitrary traffic and planning verge within the bounds of the surround- regulations have had palpable impacts Keywords: Urban development; Cairo; ing desert (CAPMAS, Census). This sprawl- on mobility patterns. Egypt; Informality; Mobility; Infra­ ing megacity is arguably the largest on the This article shows that neoliberal spatial structure; Transport; Neoliberalism; African continent, housing over a quarter boundaries such as satellite compounds Global South; Cities; Boundaries; of Egypt’s population (The World Bank and large transport corridors have pro­ Collective action; Marginal; Community; Group). Yet Cairo’s heterogeneous parts duced unequal relations of power and Urban planning are a mosaicked composition: historic dis- inclusivity. As marginalized citizens cir­ tricts rub against dense patterns of infor-

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 61

mal growth, Haussmann-esque downtown combinations of objects, spaces, persons formal housing circuits (Piffero, Struggling avenues run through post-colonial neigh- and practices assemble are a radically for Participation 5), not just the poor and bourhoods and out to grandiose desert open infrastructure (407–429). Such open disenfranchised. These areas counter enclaves. Connected and segregated by infrastructures generate extroverted, inte- many economic assumptions, housing a highways, these urban islands are a prod- grated, public, and permeable urban con- wide spectrum of socio-economic groups uct of decades of undemocratic gover- ditions which encourage a physical two- rather than a homogenous demographic nance, urban inequality, social division, way exchange of entities and intangible (Sims 3), often with access to public ser- exclusionary politics and deep-rooted interactions beyond political and struc- vices and relatively strong land tenure. biases of Egypt’s administration, forming tural constraints. This is not to say that their services are of isolated nodes rather than a cohesive the same standard as their formal counter- whole (Dorman 130). Cairo’s Urban Planning Mechanisms parts (Gerlach 53), generally positioned This article intends to disentangle itself with inadequate connections to the city at Against such a backdrop, this article seeks from basic assumptions about what is large, on poor-quality desert land and sys- to understand how informal communities often described as informal development, tematically devalued. Despite this, such reinterpret structures of political division termed ashwā’iyyat in Arabic.2 These neighbourhoods are flourishing and as expanded spaces of economic and cul- neighbourhoods are estimated to house almost entirely self-sufficient (Shehayeb, tural operation, accessible to residents of more than 65% of ’s popula- “Advantages of Living in Informal Areas” limited means. As renowned sociologist tion (Séjourné 17-19) and are characteristic 37), and Cairo’s citizenry have become Asef Bayat notes, large segments of of contemporary Cairo. They have “devel- architects of an incremental, but palpable Cairo’s populace are in a constant nego- oped not only independent of govern- protest. tiation between autonomy and integra- ment intervention but usually in defiance tion, carving out self-governance wher- of established law” (Harris), as an alterna- Egypt’s historic planning mechanisms ever possible, but reliant on the state for tive for individuals who find that the cost helped define this trajectory. Nasser’s security and service provisioning (Bayat, of abiding by regulations exceeds the nationalization of the country’s assets “Globalisation” 79-101) His notion of the benefits. As such, Cairo’s built urban fabric (Clawson), and the 1961 Agrarian Land “city inside- out” explains that, compelled and patterns of settlement simultaneously Reform (Saab 48; Saad 110) redistributed by physical and socio-economic barriers, define and are defined by the ability, or agricultural land tenure to small landlords residents develop structures which give inabilities, of its population to participate (USAID 5). This system, augmented by them the freedom to work, socialize, and openly in legal structures. Restrictive Egypt’s longstanding inheritance customs live in the public arena (Bayat, “Life as building codes and cumbersome bureau- which apportions land to all heirs, with Politics” 12). Similarly, in his writing on cratic procedures to obtain official build- double shares for sons, (AlSayyad 15), urban sociology, AbdouMaliq Simone ing permits contribute to the exclusion of meant that a pattern of unequal subdivi- poses that these junctions where complex most urban middle-lower classes from sions began to emerge. Turning plots to

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 62

residential use became increasingly profit- Governance” 6). Zoning regulations were mobility patterns, forcing certain people able, and ultimately, former fertile land, abolished by a Ministerial Decree in the and goods to travel further. Corridors of whose proximity to the Nile and legacy of mid-1980’s (Shehayeb and Zaazaa 12), high speed transit may imply connectivity sustaining the city was undervalued, was legitimizing the obliteration of existing for some, but also serve to emaciate their devoured by real estate speculation planned urban fabric. adjacent spaces. (Piffero “What Happened to Participation” 53-65). This emergence of a peripheral Inevitably, informal neighbourhoods con- Cairo’s ring road was a product of the form of urbanization by private actors ulti- solidated throughout the city, cocooned Greater Cairo Planning Agency’s grand mately compartmentalized and fractured by dense spatial parameters such as con- urban schemes, notably the second Cairo’s vast urban agglomeration. gested highways serving large peripheral Master Plan of 1970 which intended to developments, and neighbouring villages restrict the physical growth of the city and President Nasser’s successor, Anwar Sadat, transforming to industrial and service- redirect its future development (Zehner et. is known for his economic liberalization based economies (Shehayeb, “Self al. 18). It has been noted that, “built as a infitāḥor Open Door Policy of 1973, which Governance” 6). This fragmented sprawl wall, it limits severely the possibly to led to a surge of private Arab and foreign began to promote an unsustainable over- develop tangential connections to the investments in Egyptian infrastructure consumption of the city’s seemingly limit- settlements inside and outside the Ring (Osman 129). Land prices soared as the less frontier. Road” (Dennis and Séjourné 15), particu- Egyptian economy moved from produc- larly since across Cairo, only 14% of resi- tion towards maximizing annuity through Severing Urban Connectivity dents own a private car (Tadamun, real estate, fuelled by the remittances of A tendency to prioritize functionality, con- Egyptian Constitution). Indicative of Egyptian workers in the Gulf (El-Batran nectivity and profit in Cairo’s urban plan- Cairo’s current neoliberal arena and in line and Arandel 219). At the same time, the ning means many of the city’s local streets with Egypt’s institutional privileging of the state abandoned its commitment to social are truncated by large transport corridors elite, it cuts through working-class districts housing, which dramatically bolstered abutting stagnant spaces. While it is well- as a barrier rather than a connector, not land prices (Shehayeb and Zaazaa 12), known that physical barriers continue to built for the residents who exist below. obfuscating many residents’ access to play a major role in dividing cities (CinC 1), Despite the fact that the freeway passes formal markets. City-wide rent control laws less has been noted on the significance of alongside their balconies, many residents were passed (Egypt (GoE), “Law 49/1977”), disjointed rhythms of movement. Where have no direct access to it. A bounding meaning property owners stopped main- modes or speeds of movement are at arterial road, it hastens traffic past, offering taining existing housing stock in formal odds, invisible walls and physical or psy- visibility into the neighbourhoods but lim- areas, accelerating their deterioration and chological community severance are gen- iting accessibility out. discouraging legal private investment erated (Urry). Decades of car-centric urban in rental housing (Shehayeb “Self design in Egypt have reinforced such

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 63

According to urban ethnographer paid contractor was appointed. The proj- Contained within their bounding condi- Suzanne Hall, “The double impetus of ect only took three months, costing around tions, Cairo’s typical narrow neighbour- the […] boundary is that it perceptually E£1 million, and gained support from the hood streets work hard against their limi- attaches to both place and people, not governor and police chief in , who tations despite often lacking lateral only relegating a negative value to a place, installed a traffic police point at the inter- connections. Fleets of tuk-tuks connect but making it difficult for individuals to change at the community’s request, thus public interfaces with the inner fabric. leave an area of familiarity to enter into legitimizing what was otherwise a criminal These composite machines are an illegal new worlds.” (100) Boundaries have act (Abbas 98). but widespread form of transport that greater ramifications than physical segre- weave malignantly through the Cairo’s gation as an interplay between systems of Such local drives for mobility have contin- local streets. Their fine grain networks power and control over the other. This ued, even since the ripples of the January complement and compensate for inade- perpetuates longstanding connotations of 25th Revolution of 2011 have faded. quate formal state provisioning: a sponta- the ashwā’iyyat in Cairo, and projects it However, the Egyptian grassroots now neous and creative response to the state’s onto neighbourhoods’ present realities resort not to politics of collective protest ineffectiveness in satisfying the basic and future potentials. but to the individualistic strategy of “quiet needs of its populace. encroachment”, tapping into closed sys- Re-interpreting Urban Connectivity tems of municipal provisioning (Bayat, Similarly, the city’s ubiquitous microbuses During the vacuum of power in 2011, “Social Movements” 24-28). For example, are local, privately owned, and effectively Egyptians had a new awareness of their vendors and informal services are increas- complement the formal bus routes, serv- ability to hold the state to account through ingly springing up along the edges of the ing areas where a critical mass of demand self-organized drives for connectivity and ring road, using improvised solutions for guarantees profit. They have expanded mobility. This was exemplified by the con- access such as stairs and ramps (Shehayeb, their sphere of duty beyond the licensed struction of entry and exit ramps on the “Cairo’s Ring Road” 23). As a result, the routes that existed before the revolution. ring road on Cairo’s Western edge by community have access to previously inac- Prices were set according to length and informal community associations. Through cessible infrastructures, and therefore traffic demand by the governorates’ traffic a sophisticated means of coordination, greater opportunities for social and eco- and police departments (Metge 27-31). publicity, and calls for donations, a signifi- nomic mobility. This is a natural response They constituted a major source of reve- cant number of engineers, experts and of citizens who desire the ability to move nue for the city, yet lax monitoring has left residents soon grasped the community’s beyond certain boundaries and restrictive passengers at the mercy of microbus vision, offering cash, contributions in kind, spatial orders asserted by governmental owner-operators. After fuel prices rose in labour and expertise. The momentum and societal delineations. 2014, microbus drivers increased the went well beyond initial plans for a tempo- prices 50-100%, while the fares for public rary ramp (Nagati and Elgendy 3), and a buses remained the same (Tadamun,

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 64

Urban Mobility), showing that existing out- on the city’s desert edges, acting as ave- low-income residents. Gated communities side of formal channels can present its nues to further the interests and aspira- cater for those who choose that lifestyle own set of challenges. tions of the government (Nagati and and seek privacy, shunning the benefits of Due to their lack of timetables or visible Elgendy 4). Incorporating perceived sym- local connectivity in favour of autonomy. destination markers, and the high illiteracy bols of wealth such as integrated shop- These mechanisms of flexible and tempo- rate in Cairo (CAPMAS, Egypt in Figures ping malls, businesses began to relocate, rary seclusion or subordination are “a con- 2014), people rely on shouted exchanges including large institutions like the duit for protection, unification, and cohe- with microbus drivers or a system of hand American University in Cairo. Those with sion – a sturdy socio-spatial shield, a gestures to make sense of this web of tran- the means escaped to these new desert protective buffer” (Wacquant 164–177). sit. Ultimately, these transactions and tran- compounds, driven by the pursuit of dis- sit routes are negotiated through social tinction and the desire to remain within Local Connectivity communication, both verbal and visual, the metropolis but away from pollution, Architecture, the built environment, and creating an accessible and fluid network congestion, crowds and the social other. lived space in Cairo are the product of of signs and associations (Fayed and Issa The Cairo 2050 plan of 2008 outlined a social relations, but equally influence the 11) beyond the limitations of formal struc- vision for the Greater Cairo Region to production of social relations themselves. tures. This typifies Cairo’s strategies of become a “global city” (Tadamun, Cairo Urban consultant Dina Shehayeb notes improvisation which alter and open new 2050 Revisited), with developers promot- that the compact built form of Cairo’s his- trajectories and possibilities of connec- ing lucrative gated communities and a toric and informal fabric restricts vehicu- tion. sanitized urban realm, connected by high- lar access, meaning walking predomi- ways (Sims 170–186). This exclusionary citi- nates (“Advantages of Living in Informal Spatial Disconnection zenship devours diversity and restricts Areas” 37). This engenders a close work- Spatial segregation is generally viewed as who belongs, where, and under what con- home proximity and relative self-suffi- a negative force, imposed on a group of ditions. ciency. When comparing popular neigh- people by economic, religious, racial, bourhoods Sayyeda Zeinab and Dar infrastructural or political forces (Sennett, Yet this outlook necessarily disregards the Al-Salam with , a planned Wacquant 165). For example, Cairo’s neo- agency of the segregated: sometimes new settlement, neighbourly relations are liberal powers employ highways, com- they are perpetrators in their own exclu- clearly influenced by spatial form, such as pounds and infrastructural barriers to sion, or willingly harness the positioning shared responsibility for collective elevate the elite above other social classes, imposed on them for their advantage. This spaces, natural surveillance of streets, with divisive implications that epitomize does not necessarily follow the premise and unplanned random encounters the massive political and social tensions that these aspirations only manifest (Shehayeb, “Neighbourhood Design” that engulf Egypt. Beginning in the 1990s, among the rich: districts such as 6th of 7-12). On residential streets, this is Cairo’s New Towns began to gain traction October and have mid- and enhanced through the presence of

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 65

ground-floor activity where strangers are Most activities in informal settlements are common affinities within local public easily recognized. As a result, children concentrated within the bounds of the spaces, which is only possible where walk- play unaccompanied by parents and vul- neighbourhood, which consequently gen- ability and compact urban form prevail. nerable segments of society are minded. erates strong familiarities and neighbour- The neighbourhood is a platform through The qualities of pedestrianized neigh- hood ties, social regulation and evolving which people are known and know others, bourhoods, uninterrupted by busy vehicu- interdependencies through repeated made even more pertinent due to the lar traffic, renders the street network an interactions. An empirical study of shop- pace and extroversion of the city as a extension of the home: activities spill out ping patterns shows 80% of residents in whole, and in light of the external threat into the public space and streets are tra- local neighbourhoods purchased grocer- from unpredictable security forces or versed by insiders only. ies daily, compared to just under 70% in developers. In contrast, high publicness 6th of October where 30% of residents equates to high potential exposure to the Local streets and their interfaces are where shopped on a weekly basis (Shehayeb, outsider: anyone can be an active partici- diverse public life is most tangible. These “Neighbourhood Design” 7-12). pant and the spaces are unlikely to be semi-public domains enact different cycli- Additionally, a 2008 GIZ study sample in appropriated by a single entity. These cal roles – at once a place of exposure and Boulaq el-Dakrour showed that 100% of streets are generally underused and are refuge, a public forum and an extension of residents met all their subsistence needs fertile ground for negative behaviour the private realm, a place of employment within the neighbourhood, with 60% of (Abdelhalim and Shehayeb, 65). They are as well as recreation. In informal areas, residents walking to work (Shehayeb, viewed as the responsibility of the govern- food carts serve foul and falafel sand- “Advantages of Living in Informal Areas” ment (Abdelhalim and Shehayeb, 72), who wiches in the morning to congregations of 37). It is worth noting that these studies are reputed to neglect their duty to main- labourers waiting to be shuttled out of the were pre-revolution, and formally planned tain garbage collection, street lighting, area. As the day goes on, small kiosks neighbourhoods have increasingly seen cleaning, and pavement upkeep. open, and access nodes steadily fill with street vendors and informal markets shoe-shiners, vendors and tuk-tuks. In the springing up to meet local demand, as in This shows that while connectivity is essen- afternoon, employees drift back, and the Haram City (Simcik Arese 1-18). tial for neighbourhoods to thrive and main routes adopt an atmosphere of lei- flourish, to sustain diversity and activity, it sure: people gather at cafes, and families Local neighbourhoods require a certain doesn’t solely rely on physical infrastruc- are drawn into gaudy, ramshackle fun fairs. informal membership from those who par- ture. While, at face value, connectivity is These rhythms of time and activity that take in their insular spaces, to grant and the fluid transfer of bodies from one spa- converge and interweave within overlap- gain trust, affirm loyalties, and to respect tial territory to another, cities also host ping spaces can be found where work and common social codes. Intimate social for- intricate relations of non-tangible leisure intermingle, complementing and mations of a neighbourhood are galva- exchange. Amin, in “Lively Infrastructures”, sustaining each other. nized by repeated personal contact and theorizes connectivity as more than that

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 66

which is delineated by material infrastruc- and their own communities. Here, the accountability and ownership are all rein- ture (1-4), defining it instead as thickening forging of collective identity within these forced by communal ties constrained to of ensembles or fixed territories of belong- bounds exists as evolved forms of collec- life in the same bounded space. ing. Streets are often understood merely tive representation, such as private actors Boundaries often act as an anchor or refer- according to their functions of mobility, and civil society organizations (CSOs) ence point for communities to defend the yet Cairo’s informal systems flourish unfet- who, partly due to neoliberal reforms over gains carved out for themselves, particu- tered in ways unseen in exclusionary des- the past decades and the emancipating larly in a post-revolution context. Making ert enclaves, reweaving connections effect of the revolution, have begun to gains through “quiet encroachment” is throughout the city. Such a reading dimin- instigate urban change (Abbas 7-25). generally an individual act, irrelevant to ishes the minute details of transitions and Local defence leagues, springing up to the lens of power, but the defense of gains tensions between dwelling, work and play, protect personal territories during the against external threats takes place collec- and their accompanying lines of connec- absence of security forces in the wake of tively (Bayat, “Life as Politics” 58). Even so, tion, fragile improvisations, and multiple the ousting of Mubarak have now evolved discontent needs to extend beyond its reference points in the city. “This multi- into popular committees across the city neighbourhood bounds to exert signifi- functionality is often overlooked, and (Nagati and Elgendy, 2012). Initially smaller cant influence (Bayat, “Life as Politics” 168). streets are usually regarded as mere links entities focussed on street-level security in a road network, enabling travel between and advocacy, coalitions of proactive citi- Bayat and Dorman explain that in the Arab two or more destinations.” (UN Habitat 2). zens realized the power of the collective world, the street is the physical place Cairo’s local streets instead portray “every- and are now a viable mode of develop- where dissent is expressed across demo- day cosmopolitanism” (Bayat, “Life as ment outside state-led institutions. graphic stratifications. Diversity, or Politics” 185–208), where repeated asso- exchange between multiple actors in a ciations and shared sentiments transcend Residents circumvent constraints, assert non-privileged space, facilitates both con- autonomous acts within the community. collective will, utilize resources and claim vivial, rational debate but also productive spaces in different ways than before the encounters of conflict (Miessen 122). It is in As a result, civil society within these tightly revolution to make themselves heard, such spaces that urban geographer Amin knit communities thrives, since much seen, and felt. This is termed “the art of sees the free and conducive mingling of localized action is initiated by self-help presence” by Bayat (“Life as Politics” 249), strangers as social and politically engaged networks rather than external NGOs. where shared margins turn autonomous subjects (“Animated Space” 241). The revo- Cairenes, in their everyday lives, don’t citizens into a collective force, whose lution showed that people can be com- always turn to officials, local authorities or power lies in their ordinariness. Since pelled and enabled to make themselves the central government for solutions to notions of identity and belonging are heard beyond the limits of their intimate daily challenges, but instead feel both free entwined with the spatial, the virtues of private realms. Through a diverse culmina- and powerful enough to help themselves familiarity, shared identity, security, tion of demands, Cairenes were united,

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 67

Anna Rowell even if only briefly (Al Hussaini). It is this into action when faced with a common tures that are overdetermined, and do not volatile risk that endangers the status quo, threat. leave room for the affordances of new and is currently based in Edinburgh, where prompting repressive control from above, improvised social relations, are inherently she is working on sustainable transport such as the spate of prohibitive laws crim- Conclusion closed and unsustainable. Yet, this article infrastructure projects across the city. inalizing gatherings and protests in public While this article has considered the pop- has demonstrated that when political This follows on from a Master’s in spaces (Bayat, “The Street” 10-17). ular interpretation of connectivity as an mechanisms aren’t truly open to the citi- Architecture and Urban Design at ideal planning mechanism for successful, zenry, residents rely on spaces and streets the University of Cambridge, where Local decision-makers view diverse pub- global and inclusive cities, a line of think- that allow an assertion of Kevin Lynch’s five she carried out extensive fieldwork in lics and their cross pollination of ideas and ing often expounded by urban theorists, it principles of spatial rights: the right of Cairo. Her research interrogated how energies as a threat to be contained in a has also considered the more contentious presence, right of use and action, right of Egypt’s political structures inform how desire for a submissive populace view of spatial boundaries as a necessary, appropriation, right of modification and the population claims and interprets (Elsheshtawy 297). “Public space” as a and constructive, counterpart. These are right of disposition (205-207). Referring to its rights to mobility and public space recognized urban component was interdependent and layered forces, which Lefebvre’s seminal text, Right to the City, in the context of Cairo’s informal urban overlooked in the 2014 Constitution, enhance and define each other. On every this call for spatial presence is far more development. She worked as an urban Egypt’s fundamental law (Egypt (GoE) scale, there is the desire for autonomy, but than the individual liberty to access urban consultant on Aga Khan Foundation and Constitution), and deliberate assemblage also integration – physically, socially, cul- resources; it is a common right to urban UN Habitat projects in Cairo, and for in Cairo is now prohibited to help maintain turally and politically. Marginalized entities life, dependent on the exercise of a collec- GIZ with TU Berlin during this research security and order3. Whereas before, com- tend to function as much as possible out- tive power to reshape the processes of period. munity associations were the formal route side the boundaries of the state, produc- urbanization (Harvey). In Cairo, where email: [email protected] for action, they are now suppressed by ing neighbourhoods of incremental adap- informality is routine, it is clear that com- tools of closure4 which prohibit the estab- tations over time, and shaped by the munities invariably find ways to accommo- lishment and registration of community particularities of local needs. Successful date these rights outside of formal struc- associations and neighbourhood commit- streets rely on these networks of socially- tures. tees. Accordingly, the local street as a pri- shared understandings that are created, mary public domain takes on a whole new communicated, and enforced within their understanding in its present context, confines. where residents are often more reluctant to form visible associations that could fur- Neoliberal spatial boundaries have the ther their collective wellbeing. However, potential to differentiate, individualize, passive networks, cocooned within the and dislocate inhabitants, to weaken tradi- confines of local neighbourhoods, have a tional ties, and to break down extended latent energy which can quickly transform family relations (Bayat, “Life as Politics” 188). These public space and infrastruc-

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 68

Notes 4 The new law of 2013, ‘The Works Cited Amin, Ash. “Animated Space”, ---. “Social movements, Right to Public Meetings, Public Culture, vol.27, no.3 activism and social 1 baladī- Egyptian Arabic: Processions and Peaceful Abbas, Ebtihal Mohamed (76), 2015, pp.239–258, development in the Middle meaning local, with a lower- Demonstrations’ forbids any Zakaria Rashad. Paradigms doi:10.1215/08992363- East.” Civil Society and Social class connotation meeting ‘of a public nature’ of Development in Cairo; 2841844. Movements Programme of more than 10 people Mobilization Patterns of Paper, no.3, United Nations 2 ashwā’iyyat – This means without the prior consent Civil Society Organisations. ---. “Lively Infrastructure”, Research Institute for Social ‘random’ or ‘haphazard’, and of authorities, setting heavy Ain Shams University and Theory, Culture & Society, Development, 2000. is used interchangeably to prison sentences for anyone University of Stuttgart, 2013. vol.31, no.7-8, 2014, pp.137– mean ‘slum’. so much as attempting to 161. CAPMAS. Egypt in Figures ‘influence the course of Abdelhalim, Khaled and Dina 2014, Central Agency for 3 Despite the Egyptian justice.’ (Egypt (GoE), “Law Shehayeb. “Crime Prevention Bayat, Asef. “Life as Politics”, Public Mobilization and constitution stating, ‘All 107” Constitution) and Urban Development – ISIM Series on Contemporary Statistics, 2014. individuals have the right The Case of Greater Cairo.” Muslim Societies. Amsterdam to express their opinion’ Practical Approaches to University Press and ISM, ---. Census, Central Agency (Egypt (GoE), “Article 65” Urban Crime Prevention. 2010. for Public Mobilization and Constitution) and, ‘Citizens Proceedings of the Workshop Statistics, 2006. have the right to organize Held at the 12th UN Congress ---. “Globalisation and the public meetings, marches, on Crime. International Politics of the Informals in CinC. “Rethinking Conflict demonstrations and all forms Centre for the Prevention of the Global South”, Urban Infrastructure: How the of peaceful protest […] Crime (ICPC) & UNODC, 2011. Informality: Transnational built environment sustains without the need for prior pp.59-78. Perspectives from the Middle divisions in contested cities”, notification. Security forces East, Latin America, and Conflict in Cities Briefing may not attend, monitor Al Hussaini, Amira. “Egypt: A South Asia, edited by Ananya Paper, Series 2, CinC, 2012. or eavesdrop on such List of Demands from Tahrir Roy and Nezar AlSayyad, gatherings.’ (Egypt (GoE), Square.” Global Voices, Lexington Books, 2004, pp.79 Clawson, Patrick. The “Article 73” Constitution), 2011. www.globalvoices. – 101. development of capitalism this is not the lived reality for org/2011/02/10/egypt-a-list- in Egypt, libcom.org, 2014. many. of-demands-from-tahrir- ---. “The Street and the Politics www.libcom.org/library/ square. Accessed 5 April of Dissent in the Arab World.” development-capitalism- 2018. Middle East Report, vol. 226, egypt-patrick-clawson. 2003, pp.10 – 17. Accessed 5 April 2018. Al Sayyad, Nezar. “Urban Informality as a ‘New’ Way ––› of Life.” Urban Informality: Transnational Perspectives from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia, edited by Ananya Roy and Nezar AlSayyad, Lexington Books, 2004.

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 69

––› Dennis, Eric and Marion Elsheshtawy, Yasser. “Urban Harris, John. “Urban planner Nagati, Omar and Noheir Saad, Reem. “Social History Séjourné. ISIS : Information Transformations: Social David Sims explodes myths Elgendy. “Ard-al-Liwa Park of an Agrarian Reform system for informal Control at al-Rifa‘i Mosque on Cairo’s dysfunction”, Project: Towards a New Community in Egypt”, Cairo settlements, Ministry of and Sultan Hasan Square”, Egypt Independent, 2012. Urban Order and Mode of Papers in Social Science, Planning, GTZ and CEDEJ, Cairo Cosmopolitan: Politics, www.egyptindependent. Professional Practice”, Cities Vol.11, No.4. American 2002. https://hal.archives- Culture, and Urban Space com/urban-planner-david- to Be Tamed? Standards University in Cairo Press, ouvertes.fr/hal-00198975. in the New Globalized sims-explodes-myths-cairos- and Alternatives in the 1989. Accessed 5 April 2018. Middle East, edited by dysfunction. Accessed 5 April Transformation of the Urban Diane Singerman and 2018. South, Planum, The Journal of Séjourné, Marion. “The Dorman, W. Judson. The Paul Amar . The American Urbanism, no. 26, vol. 1., 2012. History of Informal Politics of Neglect: the University in Cairo Press, Harvey, David. “The Right to Settlements”, Cairo’s Informal Egyptian State in Cairo, 2006. the City.” New Left Review, Osman, Tarek. Egypt on the Areas: Between Urban 1974-98. SOAS, University of vol. 53, 2008. pp.23–40. Brink: From Nasser to the Challenges and Hidden London, 2007. www.eprints. Fayed, Marwan and Shahira Muslim Brotherhood, Yale Potentials: facts voices soas.ac.uk/id/eprint/155. Issa: “Legalizing an Urban Lynch, Kevin. Good City Form, University Press, 2013. visions, edited by Regina Accessed 5 April 2018. Tumour, Case #11: Street MIT Press, 1984. Kipper and Marion Fischer. Language”, Cairo Resilience: Piffero, Elena. “What GTZ, 2008. Egypt (GoE). Constitution of The City as Personal Practice, Metge, Hubert. World Happened to Participation? the Arab Republic of Egypt DIWAN Series, edited by Bank Urban Transport Urban Development and Sennett, Richard. “Boundaries 2014, 2014. www.sis.gov.eg/ Dina Shehayeb and Shahira Strategy Review: The Authoritarian Upgrading and Borders”, Living in the Newvr/consttt%202014.pdf. Issa. IABR, 2009. Case of Cairo, Egypt, in Cairo’s Informal Endless City, edited by Accessed 5 April 2018. World Bank, 2000. www. Neighbourhoods”, Libera la Ricky Burdett and Deyan Gerlach, Julia. “Me and My openknowledge.worldbank. Ricera, vol. 1, Odoya srl, 2009. Sudjic, Phaidon Press, 2011. Egypt (GoE), “Law 49/1977”, Neighbourhood”, Cairo’s org/handle/10986/17704. pp.324–331. Laws of the Arab Republic of Informal Areas: Between Accessed 5 April 2018. ---. Struggling for Egypt, 1997. Urban Challenges and Participation; Experience Shehayeb, Dina and Yaldiz Hidden Potentials: facts Miessen, Markus. “Democracy of a 10-year Development Eid. “Neighbourhood Design El-Batran, Manal and voices visions, edited by Revisited (In Conversation Program, Boulaq el-Dakrour. and Community Building: A Christian Arandel. “A Regina Kipper and Marion with Chantal Mouffe)”, The GIZ, 2009. www. egypt-urban. model of social interaction”, Shelter of Their Own: Fischer. GTZ, 2008, pp.52–59. Nightmare of Participation pdp-gtz.de1.cc/wp-content/ The Appropriate Home: Can Informal Settlement (Crossbench Praxis as a Mode uploads/2009/12/Elena- We Design “Appropriate” Expansion in Greater Hall, Suzanne. City, Street of Criticality), Sternberg Piffero-Paper_resized.pdf. Residential Environments? Cairo and Government and Citizen: The Measure Press, 2011. pp.105–159. Accessed 5 April 2018. edited by Dina Shehayeb et Responses.” Environment of the Ordinary, Routledge al., HBNRC, 2007. and Urbanization, vol.10, Advances in Ethnography, Saab, Gabriel. The Egyptian 1998, pp.217–232, doi:10.1177/ Routledge, 2012. agrarian reform, 1952-1962, ––› 095624789801000109. Oxford University Press for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1967.

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018 FOCUS 70

––› Shehayeb, Dina. “Advantages Simcik Arese, Nicholas. ---. Cairo 2050 Revisited: Urry, John. Sociology Beyond of Living in Informal Areas”, “Urbanism as Craft: Practicing What about Participatory Societies: Mobilities for Cairo’s Informal Areas: Informality and Property in Planning? TADAMUN: the Twenty-First Century, Between Urban Challenges Cairo’s Gated Suburbs, from The Cairo Urban Routledge, 2012. and Hidden Potentials: facts Theft to Virtue”, Annals of Solidarity Initiative, voices visions, edited by the American Association 2014. www.tadamun. Wacquant, Loïc. “Designing Regina Kipper and Marion of Geographers, Taylor info/2014/04/01/cairos- urban seclusion in the twenty- Fischer. GTZ, 2008. pp.35–43. and Francis, 2017. pp.1-18. strategic-development- first century”, Perspecta: The doi: 10.1080/ 24694452. what-about-participatory- Yale Architectural Journal, ---. “Self Governance in 2017.1386541. planning/?lang=en#fn1. vol.43, Taboo, edited by Informal Areas”, Cairo Accessed 5 April 2018. John Capen Brough, Seher Resilience: The City as Simone, AbdouMaliq. Erdogan and Parsa Khalili, Personal Practice, DIWAN “People as infrastructure: ---. The Right to Public MIT Press, 2010. Series, edited by Dina intersecting fragments Transportation and Urban Shehayeb and Shahira Issa. in Johannesburg”, Public Mobility in the Egyptian Zehner, Carsten, et. al. IABR, 2009. Culture, vol.16, 2004. Constitution TADAMUN: Improving Informal Areas in The Cairo Urban Solidarity Greater Cairo. GTZ, PDP and ---. “Eating Away at Planned Sims, David. Understanding Initiative, 2013. www. TU Berlin, 2010. Barriers: Cairo’s Ring Road”, Cairo: The Logic of a City tadamun.info/2013/12/17/ Cairo Resilience: The City as Out of Control, The American right-to-public- Personal Practice, DIWAN University in Cairo Press, transportation-and-urban- Series, edited by Dina 2010. mobility-in-the-egyptian- Shehayeb and Shahira Issa. constitution/?lang=en#. IABR, 2009. Tadamun. Urban Mobility Vv2UF6QrKhd. Accessed 5 in Cairo: Governance and April 2018. ---, Dina and Ahmed Zaazaa. Planning, TADAMUN: The “A Forum of Encounter”, Cairo Urban Solidarity The World Bank Group. Cairo Resilience: The City as Initiative, 2017. www.tadamun. Egypt, Arab Republic. www. Personal Practice, DIWAN co/2017/02/01/urban- data.worldbank.org/country/ Series, edited by Dina mobility-cairo-governance- egypt-arab-rep, 2018. Shehayeb and Shahira Issa. planning/?lang=en#. IABR. 2009. Wl_Puqhl9PY. Accessed 5 UN Habitat. Streets as April 2018. Public Spaces and Drivers of Urban Prosperity, United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat), 2013. (CC BY 4.0)

ISSN: 2196-629X https://doi.org/10.17192/ meta.2018.10.7589

Middle East – Topics & Arguments # 10 –2018