AN EXAMINATION OF THE
BACHELOR’S DEGREE ATTAINMENT EXPERIENCES
OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES POST-INCARCERATION
James W. Wallace Jr.
Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Education, Indiana University
August 2021
Accepted by the Graduate Faculty of Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Doctoral Committee
______Khaula Murtadha, Ph.D., Chair
______Chalmer Thompson, Ph.D.
May 3, 2021
______Jim Scheurich, Ph.D.
______Rachel Applegate, Ph.D.
ii
© 2021
James W. Wallace Jr.
iii DEDICATION
I would like to dedicate this work to my parents James and Ella Mae Wallace who provided me with life and nutured me to be the man I am today. This work is also dedicated to my aunties Bessie, Jessie, Annie who for years began and ended every conversation with “Jim, when are you going back to school?” You all told me my life would improve immeasurably with an education and you were right. This work is also dedicated to my siblings Manderline, Myron, Vanessa, Peter, Clayton, Michael, and
Janice from whom I learned so much. Missy your strength throughout the last year set an example that prepared me for the trials I would soon face.
I would also like to dedicate this work to all my nephews and nieces most notably my nephew Nipsey. Nip you held me down, encouraged me throughout this process, supported me with gyros meat and usually bought the drinks. I don’t care what you say,
I’m still smarter than you. But, I wouldn’t have made it this far without your support.
Finally, I want to dedicate this to my wife, Antoinette. You are my sun, my moon, and my stars. You were with me throughout this process. I just wish you had been here to see its conclusion. I’m lost without you. I love you and miss you dearly.
iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to thank and acknowledge the men who gave so graciously of themselves and participated in this work. I hope I have done your stories justice.
I also want to thank Dr. Ken Coopwood. Coop, I have learned so much from you and I value our friendship. Here’s wishing you the very best!
I also want to thank my IU family beginning with Dr. William Lowe. You gave me an opportunity and it changed my life. There could have been no better place to begin my career in higher education. I hope I was able to hold up my end of the bargain.
I’d also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee which included
Dr.’s Chalmer Thompson, Rachel Applegate, and Jim Scheurich for their patience with me during this process.
Finally, I want to thank Dr. Khaula Murtadha, the chair of my dissertation committee. Your constant encouragement was what I needed to cross the finish line.
Who? Cohort 2!—Dr. Dub
v James W. Wallace Jr.
AN EXAMINATION OF THE BACHELOR’S DEGREE ATTAINMENT
EXPERIENCES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES POST-INCARCERATION
The United States of America incarcerates more of its citizens than any other industrialized nation. Moreover, African American males are disproportionately targeted for incarceration in a system reminiscent of the system of slavery abolished after the civil war. As the cycle of recidivism plays itself out in this nation, this research examines the experiences of Black males who have broken the cycle to reestablish themselves within society through educating themselves in our nation's colleges and universities.
This work is a phenomenological multiple case study that examines the experiences of five men who were incarcerated for a felony offense and successfully obtained bachelor's degree upon release. This research asks the questions: what motivated the pursuit of a degree, how did they pay for it, what resources were utilized, what challenges were overcome, and what impact this achievement had on their lives?
Additionally, this research examines current correctional and educational policies and their impact on the Black community and concludes by making recommendations grounded in the research on how the nation can reduce recidivism rates and better serve
African American communities.
Khaula Murtadha, Ph.D., Chair
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Abbreviations ...... ix Chapter One: Introduction ...... 1 Research Purpose and Questions ...... 4 Researcher Background and Positionality ...... 5 Systemic Barriers ...... 6 Employment Barriers ...... 6 Support Systems...... 8 Entry into the “System” ...... 9 Transitioning Back to College ...... 10 Post-Degree Outcomes...... 10 Research Dilemma ...... 13 Research Propositions ...... 15 Epistemological and Theoretical Framework ...... 16 Chapter Two: Literature Review ...... 20 A Historical Perspective ...... 20 The Prison Industrial Complex ...... 22 Today’s Realities ...... 24 The Digital Divide ...... 25 Political and Economic Impact ...... 26 Current Correctional Education Trends ...... 28 College Access and Recidivism ...... 36 Impact of the Digital Divide ...... 38 Chapter Three: Research Design and Method ...... 42 Multiple Case Study Method ...... 42 Participant Criteria ...... 44 Snowball Sampling ...... 44 Data Analysis Procedures ...... 46 Thematic Analysis ...... 48 Structural Analysis ...... 49 Chapter Four: Participant Profiles ...... 51 Reggie ...... 51 Willie...... 59 Lloyd ...... 66 Terry ...... 73 Aaron...... 82 Chapter Five: Data Analysis ...... 92 “Y’all just keep him. I don’t know what I’m going to do with him.”-Lloyd’s mom ..93 “So, we just basically ran the streets with no structure and no guidance.”-Willie ...... 96 “. . . a lot of time to think and reflect”-Reggie...... 99 “God, there’s got to be something better than this.”-Lloyd ...... 105 “Without a plan, you plan to fail”-Aaron...... 109 “Its not hard to be a professional student.”-Terry ...... 112 “How to give back . . . that's where I found my purpose in life.”-Lloyd ...... 117 Summary ...... 119
vii Chapter Six: Discussion of Results ...... 124 Current State of Affairs ...... 125 Impact of Life on the inside ...... 129 The Collegiate Experience ...... 135 Recommendations ...... 139 Appendix ...... 149 Appendix A Thematic Comparison of Research Participants ...... 149 References ...... 150 Curriculum Vitae
viii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Advanced placement (AP) courses: A program by the College Board which allows high school students an opportunity to take college level courses. The program have been historically dominated by middle class White students……………26
ATM: An Automated Teller Machine is a device which dispenses currency to bank customers……………………………………………………………………………….119
AWOL: Absent Without Leave or permission from military service and offence for which one can be court marshalled…………………………………………………..…..66
Ban the Box: A national effort to have questions related to criminal pasts removed from initial consideration on both employment and college applications………………...6
Black/ African American: Term used to describe descendants of the African diaspora. As American society views Blacks as monolithic, making no distinction in the way it treats them in this country, irrespective of ethnicity or country of origin..…5
Black codes: a series of informal rules enforced by Whites on the African descendants of slaves after emancipation to control their behavior and provide an excuse to arrest them and introduce them to the convict leasing system in effect re-enslaving these individuals……………………………………………………..22
ix The Black Panther Party: A Black power political organization started by college students in 1966 started to protect the interests of Black people……………………….100
Bougie: a take on the word bourgeoisie denoting a social class with materialistic values and conventional attitudes………………………………………………………..71
CO’s: Correctional Officers who guard prisoners inside penal institutions…………….74
Convict leasing system: The building block of the prison industrial complex where after emancipation Blacks were arrested for Black Codes and then leased to former slave holders who needed to replace the labor lost due to emancipation………………..29
DA: A District Attorney is an officer of the court who prosecutes offenders...... 113
Digital Divide: The lack of access to or familiarity with emerging technologies.
This condition has detrimental effects for minority and lower socio-economic communities……………………………………………………………………………...24
ECHO: clothing brand popular in urban communities…………………………………..84
ENYCE: clothing brand popular in urban communities…………………………………84
FAFSA: The Federal Application for Federal Student Aid is an application for financial assistance from the federal government. If an individual meets certain
x criterion they may be eligible to receive the Pell Grant to pay college tuition.
The grant does not have to be paid back. Individuals must complete the application to be considered for Guaranteed Student Loans…………………………………………87
Free world: life outside of prison walls irrespective of legal history………………….….6
GED: General Education Development test is a test in four areas when passed, provide certification that the test taker has United States or Canadian high school-level academic skills a credential the is the equivalent of a high school diploma…………………………………………………………………………………..50
Good time: Reductions to inmate sentences for good behavior and or participation in educational or job training courses while incarcerated. In many cases there is a one-day reduction for each day of participation. Accordingly, there are long waiting lists to participate……………………………………………………………..…28
Hustler: a person who earns money from multiple streams of income, primarily through illegal means but not always so…………………………………………………71
Jim Crow Laws: A series of laws which formalized the Black codes effectively establishing a national policy of separate but equal…………………………………..….24
xi Jordan’s: Nike produced athletic shoes eponymously named for basketball legend
Michael Jordan. In the 1980’s and 1990’s there was a rash of killings of young people for the shoes priced at $100 or more since their introduction in 1985..………………....82
MOS: Military Operational Specialty code is a nine-character code used in the United
States Army and United States Marine Corps to identify a specific job…………….…..50
Nodding: After a heroin addict takes a hit of the drug they commonly drift off to sleep frequently nodding their head……………………………………………………………60
Permanent record: Refers to an individual’s academic record in k-12 environment and also refers to an individual’s criminal record……..………………………………..…8
Prison Industrial Complex: describes the overlapping interests of “industry that use surveillance, policing, and imprisonment as solutions to economic, social and political problems.” It encompasses businesses that profit from prison labor, law enforcement,
and judicial actors who fuel the system that has created a correctional model that values people over profit, disproportionately affecting African American communities...6
PTSD: Post Traumatic Stress Syndrome is a condition where an individual experiences psychological after effects of a traumatic event…………………………...113
Recidivism: A relapse in criminal behavior which leads to re-incarceration……………36
Scared Straight: Programs started in the 1970’s “which are intended to deter
xii juveniles with a history of bad behavior from entering the criminal justice system by having them visit prisons or jails to see first-hand the consequences of breaking the law………...……………………………………………………………………………..75
Short timer: an individual that is incarcerated for short periods of time………………...60
Sucker Free: The act of avoiding individuals who bring trouble into one’s life………...98
System: Synonymous with the prison industrial complex which includes the includes law enforcement, judicial and carceral systems and the business that profit from it….…..6
Systemic Racism: Structures embedded within society that serve to disadvantage minorities and individuals in the lower socio-economic strata and privilege the position of Whites and higher income individuals……………………………………..…7
Weed: Marijuana a green leafy substance that is usually smoked in rolled cigarettes or pipes…………………………………………………………………………………...73
xiii
Chapter One: Introduction
The United States of America incarcerates more of its citizens than any other industrialized nation (Alexander, 2010). An evaluation of data from the U.S. Census and the Federal Bureau of Prisons revealed that while African Americans comprise only 13% of the population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2019), they represent 38% of those incarcerated in the U.S. (Federal Bureau of Prisons, 2020). Further, many of those incarcerated lack a high school diploma, a condition which drives up the numbers of those who return to prison. For African Americans males who have historically underperformed at all levels within the educational pipeline (Beaudry, 2015), and are disproportionately represented among those incarcerated in this country, the combination of high incarceration rates and low educational attainment adversely impacts their social, economic, and employment prospects upon release.
There exists an important relationship between race, educational attainment, and workforce opportunities. Not only are African Americans with a college degree twice as likely to be unemployed as other graduates (Ross, 2014), but White high school dropouts and White male ex-felons have a better chance of being hired than Black college students and graduates respectively (Adams, 2014; NAACP, 2020). This phenomenon underscores the necessity for Black men to pursue a college degree simply to remain competitive in a discriminatory job market, regardless of their criminal background.
For African American males involved as defendants in the criminal justice system the stakes are high. Upon release, many of those unable to find work resume habits which were the source of their initial troubles with the law. Soon, they find themselves back in jail. Studies have shown the recidivism rates, defined as the rate of re-arrest and
1 conviction, has increased over the last 20 years. Stevens and Ward (1997) reported a recidivism rate of 43% in the U.S. across all racial categories (Stevens & Ward, 1997).
Nearly 20 years later, Bureau of Justice Statistics data on individuals released from custody in 2005, reported 67.8% of inmates return to prison within 3 years of release and
76% returned within 5 years of release with 56% of those being re-arrested within the first year (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2018).
However, studies also indicate inmates who participate in correctional education and vocational programs have a 43% better chance of not returning to prison (Brower,
2015; Chappell, 2004; Halkovic, 2014; Irving, 2016). These results demonstrate the value of such programs and provide data that supports increasing their availability due to the positive impact on recidivism and the concurrent reduction in taxpayer burden to incarcerate citizens.
Approaches such as these are in alignment with a rehabilitative approach to incarceration that values the humanity of ex-offenders offering them an opportunity to successfully transition back into society. There are many studies examining the benefits of education, both pre-and-post incarceration for former inmates (Davis et al., 2013;
Lagemann, 2011). These benefits include increased self-efficacy and self-esteem (Rose
& Rose, 2014), decreased disciplinary infractions while incarcerated (Karpowitz, 2017;
Lagemann, 2016), development of skills to improve their employability upon release
(Ross & Richards, 2009), and reduced recidivism rates (Jancic, 1998; Lichtenberger &
Ogle, 2006; Nally et al., 2012).
While the motivations, experiences, and outcomes for inmates pursuing education behind prison walls have been well documented, few have investigated the experiences of
2 ex-offenders who, upon release from custody, obtain a bachelor’s degree. Understanding this phenomenon becomes more important as one considers recent legislative movements across the country, which may result in the transition of tens of thousands of ex-offenders back into communities seeking opportunities to re-establish themselves within society
(Bonczar & Mulako-Wangota, 2018).
An example of such legislative action includes second-term efforts by former
President Barack Obama to reduce the mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines for non-violent drug offenses to address the impact on minority communities directly affected by the war on drugs (Alexander, 2014; Wolfgang, 2015). Prior to this legislation there existed a disparity in the sentencing guidelines for drug offenses where possession of similar weights of crack cocaine (commonly associated with Blacks) compared to powdered cocaine (typically associated with Whites) were increased by a factor of 100- to-1, respectively. Consequently, thousands of Black men were removed from their families producing long-term destabilizing effects on these communities. More recently, some states and municipalities have begun to rescind criminal convictions, vacate drug charges, and reduce certain drug convictions from felonies to misdemeanors. For example, in January of 2018, the San Francisco district attorney’s office began vacating misdemeanor convictions for marijuana possession dating back 40 years in response to the state’s legalization of recreational use of the drug (Williams & Fuller, 2018). In addition to expunging charges on behalf of ex-offenders (removing a significant financial barrier for those who can least afford to challenge a conviction), the San Francisco district attorney reexamined some felony marijuana convictions to consider reducing those charges to misdemeanors as well. In 2019, the State of Illinois followed suit
3 becoming the 11th state to legalize recreational marijuana and the first to change such policy via the legislative process and not the ballot box, after its governor issued 11,000 pardons expunging the records of low-level marijuana convictions (Caruso, 2019).
Once criminal records are expunged, ex-offenders can restart their lives through restored eligibility for licenses, professional certifications, or opportunities to apply for some forms of employment otherwise denied. Further, these policy changes may also clear the way for individuals to secure federal student aid to help pay for college, a major barrier for many low-income students (Mahaffie, 2018).The numbers of those so affected could be in the hundreds of thousands, as the Bureau of Justice Statics reports between
2014 and 2016 an average of 420,000 people per year either completed their prison sentences or were released on probation and parole within the United States (Bonczar &
Mulako-Wangota, 2018). Accordingly, an examination of the experiences of former inmates who have successfully matriculated through college to obtain a bachelor’s degree may provide valuable guidance to others who may pursue a similar path.
Research Purpose and Questions
The purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of African American males who have successfully completed a bachelor’s degree after a period of incarceration for a felony offense. The following research questions guided this study:
• What were the experiences, motivations, resources, and barriers of African
American males pursuing a bachelor’s degree post incarceration?
• In what ways did achieving this goal affect their lives?
After conducting a literature review, I elected to utilize a phenomenological qualitative case study methodology. This approach was used for two reasons. First, after an
4 extensive search of peer-reviewed articles in online journals related to education and the criminal justice system, the few relevant articles I found used similar qualitative methods.
And two, my axiology valued the voices and experiences of the research participants.
Accordingly, a three-part interview structure was employed covering their lives before incarceration, their educational experiences during incarceration, and their outcomes after release. After member checking to ensure the content had been accurately captured, a thematic and structural analysis of the data was conducted and the recommendations made were based off these experiences. In this way, this research explored a neglected area of study related to the experiences of African American males who pursue a bachelor’s degree post-incarceration while commenting on the impact of education on recidivism through the lived experiences of its participants.
Researcher Background and Positionality
I am a Black1 male who has been successful in completing a bachelor’s degree after a period of incarceration. Although I was incarcerated for only four months (with another 12 months served on parole), the inescapable stigma of being labeled a felon has been difficult to overcome. Further, despite the personal academic and career progress made since my release, this stigma has the potential to become a significant roadblock to future career advancement. Moreover, this label also prevents individuals such as myself from fully enjoying the rights many citizens take for granted inhibiting my quality of life.
1 I use the terms Black and African American interchangeably, embracing the term Black as it is a form of solidarity among descendants of the African diaspora in America who embraced the use of the term “Black Power” in the 1960’s and 70’s. Further, despite our differences within the diaspora, American society views Blacks as monolithic, seldom making a distinction in the way it treats them in this country, irrespective of ethnicity or country of origin.
5 The next section will discuss my journey through the criminal justice and educational systems and how the stigma associated with a criminal background impacts the lives of ex-offenders.
Systemic Barriers
There are a host of rights individuals lose when they are convicted of a felony offence. For example, in several states convicted felons forfeit their right to vote in local and national elections (Alabama, Iowa, Florida, & Tennessee); are prohibited from possessing a firearm (every state but Vermont); may not be allowed to travel to certain foreign destinations (Australia, Canada, New Zealand); are in some states restricted from residing in nursing homes (Illinois, Louisiana, Maryland, & Virginia); and are prohibited from living in, or even visiting government subsidized housing (Abdullah, 2016;
American Civil Liberties Union, 2017; Buskirk et al., 2016; Spengler, 2017; U.S.
Department of State-Bureau of Consular Affairs, n.d.). These de jure restrictions adversely impact the ability of an individual who transitions from the criminal justice system (defined here as the prison industrial complex2, which includes the law enforcement, judicial and carceral systems and the business community that benefits from it) and life outside that system (also known as the free world).
Employment Barriers
Employment barriers can be particularly devastating for Black males, who return to communities were the social, environmental, and economic conditions which may
2 The Prison Industrial Complex describes the overlapping interests of “industry that use surveillance, policing, and imprisonment as solutions to economic, social and political problems.” It encompasses businesses that profit from prison labor, law enforcement, and judicial actors who fuel the system that has created a correctional model that values people over profit, disproportionately affecting African American communities.
6 have factored in their initial confinement still exist and are now, more difficult to overcome. For example, a felony conviction increases the difficulty in finding work as many employers use questions regarding criminal convictions to screen potential employees. Further, certain professions such as nursing, law enforcement, K-12 education, and childcare generally bar felons from employment entirely, discouraging ex- offenders from pursuing a variety of career opportunities. Recently, there has been a movement towards ban the box initiatives, which ask employers to reserve questions about an applicant’s criminal history until later in the hiring process. While these protocols increase the likelihood of call backs for interviews, they are not yet standard practice nationwide and their effectiveness at addressing employment disparities for ex- offenders is unknown (Stacy & Cohen, 2017).
While many ex-offenders are unable to find work, upon release from prison I successfully leveraged my previous work history, the support of my family, and prior college experience to secure a position as the third shift warehouse supervisor at a cosmetic distribution center. In this role, I monitored over 100 employees provided by a variety of temporary employment agencies. This job offered a higher salary and more responsibility than my former position. The client we served required background checks of all employees, prohibiting anyone with a felony record from being on the property.
Several times during the course of my employment I was required to terminate someone who secured a temporary position but was dismissed after failing the more thorough background check required for a permanent hire. Perhaps the manager who hired me failed to properly conduct my background check when she offered the job. I came to this conclusion when the company I worked for filed for bankruptcy and the new service
7 provider took over, offered me a position only to rescind the offer after performing a background check as a condition of my employment. This turn of events was devasting and set me on my current path.
Support Systems
Many ex-offenders return to their communities to find family and friends who are unwilling, or unable to provide any meaningful assistance. This was not the case for me as my family provided a place to live and financial assistance to help me get on my feet.
Lacking such support, ex-offenders have a difficult time readjusting to society. At the time, I had little understanding of the nature of systemic racism, defined by Feagin (2000) as practices that include, “the unjustly gained economic and political power of Whites; the continuing resource inequalities; the rationalizing White frame; and major institutions created to preserve White advantage and power” (Feagin, 2020, p. 9). I also never considered the impact of systemic racism on the lives of people in minority communities.
Examples of the impact of these practices, all of which act in concert to keep impoverished populations from gaining economic stability include predatory lending, housing and employment discrimination, and racial profiling.
Additionally, there is a stigma associated with being a felon which intensifies the challenges one encounters when trying to readjust to society. As a youth, my instructors would frequently caution my contemporaries and I against earning marks on one’s permanent record. While the teachers may have been referring to the academic permanent record, they could very well have been referring to one’s criminal record, which can have a similarly long-lasting impact on life outcomes.
8 Growing up in the 1970s and 1980s, few of my peers were involved in any serious trouble with the law. My community was extremely diverse and rarely did I observe the kinds of racial profiling prevalent in many urban neighborhoods today. Most of the interactions between my peers and the police were benign, ending with verbal warnings or very infrequently, calls to parents to pick us up from the police station. In this way, we would avoid marks to our permanent records. This would change for me after graduating high school and going onto college.
Entry into the “System”
It was not until after reaching the age of 18, I was able to experience my first arrest while at college out-of-state. Far removed from the familiar peace officers of the community in which I was raised, the treatment I received was very different. No longer afforded the benefit of the doubt, this arrest began a long descent into reckless behavior that would lead to a short prison stay 12 years later. The impact of the arrest was immediate as it affected the housing choices available to me in a small college town in central Missouri. Negative background checks for both housing and employment kept me from once viable opportunities. The restrictions were similar to the system of social control described by Michelle Alexander (2014) in her groundbreaking work The New
Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness where citizens were systemically monitored and policed into the penitentiary, or the grave. I was continually hounded and harassed by law enforcement until I eventually quit school and returned to
Illinois just one step ahead of another arrest.
9 Transitioning Back to College
Upon my return from college 15 years later, I worked at several retail jobs, eventually moving up to the position I held at the time of my felony arrest and conviction. After release, I worked at the job described above until a new service provider took over the account. Shortly thereafter, my fiancé and I relocated to another state to a community with limited job opportunities for someone with a criminal record.
My lowest point occurred when I was denied a position I felt overqualified for stocking shelves at a dollar store. It was at that moment when the decision was made to register for college in the hope that a degree would assist me in finding gainful employment. Upon enrollment I changed my major from Agricultural Business to Continuing Studies, and within 18 months would earn a bachelor’s degree graduating in the fall of 2009, with marks of the highest distinction.
Post-Degree Outcomes
Along the way, there was an abundance of institutional support in the form of mentors, employment, and leadership opportunities on campus. This support was crucial as it provided means to earn an income when jobs were limited for someone with a criminal record. These experiences also provided a chance to reinvent myself by establishing a new identity as a campus leader without the stigma of being a felon or so I thought. While the application for undergraduate admissions asked about criminal convictions, the essay I submitted detailing my experiences appeared to satisfy the office of admissions. There were no follow up questions about those experiences and outside of that initial declaration it was left to me as to whether I would reveal my past to anyone else.
10 Nevertheless, when I became more comfortable in my surroundings, I began to share my story with other students who participated in academic programs specifically designed to support males of color. In turn, they began to confide that they were inspired by my example because of our shared and similar histories. Consequently, we developed a thriving community of individuals who supported and challenged each other academically. The decision to invest in those relationships and the knowledge gained about myself and others in the process, laid the foundation for both my academic success and the current study.
The opportunity soon arose to serve as a representative on campus committees and participate in community service activities because of my involvement on campus.
This work increased my understanding of the challenges faced by the people within the region. These activities filled gaps in my resume and created a positive reputation among local leaders with whom I would work to mobilize other Black men to participate in activities to address community needs. Further, the professional development I experienced working on committees with college administrators started to groom me for a career in higher education. This knowledge and associations would be useful when I eventually assumed an administrative role at the college upon graduation.
By documenting these experiences, I was able to present myself as an attractive candidate for numerous scholarships to cover educational expenses. This included a fellowship, which funded my entire tuition for graduate school, providing an opportunity to earn a Master of Library Science (MLS) after 16 months of study. To date, federal grants and scholarships have provided more than $85,000 for my education. Two months after completing the MLS, my mentor position became available which I eagerly pursued.
11 At the time, no one else in my office had the minimum academic credential (a master’s degree) to apply for the position. After serving 18 months as the interim administrator, I was offered the job permanently in 2013.
While to outsiders my path may have appeared to be relatively smooth, it was not without its obstacles. When applying for admission to a doctoral program within the same multi-campus system in which I had already earned two degrees, there was a lengthy delay as the administration decided whether to admit me to the program. Whether it was a character requirement for the degree program, or some community safety related concern was never made clear. Nevertheless, I was admitted into the program and transitioned in three short years from unemployed felon to a college graduate and administrator. Many of my friends and family suggested the swiftness of my transition was unusual, or somehow unique. Wanting to find out if this was true, I began planning the current study.
As a result of my history with the educational and criminal justice system, experiences serving my community, and knowledge gained from the doctoral course of study, a desire grew to explore the experiences of other men seeking to rebuild their lives through formal education after passing through the criminal justice system. As my undergraduate student peers indicated, my story served as an inspiration which provided motivation for them to succeed academically. Understanding that shared narratives and lived experiences have the ability to help others, I determined to use a phenomenological multiple case study approach to explore the research question. In this way, the research highlights the marginalized voices though a series of interviews with individuals who could describe the choices they made, the pathways navigated, and resources utilized to
12 secure this goal. Ultimately, my research explored the bachelor’s degree attainment experiences of African American males’ post-incarceration.
Research Dilemma
As noted earlier, significant research exists on the educational experiences of incarcerated individuals and the impact on recidivism rates for this population
(Lockwood et al., 2015; National Institute of Justice, 2017; Stevens & Ward, 1997).
Conversely, little is known about the experiences of those who complete a bachelor’s degree after a felony conviction, which generally includes confinement for 366 days or more, parole or probation for more than that time, or a combination of the two (FindLaw,
2018).
Participants in this research would have earned a bachelor’s degree after serving time in prison for a felony conviction. While it would have widened the potential candidate pool considerably, ex-offenders who have only obtained an associate’s degree before release have been excluded for several reasons. First, earning an associate’s degree in a controlled environment is a far different experience than earning a degree outside prison walls. The penal institution provides meals and lodging allowing the inmates the freedom to concentrate on their studies. Ex-offenders released from physical custody must attend to those needs in addition to studying for class (Lagemann, 2016), thereby limiting the ability to compare the experiences for the purposes of answering the research question.
Second, while an associate’s degree is a significant achievement in and of itself, recent technological and other workplace advancements call for a workforce with advanced credentials. A report from the Harvard School of Business in 2017 concurs
13 noting the trend of degree inflation has undermined U. S. competitiveness and hurt the middle class (Fuller & Manjari, 2017). The report notes “that postings for dozens of common jobs now typically request a bachelor’s degree, even though a majority of the people currently working those jobs do not have a college education [emphasis in original] (Cooper, 2020, para. 6; Pew Research Center, 2016). This situation has been exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic which in July 2020 saw 31.3 million employees file for unemployment because their place of business closed as a result of national quarantines increasing the number of individuals available to the market with a college degree (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020).
Third, while the available literature on correctional education contains numerous studies on the benefits of providing a college education to inmates (Karpowitz, 2017;
Lagemann, 2016; Nally et al., 2012), there exists limited information on the efforts of those ex-offenders who continue to pursue their education beyond institutional walls. The few studies I have been able to locate focus primarily on the impact of education in reducing recidivism rates (Chappell, 2004), ex-offenders ability to function in the workplace after release (Hall & Killacky, 2008), and of ex-offender motivations for pursuing additional education (Brower, 2015). It is worth noting the studies I found were primarily phenomenological qualitative case studies, suggesting this method of inquiry would be appropriate to answer the question posed by this research. The gap in the literature provides a justification for this research as the Bureau of Justice Statistics reported that 95% of those incarcerated will one day be released (Buskirk et al., 2016).
As my cellmate used to tell me during moments of despair, “Everybody has an out date”
(J. Wallace, personal communication, June 2016) Therefore, it is important to study this
14 phenomenon to inform policy decisions impacting resource availability and opportunities for those affected.
Research Propositions
The propositions guiding my study are informed from my personal experiences.
The speed of my transition from convicted felon to campus administrator suggests several factors were in alignment for me to be successful. For example, as noted earlier, my former employer’s lack of due diligence regarding a background check suggests I was able to avoid one of the major obstacles inhibiting reintegration, the stigma of a felony conviction. Failure to clear this hurdle often derails an ex-offender’s efforts to re-enter society, regardless of their personal goals.
Additionally, to be successful, it was necessary to possess the academic foundation, social support, and financial resources to complete a degree. These resources were critical to avoiding the desperation one feels upon release which may lead to bad decisions and then reincarceration. Finally, in addition to avoiding obstacles, and having the resources, the ex-offender needs to develop a plan for success. For me, this meant quickly adapting to the collegiate environment and maximizing the resources and opportunities available. My experience tells me the path is beset by a variety of pitfalls and obstacles. The student should be prepared to handle adversity. The absence of any or all these characteristics may prevent the student from completing their degree.
Accordingly, the propositions guiding my research question are:
• Ex-offenders face additional roadblocks as compared to non-felons in completing
a bachelor’s degree due to the stigma associated with being a convicted felon.
15 • If given the requisite resources and support, ex-offenders could successfully
complete a bachelor’s degree.
• The ex-offender with a detailed plan has a better chance of success than those
who do not.
• The absence of any of the aforementioned resources (i.e., financial, emotional,
and social), plan of action, or adversity coping skills will derail an ex-offender’s
efforts.
Additionally, this research describes the landscape of the educational and correctional systems as experienced by individuals who moved through it. This includes examining policies which impact the availability of resources to support these men both inside and outside the prison system. This analysis is important because the political will of this nation supports punishment as opposed to rehabilitating individuals and addressing the societal issues which created conditions that led these men into prison in the first place.
The fact that the recidivism rate remains high demonstrates the correctional system has not maximized its unique opportunity to address educational concerns as a component of its rehabilitation strategy. As a consequence, educational resources have been systematically removed from prisons. The results of this correctional policy suggest it is important to examine the impact of these policies on the lives of those who have experienced it with the intent of making recommendations for more effective methods of providing pathways back to society for ex-offenders.
Epistemological and Theoretical Framework
The epistemological stance for this research is underpinned by a phenomenological interpretive approach. Hesse-Beiber and Leavy (2011) noted the
16 phenomenological approach seeks to, “understand experience, arguing that there is not
‘one reality’ to how events are experienced” (p. 27). Merriam (2009) added, “from the philosophy of phenomenology comes a focus on the experience itself and how experiencing something is transformed into consciousness” (p. 23). In explaining how to conduct a phenomenological study, Merriam noted that there is:
the assumption that there is an essence or essences to shared experience. These essences are the core meanings mutually understood through a phenomenon commonly experienced. The experiences of different people are bracketed, analyzed, and compared to identify the essences of the phenomenon. (Patton, 2002, as cited by Merriam, 2009, p. 106)
Merriam (2009) concluded by explaining, “the task of the phenomenologist, then, is to depict the essence or basic structure of experience,” through the phenomenological interview, which is the primary method of data collection (p. 25). In using this method, I privilege the voices and experiences of these men. This allows the reader of this research to better understand the essence of the experience being described.
The theoretical framework for this research is also informed by Freire’s banking model of education as this study challenges the current punitive approach to incarceration. In Freire’s model the dominant forces in society seek to sustain a social order where individuals, particularly marginalized people of color are viewed as,
“adaptable [and] manageable beings” (Freire, 1970, p. 73) to be controlled. Such individuals are “receptacles to be filled” who “accept the passive role imposed on them . .
. adapt[ing] to the world as it is and to the fragmented view of reality deposited in them”
(Freire, 1970, pp. 72-73). Because of the structure of the social, economic, and educational systems, Black males are being conditioned to understand their lives have no value, future, or hope. As a result, they gravitate in disproportionate numbers to the
17 criminal justice system which profits off their bodies which fuel another the prison industrial complex that earns millions of dollars housing inmates while it sustains the nations system of law enforcement which is an industry unto itself.
Consequently, this work advances a transformative rehabilitative model that values the dignity inherent in all human beings. Accordingly, the following literature review illustrates the current approach to incarceration, fueled by the will of a dominant majority that no longer profits from the bodies of the ancestors of slaves, is designed to punish rather than rehabilitate offenders. By offering little in the way of support for personal improvement, this system robs them of any hope for the future. In this way, the prison industrial complex continues to foster a climate that deprives offenders of the resources and ability to question the social, economic, and educational systems which may have contributed to their current confinement. While simultaneously reaping a financial benefit at the expense of the lives of citizens these systems have deemed unimportant.
Conversely, this study highlights the narratives of individuals who have successfully traversed the prison system. As Freire (1970) suggested, these men have been inside the social, economic, and educational systems which made them “beings for others” (p. 74). As these men reclaimed their lives after incarceration they did not seek to integrate into the structure of oppression, but moved to transform that structure so they can become “beings for themselves” (p. 74) by engaging in work to reduce recidivism levels. By exploring the lives of ex-offenders who have re-established themselves on the outside, this research confirms the impact of education on reducing recidivism rates and
18 the ways in which it helps restore dignity to ex-offenders, underscoring the possibility that rehabilitation is attainable for the formerly incarcerated.
19 Chapter Two: Literature Review
A Historical Perspective
Before examining the bachelor’s degree experiences of formerly incarcerated
African America males, it is important to understand the conditions within society which may have shaped their paths to prison. Analysis of the educational and judicial systems in
America suggest both are deeply prejudicial in their treatment of Black males and others in the lower socio-economic strata (Alexander, 2010; Kozol, 1991). There exists a long history of racism and intentional neglect, which must be unpacked before any meaningful and lasting solutions can be suggested.
Throughout the history of this nation, enslaved Africans and their descendants were denied access to an education (Tyack, 1974). Stripped of their language, culture and history, these individuals were forced to work for their captors with no hope of return to their homeland in what became the ultimate form of social control. Even beyond the use of force, a key tactic utilized by the dominant caste to keep their “property” subservient was to keep them uneducated. Early American colonists understood an educated people would soon challenge the unjust laws that governed the burgeoning country and maintained its system of slavery. Therefore, this denial of knowledge was as intentional as it was destructive and the resultant disparities in educational access and achievement created a wealth gap that still exists today. By keeping the captives ignorant, these slaveholders ensured the enslaved could never challenge the practices which maintained the social hierarchy of White supremacy.
As Tyack (1974) and others pointed out, the Civil War, the Emancipation
Proclamation, and even the 14th and 15th Amendments designed to grant freedom,
20 citizenship and the right to vote to emancipated Africans, in practice failed to secure those rights due to the lack of enforcement of those laws. In spite of these efforts to address such abuses against humanity, the right to a quality education was consistently denied to many Blacks and in some cases this denial was codified into law (Blackmon,
2008; Pulliam & van Patten, 1994; Tyack, 1974). For example, the Plessey v. Ferguson
(1896) decision by the U.S. Supreme Court, which normalized “separate but equal” accommodations for Blacks and Whites in this country in effect ensured a disparity in the quantity and quality of resources allocated for Black people in this country (Blackmon,
2008). For decades local governments diverted community funds to White areas and flatly refused to provide support for education or other public resources to Black neighborhoods.
Throughout the 20th century many states remained reluctant to desegregate schools, and in most cases, the funding designated to educate African American children remained less than adequate (Tyack, 1974). For example, more than 60 years after emancipation, a report prepared by the National Education Association and the American
Council on Education (as cited in Tyack, 1974) noted in 1939-1940, the median expenditure for the African American classroom was $477 per classroom compared to
$1,166 for White classrooms (Tyack, 1974, p. 273). Similar trends continue today as a report from EdBuild examining funding models for 13,000 school districts across the nation revealed that predominantly White school districts provided, “more than $2,000 more in funding per student than nonwhite school districts” (Meckler, 2019, para. 10).
The gap in educational access and funding has had a generational impact on economic opportunity for Blacks in this country. For example, Raymond (1969) wrote in
21 the 1940s the incomes of both Whites and Blacks rose as their age and education increased. However, after several generations, the disparity in the wealth gap between
White people and African Americans, as reported by the New York Times in 2017, was
$100 to $5.04, respectively (Badger, 2017). As a result, there has been no progress for
African Americans regarding employment, home ownership and incarceration for the last
50 years (Jan, 2018).
These conditions underscore the reality that as African Americans struggled towards upward mobility through the pursuit of education, the social, educational, and financial payoffs are systemically denied to them despite their efforts. Carnevale et al.
(2011) note individuals with a college degree on average, earn significantly more over their lifetimes than those without. However, for certain groups, and for a variety of reasons, access to a quality education is regularly denied. After failing to obtain a quality education, far too many people become entangled in the criminal justice system, part of the vicious cycle of social control, the roots of which, reach back to the time of the colonization of this nation and the enslavement of the Africans who helped build it.
The Prison Industrial Complex
There is symmetry between the educational, employment, and incarceration scenarios of the past and present as it relates to Black males. During reconstruction, the nation set about rebuilding itself after the Civil War. Access to higher education remained the province of those who could afford to attend the institutions being established at the time. White citizens with wealth had access to resources and opportunities most Blacks could only dream of. Accordingly, it would be a rare occurrence for someone of African descent to be a student at one of those colleges or universities. Farther down the
22 educational and economic pipeline, many poor Whites were also shut out of higher educational opportunities as well and forced to make do with the meager educational resources that were available. Regardless of the resources allocated, and due to the seasonal nature of the mostly agrarian economy, both Blacks and Whites in the lower social strata often abandoned these educational pursuits in an effort to work to sustain their families (Tyack, 1974). This in effect extended the generational denial of upward mobility for both groups.
Meanwhile, the White elite who recently lost considerable wealth and labor after the emancipation of the enslaved, conspired to replace those workers to fuel the nation’s agriculturally based economy. In seeking to avenge the losses of the Civil War and restore their damaged pride, White people enacted a system of control which at once reaffirmed their place atop the social hierarchy while re-enslaving those recently released from bondage. This was accomplished through the implementation of the Black Codes and Jim Crow laws which governed the behavior of Black people, soon forcing them back into hard labor, but this time at prison camps (Blackmon, 2008; Elkins, 1959).
These formal and informal codes had the effect of maintaining White superiority while also criminalizing the very existence of Black people in the South. These laws also laid the foundation for the current prison industrial complex with its resultant symbiotic relationship between the nation’s business community, judicial machinery, and correctional system (Alexander, 2010; Elkins, 1959; Feagin, 2000).
A Black Code which was particularly effective in filling prison farms was the vagrancy law which declared individuals unable to prove they were gainfully employed could be arrested on sight. The selective application of these laws to Black people
23 resulted in their wholesale harassment and incarceration. Many of those arrested soon found themselves rented out for cheap labor on the very plantations from which they had recently been freed (Alexander, 2010; Blackmon, 2008). Similar practices of police behavior existed as recently as 2013, as the New York City Police Department utilized stop-and-frisk policies in minority communities to search individuals suspected of carrying weapons or drugs. These policies were disproportionately enforced in African
American and Latino neighborhoods despite evidence suggesting White people were just as likely to possess drugs as Black people (Alexander, 2010; Gilmore, 2007). In 2013, a federal court found those stop-and-frisk policies were unconstitutional and struck them down for violating the U.S Constitution’s 4th Amendment prohibition of unreasonable search and seizures (Goldstein, 2013).
Today’s Realities
The impact of these policies has produced conditions that have had a significant impact on the lives of Black males over subsequent generations. Denied access to a quality education and targeted by an aggressive national law enforcement posture, the nation’s prisons contain Black males in a disproportionate measure. As noted earlier,
African Americans comprise only 13% of the population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2019), yet they represent 38% of those incarcerated in the U.S. (Federal Bureau of Prisons, 2020).
Further, the U.S. Justice Department reported that well over 40% of those who have been incarcerated in state and federal prisons lack a high school diploma or its equivalent
(Harlow, 2003; Palmer, 2012; Patrick, 2016; Sakala, 2014). Research within the last decade suggests individuals with a college degree earn more over their lifetimes than those with only a high school diploma (Carnevale et al., 2011; Torpey, 2018). Therefore,
24 for many ex-offenders, the absence of a quality education or ability in a skilled trade creates insurmountable challenges when trying to reestablish themselves upon release.
The Digital Divide
An additional challenge impacting an ex-offender’s ability to readjust to society is the digital divide, defined here as lack of access to or familiarity with emerging technologies. This condition represents a particular hardship for underserved communities, leaving them unable to keep pace with middle-class or wealthy contemporaries in a rapidly changing society. Technological advances have changed the nature of the global economy. Consequently, there is a diminished need for an uneducated, low-skilled labor force. While there is still a need for laborers and people to fill service positions, advanced training and credentials may be necessary for individuals to prosper and remain competitive in an increasingly technology driven economy (Pew
Research Center, 2016). Accordingly, inmates who have little or no access to computer technology while incarcerated fall farther behind the rest of society when they eventually emerge from behind prison walls.
This raises the question about what is the nation to do with large numbers of people without specialized training and education who the dominant majority have decided add no value to society? Civil rights icon Dr. Angela Davis provided an answer recently when she explained capitalist driven “attacks on public education are attacks on communities of color” (Davis, as cited by Robinson, 2018, para. 8). Dr. Davis continued by pointing out the social justice movements of the past did not attend to:
. . . the particular way in which schools in Black and brown communities were being retooled, so as to produce a human product that had nowhere to go but through the pipeline of the juvenile justice system or the prison system more generally. (Davis, as cited by Robinson, 2018, para. 12)
25 Once Blacks end up in the criminal justice system their bodies are once again monetized through the privatization of the prison industrial complex. Consequently, Dr. Davis has long advocated for communities to adopt more transformative strategies for not only the justice system, but for the educational system as well.
Political and Economic Impact
The symbiotic nature of our current political, criminal justice, and economic system feeds itself as it supports a national agenda which victimizes the poor and disenfranchised. The mechanisms through which this occurs are integrated into society so thoroughly, that it often remains undetectable to the average citizen. For example, several things can occur when a new prison is built in a rural community hard hit by periodic economic downturns and there is a transition from family to corporate owned farms.
First, there is a temporary influx of jobs bringing an immediate economic benefit to these communities (Brook-Eisen, 2017). However, Eason (2016) wrote that the positive economic impact is short lived, suggesting only communities that were early participants in the prison building boom realized any sustained financial impact. Second, residents of correctional institutions count towards a community’s census numbers, substantially reducing the voting power of the urban communities from whence these inmates came
(Henderson, 2019). This shift increases the legislative influence of rural communities on social and economic policies affecting the entire nation. Coincidentally, the increased population also means these rural communities can qualify for additional federal funding allocated as a result of changes in U.S. Census data. This in effect, diverts federal resources away from urban centers with high minority populations. These outcomes illustrate the nature of a system of oppression that exists, but is often hard to identify, as
26 its mechanics are embedded in seemingly race neutral policies (Alexander, 2010).
Recognizing the impact of such policies, particularly as it relates to the private prison industry, President Joseph Biden recently signed an executive order designed to end the federal governments reliance which in part referenced the following:
There is broad consensus that our current system of mass incarceration imposes significant costs and hardships on our society and communities and does not make us safer. To decrease incarceration levels, we must reduce profit-based incentives to incarcerate by phasing out the federal government’s reliance on privately operated criminal detention facilities. (Tankersley & Karni, 2021, para. 6)
It is important to understand the prison industrial complex does not exist in a vacuum.
Other social systems create conditions that funnel individuals into it. Beyond the social and environmental concerns previously mentioned, the seeds of the prison industrial complex are sown by the nation’s educational system, which has consistently failed to adequately serve African Americans in this country since its founding (Beaudry, 2015).
Many schools serving Black people and other minorities in urban communities are in disrepair, underfunded, or overcrowded (Kozol, 1991; Morgan & Amerikaner, 2018;
Spatig-Amerikaner, 2012). There exists an under-representation of African Americans being recommended for advanced placement (AP) courses (Klopfenstein, 2004), an over- representation in Black children being sent to special education classes (Grande &
Oseroff, 1991; Gordon, 2017), and a disparity in the way students are disciplined in schools (Alexander, 2010; Gregory, 2008; Okonofua et al., 2016). This last condition is particularly harmful as the excessive discipline endured by African American males can precondition them for the correctional institutions in which they may find themselves when they join the 7% of African American males between the ages of 16 and 24 who dropped out of high school, according to statistical data from 2017 (National Center for
27 Educational Statistics, 2018). While this numbers may seem a reasonable rate of attrition to some, it is important to consider the last comprehensive survey of correctional institutions by the Department of Justice showed 41% of the nation’s state and federal inmates and 31% of the nation’s probationers have not completed high school diploma or its equivalent (Harlow, 2003; Klick, 2011). Moreover, African Americans, who currently comprise only 13.2% of the U.S. population, make up more than 37.5% of those incarcerated creating another category in which they are over-represented, a disproportionate measure by any standard (Alexander, 2010; Federal Bureau of Prisons,
2020; Sakala, 2014).
Current Correctional Education Trends
While it is clear these conditions are problematic for those currently incarcerated and for ex-offenders of any race, the goal of higher education is not entirely out of reach for individuals upon release. Many correctional institutions offer ‘good time,’ or sentence reduction credit for good behavior, or for completing a high school equivalency certificate while incarcerated. Additionally, in 2018, the Trump administration signed the
First Step Act of 2018, which indicated, “prisoners who successfully complete[d] recidivism reduction programming . . . can earn additional time credits that will allow them to be placed in prerelease custody” (James, 2019, para. 10). While these policy decisions have been applauded, in practice these decisions echo Freire’s banking model of education mentioned earlier. Moreover, the educational content the inmates have access to is strictly controlled to prevent them from developing any social-political awareness that will lead prisoners to advocate for their civil rights both behind prison walls and upon their release.
28 Accordingly, similar to White slave owners in the South, correctional institution administrations are watchful of the material accessible to inmates. Knowledge potentially viewed by inmates as empowering is often prohibited by prison leaders for fear it will create unrest in the facilities. Nikeas (2019) recently reported on steps correctional institutions in Illinois took to ban certain books and programs reviewed as radical by administrators. For example, officials at the Illinois Department of Corrections suspended an educational program for inmates, launched two internal investigations, and removed
200 books from prison libraries because many had “racial” content or addressed issues covering diversity and inclusion. Officials also prohibited for use in an University of
Illinois correctional education program several classic books of African American literature, including The Souls of Black Folk, the anti-slavery novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin, and the memoir of former slave and well known abolitionist Frederick Douglass (Nikeas,
2019). These actions recall Freire who noted that, “it would be a contradiction in terms if the oppressors not only defended but actually implemented a liberating education”
(Freire, 1970, p. 54).
By removing these materials from prison libraries, officials discourage inmates from a critical examination of the world around them, inhibiting any social or political awakenings that might develop through thoughtful study. These actions underscore the importance of reviewing the educational options for individuals that are currently incarcerated because inspiring material can lay the foundation for successful reentry into society. The next section will explore the history of educational programming and resource availability in the American criminal justice system.
29 Correctional education in the United States has gone through multiple iterations in alignment with evolving public opinion concerning the purpose of incarceration. Chlup
(2005) said that the, “links between prison reform and corrections education show that when a punitive approach (‘lock them up and throw away the key’) is ascendant, educational programming is de-emphasized” (p. 22). During the period of American chattel slavery, there was no need to educate enslaved Africans as the social and political systems prevented them from rising above their station. Additionally, there was no need for large prison systems because the enslaved could be disciplined or killed at will by their captors. Post-emancipation, the former owners still needed the labor of their previous captives. Accordingly, this labor was secured through a convict leasing system fed by unsuspecting Blacks who fell afoul of the Jim Crow laws and Black codes which policed their behavior (Alexander, 2010). In the convict leasing system that preceded the modern prison industrial complex, inmates were slowly worked to death in inhumane conditions (Blackmon, 2008). In my research, I was unable to find any references about efforts to educate Blacks trapped within the convict leasing system.
Conversely, when America began incarcerating White people in large numbers, a different approach was taken regarding care and education. Taking a cue from the
English, Messemer described the nation implementing educational programing in the mid-1800s designed to, “teach inmates to read the bible,” in the hopes they would, “gain salvation from their sins” (Gehring, 1997, as cited in Messemer, 2003, p. 32). As the prisoners at the time became increasingly White, the public’s approach to incarceration focused on rehabilitating offenders who shared the common characteristic of White skin.
For example, in 1873, when the first women’s prison opened in Indiana introducing a
30 corrections model focused on moral reform (Gehring, 1997), saving the souls of these women was deemed critically important. The institution took its cue from the chaplain of the Boston Prison Discipline Society who remarked, “while being a male convict was tolerable, to be a female convict would be a fate worse than death” (Chlup, 2005, p. 21).
In the early 1900s, during the Progressive Era in prison reform when more White immigrants were being incarcerated, advocates encouraged correctional institutions to discontinue torture, provide recreational rehabilitative activities, and introduce the concept of probation and parole to reduce overcrowding (The Prison Reform Movement,
2020). Soon, educational and vocational training was expanded to men’s prisons in order to support the industrial revolution continuing the development of the prison industrial complex. By the 1931, the Correctional Education Foundation (now known as the
Correctional Education Association, or CEA) was created. Within 10 years the CEA published the first standards on evaluating correctional education for state institutions
(Correctional Education Association, 2020). From then until the Prisoners’ Rights
Movement in the 1950s thru 1960s, the correctional education programs expanded to offer a variety of programs designed to rehabilitate inmates and prepare them for reentry
(Chlup, 2005). These efforts would eventually include access to college courses by the mid-1960s.
In 1965, the passage of the Higher Education Act provided access to federal educational funding for inmates (Karpowitz, 2017). The language of the act created a grant to make available, “the benefits of higher education to qualified high school graduates of exceptional need who for lack of financial means of their own or of their families would be unable to obtain such benefits without such aid” (Higher Education
31 Act, 1965, p. 1232). The act stated eligible students were those who, “would not, but for an educational opportunity grant, be financially able to pursue a course of study at such institution of higher education” (Higher Education Act, 1965, p. 1234). This language made inmates eligible to receive aid. Consequently, many indigent inmates now had access to funds to take college classes and soon the number of college-in-prison programs would grow from 350 programs serving 27,000 prisoners in 1982, to 772 programs in over 1,287 facilities by the early 1990s (Sawyer, 2019).
The political will of the nation would soon turn against expanded educational access for inmates. As a part of the war on drugs, politicians adopted a “get tough on crime” approach during their campaigns. The news media stirred public resentment against inmates by characterizing confinement as a vacation that included three meals a day, fully stocked weight rooms, premium cable television, and a free college education
(Alexander, 2010; Fortner, 2015; Page, 2004). Using the anxiety of the middle class, hard hit by recent economic downturns, legislators presented stories of families who, “worked hard for wages, paid taxes, abided the law, loved the country. . . and struggled to pay for their sons’ and daughters’ college education” (Page, 2004, p. 369).
Stories of disaffected law-abiding citizens were shared to fuel public resentment.
One such story shared by Texas Senator Sam Hutchinson, illustrates the public’s frustrations and because of its importance is quoted here at length in which he stated:
Six years ago, a police patrolman and his wife . . . adopted a 15-year-old daughter. . . [S]ince the Dotterer’s have a combined income of $46,000, their daughter can’t qualify for . . . a Pell Grant. So, they borrow to pay tuition. . .. The borrowing strains the Dotterer’s family budget, but like millions of American parents, they are sacrificing in order to give their daughter the best possible start in life. Patrolman Dotterer was outraged recently when he learned the criminals he puts behind bars can get the Pell
32 Grant that his daughter can’t. ‘If that’s the case,’ fumed Dotterer, ‘maybe I’ll take my badge off and rob a store.’ (Page, 2004, p. 369)
The irony was not lost on Senator Hutchinson’s constituency who understood if Dotterer were convicted of a robbery his family’s income would then fall to levels making his daughter eligible for federal assistance. With stories such as these, legislators were able to leverage public support to craft legislation that included mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines for drug crimes which filled correctional facilities with Black people who, as noted above, were disproportionately targeted, arrested, and convicted by the courts.
Moreover, legislators suggested the government had already funded enough rehabilitation programs. They argued it was unfair to the victims to reward convicts with a college education after they committed crimes. Ironically, they also suggested corrupt prison officials encouraged prisoners to apply for grant funding, which administrators would then use for other purposes (Taylor, 1997). A recent example of such abuse occurred in Etowah County, Alabama, when the sheriff received, “as personal profit more than $750,000 that was budgeted to feed inmates and then purchased a $740,000 beach house” which is legal in Alabama (Domonoske, 2018, para. 1). As a result of a shift in ideology regarding crime and punishment, voters rewarded legislators with their support by electing politicians who supported such policies and on September 13, 1994,
Democratic President William Jefferson Clinton signed the $30.2 billion Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act (advocated for by 2021 U.S. president Joseph R. Biden), which among other things, prohibited all prisoners [in state or federal institutions] from receiving the Pell Grant (Taylor, 1997).
33 Consequently, only those inmates with the personal means to pay for courses could pursue a college degree while incarcerated. As the majority of inmates lacked such financial resources, this decision effectively shut the door to higher education for many behind bars. It would be 22 years before the federal government would again make the
Pell Grant available to inmates through the Second Chance Pell Pilot Program of 2016, in which 67 postsecondary schools partnered with correctional institutions to give inmates an opportunity for a life changing education (National Institute of Justice, 2018). Years later, President Donald J. Trump’s administration reauthorized the Second Chance Act, allocating $90 million over 5 years in grants to implement an assessment of existing programs to designed reduce recidivism, while including support for substance abuse and career training programs as well (James, 2019).
While college courses are an important opportunity within the correctional system, it is not the only educational resource available to inmates. Historically, most inmates have had access to some form of literature, which included the bible, leisure reading, and in later years law libraries. The Bounds v. Smith (1977) Supreme Court decision ordered prison officials to allow inmates access to the courts by providing
“adequate law libraries” and from then until the 1990s, many prisons endeavored to be in accordance with the law (Klick, 2011). Before then, inmates experienced difficulty accessing materials to research case law and aid in their own defense, let alone pursue any sort of higher education options.
The Supreme Court further acknowledged in Johnson v. Avery (1969) that beyond, “announcing that inmates have an abstract right of access to court, the Court reasoned that this right is essentially meaningless if an inmate is illiterate or poorly
34 educated” (Gerken, 2003, p. 493). Inmates seized this opportunity to conduct legal research and appeal their sentences while the American Correctional Association (ACA) and American Association of Socialized and Cooperative Library Agencies (AASCLA) published professional standards for recommended holdings in these libraries. These advances were reversed when the courts began entertaining several erroneously prepared and time-consuming lawsuits submitted per se from individuals unschooled in the legal process (Klick, 2011). In mitigating this outcome and ease the burden on the lower courts, the Supreme Court severely limited inmate access to law libraries with the Lewis v. Casey (1995) decision ruling that inmates did not have an “abstract and freestanding right to a law library” (de la Pena-McCook, 2004; Gerken, 2003; Klick, 2011; Vogel,
1997). Further, to gain access to the law library on a consistent basis, inmates would have to demonstrate that, “the alleged shortcomings of the law library . . . hindered efforts to pursue a legal claim” (Gerken, 2003, p. 491). This decision increased the difficulty for prisoners to petition the court for relief reducing the opportunity to access the limited legal, educational, and recreational information made available.
However, despite the court’s decision, institutions did not immediately move to discard their collections, which were often supplemented by donations of recreational and educational materials from local libraries, non-for-profits, and partnering educational institutions (Vogel, 1997). Prison authorities recognized the benefit of providing inmates with reading material, as inmates preoccupied with reading tended to stay out of further mischief. Nevertheless, Vogel (1997) noted that shrinking budgets for state library agencies and the absence of any mention of prison libraries in the Library Service
Technology Act (LSTA) meant prison libraries, “always low on the priority list, have lost
35 the little [financial] support they had” to update their holdings (p. 35). Years later Conrad
(2016) concurred when he stated that, “prison libraries fight for non-existent budgets and face challenges providing programming for prison patrons. Libraries are easy targets for
[reductions from] correctional administrations” (p. 4). In the resulting economic equation, to continue to receive funding, prison libraries would have to demonstrate their value by continuing to occupy patrons keeping them out of additional trouble, assist in educating inmates to reduced recidivism, and provide opportunities for skill development to prepare ex-offenders to reenter society.
College Access and Recidivism
Before the Bounds v. Smith (1977) decision that ensured inmate access to law libraries, additional legislation had a significant impact on access to educational resources for inmates. Title IV of the Higher Education Act, which instituted the Basic Educational
Opportunity Grant Program (later named the Pell Grant in 1980 after Senator Claiborne
Pell (D-RI)) was passed by congress in 1965 (Page, 2004). This federally funded loan and work program was designed to help low and middle-income students afford college.
Updated in 1972, the Pell Grant program was extended to individuals who were incarcerated (Wright, 2001). As noted earlier, many institutions began to develop opportunities for inmates to take advantage of the program, increasing the number of such programs from 12 in 1965, to more than 350 in 1982 (Page, 2004). Prisons offered other educational opportunities such as GED/high school classes, English as a Second
Language (ESL) courses, and vocational courses as well.
While educational programs have been made available, there is no consistency in how participation in such activities are tracked over time. The last comprehensive
36 assessment by the Bureau of Justice in 2003, indicated the number of state and federal inmates involved in educational or vocational training was reported at 51.9%, with post- secondary engagement hovering at 9.9% (Harlow, 2003). At the time, there were over 1.1 million people incarcerated in those institutions. More recently, a Rand Corporation survey in 2014, of state correctional education directors disaggregated inmate participation in educational programs by institution size to determine the impact of the recession on correctional education. The analysis identified an overall 4% reduction in mean academic enrollment between 2009 and 2012 (Davis et al., 2014). By 2012, there were 1.4 million individuals in state and federal custody (Glaze & Herberman, 2013).
The inconsistency in reporting measures underscores the need for the Department of
Justice to standardize the recording of inmate participation in educational programs if policymakers are to make informed decisions regarding both the need and efficacy of such activities. The reporting requirements from the First Step Act of 2018, may aid in the collection of data to illustrate the efficacy of educational and other recidivism programs.
Much of the literature available suggests inmates who participate in educational courses at any level have lower recidivism rates than those who do not (Nally et al.,
2012). Recidivism is defined as, “a tendency to relapse into a previous mode of behavior; especially, relapse into criminal behavior” (Merriam-Webster, n.d.) The literature also suggests previous levels of educational attainment also influence recidivism rates. Nally et al. (2012) stated that in their group study of 1077 inmates in Indiana prisons that:
the recidivism rate among all released offenders in the comparison group is 67.8 percent. Furthermore, the recidivism rate is 82.3 percent among offenders who have an education below high school but only 63.8 percent among offenders who have a high school diploma or GED in the
37 comparison group. In other words, results of this study reveal that less educated offenders are likely to become recidivist offenders after release from IDOC custody. (pp. 74-75)
These results suggest the lower the educational achievement of the prisoner coming into and going out of the institution, the higher the probability of the individual returning to jail (Nally et al., 2012). Therefore, these findings confirmed the positive impact education has on an inmate post-release. Conversely, the study found offenders who do not seek out additional educational opportunities while incarcerated tend to, upon release, gravitate towards past criminal behaviors at higher rates. They are also more likely to be employed in, “labor intensive and low wage job sectors,” work for, “temporary help agencies of food service or lodging,” and, have a lower quarterly income than offenders who participate in correctional education programs (Nally et al., 2012, p. 76).
Impact of the Digital Divide
Another roadblock for former inmates who are pursuing educational opportunities post-incarceration includes an unfamiliarity with modern technology. This condition, termed the digital divide, is defined as the lack of access to, or a general unfamiliarity with emerging technologies or the resources through which information is warehoused, accessed, manipulated or distributed (Cornelia, 2015). This divide creates a host of social, economic, and educational consequences for those affected. The roots of the digital divide originate in the separate but equal policies of the past, struck down after the Brown
V. Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court decision. This decision outlawed segregation in the nation’s schools, ordering that desegregation should occur “with all deliberate speed,” a process slowed by the delaying tactics of municipal leaders unwilling to comply with the law (Alexander, 2010; Tyack, 1979). Accordingly, many districts
38 deferred implementing any action to comply with this decision until they were able to mobilize resistance that included utilizing available public funds to create private schools for White children, or otherwise diverting resources away from the schools that would serve children of color (Tyack, 1979).
As schools began to utilize emerging technology in the pedagogy, similar divergent supply patterns concerning these resources revealed themselves. Schools in
White communities received the newest books, facilities, and technologies and those children were encouraged to become doctors, lawyers, or seek other White-collar professions. Conversely, students of color, who attended school in underserved communities, were provided hand-me-down books (devoid of any reference to the achievements of their ancestors in the African, Asian, or the Hispanic/Latin American diaspora) and were encouraged to assume roles as manual laborers or similar low skilled work when, or if, they graduated high school (Elkins, 1959; Conchas et al., 2015). In this way the digital divide was established contributing to the growing economic and educational gap between White people and marginalized communities which still exists today.
Other seemingly race neutral policies also contributed to defunding of public education under the guise of providing “school choice” alternatives. These policies, which can include voucher programs where families are provided funding to send their children to schools of their choice, fostered the development of charter schools, which has a destabilizing effect on funding for public school systems through the reallocation of operational funds. Therefore, public school systems are harmed by this practice, as the lack of resources affects the ability to provide a quality education fueling the school-to-
39 prison pipeline. A recent example includes the race neutral voucher program in Indiana where:
five years after the program was established, more than half of the state’s voucher recipients have never attended Indiana public schools, meaning that taxpayers are now covering private and religious school tuition for children whose parents had previously footed that bill. (Brown & McLaren, 2016, para. 2)
In addition to these systemic and colorblind efforts to direct funds from communities in need, the state legislature in Indiana has recently decided to increase the level of support for Career and Technical Education (CTE). Citing a recommendation from the Governor’s Workforce Cabinet, the state reduced funding for life skills courses such as “Nutrition and Wellness, Child Development, Interpersonal Relationships and
Consumer Economics,” directing those funds to “incentivize schools to offer students greater experiences aligned with the state's college and career pathways graduation requirements” (Lanich, 2019, para. 1). This decision once again directs students in marginalized communities to careers of service in blue collar sectors. As one state board of education member remarked, "You can't public policy students' interests and passions.
We have to make certain that students have avenues to be successful with whatever they want to do once they leave the K-12 system" (Lanich, 2019, para. 13). With decisions such as these, the state appears to be determining their passions for them. By doing so, the state creates an educational environment that does not promote the development of the inherent talents and interests of its citizens.
Although there are gaps in the literature regarding the impact of the digital divide on incarceration and recidivism (Bannatyne & Hall, 2000), in an unpublished paper
Cornelia (2015) identified a close relationship between the educational realities for
40 people of color, their corresponding economic shortcomings, the ways in which these groups use technology, and the high incarceration and recidivism rates they experience.
Cornelia (2015) concluded that there are, “real world ramifications of the inequity of the digital divide,” with people of color disproportionately suffering socioeconomically as a result of limited exposure to current technology and information (p. 8). Thus, as technology continues to advance and become ever more integrated into daily life, correctional institutions can promote reentry success by familiarizing inmates with these resources if it seeks to reduce rates of recidivism.
This literature review examined the interconnected relationship of the elements of the prison industrial complex (i.e., the business community, law enforcement, and the judiciary) and their collective impact on the socio-economic and political outcomes of those it affects. It also describes a social system filled with seemingly race neutral policies (i.e., educational resource allocation & voting disenfranchisement) which benefit
Whites, while simultaneously denying Blacks’ the educational resources and financial independence with which they might work to uplift their communities. As this review has shown, access to a quality education has the potential to improve an individual’s earnings and reduces recidivism rates. Accordingly, this research examines the outcomes for five
Black men who were involved with the justice system and emerged to secure their degrees and build lives of purpose for themselves and in some cases worked to make positive changes in their communities.
41 Chapter Three: Research Design and Method
This study uses the multiple case study method of qualitative research while employing both structural and narrative analysis techniques to study the phenomenon of
Black males who obtain a bachelor’s degree after a period of incarceration. Below, I explain why I used the multiple case study method, then why I incorporated both the thematic and structural analysis techniques for this research.
Multiple Case Study Method
Yin (1994) suggested that single case studies are appropriate to examine phenomenon that are, “extreme or unique” (p. 38). Merriam concurred citing Stake’s
(2005) typology of case studies, which includes the intrinsic (where the researcher is interested in the case itself or the subject); the instrumental (where the researcher is interested in “providing insight into an issue or to redraw a generalization”); and the multiple case study (where several cases are studied “to investigate a phenomenon, population, or general condition”) (Stake, 2006, as cited by Merriam, 2009, p. 48). The first two categories focus primarily on a single case. The last, as the name implies, includes multiple cases. Stake (2006) continued:
In multi-case study research, the single case is of interest because it belongs to a particular collection of cases. The cases in the collection share a common characteristic or condition. The cases in the collection are somehow categorically bound together. They may be members of a group or examples of a phenomenon. (as cited in Merriam, 2009, p. 49)
The participant criteria for this study calls for individuals who are categorically bound by race, a felony conviction, and the achievement of a bachelor’s degree after incarceration.
The target population selected for this study experiences of pursuing a degree are different than that of others college graduates by the fact they have been convicted of a
42 felony and served time in prison. After extensive research in online journals related to the topic, I have been unable to find any comprehensive data on the number of African
American males who have completed a college degree after incarceration, suggesting a condition unique enough for a single case study. However, as Merriam (2009), Stake
(2006), and Yin (1994) suggested, if enough candidates can be found, a multiple case study approach can provide fertile ground for an examination of a phenomenon that will potentially affect thousands of African American males looking to rebuild their lives after incarceration. While the experience of each participant is unique, there will be some common milestones in their journey along the way, such as dealing with the stigma of being a felon, developing the motivation to pursue a college degree, enrolling and paying for school, and finding work after successfully completing their studies. Therefore, a multiple case study exploring themes drawn from the narratives of such men is an appropriate approach to begin analyzing those experiences.
I selected a narrative inquiry approach to investigate the experiences of the study participants. In research of this nature, it is important to ground the research in the words of the participants while examining their experiences for similarities and differences. For qualitative research, Seidman (2012) recommended performing a narrative inquiry utilizing a three-interview series centering the stories of the participants. Accordingly, I questioned the participants about their life experiences before, during, and after incarceration in a series of separate interviews. In this way I worked to answer the research questions while using a research method that would ensure rigor (Cypress,
2017).
43 Participant Criteria
The participants of this study are African American males who have been convicted of a felony offense requiring a period of incarceration and have completed a bachelor’s degree at an accredited college or university after release from prison. For this research, I focused on ex-offenders 65 years of age or younger convicted of theft, violence, or drug offenses. Sex offenders are not included in this study as they currently experience restrictions and discrimination beyond that of other offenders (i.e., unable to enter schools, work at hospitals, etc.) that their inclusion will negatively skew the data collection. A focus on their concerns could be an area of consideration for future research.
Snowball Sampling
Finding participants for this research presented a challenge. There is an assortment of offenses for which one can be jailed, with each ex-offender returning to communities with varying levels of support to help re-establish themselves in society.
Due to the potential career hazard of having one’s criminal history becoming known and the expected scarcity of available men who fit the criteria, participants were selected by snowball sampling where I contacted men known to fit the study criteria and solicited names from them for additional study participants (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Mertens,
2010). These men were identified by both word of mouth and by canvassing local reentry circles conducted by social service agencies and community-based organizations to assist such men in transitioning back into society. Once identified, each participant was assigned a pseudonym to maintain anonymity, with alternate locations descriptors used for biographical details during note taking and in the final analysis.
44 Each participant took part in three semi-structured interviews utilizing the in- depth phenomenological interviewing method suggested by Seidman (2008). In doing so
I asked a number of predetermined questions based upon my research propositions and asked follow-up questions depending upon participant responses. Each interview focused on the participant’s past, present, and post-incarceration experiences and their educational journeys. Additionally, I queried them on their motivations, support received, and experiences upon release. The three-interview series offered an opportunity to gather this information while also allowing the men a chance to make meaning of these experiences upon reflection during the final interview.
All interviews were recorded with a digital recorder for later transcription. I also took notes throughout the interviews using memoing techniques to record and interpret non-verbal behaviors that could offer directions for additional avenues of questioning. As an alternative to in-person interviews, video interviews were utilized in some cases to capture data. All digital recordings and transcribed notes were stored on a password protected storage device. Each interview lasted 1 to 1.5 hours and were spaced apart by a month to provide time to interpret the data and formulate additional lines of inquiry.
Further, I reviewed available physical documentation provided by the participants including transcripts, awards, letters of endorsement, job reviews (if available), and web news clippings to verify each participant’s narrative.
The data collection period lasted 6 months in which time I conducted the interviews and transcribed each discussion. To assure credibility, I engaged in member- checking and peer debriefing. Member-checking accomplished two objectives. First, it allowed the participants to become intimately engaged with the research solidifying their
45 participation. Second, it helped establish the validity of my interpretation of the meaning of the data through direct feedback from the participants. Peer debriefing ensured this research followed acceptable standards for qualitative research and identified additional avenues of inquiry.
Data Analysis Procedures
A frequent concern regarding the use of case studies in research is the difficulty in drawing generalizations particularly when the research focuses on a limited number of participants. Nonetheless, Hesse-Beiber and Leavy (2010) suggested qualitative case studies can provide analytic generalizability if the investigator captures the spirit of the data provided through careful selection of participants and the use of rigorous methods to ensure reliability and trustworthiness. Cypress (2017) agreed, noting that while “some researchers have argued the term validity is not applicable to qualitative research” (p.
253). She continues by noting threats to reliability and validity can be mitigated if strategies for ensuring rigor are, “built into the qualitative research process per se [and not simply] proclaimed only at the end of the inquiry” (p. 256). Cypress (2017) continued, “reliability is based on consistency and care in the application of research practices, which are reflected in the visibility of research practices, analysis, and conclusions” (p. 256).
To address this concern, I employed a research design appropriate for answering the research questions with methods rigorous enough to ensure validity. They included identifying individuals who fit the research criteria described above and recording and transcribing each of the series of interviews myself. Additionally, I performed member- checking to ensure narratives were captured accurately. When the interpretation of the
46 data was confirmed as accurate by the research participants, I conducted both a thematic and structural analysis as a method of triangulation to confirm my interpretation of the data.
During the thematic analysis individual profiles were developed to categorize participant experiences for theme creation. Thus, as Seidman (2012) suggested themes were identified by reviewing individual passages which were, “grouped into categories,” and then sorted for “thematic connections within and among them” (p. 121). After analyzing and categorizing the data, I worked towards interpreting the information gathered.
In addition to analyzing the data based upon the propositions stated earlier, pattern matching was used to identify thematic consistency among the responses (Yin, 1994).
When one pursues a college degree there are certain milestones that must be achieved before an individual can graduate. Therefore, my research questions focused on the following:
• Life experiences prior to and during incarceration,
• Developing the motivation to return to school,
• Dealing with the stigma of being a felon,
• Selecting a major and a school to attend,
• Negotiating the registration process,
• Paying for school,
• Identifying mentors, and
• Life experiences post-incarceration,
47 In exploring these milestones, this research catalogued the experiences of these men on their path to a college degree. Along the way, I identified significant moments that promoted or inhibited their success. In the next section, I expand upon the use of thematic and structural analysis for this research.
Thematic Analysis
Qualitative research studies privilege the stories of study participants by placing emphasis on the meaning they make of the events experienced. Mertens (2010) explained a researcher utilizing these methods in an inductive approach, “allow[s] the thematic categories of analysis to emerge from the data as the study progresses” (p. 225). This is an important consideration, although each of the participants in this study will have a felony conviction and served some time in jail the amount of time served and type of offense committed may vary. Further, upon release they encountered varying degrees of support, opportunities, and acceptance when returning to their communities. Therefore, while each of the participants fit the research criteria, because of the differences in resources and support they were provided, reentry post-incarceration will vary.
In explaining the thematic analytical method, Riessman (2008) noted once the interviews have been conducted, “the researcher zooms in, identifying the underlying assumptions in each account and naming (coding) them,” to establish thematic categories upon which to make sense of the data (p. 57). Riessman (2008) added that, “theorizing across a number of cases by identifying common thematic elements across research participants, the events they report, and the action they take is an established tradition with a long history in qualitative inquiry” (p. 74). Therefore, identifying these themes were an important first step in the analysis of reentry and bachelor’s degree experiences.
48 To improve the reliability of my findings, I employed the narrative structural analytical method recommended by Riessman (2008), which is described in the next section.
Structural Analysis
Riessman (2008) suggested, “thematic analysis is strengthened by triangulation, specifically the use of a second analytical method” (p. 91). Accordingly, she recommends utilizing a structural analysis of the narrative, which asks the investigator to observe how the stories are “organized—put together—to achieve a narrator’s strategic aims”
(Riesman, 2008, p. 77) as a useful additional analytical technique. Riessman noted,
“attention to structure can generate knowledge that reinforces an investigator’s thematic analysis” (Riessman, 2008, p. 101). Thus, while thematic categories might emerge from the interviews conducted during this research, as noted earlier, different participants might hold different meanings for those experiences. By example, Riessman (2008) structurally coded several stories told by interviewees as the following;
function of a particular clause in the overall structure of the narrative: does it carry the action forward (CA), comment on the meaning of an event for the narrator (EV) and provide information about the setting and characters (OR), or resolve the narrative (RE). (p. 89)
Therefore, while thematic analysis provides overarching categories that describe participant experiences, an analysis of the structural manner in which the stories are told provides an opportunity to make connections to the thematic elements across participants.
This technique allows an investigator to, “interpret the relation between meaning and action” (Riessman, 2008, p. 89). Additionally, as Cypress (2017) suggested, the use of peer debriefing, triangulation, and the use of thematic and structural analysis strengthened the rigor of the research and allowed me to, “cross check the data
49 interpretations within and across each category of participant” (Cypress, 2017, p. 257). In this way, I ensured the credibility and trustworthiness of the data collected
The next chapter will comprise the data collected, which consists of profiles of each participant. In alignment with confidentiality protocols, pseudonyms have been used for all participants (Reggie, Willie, Lloyd, Terry, and Aaron) and locations to protect participant identities.
50 Chapter Four: Participant Profiles
This section explores the individual journeys of the men who participated in this study. As indicated in the methodology, the men were interviewed on three separate occasions where they discussed their lives and educational attainment before they were incarcerated, their experiences during their incarceration, and their journey towards a bachelor’s degree after they were released. In several semi-structured interviews, I sought to gather more information on how their prior educational experiences impacted their life choices and outcomes, how they developed the motivation to seek additional education, and how this achievement impacted their lives. In an attempt to honor their voices, each narrative relies heavily on quotes taken directly from the interviews to highlight their experiences. However, to maintain anonymity, pseudonyms were used for each participant and for the locations in which they lived and worked to maintain confidentiality.
Reggie
“Back then, especially at the end of a war. . . they had a lot of us they wanted as cannon fodder. You know, they would just take anybody off the street who could stop a bullet.”—Reggie
Reggie is a 65-year-old African American male who came of age in the late
1960s. He grew up with both parents in an urban Midwestern city. He was the youngest of six children, which included four brothers and one sister. His mother was the daughter of a sharecropper from rural Georgia, proud of the fact she had an eighth-grade education, a rarity for African American children in those days. His father, also from rural Georgia, was totally illiterate and, “couldn’t read his name if he saw it.” His parents worked as laborers and provided a modest home for their children. Reggie noted none of
51 his older brothers or sister did well in school. Therefore, he did not have many positive academic examples within the family unit. Nevertheless, his mother encouraged him to do well in school, despite not being able to provide much academic support. His father was a stern disciplinarian. In retrospect, Reggie now believes his father suffered from,
“some sort of bipolar disorder.” He suggested this condition contributed to the considerable violence in the home with abuse to his mother, himself, and his siblings.
Consequently, school became a refuge from abuse within the home.
Despite his upbringing, Reggie reports he and his siblings made the best of their circumstances. The strict household did not allow for many activities outside the home except for regular church attendance. Reggie reported that he, “held his own,” academically by making the honor roll periodically until he was about 15 years old. His aspirations were to go to college and become a doctor. Born several years after the landmark Brown v. Board Supreme Court decision, which declared separate was inherently unequal in the nation’s schools, “a lot of Black folks really saw it as a possibility [to] go to college and I was actually on the college prep track.” Nevertheless, the allure of the streets and conditions in the home caused him to begin dabbling in,
“drugs, crime, and all kinds of unhealthy living.” His siblings were similarly eager to leave as he noted:
. . . all of my siblings and I left home at an early age. I left home at 15 and tried to continue going to school. But it’s hard you know, when you are in the streets. I was sheltered. [Therefore], my street life was accelerated. I was involved in crime and drugs and all of that. I tried to go to school, but I couldn’t. So, I dropped out in the 11th grade when I turned 17. I always wanted to go to college because I thought I could do college work. But my lifestyle was not amenable for that. I was a heroin addict for the most part of 13 years.
52 During this period, one of his brothers was murdered at the age of 19 and two of his older brothers went to prison. He shared that prison, “devastated my family. . . It would always grieve me to see a person go to prison.”
In early 1972, while addicted to heroin and involved in all sorts of criminal activity, two events occurred that would forever change the direction of his life. First, after a revision to the General Education Development (GED) test that, “required a broader understanding of academic subjects and higher-level critical thinking” (The
History of the GED, 1999), Reggie took the GED test and passed, “with flying colors.”
The second event was being drafted for the Vietnam War. Reggie shared he was among one of the last cohorts to be drafted, observing, “…back then, especially at the end of a war. . . they had a lot of us they wanted as cannon fodder. You know, they would just take anybody off the street who could stop a bullet.” His military operations specialty
(MOS) was medic. As a youth, he had always wanted to be a doctor. He said, “When I got into the military, they give you aptitude tests. And they sent me to medical training to become a medic and it was something,” at which he excelled. He went further on to say:
I worked in a clinic around the doctors and they really encouraged me and appreciated my skills. So, then I thought about it [becoming a doctor], but my self-esteem was not such that I really believed that I could go to medical school for eight years. You know. That I could endure that. So, my aspiration became to be a physician's assistant.
Reggie’s addiction and behavior would not allow him to progress in this field. He elaborated stating, “Even before I was in the military, I started using drugs. . . I continued to use drugs in the military, sold drugs in the military, and committed all kinds of crimes in the military.” Eventually, he was arrested in a foreign country for an armed robbery.
As an enlisted man, he was transferred to the stockade on an American military base
53 where he was soon convicted and sentenced to 2 years in a maximum-security military penal facility in the United States.
As he awaited trial on the armed robbery charge, a director of the educational programs at the base encouraged him, and other inmates to get their high school diplomas. Reggie was not interested as he already earned a GED and viewed a high school diploma as redundant. Without his knowledge, the director requested his high school records from the U.S., discovering he only needed, “three or four classes,” to get a high school diploma. She implored him to, “give yourself the best chance you can,” by participating and earn good time for completing educational, drug and alcohol programs.
Accumulation of good time means a sentence reduction. Thus, there is usually an extensive list of inmates signed up for these opportunities. With nothing but time on his hands Reggie explained he earned his high school credential and said he was, “one of the few people out there who have a GED and a high school diploma.” After conviction, his pre-trial agreement called for him to serve 1 year. Thus, he was sent to the U.S. to serve his sentence and was eventually given a bad conduct discharge.
Upon arrival at the penal facility in the United States, Reggie had access to additional rehabilitative resources. According to Reggie, American military history is rife with examples of military organizations discarding individuals after their usefulness was at an end. When describing the recruitment strategy at the time he suggested:
They pretty much beat the bushes for anybody who can walk and carry a gun to get into the military [during times of war]. So, you end up with all kinds of folk in there [who] under other circumstances would be undesirable. When the war is over, they go through the process of getting rid of all the undesirable people and it always happens that one way they do that is through court martials and dishonorable discharges.
54 Reggie shared that several Black generals were aware of this trend and developed programs to educate these soldiers in skilled trades or provide access to college courses.
He said the following:
They understood that coming out of prison with a conviction and a bad conduct discharge . . . it is going to be very tough to get a job in the regular job market. So, they made sure that everybody in that prison had an opportunity to learn a trade and go to college. The trade I learned was furniture upholstery and I did eventually work at that when I get out of prison. It is one of the ways I put myself through school. So, thank God for those brothers!
While incarcerated Reggie committed himself to learning his trade and networking with the other inmates. He referenced Nathan McCall (1995) Makes me Wanna Holler, a memoir of McCall’s experiences within the criminal justice system, by describing three distinct groups of inmates:
You have those guys [who] just want to play basketball and stuff all the time. You have the current criminals who continue their criminal enterprises while in prison. Then you have this intellectual group that studies most of the time.
While Reggie spent time with all three groups, he gravitated most often towards the intellectual crowd. Asked about his reflections on the level of educational attainment of the men he encountered then, Reggie remarked:
it was varied. Some were probably on the low end of the achievement scale, as you could imagine. This was the Army. Nowadays, I think you must have a high school education to go into the Army. Back then, a lot of lot of folks were dropouts. But then you had some guys who would challenge me intellectually. Those who took the college courses were brilliant! I know guys who are jailhouse lawyers just as good as any lawyer. And they helped a lot of people get out of prison just by studying in the law library and studying state books. They can’t practice law out here in the community because they don't have a license, but they know just as much as any lawyer.
55 When asked to elaborate on how prison supported future educational pursuits, Reggie said:
the household I was in was kind of strict, so I wasn't allowed to do a lot of things . . . so, one of the things I did was read. But when I went to jail . . . that was the first time I was around other guys who liked to read, and they exposed me to different books that were more like philosophical. This was around the time of political upheaval in the seventies. You know we had George Jackson and those guys, with the Black Panthers and the more intellectual type books those guys encouraged me to read. People would share; one book would circulate in prison 50 times [laughs]. And that's the other thing, you know? They're going to teach you to re-examine everything you know and your outlook on the world. That's why I believe there are some great scholars that come out of prison. I mean look at Malcolm X. I know a lot of other lesser-known men who have gone to prison and emerged as brilliant scholars and I guess you do have a lot of time to think and reflect.
These experiences planted the seeds of determination for Reggie to continue his education on the outside years later.
When Reggie was 22 years old, he was released from prison and worked off-and- on at various upholstery shops. Yet, for several years after his release, he continued using heroin and selling drugs. He said, “You know I pretty much settled into drug dealing as my life and vocation. When I was younger, I tried all kinds of crime, breaking and entering, robbery, etc.” It was after he recommitted his life to Jesus Christ and was,
“delivered,” from using drugs that he got a, “job working at a rescue mission where my background was a plus. You know. You are a roughneck. You can go down and work with the other roughnecks from skid row.” Slowly he began to transition away from a life of crime and towards employment that was more meaningful.
Eventually, he utilized his upholstery skills to start his own business. In time, a friend who was a schoolteacher asked him to help out in a high school upholstery shop.
Shortly thereafter, his friend had a massive stroke and other teachers at the school
56 suggested Reggie as a permanent replacement. The principal hired him on the spot.
However, after completing the paperwork and responding truthfully to questions regarding his criminal and military history, the principal told him, “don’t call us we'll call you.”
There were other experiences where he attempted to gain employment in a variety of fields such as selling insurance and other financial products. However, many of those positions require licensure and as a felon he was prohibited from such work. He explained, “So, when you fill out an application and you check the box you know they are not going to tell you they are not going to hire you because you are a felon, but you suspect its true [emphasis added].” Eventually, at the age of 29, he experienced several major life changes that influenced him to turn his life around. After 13 years of addiction and 6 years of freedom from incarceration, he entered recovery for his heroin addiction.
During that process, he soon rededicated his life to Christ and started a prison ministry.
This provided the focus required to return to school and pursue a degree. And finally, he started a family after finding a wife.
Spurred by the desire to, “train for some kind of Christian career,” and heed the call to develop a prison ministry to help others with similar experiences, he enrolled in a
Christian college in the Midwest to earn an associate in Urban Studies and Bible Studies.
He was inexperienced when it came to negotiating the landscape of higher education,
Reggie was fortunate the college he attended had a program designed for non-traditional students funded in part by a grant developed by the campus. In the 1980s, a nationally known journalist produced an expose on social, economic, and educational realities for
Black families within the United States. The responses he reported revealed the, “Black
57 family was in trouble and they needed support and interventions.” As a result, a well- connected educator in Christian circles submitted a proposal for support from a regional foundation to provide half-scholarships to fund the education of African American males pursuing Christian training to support Black families within their communities. To pay for the other half of their education, these students were encouraged to apply for the Pell
Grant. This arrangement afforded Reggie the opportunity to complete his, “associates and bachelor level classes with virtually no money out of pocket.”
For Reggie, a particularly valuable feature of this program was its cohort structure where he attended a series of classes with the same group of students. He found the frequent mentoring, year-round continuous education, group assignments with lots of dialog, and frequent public presentations to be valuable exercises. In this way, he formed valuable personal and working relationships with his peers. The administrator who ran the program also made sure to host public events to celebrate important milestones. This provided him with encouragement throughout his journey. Reggie shared:
In the first year I got a certificate, and it was the first time I ever was able to celebrate an educational achievement. My family was there and everything. They made a big deal out of it and I was like wow [smiles]! In the in the third year [when] we got our associate degree there was a big celebration. And that's when I began to realize I basically can get a bachelor degree. Even though I had gone to college, I didn’t think I could get a bachelor. In the back of my mind, I didn’t really believe that I would ever finish because I had never finished anything. But when I got the associate degree and started the bachelor’s program, about halfway through that I began to not only believe that I can get a bachelor’s degree, but I pretty much felt that I could end up with a master’s degree. I would have pursued a Ph.D., but at that time I just had a bunch of kids.
While Reggie enjoyed success in his academic career, it was not without its challenges.
When he started school, he was a single parent for the first 3 years. Then, Reggie experienced the death of his father, he stated, “I had just kind of reconciled with him
58 before he died. Shortly after I started school I got married, then my mother died. I just had to press through all of that in order to reach my goal.” Ultimately, he completed a bachelor’s in Urban Studies and Bible Studies with a double major, graduating cum laude and was elected to the American Honor Society and the Who’s Who in American College and Universities. Additionally, he went on to complete a master’s in Applied Sociology and was accepted into a fully funded doctoral program in Applied Sociology. However, after discussing it with his wife, he decided not to continue his education and focus his attention on the prison ministry, the reentry programs he developed, and, on helping raise his family. Thus, after earning his bachelor’s degree, Reggie was never arrested and convicted of any additional crimes.
Willie
“I think I had a lot to prove to myself going through so much and taking myself through so much in life. I just wanted to prove to myself that I could be successful at something.”—Willie
Growing up in a medium-sized midwestern city, Willie, now 62-years-old, didn’t always make the best choices. Raised in a two-parent household with four siblings in the
1960s, Willie lived in a middle-class, “neighborhood [community that] was like a family environment. We spent the night over each other houses and we knew each other's business. We had a pretty good upbringing. We weren’t wealthy, but we really didn't want for anything.” As a youth, he wanted to be just like his father who was a fireman.
He stated, “I remember wearing his helmet and his boots. When I come up, everybody had two parents. It seemed like back then it was girls be like your mother, boys be like your dad.”
59 Although his mother worked as a nurse, Willie reported neither of his parents had a college degree. While school was important, he recalled, “I can't remember neighbors on either side, or parents across the street talking about college and all that.” Upon reflection, Willie noted:
the teachers were a lot different then, they cared. When I came up they were like our parents. The neighborhood was full of parents and so the teachers all were the same way because when I went to school you were still able to get spankings from the teachers, and principals. So, not only was it an environment for education. But [going to school] was like leaving home [and] going to your second home.
Nevertheless, Willie failed the third-grade, “the teacher said I played too much.” After this experience he began to do better academically. He attributed his improved performance to both the teachers in the schools and strong community support, as he was surrounded by peers who were raised just like him. Of those friends he noted, “they were all pretty much raised the same way my parents raised me; with manners, morals, and we had guidance. We were sent to school and we were sent to church.” Later in life it would be this religious grounding, instilled during his youth, that would fuel his desire to turn his life around and pursue a college degree.
Nevertheless, when his parents separated, he would soon transfer to a high school outside his neighborhood where his performance and behavior would begin to change. He shared:
The other neighborhood guys that I hung around with. . . most of them had one parent or they were living in what was called the May home [foster care]. They would drink a lot, went home when they wanted to, and stayed out as late as they wanted to. They did what they wanted to and I kind of gravitated to that.
60 Willie started skipping school to hang out with this new crowd. He described the experience, stating:
And then I got into it with the principal . . . on the front steps of the school at the lunch hour. I was coming back to school late and he said something to me. I said something back and [this] led to a verbal altercation and I was no longer accepted there. That’s when I moved with my dad’s sister and I started going to [another school].
Soon, while living in the basement of his aunt’s house, he decided to drop out of school entirely. One day his father came downstairs and asked:
‘[are] you not going to school?’ And I said ‘no, I quit.’ I had just turned 16. He said, ‘oh. okay’ and he went back upstairs. The next day he came down when I was in bed sleep and said, ‘ain’t you got somewhere to go?’ I said ‘no.’ He said, ‘you quit school right’? I said ‘yeah, I told you that yesterday.’ He said, ‘Well you got to find somewhere to go.’ I said ‘where’? And he said, ‘you’re going to go job hunting.’ And I got out the bed [thinking to myself] what is this man talking about? He told me ‘you told me you quit school. So, now you gotta make ends meet. So, you got to go job hunting.’ So, I ended up leaving there a few days later and I took to the streets and been in the streets ever since.
While running the streets full-time, Willie managed to find a job at a local hospital. He was also using heroin and was an alcoholic. He shared:
I was in a lot of trouble back then. . . I was constantly going to the city jail and the judge told me that he was going to send me off somewhere if I didn't get my life together. So, I went to see this Army recruiter and they shipped me off to the military.
Willie’s military service did not last long because, according to him:
a little over 18 months [later] I end up in the brig and then [got] a general discharge under honorable conditions. I quit school, I quit the military. It just so happened that I stayed in long enough to get some benefits.
These benefits would come in handy years later as he sought recovery from his addictions. After discharge from the military, Willie would spend the next 30 years of his life. He expressed his opinion of the experience:
61 back and forth [in] prison, or in the county jail. I [would get released and catch a] parole violation or catching [another] case for drugs and [spend] four years here [or] three years there. In between there were periods where I was out on the street and I would get so bad I [would] end up in a rehab. [If] I wasn't in a rehab, I was in a prison. If I wasn’t in a prison I was on the streets.
Two years after his first stint in rehab, he was able to complete his GED. Willie said:
I found out the [rehabilitation center was] offering the GED classes. [Because] I only had a short time to stay in the rehab center [before release] they wouldn’t let me in the course. I convinced the lady [running the program] to let me take the test. I said ‘if I pass it, I pass. If I don't, I don't.’ A couple of days later she said ‘okay, we're going to let you take the test’ and I remember passing the test by 2 points. That's how I got my GED.
While the achievement gave him a sense of accomplishment, it would be another 25 years before he would consider pursuing his associates, and then his bachelor’s and master’s degrees.
After rehab, he returned to prison off and on over the next 25 years. As he was a,
“short timer,” meaning he was incarcerated for relatively short periods of time, it did not make sense for him to sign up for college courses that he would not be able to finish. He doesn’t remember any of the other inmates pursuing these opportunities either.
Nevertheless, Willie was able to take advantage the drug and alcohol rehabilitation classes many prisoners take to reduce their sentences through good time accumulation to earn an early release. Additionally, he reported regular access to the law library and leisure reading materials. Other than that, he recalled spending most of his time behind bars lifting weights, watching television, or working at various jobs within the facility.
After years in and out of prison and rehab, Willie finally had a moment of clarity where he determined to turn his life around. He reflected on his experiences further saying, “ I had quit everything that I had begun. . .. I’ve always failed and never
62 succeeded. . . part of me just wanted to go out and prove to myself, I think more than anything, that I can be the achiever.” Additionally, he discussed his upbringing:
I just wanted something out of life and I finally come to a place where I said to myself either you are going to do it now or you're not. That was when I was 49 going on 50. And it scared me. I was sitting up and I remember saying ‘wow! Half century and you ain't got nothing to show for it.’ Then I began to think about. . . I visualized myself 60, 70 smoking crack, doing drugs, hustling in the street and that was an ugly picture. . . I had seen young dope dealers that take over old people houses, you know, that was smoking crack. They drink wine and whiskey and the next thing you know they taking over the whole house. I couldn't imagine just being an old man out there standing on some corner nodding. I said I got to do something.
Accordingly, in 2007, during a period of deep reflection while at yet another rehab center, Willie decided to finally stop his self-destructive behavior and get his life together.
While the desire to further his education was “pressing on my heart,” he did not enroll in school for a few years after the 2007 moment of reflection. As for his decision to enroll in college, Willie went on to explain:
My sister had got her bachelor’s at [a local university] and we were talking one day, and she said ‘why don’t you just go up there and just do an interview. Here's the number call them.’ And so, I did and it took me a couple of weeks because I had my fears [of] rejection [wondering if] I [will] finally be able to learn anything after being out of school so long; and [wondering how I] will pay for it. I finally went, and they really made me feel welcome and comfortable at the initial interview. They did everything for me. I didn't have to figure things out on my own. They really made the transition really easy for me.
In the early stages of his pursuit of an associate’s degree in business, the doubts which led to him quit multiple pursuits throughout the years resurfaced. Willie said:
About two or three weeks later I went in there to see one of the intake people that walked me through [the registration process] and I said, ‘I can't do it.’ She asked why and I said, ‘I come in every day and I feel like they might be speaking another language. . . because I'm not understanding
63 anything.’ This is a Christian school. So, she prayed with me and she begged me to hang in there a little bit longer. She said, ‘it'll come to you. . . you're not the first dude this has happened to especially at your age.’ So, I came back to school and it seem like almost right away I had one of them ‘ah ha’ moments. I found out only a few students were young and most of them were my age. There were people sitting around me that had no clue either. And then I started to understand, and people began to ask me if I understood what was happening and I was like ‘yeah.’ And then they would ask to meet after class and all this time thought I was alone. . . it was kind of comical. But I ended up staying at school and getting good grades.
After finishing his associate’s degree in business, he immediately pursued a bachelor’s degree in management. The bachelor program included a cohort structure which duplicated the community of scholars he found supportive in the associate’s program. In addition to developing relationships with his fellow students, Willie also took advantage of the resources such as the Office of Student Support Services and the computer labs on campus which provided him with instruction to overcome the digital divide. He stated:
The intake people were accessible at all times. I don't know about all schools, but at [the school I went to] you can call them folks at any time and they will get back with you if they weren't available right then. So, I was really appreciative of that. Then the professors, they didn't mind you calling them or emailing them or text[ing] them. Most would even give you their phone number so you can text them if you had any problems with assignments or any questions.
Willie explained this level of assistance provided him with the support necessary for him to persist through graduation. Once fully immersed within the culture of the institution, Willie completed his bachelor’s degree in a timely fashion, then pursued a master’s in human resources management. He explained, “I went back to back. I didn’t take any breaks. [As a] matter of fact when I started my master's, I had not graduated from my bachelor yet.”
64 While Willie had begun to thrive in his academic life, his professional, personal, and familial relationships began to improve as well. Early in his struggle to recover from addiction there were some employment challenges as he lost jobs as a result of failed drug tests. However, as he embraced his recovery and started to make positive changes in his life, his circumstances improved. One indicator of the positive changes were the improved perceptions of his family towards him. This dynamic is illustrated in his relationship with his aunt. After his final release in 2007, he drove trucks for a living. At the time, he asked his aunt, who he describes as, “well-to-do,” to borrow $20 and she replied, “I ain’t got no money.” Years later he asked her for money again. He explained the incident in detail:
I needed a security deposit of $500 and it wasn't no trust there. So that’s a year after recovery. . . and about four years later [I wanted to buy a boat and needed to] borrow $700. I didn't want to [ask her for the money, but] four years later I went to her and I said ‘this man has a boat and I’ll never find a boat [like this] at this price. She said, ‘who you want me to make the check out to you, or him?’ And I remember stuttering you know. It really touches me even today. Because I had a hard life and I wanted to keep her trust. I remember telling her in case she was testing me, ‘let me get his full name and come back and you can make the check out to him.’ And that's what she did and today if I need her she's right there. I paid her back. Now that’s my go to person.
With familial relationships restored, Willie completed his stay in rehabilitation, got married, and ultimately found his calling as the chaplain at the rehab facility where he recovered from his addiction. He currently serves in that role. Regarding the changes in his family relationships, he remarked:
Since I've made this transition from the drug life [to] going to school and been successful at all this, I [have] pretty much become the patriarch of the family. Everybody's calling on me now. The elders in the family that are left they [call on] me because there is a lot of trust there. A lot of trust with me now. You have to understand they supported me when I began to
65 do well. But now I’ve shifted to male head that is left in the family and that's probably another reason why everybody calls on me.
When asked what advice he would offer to others who faced similar life circumstances, he expressed the following:
I would say to first get your mind right to get your life together. if you come from a lifestyle that I come from of gangs and drugs and all that, because if you don't first be successful at that, you can forget about school, about family life, you can forget about having good friends and all that kind of stuff. So, my suggestion is first workout the main thing, your main problem. What is your main problem? And if you can get a grasp on that then you can move on to the next step.
Willie indicated after he overcame his addictions and earned his bachelor’s degree and then his masters, he was never arrested for any additional crimes.
Lloyd “I feel like if I had continued, or had I been challenged to understand the importance of education in my life and the direction where it could take me things might have ended up differently.”—Lloyd
Similar to other men profiled in this research study, Lloyd was from a single parent, female led household. Raised on the upper east coast, in a major metropolitan city, he lived in what he describes as a multicultural, yet, “rough neighborhood.” Lloyd’s early home life was somewhat unstable. He described it as:
a lot of bouncing around. . . you know [moving from] school to school. And we lived in the projects of course. [There were] Blacks, Hispanics, Puerto Ricans, you know what I mean? Um . . . not a lot of whites in that area. And it was a rough neighborhood. We lived with my grandmother, my sister and me.
His father was not an influence in his life at the time. Eventually his, “mother went [to the Midwest securing a job with a government agency] to try and make a better life for us.” Throughout his youth, school was a refuge for Lloyd from the rougher elements of the neighborhoods in which he grew up. He stated:
66 school was an opportunity to be away from the violence and the bullying and all that type of stuff. Back then, teachers still had control of the classroom and were strict disciplinarians. I always enjoyed school because I've always been fairly bright and got good grades.
Eventually, around the seventh or eighth grade Lloyd and his sister moved to live with his mother in the Midwest. He claimed to have an easy time adjusting to his new environment, stating:
It was different in [the Midwest] because the [east coast] school system is a little bit faster and then the people are a little bit faster [making it] easy for me to get away with slacking because the curriculum was not as in- depth. So, for me it was even easier when I got here. I was like ‘we were doing this [kind of assignment] maybe 6 months to a year ago.’ The difference in the curriculum allowed me to kind of slack, but at the same time still be ahead of the curve because I knew a lot of the answers and all of that stuff that they were giving us.
In his interactions with his teachers Lloyd reported they, “would pull me aside and say
‘you are a bright young man and you need to get it together,’” suggesting all he need do is apply himself to be academically successful. He told me that his favorite classes were
English and social studies. Lloyd noted, “I was encouraged several different times about my grades and how easy the work came to me.” In his opinion, most of the teachers,
“equated [his academic ability to] me coming from a larger city. And so, coming here, you know, they kind of expected [him to perform well].”
Nevertheless, despite his natural ability and the encouragement from his teachers, he underperformed due to lack of interest. Lloyd remarked:
at that point I was like ‘whatever.’ I was just being a kid. . . I start[ed] missing classes because I was bored. I would come and take the test and still pass tests. So, I felt like I could get away with those things and it basically really kind of messed up my mental framework of how I have approached education. Looking back, I feel like if I had continued, or had I been challenged to understand the importance of education in my life and the direction where it could take me things might have ended up differently.
67
Due to his admitted lack of focus on education and increased interest in recreational pursuits, he soon found himself both in trouble and out of high school altogether. Lloyd recalled:
I [completed] my junior year [and in] my senior year I got in trouble, real bad trouble. As a freshman, sophomore, and junior I was in and out of little things, but it was nothing major. [After] junior year . . . I'm sitting outside of my girlfriend's house and I got caught with a rifle. They took me to the juvenile center and it was kind of like the last straw with my mom. She was like ‘y'all just keep him! I don’t know what I'm going to do with him.’ They gave me an ultimatum and said, ‘either go to the service we’ll send you to jail.’ That's when I enlisted in the United States Army. I did a stint in the Army for about a year or a little more.
Once in the military, he was initially assigned to the signalman’s trade. Soon he transitioned to training as a Military Police Officer. In this role he regularly carried a firearm. One weekend during the course of his training he went absent without leave
(AWOL), found his way to a back alley where, he said, “I ended up shooting someone at a dice game. It wasn't an attempted murder because it was below the waist.”
Consequently, he was convicted and sentenced for the shooting. This began an alternating pattern of release and recidivism in facilities throughout the Midwest that would last for the next 35 years.
Thus, between the years of 1980 and 2006, Lloyd was in and out of prison developing a reputation as a problem inmate. Fiercely resistant to authority and completely unfamiliar with gang culture, Lloyd was regularly involved in physical combat with other inmates solidifying his status as a brawler. For him, it was necessary to fight to survive and maintain respect behind prison walls. Otherwise, he would be a victim for others to abuse. Around 1987, during one of his periods of release, Lloyd said
68 that he, “had a couple kids and ended up going back to prison. At the time he started really thinking about the fact that my life is kind of unraveling.”
During another period of release, while living at a halfway house, he entered a
General Education Diploma (GED) program. Of the decision to pursue the GED Lloyd explained:
I went and got my GED because, of course, coming home now [after] having been to prison it is going to be rough out here. So now the focus of [an] education became a bigger deal because the fact that I was coming home, and I had a record.
Lloyd’s plans were derailed however, when he once again found himself back in prison trying to put the pieces of his life back together. However, this time things were different.
Lloyd leveraged his notoriety to become a dorm representative. He explained:
The dorm representative was the go-between for the [inmates] who were speaking with the officers. Because I was articulate, I was usually chosen as that person that [other inmates] asked to talk about what was going on in the dorms. [For example] I would say [to the authorities] ‘hey man, let me talk to the guys [inmates]. You ain't got to send the riot squad in here.’ As far as that type of thing goes, I was their go between. I used to go back and forth and have long conversations [with the administration] about how the prison system could be better, how the officers could be better, and how things could be different.
The relationship between Lloyd and the administration evolved to the point where he would eventually be able to recommend the transfer of inmates between dorms moving troublemakers out of certain areas minimizing unrest within the facility. This “authority” coupled with his fighting prowess, made him a figure to be feared within the institution.
But just as importantly, this experience ignited within him the desire to advocate for others. A skill he would put to good use upon release.
Along the way, Lloyd managed to compete an associate’s degree in sociology while incarcerated. He took courses from a local college that provided faculty who would
69 come to the prison and teach classes. While he was successful at earning this degree, he felt the degree, “wasn’t worth the paper it was printed on,” for all the good it did him. He explained:
I got my associate degree, got out, and didn’t really do anything with it. I was happy that I got it. But I really went and got it more for [a] time cut than anything else. So, I got out, ended up going back to prison and didn't utilize my degree at any in any way shape or form. Then in 2006, it was the last time I got locked up and they gave me a 25-year sentence and basically said ‘we're done with you. We’re tired of your mess.’ I fell on my knees in my cell and said ’God, there’s got to be something better than this.’ That was when I kind of gave up that prison life and the spirituality started kicking in and I started looking at things differently. In 2008 or 2009, I enrolled in the bachelor’s degree program at the correctional institution.
Lloyd, from his recollection, “made it through the first classes and then they snatched college out of prisons.” He was not deterred by this setback. He exclaimed:
I was a great student while I was incarcerated. What I really enjoyed was the conversations with the faculty that would come in. It's rare that you can have an intellectual conversation with guys who are just sitting around in prison and in survival mode. The teachers that came in would take the time to speak with me and a lot of them were fascinated by the things that I was interested in. I was a voracious reader of [all sorts of material such as] Plato, Socrates, the 48 Laws of Power, Getting to Yes business books, and the Seven Habits of Highly Effective People. I ate that stuff up. It boosted my spirits when people were really interested in having conversations with me. I just really enjoyed that.
Nonetheless, during the few semesters he was in school, he didn’t get a lot of support from the other inmates. Lloyd recalled:
There were several guys who said ‘why are you wasting your time with that? Your whole background is penitentiary. Why you trying to be better?’ I had just gotten to the point where I felt like [an education was] important. I had an associate degree, and it wasn't worth the paper it was printed on. So, I began to understand after talking to the faculty that the further you go in education, it usually means you make more money in whatever job you get. So, that kind of pushed me to try to get to that next level.
70 After getting out for the last time in 2014, Lloyd moved in with his girlfriend who worked two jobs to support them initially. He shared, “So, basically, while she was taking care of rent, I was going to different places getting assistance; food stamps, the heating bill, electricity, that type of thing.” The process of getting this assistance was, in his point of view:
dehumanizing, it was embarrassing, it was shameful. . . When you go to places it is interesting how people treat you different. They look down their nose because they got a job processing your paperwork and you're just hoping that they will provide you with services that will help you. So, after a while, I told her ‘this is going to run out.’ So, I got a job as a janitor.
Lloyd did that for a while. Then, he further explained:
one day I was in the bathroom and I was mopping the floor and the mop fell out of my hand. I picked it up and I was looking in the mirror and I was like ‘what are you doing? You got a mop in your hand. This is not what [you are here for]. You are better than this.’ And that day I quit, and I went home, and I was like ‘baby, I know you don't understand this, but this is not me. I'm here for more than this.’ And she said ‘I know. I was just waiting on you to figure it out.’ And she supported me while I was trying to find something different.
Something different also included engaging in advocacy work for individuals who were reentering society from prison. Lloyd began to attending community meetings where reentry matters were being discussed. He began developing relationships with policymakers in a position to provide him and others with opportunities upon reentry.
Soon he had his own radio show where he spoke about these issues. These activities led to positions with local non-for-profits and would soon lead to a board-level position where he could earn an income and engage in this kind of work on a broader scale.
As a result of this positive momentum, he determined to, “finish my bachelor’s degree because that would be the next step for me trying to get a job.” While there were
71 several educational options locally, Lloyd reported that, “they put me through the wringer,” when he sought to enroll. Two of the institutions he applied to flatly refused to allow him to enroll citing his criminal background. The third, which had a reputation for educating ex-offenders had several requirements he had to meet before he could be admitted. Lloyd said:
I had to get a complete criminal history. And I mean complete. And then I had to get letters of recommendation. [Which wasn’t a problem due to the many positive relationships he had built doing reentry advocacy work within the community.] And then they said ‘you still have to go before a committee for us to make a final decision. Before you do that, you have to write us a letter saying why we should let you in.’ And I'm like ’are you kidding me?’ I'm just trying to go to school online. So, I jumped through all their hoops and [I suspect] they still wouldn't have let me in [if not for the stature of those who wrote] those letters of recommendation.
After a month of deliberation, the school finally admitted him to pursue a bachelor’s degree in sociology, requiring him to complete his studies in an online program.
While Lloyd expressed some trepidation over the online program due to the digital divide, the university provided him with support to get through the program. He openly expressed the feelings he had at the time:
The scary part for me was I didn’t know nothing about no computers. I didn’t know nothing about online chatting, taking tests online, and setting up a camera. But I got through it. They gave me an assistant to deal with me personally to help me figure out what classes I needed to graduate and help me get enrolled. I just went back to my prison days of enjoying the faculty. And we would just talk. [The difference] was now [instead of talking in person] I would just do that on a chat with us having conversations about my papers and all kinds of stuff. I learned a lot in that short time and was thrilled to find that I had met the requirements when I took my tests.
Lloyd reported the experience was overwhelmingly positive. Thus, after two semesters of work, he completed his bachelor’s degree and reports he was never arrested again.
72 As mentioned earlier, Lloyd served at local non-for-profits focused on reentry programs. After a couple of years of service, the board of directors for one of the not-for- profits sought a new executive director and asked Lloyd to consider applying for the position. After a somewhat contentious period where the previous executive director was dismissed, Lloyd was hired by the board and paid a salary upwards of $80,000 per year.
However, after a few months the funding source for the not-for-profit was made aware of his criminal history and refused to continue supporting the entity unless Lloyd was removed. After several weeks without funding and payroll being withheld from coworkers who had become good friends, a devastated Lloyd resigned his position.
Despite this setback, Lloyd remains optimistic about his future and committed to the important work of supporting reentry services for individuals like himself.
Terry
“I don’t like to call them at risk. I call them future achievers. Why [are] you going to call them at-risk? You are already labeling them. When you call them at-risk youth they will be like ‘fuck it! I’m going to live up to that.’”—Terry
Terry is a 53-year-old African American male raised in a major metropolitan city on the eastern side of the United States. Born 4 days before his mother’s 18th birthday, his mother and father would separate when he was 4-years old. While he was raised, “middle class,” with his mother through the 12th grade, the relationship with his mother was strained, and remains so to this day. She and his, “functioning alcoholic,” stepdad were also, “getting high,” at the time. Terry shared that he never felt he fit in with the,
“bougie,” lifestyle of his mother and stepfather. Consequently, growing up he sought out more, “down to earth,” personal associations. Terry was the second youngest of eight
73 siblings. While his mother had another male child after splitting with his father. As for his father, he had six additional children; three boys and three girls.
His mother, who lived with multiple sclerosis (“but you wouldn’t know it unless she told you” Terry shared), was from an influential political family within the community, and a successful businesswoman in her own right. Conversely, his father was a hustler. He expressed the following:
He is one of the 2% of hustlers who make it out unscathed. Forty-nine percent end up dead. The other 49% end up where I was [jail]. My dad was one of the two percent who made it out unscathed.
Terry explained his mother provided, “my introduction to the criminal justice system . . .
She lied and called the police and said that I hit her . . . so she could move [to another town] with my stepdad.” He added, “I don't talk to my mom to this day. She and my stepdad cooperated with the feds against me [on the case for which he was sent to prison for 10 years]. I’ve got the paperwork.”
Nevertheless, while growing up in this environment, Terry was an active and popular student who made friends easily. He shared, “I was an outgoing person in kindergarten through the 12th grade. I remember my kindergarten teacher, first my day of
Catholic school they whopped me with a ruler. I’ll never forget that.” In high school, he was an all-star baseball player. Conversely, he was an uneven student whose commitment and performance varied depending upon his level of interest and motivation. He shared:
Yeah, I've been a real good student and then I used to mess up. And then my coaches would say ‘hey we got to put him on the weekly progress report.’ And then I would get all A’s and they would ask ‘why you mess up?’ Just to show you I could do this.
Terry’s favorite classes were philosophy and English. Not caring much for math, he shared that a teacher once, “broke it down for me by telling me that you don't need all
74 this stuff.” Years later he noted she was right for, “once you figured out the percentages and what was my cut, you didn’t need all that other stuff.” After the incident with his mom in the 12th grade, he said that his, “grandmother, God bless her soul, had to come get me out of the juvenile hall,” precipitating his move to live with her. He then transitioned to night school where he completed the two and a half credits required for graduation and passed the GED that November, “scoring in the top 10% of the country.”
In this way, he was one of only two of this study’s participants who graduated with their class.
After graduation Terry moved south to live with his father. In this new community, “it was all about the weather, women, and the cars.” He indicated his mother misled him about the reason for their separation and about his father’s lifestyle, stating:
My dad gave me a crash course on life. Because I was under the impression he was going to be a bum. Shit . . . my dad's living better than what I was living with my mom. When my stepdad dropped me off he was like ‘who lives here’? My dad looked at him and said, ‘shit nigga I do.’ They ended up becoming real good friends [laughs].
Of the separation between his birth parents he noted, “my mom was super-duper smart. If he didn’t sign over his rights, he would have lost his house.” He was pleased with this new arrangement, reporting, “when I got down there I wasn't thinking about school or anything. I was just glad to be around my father.”
Nevertheless, he did attend community college immediately after graduating high school. When asked to describe the experience Terry noted:
back then, that was when Ronald Reagan was president of the United States. People just wanted jobs . . . I remember cats would go to school. They were getting Pell Grants . . . That was the beginning of the rap era. I used to work at one [community college] and attended another.
75 Undecided on a course of study, Terry majored in marketing and international business in pursuit of an associate’s degree. As Terry settled into this new community and started to meet people his life changed rapidly. He proclaimed:
Rap started taking off and I got into the rap game. I was working with [a famous rap artist]. A local dope dealer we were cool with gave us $10,000 and we did that first album . . .That’s how I got into the dope game. [The album was successful and] it changed my life . . . we're going out on the road; every city I was going to we were firing up that weed. And all the local ballers were like, ‘Yo! What’s that?’ They would open up and tell us what they doing [then ask] ‘how much you pay for that?’ And the rest was history. I had a good run from 1988 to 2002. It went from local, to state, to international. The feds labeled me as a mid-level multi-kilo cocaine broker with direct ties in South American and Mexican drug cartels. I never messed with street-level cats. I only dealt with about four or five guys in the whole country. In order for me to do business with you, you had to buy a minimum of 50 to 100 kilos. I was brokering 500-kilogram shipments.
Of his arrest he shared, “one of my drivers got caught with 53 kilos in Texas. And he couldn’t tell them my name because he didn’t know it.” Additionally, he explained his mother, stepdad, and his cousin cooperated with the federal government during his trial.
Terry fought the case for 58 months and went on to say that he received:
ten-year sentence minus the 15 months [for participating in a drug treatment program]. On a 120 month sentence I did 96 months. The chief investigator told me ‘if it is any consolation to you, you are not here because you fucked up. We watched y’all move over ½ million dollars- worth of cocaine and y’all chilled for 9 months like it was nothing. You are here because of jealousy, envy, and greed.
Terry explained this betrayal contributed to the depression he currently experiences.
Reflectively he noted, “if I hadn’t of went to prison them people would not have been able to do what they did, and my cousin would not have been able to tell on me.”
During the nearly 6 years he fought his case, he was not of the mindset to complete his associate’s degree while incarcerated. It did not make sense for him to register for coursework when he could be transferred at any time, because his
76 dispensation was uncertain. Nevertheless, he was a popular inmate who got along well with inmates from all backgrounds. One of the counselors called him, “Nationwide,” because, “you sit at the Chicago table, the NY table, the LA table, you know the
Mexicans, you know the lifers . . . I’ve seen you walk the yard with those Italians and the mobsters embrace you.” In this capacity he did serve as a “tutor” to other inmates. Terry shared:
I was helping guys get prepared to hit the bricks so they could go back home. I knew some of the CO’s [corrections officers] from the free world. But as I was doing my journey, I was helping guys do their resumes.
Soon, he was introduced to, and reluctantly participated in, other activities such as a juvenile rehabilitation program that would change his priorities and inspire him to seek certifications and credentials to become qualified to create his own reentry programs.
While he was still fighting his case, one of the social workers at the Bureau of
Prisons approached him and suggested he might be able to contribute something meaningful to society. He described their exchange at length stating the following:
She came to me and said ‘hey buster!’ And she poked me in the chest and she said, ‘you’ve got to give back.’ And I said, ‘what do you mean?’ She introduced me to this STAR program; it is like the Scared Straight shit.3 I asked my buddy [who participated] ‘why y’all going to that’? He said, ‘man you have to give back eventually.’ So, I went in there and [worked with] at-risk youth. I don’t like to call them at-risk. I call them Future Achievers. Why [are] you going to call them at-risk? You are already labeling them. When you call them at- risk youth they will be like ‘fuck it! I’m going to live up to that.’ So, after talking to the youngsters for about 3 or 4 session every week. She asked me ‘what do you observe about them’? Well, they came from single parent homes and [all the] parents had a substance abuse problem.’ She said ‘that’s what I’m talking about Buster!
3 Scared Straight is the name of programs started in the 1970’s “which are intended to deter juveniles with a history of bad behavior from entering the criminal justice system by having them visit prisons or jails to see first-hand the consequences of breaking the law.” –Source: https://www.prisonlegalnews.org/news/2016/jun/3/scared-straight- programs-are-counterproductive/
77 You’ve got to give back! You were never on the street level, but now you see what happens.’ That made me think. She said, ‘I'm glad you decided to take up my offer. Congratulations! we’re sending you to the drug program.’
Being admitted to the drug program meant a transfer to another federal penitentiary on the other side of the country. After his transfer he participated in a 500-hour program and,
“became a certified drug counselor and I saw how messed up the system [was].” There he began to understand, the prison industrial complex exploited and oppressed those within its care rather than offering opportunities for rehabilitation. For example, while earning the certification, he observed many of the instructors running the program were survivors battling their own addictions. This made him doubt they could provide effective care.
Further, the treatment models simply did not make sense to him. He expressed his skepticism by explaining, “when you stand up and say ‘Hi! My name is my name is Joe
Blow, I'm recovering.’ Okay, you been clean and sober and locked up for 20 years and you still thinking like that? Motherfucker no!” Additionally, he observed the administrators of the programs were dishonest as well. For example, when he and other inmates were asked to fill out a FAFSA he explained:
They would encourage us to lie on the application . . . I would say ‘I can’t do that. I’m going to end up right back in this motherfucker.’ One of the white boys. . . did that and he came right back in there. I told him not to do it. But he did it anyway.
Nevertheless, Terry eventually enrolled in classes offered by a community college servicing his institution. The classes were taught by faculty who came to the facility to provide instruction. He enjoyed the dialogue within the classroom as it provided an opportunity to explore ideas in an intellectual setting. However, he mentioned there were structural barriers in place at the institution which had the potential to inhibit his success.
78 For instance, he shared, “I ordered my books and was getting A’s and B’s without the books. Because the Federal Bureau of Prisons would leave your God damn books in the
[mailroom] until the semester was over!” This was just one of several inefficiencies he observed.
Moreover, Terry explained many of the support programs, be they drug related, educational, internally, or externally provided, were run by opportunists taking advantage of funding resources and operated in an environment without expectations, oversight, or accountability. These programs consumed the available resources without providing effective assistance to help inmates develop the skills to overcome their addictions or adjust to life outside prison walls. This realization fueled his desire to not only obtain an advanced degree, but also develop his own reentry programs to help those in need once released.
Thus, Terry’s experiences informed his understanding of the challenges ex- offenders face, which is why he feels well positioned to develop such programs. He indicated the Black community can no longer wait for others to assume the responsibility for addressing its collective needs. He believed Black people should take ownership over creating interventions to address their own concerns. Terry also complained about the advances of the civil rights movement have been usurped by other racial, ethnic, and identity groups. In describing the tension between prior advances in civil rights and the lack of unity and purpose within the Black community Terry explained:
the Mexicans are taking [over] the game that we provided them. Both on the inside and on the outside, they are taking advantage of the advances of the civil rights movement and leveraging the resources to uplift their own kind. These Mexicans are doing it through education. They will bring their own people in not having experience and training them later. We won’t do that. We will make our own people jump through hoops just to get
79 anything. Fuck that! J. Edgar Hoover was asked what’s the biggest threat to America and he said the organization of the Negro people. There's this racial divide. But these Black, brown, yellow, the Asians [all of us] need to get together. [I was talking with a friend] and he said the younger kids said ‘we’re not racist, its our parents.’ I’m trying to bring us together but these old heads and these old politicians don’t want to relinquish this power.
Moreover, he suggested younger generations are more progressive and optimistic because they do not carry the baggage of the past. In his view, this could provide momentum to shift the political will of this nation to advance a more rehabilitative approach to criminal justice reform. In this way, the prison industrial complex could then move away from its current punitive methods that do not prepare individuals for life on the outside once they are released.
Despite the challenges stated above, Terry attended, “community college. . . for nine months [then was] transferred to another facility upstate.” However, he was there for such a short time he was ineligible to continue taking classes. At the end of his sentence, he was released to a half-way house and considered enrolling in a community college to complete an associate’s degree. Terry’s wife, who had stood by throughout this ordeal, encouraged him while providing some financial stability. Concerned about his criminal history, he contemplated pursuit of a career that was “felon friendly.” Taking a que from his experiences on the inside, Terry said he decided to:
be an alcohol and drug counselor and open my own treatment center or recovery home. And my friends were like ‘you done flooded the whole country with this good dope and now you going to try to treat all the addicts you made [laughs].
Accordingly, an academic advisor suggested he pursue an associate in psychology with an emphasis in addiction studies. He applied to a number of schools and was granted admission. He did not report experiencing any difficulties in the application process,
80 saying, “When I came home there was the common app[lication]. Those schools that I applied to on the common app asked you ‘have you ever been convicted of a felony,’ like a job application. I was like ‘yeah.’ Please explain.” He explained and was accepted. The only problem he encountered was some of the schools wanted him to major in African
American or general studies. However, he was determined to major in psychology. Terry eventually decided, “I can’t let these motherfuckers tell me what to do! I can go a lot farther with a psych degree than I can with an African American Studies degree.” This decision also influenced his choice of institution as he wanted to attend a school that supported his desires.
After a year at the community college, he won an election for the position of student trustee for a statewide community college system that served over 100,000 students. He noted, “my probation officer said, ‘you are my first client, on federal supervised release that was elected [to a statewide position].’” The position was not without controversy as his outspokenness and criminal past made him a target. Soon he would be facing allegations of misconduct. He defended himself against these allegations in the courts for 22 months. The charges were eventually dismissed.
Consequently, Terry explained the persecution he suffered related to these subsequent charges in addition to the post-traumatic stress from incarceration caused him to seek treatment for depression and eventually led to a separation from his wife.
Nevertheless, the opportunity as a student trustee provided more insight into how institutions work and more importantly, how resources are distributed within a statewide, multi-campus system. This knowledge would be helpful in identifying resources to support the re-entry programs he would soon create.
81 Despite this setback, Terry soon, “graduated right away with a certificate in 18 months . . . after that, I went to three different colleges [within the system] earning
[several more] associates degrees and eventually my bachelor’s in Negotiation Conflict
Resolution and Peace Building.” He shared, “if I hadn’t of took some time off [due to the depression] I would have had my masters this past June.”
Currently, Terry continues to advocate for criminal justice reform and remains active in national campaigns such as the Ban the Box initiative which seeks to have questions related to criminal pasts removed from initial consideration on both employment and college applications. In addition to his own consultancy, he is a partner with a government relations and policy firm. He indicated he was retained by the firm because of his experience with criminal justice reform and cannabis policy. As mentioned earlier, while Terry was accused of misdeeds while serving as a student trustee, his case was dismissed and after he earned his bachelor’s degree he was never arrested or convicted for any additional crimes.
Aaron
“’All of you sitting here, within three to five years 85% of you will be back. This is going to happen.’ I start thinking to myself I want to be in the other 15%. I don't want to come back.”—Aaron
Aaron is a 31-year-old African American male, raised in a predominantly Black urban city in a southern portion of the United States. Born in the late 1980s, his parents separated at a young age. As a youth, his younger sister lived with his mother, as his father raised him until he turned 13. When he reached the eighth-grade, he transitioned to live with his mother. Of his familial relationships, he shared his paternal side of the family, which boasted Native American ancestry, was close-knit, and regularly hosted
82 family gatherings. Conversely, his mother was estranged from her family, making those relationships somewhat distant. A similar dynamic existed in his relationships with his parents where he was closer with his father who often provided gifts as encouragement when he did well, and his mother who did not provide much encouragement either verbal or otherwise for behaviors she felt was expected of him. Throughout the participant interviews, Aaron returned to his father’s expressions of support as reaffirmations of his love, “that kind of helped me at a very young age and probably had a great deal to do with what I was able to do later.”
Despite his father’s encouragement, Aaron’s K-12 experiences were somewhat uneven. Through eighth-grade he reported doing well academically. He shared:
I went to a lot of schools with my dad. He moved around a lot and probably wasn't, like paying the bills or something. He's not really the most financially responsible guy. But yeah, I [attended] at least five or six elementary schools.
Aaron experienced some social discomfort throughout these frequent moves as he adjusted to ever changing environments. In describing his social interactions at the time, he explained:
When I was a young kid a lot of it was about who dressed the best, who looked the nicest, and who had the best shoes; which I didn't. And I just remember people trying to taunt me and make fun of me. And I remember that part being hard, and I really didn't understand why.
When he made the honor roll his father would buy him “Jordan’s and stuff4. And that sort of made me want to make the honor roll again.” For Aaron, the new clothes and shoes bolstered his confidence and helped mitigate some of the teasing he experienced.
4 Jordan’s are expensive athletic shoes endorsed by American basketball player Michael Jordan. Children in urban communities have been killed for these shoes and other athletic apparel.
83 Aaron did report his teachers were supportive and encouraging as far back as grade school. He mentioned one teacher, Ms. Smith who was so influential that years later he unsuccessfully sought her out on social media to thank her for her efforts. He stated that Ms. Smith was particularly effective when:
[she] would give us these Black history papers and I did not understand why she was doing it. I understand now [why] she would tell us about all these great black men and women. . .. I had no idea who these people were like Arthur Ashe, Venus and Serena Williams.
Assignments like these would inspire Aaron and his classmates to strive for greatness as they learned about the accomplishments of Black people in America. Aaron shared Ms.
Smith employed other techniques to motivate students when he explained:
when you would do something right, she had this board with all our names on it and [it] had the stars; and, you [would] put the stars next to name. And you can see who were like the smartest students. It would be a long trail of stars. And I wanted my line to be the longest. I remember her. She was great. I didn't know how great she was at the time.
Despite these positive experiences and as a result of instability within the home, Aaron shared:
my grades started to slide the older I got. The more they started to slide going into high school, I started losing interest. I didn't really keep up. I don't know if it was because I didn't like the kids, or I don't know what it was.
When asked if he ever felt comfortable in that space, he replied, “No. At least not with the students. I was always in fight mode.” Consequently, he never connected with the other students. It would be years later after his stint in prison that he would be able to interact with students like himself, considered to be “outcasts” when he enrolled in college.
84 Aaron shared an example of his inability to connect with other students when he described his experiences in advanced placement (AP) courses in high school. In the ninth-grade, he was encouraged to take AP English. In trying to form relationships Terry shared:
[I] would try to say funny stuff to have some fun and they wouldn't laugh at my jokes. They were really weird. They wouldn't talk to me, you know. And I was like, ‘I got to get out of here! Y‘all are weird
Ultimately, he noted:
I didn't seem as interested and I wasn't as involved. I held onto 3.0 or higher for a couple years then, in 11th grade it starts to slide. And the second half of the 12th grade I was in night school.
Aaron’s time living with his mom was a challenge for him in other ways as well.
He found her expectations that he assumes adult responsibilities stifling. As an example, he shared:
In 10th grade my mom said, ‘can you start working’ and I really hated that. Going to school all day and having to go to work all night; that started about the 10th grade. . . I just was tired, and I was making like $5.15 an hour. Then I would see guys who sold weed and stuff and they would have cars. You know? Nice wheels and stuff and I'm like [pause] . . . ‘I'm just going to sell some weed.’ And I started selling drugs soon after that.
Additionally, the sometimes-contentious living situation with his mother was exacerbated by the birth of his nephew by his younger sister. Aaron explained:
My nephew had just been born and my mom was pretty much taking care of him and I just thought she totally forgot about me. To be honest I remember being so angry. Having to work and having to go to school. Working and thinking to myself my mom hasn't even bought me anything. You know? She hasn't even bought me anything. She makes me pay my own car insurance. I remember the last two things my mom bought was an ENYCE sweater and an ECHO sweater. And I was so happy because I thought to myself my mom didn't forget about me. But the happiness didn't last long.
85 Months later, after a particularly busy week at work, Aaron shared he:
worked like 80 hours or more and I’m thinking my check should be at least $500. I got the check and it was like $490. I called the drug dealer that day and I asked him ‘how much can I get with $490’? He said ‘I think you can get like half a pound or something. You can start there.’ And I just went and cashed the check and bought it. I was like 16 or something.
In this way, he began dealing in drugs in earnest. In this way, the pursuit of fast money would eventually lead him to the penitentiary. Aaron invested himself fully into the lifestyle of selling drugs. When I inquired whether Aaron had any thoughts at the time about legitimate work or attending college, he replied:
to be honest, by the time I was into selling the drugs and stuff I wasn’t thinking about it. I was just trying to think about how to make money. My mom she kicked me out when I was like 17-year-old. I might have just left. I'm not sure. I was on my own at seventeen with my girlfriend. We went and got an apartment and stuff. I was waist deep. I was just selling drugs by that time; selling a lot of weed, you know? That was just my only income really.
Before moving in with his girlfriend, Aaron stated he:
. . . was living in my car at one point and I [would] just have my clothes in my trunk. I [would] come home . . . I would come to my mom's house, because that wasn't home anymore, while she was at work and my sister will let me shower and wash my clothes and stuff. But I was sleeping in my car at night. So, no, college it wasn't in my mind at that point. It was just more like how to get money, how to make money.
Aaron believes that if he lived with his father during his high school years, his father might have asked him his thoughts about attending college. He suggested his father’s interest and support would have been the influence needed to propel him to make positive choices. Conversely, he felt he was not a priority for his mother who he indicated had other responsibilities that came first. Despite these thoughts, he was able to persevere by attending night school and eventually participated in graduation with his class.
86 However, toward the end of his senior year of high school, the street life caught up with him and 30 days prior to graduation, he was arrested on a charge of armed robbery of a fast-food restaurant. Consequently, 12 days before his 19th birthday, the state sentenced him to 6-years confinement. While his mother bonded him out before the trial, these events aggravated an already tenuous relationship. He ended up serving 10-months in a state institution, after which he transferred into a community transition program. He spent two more years in a work release program during which he was eligible to attend a community college. The final 2 years of his sentence were served on probation. When asked if he took advantage of any educational resources while incarcerated, Aaron laughed and replied:
there was nothing educational about it . . . I don't remember anyone going to school. I went to a facility way out in the boondocks. We had this recreational area it had one computer and it had a small section for books. It was nothing [there] that really encouraged you to better yourself academically. It just wasn't there. Nobody cared about that. Everybody wants to know about time cuts. ‘What programs are available and what will I need to do to get the time cuts [on my sentence]?’
When I asked him to share his observations on the level of educational attainment, ability, or interest of other inmates, he replied:
I don’t mean to sound like I'm condescending, but I can tell I was smarter than most guys. You know? Not wiser, but maybe academically, more fit . . .. For the most part that wasn’t their mindset; it was about time cuts and how to do the crime better when they get out. People [would] come up to me and ask, ‘where you from?’ I’d tell them and they would ask ‘what’s an 8-ball cost there?’ You know? They [would] start asking this stuff and the conversation [was all] about crime. ‘if you can't do it this way you should do it this way and you won’t get caught.’ That's how I knew I'm smarter than most of these guys. . . Not all of them. But when guys came up to me and talk about crime I would think ‘this guy's an idiot.’ He thinks that he's going to go out there and do another crime and he's going to do it so good, in a way that no one else has ever thought of, and he's going to get away with it. I'm thinking, ‘dude it is 2007, whatever you are thinking about, it is not going to work.’
87 Towards the end of his 10-month sentence, he had an experience that would change his focus and his future. Aaron described an older inmate who was offering guidance to a group of younger inmates. The older inmate said:
‘without a plan, you plan to fail.’ He said ‘all of you sitting here, within three to five years 85% of you will be back. This is going to happen.’ I start thinking to myself, ‘I want to be in the other 15%. I don't want to come back.’ When he said that the room just went silent. I said if they stand a hundred of us in a line, and 85 of us are coming back, I'm going to be one of the other 15. I'm not coming back that's all I was sure about.
These encounters motivated him to begin considering what he was going to do with the rest of his life. He began to consider college upon release and think about surrounding himself with people with different goals and aspirations. To date, this declaration turned out to be true for Aaron concluded by noting that after he earned his bachelor’s degree he was never arrested again.
After completing the 10-month sentence, he transitioned to a work release program where he enrolled in community college. Unsure of a major, he registered for some general education courses. He shared that his mother flatly refused to provide him with any assistance. He explained:
I asked my mom for financial support and she was like ‘nah. I'm not helping you with nothing.’ You know. I told her, ‘I'm about to fill out these forms and they're saying you make too much money [for me] to get any grants or anything like that,’ thinking she would offer some support. She was just sort of like ‘nope.’
However, because he was convicted of an armed robbery and not a drug crime, he was eligible to receive the Pell Grant to pay for college. Beyond that, he did not receive much guidance regarding available financial aid resources from the community college he attended. He shared:
88 they were like middle school. They didn’t tell you [about the resources available]. They just said fill out the FAFSA. My dad helped me. If you are the son of a disabled vet [he has PTSD] the state would give you a little money for that, and that helped. I found out about that [from him]. But other than that, they were not very forthcoming with all the resources that were available at [the community college].
While the financial hurdle was a challenge to overcome, he was no less concerned about the how his criminal background would affect his collegiate experiences.
Aaron indicated he was very much concerned about how his criminal history would affect his experience, particularly since his offense was for a violent crime. While he does not remember if a question regarding a criminal offense was on the application for admission, he remembered a question regarding a drug conviction on the FAFSA application, “It may have been part of the application for admission. But I remember thinking if I come across this question, I'm marking no. But I don't recall seeing it on there.” Ultimately, he settled in at the community college and at one point, felt comfortable enough to share his story in an English class in a personal narrative. After doing so, he found the response of the professor to be less than supportive. He explained:
I learned to keep quiet about it because she started to treat me differently once I revealed it in one of the narratives. [Thereafter] she would mark me low and give me C’s. [One time] she called me into the hall. I wrote this paper about everything, my experience in prison. [She was an] older white woman. I hadn’t started thinking in terms of racism at this time. But I did start thinking in terms of how people will treat you differently. She said, ‘what are your sources on this paper?’ I told her I don't understand. She said, ‘who helped you?’ I said ‘it's a narrative paper, nobody helped me. I just wrote it.’ Right then I knew. I said, ‘this lady she doesn't think I'm writing my own papers.’ There was a young lady who sat next to me, I used to help her with her papers, she [earned] a B, and I got a C [in the class]. What I didn't know is if [I was] treated differently because I was a felon, or if I was treated differently because I was Black? Either way, I wasn't going to reveal that anymore.
89 One day he encountered a physics professor who pulled him aside and said:
I can tell you’re really smart, next semester go over to [the four-year college]. Just go there. When he said that, I knew the [four-year school] was much better option. He gave me the encouragement to just go ahead and go for the bachelor [degree].
After transferring, he changed his major to Computer Information Systems and got a part- time job working on campus in a computer lab. While there he formed a mentor-mentee relationship with a supervisor. He reported:
I became so comfortable with her I told her that I was a felon and she said ‘don't worry about it. You're part-time. They are not running background checks on part-time employees. You seem like a good guy, just keep this between me and you’ [laughs].
This supervisor also connected him with resources while providing some guidance in managing workplace relationships. Aaron explained:
[She was] like a hub of information and she connected me to a lot of other people and she not only gave me my job here, which was great, but she also helped my social life; helped me to, you know [pause] sort of get in tune with others because I was kind of closed off after prison.
The one drawback to his experience was that he was unable to advance in his career at the college into leadership positions because of his felony record. Aaron described how he dealt with the stigma attached to being a felon and trying to find work when he explained:
Other positions would come up, but they required background checks. [Therefore] I couldn't get those positions or be promoted. I started to suspect [the computer center director] was becoming suspicious because she would [ask] me to apply [for other positions] but I would respond ‘I like where I’m at.’ [But my mentor supervisor reminded me] ‘if you apply for a position, I’ll have to run the background check.’ So, I was wedged in that position.
Although he was “wedged” in the position, it provided honest work and allowed him to gain experience in the field in which he now works.
90 Within the classroom he was now able to form mutually supportive relationships with other students both within, and outside the classroom. In high school, he did not connect with the “weird” kids in the AP courses. Now he actively sought out students who were different. He explained, “I sort of didn't connect with students who were the smartest. I always connected with [long pause] . . . sort of the outcasts. These students were ‘down-to-earth’ and ‘kept me in the know’ regarding opportunities ‘that really helped me a lot.’” As he continued to readjust to being in society, he explained these relationships:
helped me to understand how to communicate with people outside the workplace with people who were trying to better themselves . . .. I already know how to communicate with people in the street. . .. But it helped me to understand [the difference between] how white people interact and how Black people interact. You know. What is racist? What is not racist? It really helped me to understand how people think. I think that made me a much more sophisticated person.
Ultimately, after 6 years of study [first attending school part-time at the community college, then transferring to a 4-year institution] Aaron found work on campus, took advantage of scholarships for which he earned because of his good grades, and graduated with his bachelor’s in computer information systems in the spring of 2013. A few years after graduation, after the state revised laws simplifying the process of expungement, he was able to seal his conviction on his criminal record. As a result, he has been able to secure a variety of positions as a computer technician, including several servicing automated teller machines, a position he would have been unable to secure because of his previous conviction.
91 Chapter Five: Data Analysis
This chapter explores the structural and thematic connections among the life experiences shared by the men in this study (see Appendix A). By drawing attention to significant milestones along their individual journeys, the interview questions focused on their lives before incarceration, life in custody, post-release experiences pursuing college degrees, and finally, their post-degree outcomes. Guiding this analysis are the thematic and structural models described in the methods section. In short, the thematic analytical method allows an investigator to group experiences into categories. The structural analytical model examines the way the men share their narratives. In qualitative research, both methods privilege their voices allowing for triangulation among the responses as the observations are grounded within their lived experiences.
The interview protocol asks each individual to respond to a series of questions during three separate conversations covering their life prior to graduating high school, their experiences while incarcerated, and their journey to a college degree. While at times the narratives did not proceed in a linear fashion, there were some common milestones achieved throughout their histories (i.e., unstable home life, dropping out of school, involvement with drugs, etc...) providing an opportunity to identify common themes throughout the study. The use of the structural analytical model helped confirm the relationships within the thematic connections across their stories. Once identified, it was then possible, as Riessman (2008) suggested, to “interpret the relation between meaning and action” (p. 89).
Many of the challenges the men described began in their formative years prior to involvement with the criminal justice system. For each man, these challenges included
92 difficulties in the K-12 environment and involvement with drugs prior to earning a high school diploma. The challenges preceded them leaving their homes prior to full adulthood. At some point during or after incarceration they all developed the motivation to turn their lives around and grappled in some way with the stigma associated with a felony conviction. This label impacted the selection of a field of study and their career choices after graduation. In all cases, the men secured financial resources to complete their degrees, adapted to the collegiate environment, and identified institutional support along the way. The next section will explore these journeys while uncovering some of the similarities and differences within those experiences.
“Y’all just keep him. I don’t know what I’m going to do with him.” – Lloyd’s mom
The two oldest men in this study were Reggie (65 yrs.) and Willie (62 yrs.). Both grew up in a two-parent household with multiple siblings. Willie’s parents divorced when he was in his teens. The other three men lived in single parent households. Lloyd (58 yrs.) was raised by his grandmother, then later lived with his mother. Terry (53 yrs.) lived with his mother but moved to live with his father in his mid-teens. Conversely, Aaron’s
(31 yrs.) lived with his father, then moved with his mother in his early teens. Reggie was the only one raised in a family unit with both parents. Nevertheless, each of the men experienced some sort of conflict within their homes which precipitated leaving prior to graduation.
Four of the men (Reggie, Willie, Terry, and Aaron) reported involvement in drug use or distribution prior to graduating high school. Each of the four indicated the activities were a precursor to other illegal acts. Aaron and Terry were the only two who graduated high school prior to receiving a conviction. Aaron graduated with his class
93 while on bond for a robbery. Terry graduated on-time after attending night school following a short stay in a juvenile detention center.
Reggie, Willie, and Terry indicated they were influenced by their friends and acquaintances to become involved with drugs and alcohol and to underperform in school.
Reggie shared, “I left home at 15 and tried to continue going to school. But it’s hard you know, when you are in the streets. . . So, I dropped out in the 11th grade when I turned
17.” Reggie noted at the time, “I always wanted to go to college because I thought I could do college work. But my lifestyle was not amenable for that. I was a heroin addict for the most part of 13 years.”
Drugs and alcohol also affected Willie’s experiences. When his parents divorced, he lived with an aunt and started hanging out with guys who were, “living in what was called the May home [foster care]. They would drink a lot, went home when they wanted to. . . and I kind of gravitated to that.” Ultimately, he started skipping school and one day his father said to him:
you quit school. So, now you gotta make ends meet. So, you got to go job hunting.’ So, I ended up leaving there a few days later and I took to the streets and been in the streets ever since.
Now on his own, Willie continued to use drugs and became an “alcoholic.” He reflected:
I was in a lot of trouble back then . . . I was constantly going to the city jail and the judge told me that he was going to send me off somewhere if I didn't get my life together.
Shortly thereafter, he joined the military. Willie explained he believed military service would be a way to avoid the consequences of his prior behavior. However, the bad habits he developed would soon lead to him getting discharged where he would once again find himself struggling to survive his addictions.
94 While Terry was in his late teens his mother accused him of striking her and called the police. This led to a stay in a juvenile center, where upon release he lived with his grandmother. While living there he attended night school, earned a GED, and eventually graduated with his class. Upon graduation Terry moved to live with his father whom he describes as a, “hustler,” or someone, “who made money through multiple streams of income.” Terry described his father as, “one of the 2% of hustlers who make it out unscathed.” Shortly after enrolling in community college, he became involved in the emerging rap music scene. At the time, “a local dope dealer. . . gave us $10,000 and we did that first album. That’s how I got into the dope game.”
On the other hand, Lloyd and Aaron were more introverted figures who did not spend much time with others. When Lloyd moved to the Midwest in the 7th or 8th grade to live with his mother, he noticed a lack of rigor within the curriculum as he moved through the educational pipeline. Bored by the material, he began to disengage both academically and with the people in this new community. Lloyd remarked, “looking back, I feel like if I had continued, or had I been challenged to understand the importance of education in my life and the direction where it could take me things might have ended up differently.” Ultimately, he shared that he, “got caught with a rifle. They took me to the juvenile center, and it was kind of like the last straw with my mom.” As his mom had had enough his behavior she told the judge “y'all just keep him!” The judge in his case issued an ultimatum and told him his options were to “either go to the service or we’ll send you to jail.” He chose to join the military. In this way, Lloyd became the adaptable and manageable being who, as Freire described accepted the passive role societal structures imposed upon him.
95 Aaron spent his early years with his father in what he described as an unstable environment where they moved frequently. He changed schools often and was unable to form lasting relationships with his peers. When he turned 13, he lived with his mother.
He explained their different approaches to parenting had an impact on his behavior. For example, this father provided motivation by giving him gifts when he did well in school.
On the other hand, when his mother declined to reward him for what she considered expected behavior his grades dropped. As a result, Aaron was not, “as interested and I wasn't as involved. I held onto 3.0 or higher for a couple years then, in 11th grade it starts to slide. And the second half of the 12th grade I was in night school.” Additionally, his mother expected him to find work in the 10th grade. While he “was making like $5.15 an hour I would see guys who sold weed and stuff and they would have cars. . . and I'm like
. . . I'm just going to sell some weed.” After a short period where he lived in his car he moved in with a girlfriend, attended night school, and eventually graduated with his class.
However, 30 days before his graduation he was arrested on an armed robbery and sentenced to prison.
“So, we just basically ran the streets with no structure and no guidance.” --Willie
Involvement with drug use or sales led to four of the men leaving home before graduating high school precipitating their eventual incarceration. To avoid this fate, three of the men joined the military. However, this option offered false hope and because of their ongoing criminal activity, they were soon entangled in the judicial system.
After being charged with illegal gun possession as a senior in high school, Lloyd joined the military to avoid a jail sentence. Once there he went AWOL and “ended up shooting someone at a dice game.” After a dishonorable discharge, this incident began a
96 25-year cycle of arrest, release, and recidivism that would define his adult life. Years later, between stints in-and-out of prison, Lloyd would finally earn his GED at a program run by the Haven House (pseudonym).
Willie also joined military service to avoid a prison sentence. As a youth, he and his peers drank alcohol and used heroin. At the time, he explained:
I was constantly going to the city jail and the judge told me that he was going to send me off somewhere. . . So, I went to see this Army recruiter and they shipped me off to the military.
While there he could not escape his addictions. Eventually, he “end[ed] up in the brig and then [got] a general discharge under honorable conditions. It just so happened that I stayed in long enough to get some benefits.” Willie described the next 30 years as a struggle with drug and alcohol addiction. He said, “If I wasn't in a rehab, I was in a prison. If I wasn’t in a prison I was on the streets.” During one of his stays in rehab,
Willie discovered they were, “offering the GED classes. I convinced [them] to let me take the test. I remember passing the test by 2 points. That's how I got my GED.” While he was successful at earning the GED, it would be years before he would commit himself to the pursuit of a bachelor’s degree.
Reggie followed a circuitous route to securing both a GED and a high school diploma. Prior to being drafted for the Vietnam War, Reggie was, “dabbling in drugs, crime, and all kinds of unhealthy living,” and “I dropped out in the 11th grade when I turned 17.” In 1972, Reggie earned his GED, shortly after which he was drafted. He explained, “back then, especially at the end of a war. . . they had a lot of us they wanted as cannon fodder. You know, they would just take anybody off the street who could stop a bullet.” Once he got there, “I continued to use drugs in the military, sold drugs in the
97 military, and committed all kinds of crimes in the military.” After an arrest for an armed robbery while overseas he found himself in the stockade where the director of educational programs encouraged him to get a high school diploma. He saw the effort as redundant because he already had a GED. Nonetheless, this administrator obtained his high school records discovering he needed only a few classes and pushed him to, “give yourself the best chance you can.” He complied and now claims to be, “one of the few people out there who have a GED and a high school diploma.” He credits the structural support he received in the military for laying the foundation for him to pursue more for himself later in life. Despite this eventual positive outcome, as Freire’s banking model of education mentioned in the introduction suggests, all three of these men lived in an unforgiving social structure that saw them, “as objects, as ‘things,’ that have no purpose except those their oppressors prescribe for them” (Freire, 1970, p. 60). As opposed to providing substance abuse treatment for Reggie and Willie, or counseling to address
Lloyd’s violent tendencies, the oppressive structures within society left them with the choice of joining one of its institutions, or the other; really no choice at all.
For Aaron and Terry, the two youngest men of the study, both were involved in drug sales, while in high school. Coincidentally, both graduated with their class while attending night school where they were placed due to behavioral issues. In 10th grade,
Aaron wanted to have, “nice wheels and stuff and I'm like. . . I'm just going to sell some weed.” Eventually, he, “. . . was waist deep. I was just. . . selling a lot of weed, you know? That was just my only income really.” In his pursuit of fast money, he was arrested for an armed robbery 30 days before his high school graduation and ended up being sentenced to six years confinement shortly after the ceremony.
98 On the other hand, Terry did not go to prison until 9 years after high school graduation when he, “got into the rap game,” and a, “local dope dealer. . . gave us
$10,000 and we did that first album. That’s how I got into the dope game.” Terry reported his drug distribution business was successful and he, “had a good run from 1988 to 2002. It went from local, to state, to international. In order for me to do business with you, you had to buy a minimum of 50 to 100 kilos.” Eventually, one of his drivers was caught with 53 kilos of cocaine in Texas. Although the driver did not know his identity,
Terry claims family members cooperated with federal investigators. While incarcerated,
Terry participated in drug rehabilitation programs, viewing them with a critical eye.
These experiences motivated him to develop his own treatment and reentry programs as a result of inefficiencies he observed in the existing models.
“. . . a lot of time to think and reflect” --Reggie
While incarcerated, the men reported varying degrees of educational support and resources were made available. For some, the staff of the institutions developed or directed them to programs to encourage them to do something meaningful with their time. Those who participated suggested the primary motivation was directly connected to the accumulation of time cuts rather than for any rehabilitative effect. For those who were short timers or who moved to a variety of facilities, most of their time was spent trying to stay “sucker free,” meaning away from people or situations that could get them hurt or cause them to catch another case extending their sentences.
Willie and Aaron were for the most part short timers. Willie generally was not eligible to sign up for the educational and job training options available to inmates allowing for good time credits, because he was in and out of jail so often. Most
99 institutions have long waiting lists for these programs and Willie, being a short timer was usually at the back of the line. When I asked his impressions of the academic ability or interest level of his fellow inmates Willie remarked:
Zero. You know most of them it was really about time cuts. And most of them didn't finish the GED. Or, when it comes time to start to change their mind or it was strictly for time cut. Do you know I never really met anybody to say, you know, ‘I'm doing this because this is really important to me and I need this.’ When I think back, I think it is because of the way maybe the system put it out there. It was known, if you take this, if you do this, you can get a time cut. It wasn't ‘why don't you consider furthering your education?’
This observation aligns with the experiences of several other respondents who indicated the environment in prison did little to promote educational or intellectual curiosity, illustrating the limited rehabilitative value of current correctional policy. Due to being a
“short timer,” and thus, ineligible for the GED or job training classes, Willie spent most of his days lifting weights, watching television, or working at various jobs within the facility.
When Aaron described his educational experiences during his almost 3 years in custody he laughed and said:
There was nothing educational about it. I mean. . . I don’t mean to sound like I'm condescending, but I can tell I was smarter than most guys. You know, not wiser, but maybe academically, you know, more fit. But definitely not the wisest. There was nothing [that] really encouraged academic progress in the Department of Corrections. . . it was the worst thing I had ever experienced in my whole life.
As a result, he would “mainly stay to [himself] to stay out of trouble. . . so, I can get out on my due date. Watch movies on the weekend. Spent a lot of time in the weight room and the baseball field in the summer.”
100 Reggie, Lloyd, and Terry’s experiences were quite different. Reggie benefitted from a program director who wanted to give him the opportunity to rebuild his life after incarceration and pushed him to get a high school diploma. After transferring back to the
US to serve his sentence, Reggie credited the efforts of a group of Black generals who were aware the armed forces routinely discarded, with dishonorable discharges, “cannon fodder” who had outlived their usefulness. They established programs to help soldiers because they understood how difficult it would be to rebuild a life after a felony conviction. Reggie explained:
They understood that coming out of prison with a conviction and a bad conduct discharge. . . it is going to be very tough to get a job in the regular job market. So, they made sure that everybody in that prison had an opportunity to learn a trade and go to college. The trade I learned was furniture upholstery and I did eventually work at that when I get out of prison. It is one of the ways I put myself through school. So, thank God for those brothers! They gave me the equipment I needed to survive.
As a result of this support, Reggie embraced the opportunity to learn and shared the following thoughts on his educational experiences while incarcerated:
you had some guys who would challenge me intellectually. Those who took the college courses were brilliant. One thing that you know, as I've been involved in working with in prison ministry for you know about 37 years, one thing I learned was that most black men and probably most men in general do not read. But when we go to prison we are exposed to books and you know different ideas and philosophies and people try to become scholars (emphasis added). That was part of my experience hanging out with those guys.
Accordingly, when Reggie connected with these men, they shared ideas which encouraged them to challenge the system that oppressed them. He explained:
This was around the time of political upheaval in the seventies. You know we had George Jackson5 and those guys, the Black Panthers and the more
5 George Jackson was the author of Soledad Brother: The Prison Letters of George Jackson. His brother John P. Jackson orchestrated an escape attempt during a trial that
101 intellectual type books those guys encouraged me to read. People would share, one book would circulate in prison 50 times, you know. . . people [were] reading.
As Freire (1970) explained, “When they discover within themselves the yearning to be free, they perceive that this yearning can be transformed into reality only when the same yearning is aroused in their comrades” (p. 47). Consequently, Reggie’s thirst for knowledge was nurtured planting the seeds which would motivate him complete his degree years after his release.
Lloyd, who was in-and-out of prison for the better part of 26 years, was also able to engage in educational pursuits while incarcerated. He shared, “now when I was incarcerated I got my associate’s degree. . . I was happy that I got it. But I really went and got it more for the time cut than anything else.” However, he felt it, “was not worth the paper it was printed on.” He changed his mind after another cycle of recidivism when he shared:
I got locked up and they [gave] me a 25-year sentence and basically said, ‘we're done with you. We’re tired of your mess.’ So, I enrolled in a bachelor’s degree program and had made it through the first classes and then they snatched college out of prisons. But at that point I knew [what] college was, [or] could be. I was a great student while I was incarcerated.
As with many other inmates who could not afford to pay for college courses, the end of
Pell Grant eligibility ended access to a college education for Lloyd while in custody.
When asked to describe his experiences while he was taking classes Lloyd put it this way:
There's a huge difference between those who were going to school and those who weren't. Those who weren’t were in survival mode. Those who were going to school had a better vision of what was possible (emphasis
resulted in the death of four people including John and a judge. George was later killed in an attempt to escape from San Quentin State Prison.
102 added). What I really enjoyed, and I guess it makes sense that I enjoyed the conversation with the faculty that would come in. You know? It's rare that you can have intellectual conversation with guys who are just sitting around in prison who are basically thinking in survive mode. So, the teachers and the faculty that came in would take the time to speak with me. I was a voracious reader and it, just boosted my intellect to where people were really interested in sharing conversations with me and so we were talking, and I just really enjoyed that.
The exchanges between Lloyd, his fellow classmates, and the faculty made him feel valued as a human being. They made him feel like he belonged and led him to believe he could one day enroll in college and complete a bachelor’s degree.
While Reggie and Lloyd actively pursued academic opportunities while incarcerated, Terry did not. He prepared himself for reentry in other ways. As Terry was held in jails and had, “never been to a prison through all my journey fighting this case,” he did not have access to educational programs some facilities offer during the 58 months he spent in custody fighting his case. He spent his time helping “tutor” other inmates offering legal advice and assisting them in writing letters home. These activities brought him to the attention of a counselor who suggested he might be effective working with a juvenile offender program. One day, “she poked me in the chest, and said, ‘you’ve got to give back!’” She then introduced him to a Scared Straight6 type program where inmates speak to troubled youth to deter them from ending up in prison. Terry described his thoughts about the program and its youth by explaining:
I don’t like to call them at risk. I call them Future Achievers. Why you going to call them at risk? You already labeling them. When you call them at risk youth they will be like, ‘fuck it! I’m going to live up to that.
6 Scared Straight is a youthful offender program which matches young people with actual convicts in an attempt to encourage them to avoid prison sentences.
103 In his own way, Terry was doing as Freire (1970) suggested that “the oppressed must be their own example in the struggle for their redemption” (p. 54) and in doing so reclaim their humanity.
Throughout his involvement, Terry engaged in a critical evaluation of the merits of the drug and rehabilitation programs in use at the facility. Terry identified inefficiencies with the programs and began to consider enhancements to promote better outcomes for program participants. After months of involvement in the program the counselor asked for his observations about it and the attendees. Terry replied that most of the youth:
came from a single parent home or a two-parent home and all of the parents had a substance abuse problem. She said ‘that’s what I’m talking about Buster! We got to give back! You were never on the street level. But now you saw what happens.’ I was like ‘yeah,’ and that made me think.
This revelation laid the foundation for his future work advocating for changes in correctional policy and the development of effective reentry and rehabilitation programs.
Terry also commented on the disparities in the provision of correctional services in different parts of the country. Upon being sentenced to 10 years, he was transferred to a federal facility on the other side of the country. Terry stated this new facility was different in that it:
. . . was like a college campus. I've never been to a prison that was run by white boys. But it was so laid-back. . . I mean, the hardest thing was staying out of the way of the people wanting to be tough.
He also observed the newness of the facilities, the lush green landscaping, and the higher quality programming that was available.
104 “God, there’s got to be something better than this.” --Lloyd
Each of the men in this study indicated in time, they all decided they were going to change their ways and work to better themselves by using higher education to break the cycle of recidivism. For some of the older men, college classes ignited an intellectual curiosity and a desire to, as Willie put it “do something” with their lives. Some even got in touch with their spirituality and embedded within their decision to pursue an education was a willingness to help others as a way of making amends for their crimes and give back to their communities.
While Aaron wanted to do something with his life, his motivation was personal and not necessarily focused on spirituality or in the service of others. Growing up he had no thoughts about going to college. He said, “I just didn't have that foresight. I got to make this money now. I got to pay bills. I got to find somewhere to live, you know. I was living in my car at one point.” After serving 10 months in prison, he was transferred to a halfway house where he stated:
On work release they would let you go to school. I remember thinking to myself well I'm not good at selling drugs. And, I'm not good at robbery or doing crime, obviously. I was thinking to myself what can I do? What am I good at? And I start to think of well. . . [pause] school has always been easy. I should just go enroll in college. Maybe I'll find what I want to do with my life.
Soon afterwards, he enrolled in a community college and started working towards his bachelor’s degree. At the time, he was mostly concerned with rebuilding his own life than living a life in the service of others.
For Terry, the motivation to return to school grew after his experiences with the drug counseling programs where, in his view, the treatment was inadequate, the programs
105 ineffective, and the counselors themselves were flawed. When describing his impressions of the drug programs in which he participated he explained:
So, when I got in the drug program that’s when I became a certified drug counselor and I saw how messed up the system is, the country is, the politicians are, and everything. Those drug programs and the alcohol and drug counselors are certified, and I do the same shit and the people that really need the help. . . those drug counselors have their own issues.
When commenting on how service was delivered he exclaimed:
It was like they were trying to change the way you think. I was like ‘this shit ain’t gon’ work on me. I’m not going to let these motherfuckers change my mind.’ I’m like ‘yo! this shit ain’t gon’ work!” [My counselor] said, ‘just do what you doing Terry. You getting ready to go home.’ She says ‘don't worry about it.’ But for them to try and change people’s minds. . . Cuz when you stand up [and say] ‘Hi! My name is Joe Blow. I'm recovering.’ Okay, you been clean and sober and locked up for 20 years. You still thinking like that motherfucker? No! [Shouts] See, I’m nontraditional and that’s what made me become an advocate if you will.
Terry expressed his opinion that the programs as they are currently constituted do not value the agency, determination, and resolve of the people they are trying to serve. In his view, asking people to claim addictions they have already overcome re-victimizes them, preventing them from full recovery. Once determined to change the system, he focused his attention on acquiring all the training he could to better understand and deconstruct these flawed programs, while informing the improvements he would develop. Upon release, he decided to pursue a degree in psychology that would aid in the creation of such programs and eventually join a consultancy to recommend policy changes to address the challenges ex-offenders faced upon return to their communities.
Reggie, Willie, and Lloyd credit a spiritual awakening for sparking the motivation to complete their bachelor’s degrees. While Reggie took some college courses while
106 incarcerated, he did not earn his associate’s degree until 6 years after serving his sentence. He said, “I always wanted to go to college you know because I thought I could do college work. But you know my lifestyle was not amenable for that. I was a heroin addict for the most part 13 years.” At the age of 28, he shared:
recommitted my life to Christ [and] got back into the church, and got my life back on track. As a kid I always had a desire to go to college. But of course, you know my lifestyle wasn't conducive for going to college as I was very deeply addicted to drugs. And that was one of the first things I wanted to do when I became drug-free, was to go to college
Reggie credits his spiritual awakening with saving his life, because without it he would not have been interested in connecting with the Christian college which supported him with mentorship and financial resources to earn his degree.
Over the years, Willie had been discouraged by his numerous failures. He confessed, saying, “I quit school, I quit the military. It just so happened that I stayed in long enough to get some benefits. I quit the Boy Scouts. The only thing I think I've completed was Cub Scouts.” He continued:
A part of me had quit everything that I had begun. Like I said the military, the Boy Scouts, or whatever. I got involved with school, football, track, I never. . . [long pause, looks down] I've always failed at them. Never succeeded. Even though I was good at them.
Willie had embraced what Freire describes as being “emotionally dependent” on his failures. (p. 67). Freire continues by noting, “this total emotional dependence can lead the oppressed to what Fromm calls necrophilic behavior: the destruction of life—their own or that of their oppressed fellows” (Freire, 1970, p. 67). Despite this string of admitted failures, Willie spent much of his time reading the bible during his intermittent periods of incarceration. From time to time, he would also have extended stays at Christian based
107 rehabilitation centers. When describing where he drew his motivation from, he shared he often thought about his family background:
Where [I] came from. Again, I remember smoking crack and putting a needle in my arm and I would always revert back to my upbringing, you know. And I would keep doing the same thing. But my upbringing never left me. Somewhere in my conscious mind would be calling me and calling me even though it took thirty-five years for me to answer.
After multiple stays in jail and rehab centers, He said, “it really start[ed] pressing on my heart to further my education. I kept thinking about it and I thought about it for a few years.” Eventually, his sister earned a bachelor’s degree from a local Christian university and suggested he go there for an interview. Overcoming his fear of failure, he decided,
“to go out there and prove to myself. So, I finally went, and they really made me feel welcome and comfortable,” and he enrolled in an associate’s degree program.
After earning an associate’s degree during a previous period of incarceration,
Lloyd continued to pursue higher education after he was sentenced for the last time. He explained:
they give me a 25-year sentence and basically said ‘we're done with you. We’re tired of your mess.’ And what I did was I fell on my knees in my cell and I was like ‘God, there’s got to be something better than this.’ And that was when I kind of gave myself up to that prison life and that spirituality start kicking in and I started looking at things differently. In 2008 or 2009, I enrolled into the bachelor’s degree program there at the [state institution].
For Lloyd, “[giving] myself up to the prison life” meant becoming a spokesperson for other inmates. He became, “the dorm representative. . . the go-between for the people who were speaking with the officers.” In this advocacy role, he, “used to go back and forth and have long conversations about how the prison system could be better.” The case
108 manager gave him an opportunity to offer advice and conditions within his unit began to improve.
From then on, he assisted the administration in keeping the dorms in order and began offering encouraging words to other inmates. He stated, “They allowed me to buy those inspirational sayings. . . [to] put in the dorms. ‘Be the change you wish to see in the world,’ that type of thing.” The experience as an advocate for other inmates prepared him for a career in advocacy for reentry reform upon his release. When freed in 2014, he immediately began looking for an institution where he could complete his bachelor’s degree as he gravitated towards what he sees now as his life’s purpose.
The decisions of Reggie, Willie, Lloyd, and Terry to pursue careers helping others recalls Freire’s contention that:
Because it is a distortion of being more fully human, sooner or later being less human leads the oppressed to struggle against those who made them so. In order for the struggle to have more meaning, the oppressed must not, in seeking to regain their humanity (which is a way to create it), become in turn oppressors of the oppressors, but restorers of the humanity of both. (Freire, 1970, p. 44)
By deciding to give back to their neighborhoods and counsel others who have traversed a similar path, these men restore their own humanity as they strive to build stronger and more supportive communities. The next section will explore how the men developed a plan for success to achieve their college and career goals.
“Without a plan, you plan to fail” -- Aaron
For all but one of the men in this study, the selection of a major was influenced by a desire to help others. Aaron, the outlier, was undecided on a major when he enrolled in community college. Eventually, he settled on computer science, a subject in which he
109 always had an interest. Being a relatively young man when he was released, he was, because of his experiences growing up, primarily concerned with how he would make a living. He described his thinking at the time as, “I'll just go and enroll in college. . . maybe I'll find what I want to do with my life.” Terry, on the other hand, wanted to help people because, as noted earlier, he felt he could do a better job than those who ran the drug and rehabilitation programs he experienced. When Terry applied for admission using a common application, he was advised at some point to major in psychology with an emphasis in addiction studies. However, he shared some of the schools wanted him to major in African American history or general studies. Ultimately, he decided, “I can’t let these motherfuckers tell me what to do. I ain’t going in there to study African American studies. I can go a lot further with a psych degree than I can with an African American
[studies degree].”
As noted earlier, Reggie, Willie, and Lloyd, each were led by a deep spiritual desire to help others avoid the pitfalls which ensnared men like themselves. As Reggie transitioned to life outside prison, he moved through a variety of jobs and eventually found work in a prison ministry. He shared, “In that situation my having gone to prison was a plus because that's the kind of people they hire for this kind of work. I excelled in that position.” Reggie continued, “when I left there I started my own non-profit. I created a successful re-entry program.” Ultimately, he decided to, “train for some kind of
Christian career. I wasn't sure if I want[ed] to be a pastor or some other Christian vocation.” Soon, he would begin pursuit of a dual degree in both Urban and Bible
Studies.
110 Willie could only sustain work at a rehabilitation center from which he was released because of his long history in-and-out of jail. He explained, “I hadn’t planned on working here driving. I ended up in a Chaplin’s position, got a position as a program coordinator, moved back to a counselor’s position, and now I’m back in a Chaplin’s position.” Eventually, when he earned a leadership position at the rehab center, he enrolled in college to pursue an associate’s degree in business. Securing that credential, he then earned a bachelor’s degree in management. And finally, a master’s degree in human resources. His goal at the time was to, “develop the skill set to better serve the rehabilitation center where he worked.” With the frequent turnover in men at the facility, he viewed professional development in these fields as vital for him to effectively deliver service.
When Lloyd was released, he lived with a longtime girlfriend and took a series of low-paying jobs. He was unsure how to operationalize the advocacy he engaged in as a dorm representative. Lloyd worked as a janitor for some time and quit when he decided the work was not for him. He wanted to do something more impactful. Lloyd began to think deeply about his next move and at his girlfriend’s urging connected with community leaders who advocated for ex-offenders. When he met with them, he said that he, “listen[ed] to a lot of people asking questions trying to understand people who were coming back home from incarceration. But they were asking the wrong questions.” When given an opportunity to speak, he impressed the attendees with his understanding of the challenges Black men face post-release. Soon, he began volunteering at local organizations and eventually assumed an executive director position at an organization at the forefront of such advocacy work. While serving in this role he earned certifications in
111 sexual assault, conflict mediation, and in moral reconation therapy (MRT). MRT is a treatment model which seeks to reduce recidivism by increasing moral reasoning (Little,
1988). Terry currently teaches this method during weekend workshops for local youth between 18 to 24-years old. In seeking to build upon this knowledge, he decided to finish the bachelor’s degree and searched for an institution in which to enroll.
“Its not hard to be a professional student.” --Terry
The degree of support provided the men in this study when they applied for admission often varied as Aaron and Terry reported receiving misinformation, bad advice, or indifference from the colleges they attended. Conversely, Reggie, Lloyd, and
Willie joined programs with assigned advisors, academic support, and cohort structures, which supported their progress. The following section describes the college experiences of each post-release.
Aaron enrolled in a community college while residing at a halfway house for several months before he was released on parole. He received little in the way of advice regarding financial aid or career selection. When comparing his experiences at the 2 and
4-year institution, he described the community college as being, “. . . like a middle school. They didn't tell you anything.” The 4-year college, “throws it at you like ‘fill this out. Do this! We got scholarships and grants.’ Even if you go to a page and click on financial aid link the information is there.” At the community college they were like “fill out the FAFSA and that’s it.” He concluded by sharing:
When I started, my dad helped me. As the son of a disabled vet. . . they would give me a little money and that helped. I found out about that on my own. But other than that, they were not very forthcoming with all the resources that were available. Not in the way the four-year institution was.
112 Accordingly, it was not until he transferred to a 4-year degree granting institution that he described receiving the kind of support he felt encouraged his academic success. During the enrollment process, Aaron did not remember being asked about his criminal record.
However, he shared:
I just remember the question on the FAFSA about drugs. But as far as a felony question on the application I don't remember it being on there. But I remember thinking if I come across this question I'm marking no.
He continued by describing how the stigma of being a felon affected his behavior. He said, “I was paranoid about were they going to let me in school? I'm a convicted felon. I just didn't want anybody to know.” Initially, he decided to keep others from finding out about his criminal record. A year after enrolling in community college, a professor suggested he transfer to 4-year institution. The professor said, “I can tell you that you’re really smart. Next semester, go over to the 4-year institution. I knew it was a much better option. He gave me the encouragement to just go ahead and go for the bachelor.”
An articulation agreement between the schools helped transfer his credits to the 4- year institution. When he enrolled he was hired for a part-time position on campus. He recalled, “Yeah, I remember applying. And it did ask me if I was a felon and I just marked no.” After a few months of work, he began to open up to his colleagues, especially his immediate supervisor, he said, “I became so comfortable with her that I told her ‘I'm a felon.’ She said ‘don't worry about it. You're part-time. They not running background checks on part-time. Just keep this between me and you (laughs).’” However, he remembers, “being stuck in that position. [Full-time] positions would come up, but they required background checks and I couldn't get promoted.”
113 Terry’s selection of a major was also influenced by his criminal record. After completing an extra year at community college to meet [the 4-year institutions] requirements. Terry applied for admission and was accepted at several schools to earn his bachelor’s degree. He credits a “common application,” sometimes used in a multi- campus state system, for his successful acceptance. During the third interview while discussing his experiences applying for college Terry and I had the following exchange:
Terry: When I came home there was the common app. Those schools that I applied to on the common app asked if you have ever been convicted of a felony like a job application. I was like ‘yeah.’ Please explain. So, I just said the conspiracy to distribute narcotics and money laundering.
PI: So how did the schools respond when you explained? There was no follow up? Nothing?
Terry: No, the funny thing was that after [School A] offered me a full ride [School B] did the same. Their tuition is the same as [School A’s]. [School C] offered me a full ride. I just had to take more history's cuz they are a private institution. After I turned down [School D] everybody told me I was stupid. [But] I said ‘I’m a psych major with a 3.625 GPA. I’m not gone let these honkies tell me what to do. So, they can meet their quota. Or whatever that shit is and place me in African American studies. [School E] put me in the psych program.
When asked how the stigma of being a felon impacted his life while enrolled in school,
Terry shared:
They knew. When you google my name. . . what were they gonna do? I was the poster child for that shit up there. If you google my name you will see former inmate, now a student trustee charged with extortion and a photo, of my mentee. I beat the case. That’s why I’m depressed. . . they don’t want to talk about how I fought this case for 22 months to see it was dismissed. Six DA’s and five judges [and] that shit was finally dismissed in court. And the judge said this is a racially and politically motivated case.
The emotional toll of that incident caused Terry to forego opportunities to pursue a graduate degree as he currently claims to suffer from post-traumatic stress syndrome
114 (PTSD) and depression. Nevertheless, Terry remained determined to maximize his opportunity. He summed up his experiences by sharing the following:
I forgot how many AA‘s and AS’s and degrees I have. . . Because I was at the halfway house I couldn’t enroll in the spring 2011, because they keep you on restriction for one week. So, I had to wait and enroll in the fall of 2011. I graduated right away with a certificate in 18 months. . . in four years I ended up getting five or six. I went to three different colleges that encompassed nine campuses and then got five or six degrees. I came home in 2011. Through 2012-2015 I got the Associate of Arts and Sciences and then I got my BA in 2017.
Despite his conviction, Terry continued to resist the idea that institutions within society can place restrictions on what he could or could not do after he had paid his debt to society. While Terry and Aaron had to fend for themselves when they enrolled in college,
Reggie, Willie, and Lloyd attended institutions with a variety of programs designed to support ex-offenders. Each credit such programs for their academic success.
Seeking a, “Christian education,” Reggie attended an institution with support reminiscent to that offered by the Black military generals mentioned in his narrative.
Upon enrolling he described himself as being:
like a fish out of water. The guy I was telling you who started the program, he was the one who helped. We were in a special program designed for I guess non-traditional students to go through. It was 20 of us in a cohort. So, a small group of us we got a lot of mentoring and a lot of support to help us finish.
In addition to providing half-scholarships for program participants, the cohort structure of the program and its interactive pedagogy provided skill building opportunities in which he thrived. This helped mitigate the trepidation he expressed in returning to school after a long absence. The program dedicated academic advisors who counseled him on which classes to take to earn his degree helping guide his progress through the course of study.
Further, the school regularly held events to celebrate milestones and achievements,
115 providing encouragement to continue his educational journey. Reggie recalled, “in the third year, when we got our associate’s degree there was a big celebration. And that's when I began to realize I basically can get a bachelor’s degree.”
For Willie it was much the same. When he enrolled in the Christian university, he was surrounded by support from the very beginning. He shared:
And so, I finally went [enrolled], and they really made me feel welcome and comfortable at the initial interview. They did everything for me. . . financial aid [and] all that [was] sitting right there. So, I didn't have to figure things out on my own. They really made the transition really easy for me. Moreover, the staff at the school would not let him give up on himself when he showed up two weeks later determined to quit. Upon meeting with a counselor, he told her the following:
‘I come in every day and I feel like they might be speaking another language. Cuz, I'm not understanding anything.’ So, she prayed with me and she begged me to hang in there a little bit longer. She said, ‘it'll come to you. . .you're not the first dude this has happened to and especially at your age.’ So, I said ‘all right.’ I came back to school and it seem like almost right away I had one of them, I call it ah-ha moments.
Willie admitted this kind of personal support was vital as it encouraged him to persist to graduation. He indicated he felt the staff at the school genuinely cared about his success and that made all the difference for him. Once he felt embraced by the academic community he, “ended up staying at school and getting good grades.”
For Lloyd, the first two schools to which he applied denied his application because of his status as an ex-offender. He submitted letters of recommendation from prominent citizens to no avail. The third school he applied to has a reputation for educating ex-offenders and after considering his application materials admitted him for enrollment. Moreover, they assigned an assistant to help him with all tasks related to
116 registering and accessing the necessary technology to attend classes. He explained this support was critical, because due to the length of time he spent incarcerated, he was unfamiliar with technology and the school restricted him to online classes only. He shared:
The scary part for me was I didn’t know nothing about no computers. I didn’t know nothing about responsibilities of making sure that I was taking [my] assigned test times and then I had to buy a camera so they can see me. But I got through it.
Soon, he, “went back to my prison days of enjoying the faculty. And we would just talk. I was able to now just do that on chat [rooms].” As he corresponded with his professors and started passing exams, he stated that he was:
thrilled to find that I had met the requirements when I took my tests. Some of them were kind of scary for me but I always been a good test-taker. Apprehension and everything else would set in. But once I get the test in front of me I knocked it out. Which is the only reason why I'm considering my master's degree.
After completing his course of studies, he was awarded a bachelor’s degree in Sociology.
As each of the men in this study have shared the application process and degree of support had an impact on their ability to transition from one institution to another.
Programs with institutional support such as received by Reggie, Willie, and Lloyd promote student success. Programs that neglect and ignore (i.e., Aaron) or do not value the student’s desires (Terry) present unnecessary roadblocks to completion. The next sections describes how the men found the motivation to continue and identify their purpose or career paths.
“How to give back . . . that's where I found my purpose in life.” -- Lloyd
It seems fitting that four of the five men in this study gravitated towards work where they could, in Terry’s words, “give back” to others who have followed a similar
117 path. Freire asks important questions regarding how individuals find the agency to take control of their lives and challenge the system that oppresses them. In Pedagogy of the
Oppressed Freire asked, “who are better prepared than the oppressed to understand the terrible significance of an oppressive society? Who suffer the effects of oppression more than the oppressed? Who can understand the necessity of liberation?” (Freire, 1970, p.45). These questions are important to ask because by experiencing the effects of the oppressive system, those affected are best suited to point out in rich detail the myriad ways, both large and small that structural oppression impacts their lives.
After their experiences Reggie, “created a very successful re-entry program model, which became one of the most successful programs in the world of its kind.” He has been recognized for his work nationally by leaders in the movement to combat recidivism. Willie has spent the last 13 years serving in a variety of roles at the rehabilitation center to which he was released in 2007. During that time, he mentored hundreds of men like him who were struggling with addiction. Willie also successfully petitioned to have all but one of his charges expunged. Expungement removes and/or seals criminal convictions from the criminal record greatly enhancing an ex-offender’s employment prospects and, in some cases, restoring rights previously denied. Terry has remained active through his consultancy where he has offered policy recommendations on ban the box initiatives in his state and he currently administers programs and resources to support ex-offenders. Despite some recent setbacks, Lloyd continues to advocate for re-entry reform through a regular radio show and continues to teach MRT to young men vulnerable to the criminal justice system.
118 Aaron, the youngest participant of the study, was the only participant who did not seek a career in reentry support. He petitioned to have his conviction expunged and currently works as a computer technician, repairing automated teller machines, a position which he would have previously been ineligible to secure due to his criminal record.
Summary
Today, each of the men who participated in this study are proud of their ability to have survived the prison system and earn a bachelor’s degree. Several have entered vocations of service to others and have avoided additional legal problems since their release. Those who were involved with drug addiction or distribution claim to no longer partake in such activities. Still, as the men shared their individual stories, it became clear that while they traversed a similar path, each experienced the journey differently.
Participants narratives indicated that their lives, once filled with endless potential, were sidetracked because of unstable home environments, bad influences, and limited or poor choices. These circumstances accelerated their departure from home at an early age, hastening their path to the penitentiary. While some sought to avoid this fate by joining the armed forces, the discipline of military service was no remedy for the behaviors they bought with them. Thus, one by one, they became entangled in an uncaring criminal justice system that demonstrably held little interest in rehabilitating men whose lives began with so much promise.
Once incarcerated, the efficacy of the rehabilitation options varied depending upon the facility and the administration present. The men reported many of the jails had little in the way of educational resources or programs. Further, the attitudes of the administration at the facilities towards the rehabilitation of the inmates directly impacts
119 the structural barriers put in place to prevent inmates from bettering themselves. The men in this study reported observing limited funding for educational resources and unqualified personnel delivering programming. Accordingly, these conditions have created environments where there are large groups of men who have demonstrated little interest in educational pursuits. Moreover, the physical resources in the facilities such as libraries and computer rooms are scarce, with access to such materials often restricted.
Nevertheless, some institutions do offer programs to educate inmates that include college courses and vocational training. However, as noted earlier, from 1994 to 2015, inmates were ineligible to access the Pell Grants to pay for the college courses, making the cost of classes prohibitive for most inmates even if they had the desire to pursue such opportunities.
At some point each of the men decided to turn their lives around. Lloyd, Reggie, and Willie had what was described by Lloyd as a “come to Jesus” moment. They spoke of being spiritually driven to begin working not only to change the course of their lives, but to help others along the way. Terry, who also dedicated his life to helping others, was motivated for different reasons. He felt he could be more effective at the providing the treatment and counseling than what he observed in the programs he participated in while incarcerated. Reminiscent of his days hustling drugs, this time Terry set about creating a new plan for his life which included creating his own programming while establishing a career where he could serve as an advocate on behalf of others.
The criminal background of all the men had a direct impact on the course of study the men decided to pursue. Reggie, Terry, Willie, and Lloyd each selected major’s such as urban and bible studies, psychology, management, and sociology to better inform the
120 reentry-based careers of service they planned to enter. On the other hand, Aaron studied computer science because he believed it could lead to a profession where he could work independently and remotely, part of his strategy to mitigate the stigma of being a felon.
Aaron also indicated he experienced bias within the classroom from faculty in grading his assignments. Determined to erase that stigma, Aaron had his conviction expunged, which allowed him an opportunity to secure a position repairing ATM machines. Willie also had all but one of his convictions expunged to remove them from his record although he shared it did not matter to his employer who was well aware of his background.
Reggie, Willie, and Lloyd attended institutions with resources dedicated to support ex-offenders and non-traditional students. These programs provided structure, mentorship, encouragement, academic advising, and a sense of community the men credited with their academic success. Most importantly, the men reported they believed the providers of these programs were sincere in their efforts to support their journeys. An example is the narrative shared by Willie who wanted to quit shortly after starting classes when he prayed with his counselor. Conversely, Aaron reported he did not experience that kind of support at the community college he attended. However, he eventually met an instructor who saw promise in him and advised him to transfer to a 4-year institution where he joined an academic community that provided the kind of support which encouraged him to thrive both personally and academically.
The men employed a variety of resources to pay for their education. All five secured the Pell Grant with some earning academic scholarships to pay a portion of their tuition. Reggie was the only one who did not have any out-of-pocket tuition fees and graduated with a bachelor’s degree debt free. Willie, Terry, Lloyd, and Aaron all took out
121 loans to fund their education while Aaron was the only one who worked on campus, indicating he could not find work in the community due to his criminal background.
While in college, most of the men experienced some trepidation regarding their ability to handle the coursework. For example, Willie was on the verge of quitting after only two weeks, before he had a conversation with a counselor who encouraged him to continue. He soon realized the other students were just as confused as he and they bonded over the experience. Lloyd had to cross the digital divide before he began to experience comfort in the discussions he had with his instructors. Soon, those exchanges began to remind him of the conversations he had with faculty in his prison college courses and gave him a level of comfort which promoted his success. Reggie’s experience was similar as he indicated the cohort structure and community of scholars was reminiscent of philosophical conversation he used to have on the prison yard with the other, more thoughtful inmates. While Aaron felt he could do the work, he did not receive much guidance or support until he transferred to a 4-year institution. There he found a community of support from students and mentors alike, allowing him to overcome his academic insecurities.
Ultimately, after each of these men earned their bachelor’s degree, none of them were ever convicted of another crime and sentenced to incarceration. This outcome confirms the national data cited earlier indicating individuals who seek out additional education are less likely to add to the recidivism numbers. Reggie and Willie continued their education and earned master’s degrees in applied sociology and human resource management, respectively. Reggie planned to pursue a doctorate but, “life got in the way.” Terry also planned to pursue a master’s degree and then a doctorate, but he
122 indicated he suffers from post-traumatic stress syndrome and depression because of conflicts on campus. This led him to take a break from his studies. While Lloyd and
Aaron have no plans to pursue graduate level degrees, Aaron reported he must continue to obtain certifications to remain proficient in the rapidly changing field of computer technology. Four of the five men indicated because of their experiences, they sought careers of service. They expressed a commitment to helping others recover from, or avoid altogether the experience of travelling through the school to prison pipeline which impacts a disproportionate number of Black males in the United States. In the next chapter I discuss these findings and their implications for re-entry policy and practice.
123 Chapter Six: Discussion of Results
As the men in this research have shown, rather than seeking to rehabilitate these individuals by affirming their intelligence, potential, and humanity, the mechanisms of the prison industrial complex served to dehumanize and punish them for their inability to thrive in a social structure historically designed to ensure their failure. These men were able to emerge from behind prison walls and find their purpose in life in spite of the limited educational support they received inside, not because of it. This system that served them so poorly did so because it valued them only for their ability to generate revenue for the complex web of intersecting interests which comprise the prison industrial complex. In doing so it illustrates Freire’s contention that as the oppressed exist only to serve the interests of the oppressors there is no need to provide them support and resources. For to do so might allow them to one day join the dominant class and possibly oppress the oppressors.
Nevertheless, each of the men in this study was able to successfully rehabilitate themselves and find their purpose in life. It is worth noting that after each of these men earned a bachelor’s degree, none of them were ever convicted of another crime. By exploring their narratives to discover what resources were utilized to obtain this goal, it is possible to examine the impact of the penal and educational systems on our communities and suggest recommendations for structural improvements to effectively help individuals rejoin society. The remainder of this chapter discusses my observations regarding their experiences in the context of current policy and practice and then makes recommendations for both the correctional and educational systems to benefit ex- offenders and ultimately society as a whole.
124 Current State of Affairs
To date, an inordinate amount of the nation’s human and fiscal resources is spent on this enterprise. This is because the nation’s correctional systems, designed to provide supervision, punishment, and sometimes treatment to individuals convicted of crimes, intentionally and systematically ignores its shared responsibility to fully rehabilitate those same citizens who in Freire’s view are to remain oppressed. As this work has shown, there is a direct connection between the impact of the system of slavery upon which this nation was built and the use of Black bodies to feed the prison industrial complex. The resulting interconnected system of economic, social, and educational subjugation which exists today is as unconscionable as it is ubiquitous. By continuing to embrace the current model of punishment rather than rehabilitation along with the constant de-valuing of the
Black man, the nation squanders the potential of thousands of its citizens each year.
Further, as our nation grapples with a global pandemic which has produced a health and economic crisis aggravated by the country’s underlying racial tensions, it is now more important than ever to identify cost-effective methods of addressing society’s problems, while it reduces the human capital under confinement, and prepares these citizens to rejoin society.
In examining the experiences of five men who obtained their bachelor’s degree after incarceration for a felony conviction, a narrative inquiry method was employed to capture the lived experiences before, during, and after they were jailed and earned a bachelor’s degree. The underlying research question asks what their experiences were while achieving this goal. A proposition guiding this research is a felony conviction will have a negative impact on these experiences. This proposition was affirmed by all the
125 participants who reported having to deal with the impact of this stigma. Purposefully, one of the limitations of this study is it did not include sex offenders as it was my belief that the stigma of being a sex offender and the restrictions placed on their movements coupled with the national registry requirements would prove so difficult to overcome that it would skew the results of the study. An examination of their experiences may provide fertile ground for additional research. As it were, the effect of the felony stigma manifested themselves in a variety of ways including in their relationships with their families, in discrimination while seeking employment, in their treatment when applying for social services, and in their interactions while enrolled in college.
Whether or not one has a criminal record, when pursuing a college degree there are certain milestones that must be accomplished before a person can graduate. Among them are the need to develop the motivation to pursue a degree, identifying a major and school to attend, registering for classes, engaging in the academic environment, paying tuition, and finally, graduating and pursuing a career. While these tasks presented multiple opportunities for failure, each of the men in this study persevered to rebuild their lives despite reentering a social environment which offered little in the way of support or encouragement.
The United States of America incarcerates more of its citizens than any other nation (Alexander, 2010). Although African Americans comprise 13% of the population, they represent 38% of those in state or federal custody (Federal Bureau of Prisons, 2020).
While the 13th amendment passed in 1865, did abolish slavery, it included a provision where this condition was allowable, “as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted” (Blackmon, 2008). Thus, from its inception, the nation’s
126 correctional system was utilized to re-enslave Black and Brown people through targeted social and legal practices such as the Jim Crow laws of the early 1900s through the War on Drugs during the 1980s to the present. These practices were designed for the benefit of a nation endeavoring to maintain a social and economic hierarchy that privileges Whites citizens. Consequently, thousands of men like those who participated in this study have become trapped in a recurring cycle of poverty, limited social mobility, and eventually confinement.
While it is impossible to fully assess in what ways the family and social life of these men prior to incarceration influenced their journey to prison, it is worth noting there were some similarities among their experiences growing up. Willie, Lloyd, Aaron, and
Terry all grew up in families with divorced parents. All the participants left home prior to graduating high school and admitted to academic struggles while there. The negative atmosphere these men experienced in high school echoes the findings reported in the literature which revealed disparities in discipline (Okonofua et al., 2016), school funding
(Morgan & Amerikaner, 2018), and special education placement (Gordon, 2017).
Consequently, only two of the participants graduated high school with their class prior being sentenced to prison (Aaron and Terry). Three of the participants joined the military either because of the draft (Reggie) or to avoid trouble with the law (Lloyd and Willie).
All the participants indicated they were influenced by negative peer associations leading to illicit behavior. And finally, all but Lloyd, were involved with drug use (Reggie and
Willie) or distribution (Aaron and Terry).
There is a connection between current educational policy and practice, our nation’s correctional system, and the economic and social realities for Black people in
127 this country. Poor quality educational experiences coupled with the social inequalities within urban communities produce economic disparities for many citizens. These disparities may contribute to desperate individuals committing acts which may lead to incarceration. This condition creates a self-perpetuating environment in which these individuals become trapped with limited opportunities to become fully self-actualized citizens. They soon become easy prey for a system of social control that includes the stop-and-frisk policies mentioned in the literature review that were a modern-day representation of the Black Codes which followed reconstruction. Collectively, society must examine why such laws exist if it is to identify more effective means of addressing the conditions which led to unlawful behavior in the first place.
Another critical issue for examination is the current educational policies that have created conditions where as recently as 2014, 40% of individuals in state or federal prisons did not have a high school diploma (Patrick, 2014). The importance of this figure is supported by Nally et al. (2012), whose earlier study of Indiana prisons indicated 82% of individuals without a high school diploma ended up back in jail within a few years
(Nally et al., 2012). Nevertheless, the five men in this study successfully earned their degree when provided the requisite support and resources despite their convictions proving when such support is present Black men can be successful. Further, Reggie,
Willie, and Lloyd all earned their high school credential or GED while incarcerated.
While this achievement laid the foundation for their future success, the question remains, is that support enough? As the data shows, the answer is a resounding no!
128 Impact of Life on the Inside
It is a remarkable achievement that these men were able to earn a high school credential let alone pursue an associate’s degree considering each of the men indicated prison environments were not places that promoted education as a rehabilitative strategy.
Reggie, Willie, Terry, and Aaron all described prisons as spaces where inmates had little interest in learning anything other than how to become better criminals. As Aaron noted,
“for the most part that wasn’t their mindset. It was about time cuts and how to do the crime better when they get out.” Lloyd concurred by sharing, “there were several guys who said ‘why are you wasting your time with that? Your whole background is penitentiary. Why you trying to be better?’” In this way prisons foster environments that rob inmates of motivation to hope for a future that includes the pursuit of higher education once they are released.
Conversely, there were small groups of inmates who expressed some intellectual curiosity as Reggie and Lloyd took college courses while incarcerated. When sharing his experiences Reggie explained:
you had some guys who would challenge me intellectually. Those who took the college courses were brilliant. . . one thing I learned was that most black men and probably most men in general do not read. But when we go to prison we are exposed to books and you know different ideas and philosophies and people try to become scholars (emphasis added). This was around the time of political upheaval in the seventies. You know we had George Jackson and those guys, the Black Panther’s and the more intellectual type books those guys encouraged me to read. People would share. One book would circulate in prison 50 times.
Lloyd concurred, describing the value he placed on his interactions with visiting faculty:
What I really enjoyed was the conversations with the faculty that would come in. The teachers that came in would take the time to speak with me and a lot of them were fascinated by the things that I was interested in.
129 Unfortunately, the men reported this sort of encouragement was rare. To prevent inmates from developing an interest in exploring the socio-political circumstances that may have contributed to their incarceration, correctional institutions often restrict access to the materials described by Reggie above. A recent example of such efforts includes Illinois
State Prisons banning over 200 books used in a University of Illinois program they described as having racial content (Nikeas, 2019). Reggie noted exploring such material motivated inmates to learn more about their history, culture, and the ways in which they are oppressed, leading them to become socially conscious and to begin challenging both themselves and the system. Judging from the responses of the study participants, it appears prison officials did not view such development as part of the rehabilitation process.
In addition to censorship there are other barriers to the educational growth of inmates. When Aaron, Terry, and Lloyd described their experiences in prison each pointed out a different problem related to resource availability. Aaron declared, “there was nothing educational about it. We had this recreational area it had one computer and it had a small section for books. It was nothing [there] that really encouraged you to better yourself academically.” This is confirmed by Clarke (2019) who noted, “prison officials dedicate only a fraction of their budget to rehabilitative programs.” Terry noted the difference between facilities that housed Blacks and Whites when he was transferred to a prison across country that, “was like a college campus. I've never been to a prison that was run by white boys. But it was so laid-back.” Terry also shared when he did have the opportunity to take college courses and filled out the FAFSA the administration at the facility, “encourage[d] us to lie on the application. . . I would say ‘I can’t do that. One of
130 the White boys. . . did that and he came right back in there.” This recalls Taylor’s (1997) contention that corrupt prison officials sometimes misappropriated funds. Lloyd was successful at receiving the Pell Grant while incarcerated to pursue an associate’s degree until, “they snatched college out of prison,” because of the signing of the 1994 Crime Bill by President Clinton and promoted by then senator and 2020 President-Elect Joseph
Biden.
This funding source was partially restored to select inmates by President Barack
Obama in 2016, when he signed the Second Chance Pell pilot act in which 67 postsecondary schools partnered with correctional institutions to provide college classes
(Robinson & English, 2017). While this effort was a significant development in supporting inmate rehabilitation through education, because of limited participation, the program served only a small percentage of the inmates who could potentially benefit from such an opportunity. More recently, the U.S. Congress announced the full restoration of Pell Grant eligibility for inmates as part of the, “$1.4 trillion omnibus spending bill, which congressional leaders are planning to pair with the nearly $900 billion coronavirus economic relief deal. [While] the text of the deals had not yet been released,” it is expected the deal will restore their eligibility and streamline the FAFSA application process simplifying access to funding for a college education for millions of low-income Americans (Stratford, 2020, para. 3).
Another experience which impacted the lives and futures of several of the men in the study occurred when they experienced a “spiritual awakening” while incarcerated.
Several of the participants described the emotional desolation they experienced behind bars indicating they found solace in their faith in the Lord. This realization provided them
131 with the determination to turn their lives around and dedicate themselves to the service of others. Reggie, Willie, and Lloyd each credited their renewed faith in God as a motivational factor which encouraged them to reflect on their journeys thus far, and then move to make changes. For example, after 30-plus years cycling in and out of prisons
Willie felt something, “pressing on my heart to further my education.” He shared, “my upbringing never left me. Somewhere in my conscious mind would be calling me and calling me. It took 35 years for me to answer.” Upon release to a half-way house, he eventually secured a position as the chaplain where he ministered to ex-offenders and those with substance abuse issues. Lloyd had a similar experience after his final conviction where he was sentenced to 25 years and he, “fell on my knees in my cell and I was like ‘God, there’s got to be something better than this.’ And that spirituality start kicking in and I started looking at things differently." Soon afterward he began serving as a dorm representative and began advocating on behalf of other inmates. Years after
Reggie was finally released he “recommitted” his life to Christ and was “delivered” from using drugs and alcohol. He soon got a job at a mission and used his experiences to begin helping others turn their lives around. These were not insignificant events in the lives of these men. Thus, the impact of a spiritual awakening is and continues to be a powerful tool in the rehabilitation of inmates. While it is difficult to determine for whom and for how long such a strategy will be effective, it certainly represents a potential area for additional study.
While Terry did not report receiving a spiritual awakening, he also embraced a calling to help others, albeit for different reasons. After participating in programs for youthful offenders while awaiting trial, upon conviction he noticed deficiencies in the
132 alcohol and drug rehabilitation programs he encountered at the new facility. Ultimately, he decided he could do them better. In this way, each of these men gravitated towards lives of service to others.
Terry’s concerns regarding the drug and alcohol programs offered in prison raises additional considerations regarding these offerings. One of the challenges with determining the effectiveness of such programs lies in the fact that many of them are incentivized with time cuts, providing an opportunity to question the sincerity and commitment of the inmates who participate. For instance, Clarke (2019) found that in a recent U.S. Department of Justice report on inmates from 30 states indicated:
Overall, almost 45% of the former prisoners were arrested within one year of release; 16% were arrested for the first time in the second year, 8% in the third, 11% in years four to six and 4% in years seven to nine. Thus, about 68% were arrested within three years, 79% within six years and 83% in nine years. (Clarke, 2019)
Further, “seventy-seven percent of drug offenders were arrested for a non-drug crime within the nine-year study period” (Clarke, 2019, para. 4). These results suggest because the programs were incentivized inmates did not take them seriously, making them less effective.
Another barrier each of the participants struggled to overcome was the stigma associated with being a convicted felon. One such way this stigma influenced their lives were in the availability of employment opportunities upon release. For example, after being denied a position working at a high school upholstery shop because of his record,
Reggie had trouble finding other work. He shared, “when you fill out an application and you check the box you know they are not going to tell you they are not going to hire you because you are a felon [emphasis added], but you suspect its true.” While sections of
133 the nation have advanced ban the box initiatives, biases towards ex-offenders still exist and make it difficult for former inmates to find work. Even before he was released, Terry decided to mitigate the stigma of a conviction by pursuing a career that was, “felon friendly.” Nevertheless, after he enrolled in college and became a student trustee he described feeling persecuted after becoming involved in another criminal case. He shared, “I fought this case for 22 months to see it was dismissed. Six DAs and five judges
[and] that shit was finally dismissed in court. And the judge said this is a racially and politically motivated case.” This experience led to a deep depression that derailed his plans for graduate school.
For Willie, after 35-plus years of drug use and criminal activity the only job he could find was at the rehabilitation center to which he was released. For his part, Lloyd described the process of applying for social assistance as, “dehumanizing, it was embarrassing, it was shameful. When you go to places it is interesting how people treat you different. They look down their nose [at you] because they got a job processing your paperwork.” These feelings continued to affect him psychologically. Soon after finding a job as a janitor, he became so discouraged by the nature of the work that he quit. After encouragement from his girlfriend, he decided to begin advocating for effective reentry programs to help other ex-offenders, a purpose filled role which he found to be more useful to society. As Lloyd’s experiences illustrate the inability to find gainful employment frustrates and demoralizes ex-offenders, many of whom return to a life of crime and end up back in jail.
134 The Collegiate Experience
The stigma associated with their backgrounds also impacted the selection of a school to attend and a course of study. When Lloyd initially applied for admission to a local school, he was initially denied admission because of his background. Consequently, he identified another institution with a reputation for supporting ex-offenders, applied for admission, and was admitted. However, he was directed to take all his classes online and did not receive the on-campus experience enjoyed by his peers. On the other hand, Terry applied by a common application which granted admission to several institutions within a multi-campus state college system. After being admitted, his choice of institution was impacted by advisors who attempted to steer him to majors he felt would not prepare him for the work he felt called to do. He shared, “I’m not gone let these honkies tell me what to do. . . so they can meet their quota. . . and place me in African American studies.
[School E] put me in the psych program” which he felt was a better fit for the career of advocacy upon which he would soon embark. Aaron shared he was concerned about the impact of a felony conviction when enrolling in community college when he noted, “I remember thinking if I come across this question I'm marking no.” Conversely, the stigma of being a felon made Reggie and Willie appropriate candidates when enrolling in the Christian-based degree granting institutions from which they graduated. Like Lloyd’s experience with an institution known for supporting ex-offenders, these schools welcomed them with programs intentionally designed to support non-traditional students.
Further, their backgrounds gave them credibility when engaging in their jobs at the mission and rehabilitation center, respectively.
135 Reggie and Willie, the two participants who went on to secure a master’s degree, credit the supportive nature of those programs with their ability to complete the bachelor’s and then earn a master’s degree. Both noted the cohort structure and faith- based curriculum supported their spiritual and academic growth. In addition to seeking out non-traditional Black males to enroll in the program, the schools provided financial support for the participants. Reggie indicated his program regularly celebrated his academic achievements providing him with the motivation to continue working hard until he graduated. As for Willie, he highlighted the degree of concern shown when he wanted to quit, as his counselor prayed with him for the strength to continue. Without such support, Willie indicated he would have probably quit like he did all the other activities he gave up on in the past. Lloyd noted his institution demonstrated its support by assigning him an “assistant” to help him overcome the digital divide. This assistance was vital as he adapted quickly and soon regained the easy familiarity of engaging with faculty in a way reminiscent of his experiences while taking college classes in prison.
Additionally, Reggie, Willie, and Terry each found a mentor who encouraged them along the way. Reggie attended closely to the examples of those who started programs to help men like himself and then set about duplicating their efforts to build an impressive career as a reentry advocate.
On the other hand, for Aaron and Terry, the institutions they attended were not as supportive and their performance reflected that condition. While Aaron did find a work- mentor upon transfer to a 4-year institution who helped him develop the social skills to engage with others personally and professionally, he initially received no guidance when securing the financial support to pay for classes while at a community college. If not for
136 the Pell Grant and the GI Bill he received due to his father’s military service, he would have been unable to afford the tuition. Further, while some teachers actively discouraged him when he revealed his background, in time, one teacher recognized his potential and recommended he transfer to a 4-year institution where he began to perform better.
Nevertheless, some of the same feelings of discrimination followed him throughout his academic journey and as he moved into the workforce.
Terry also encountered limited support from staff at the schools to which he applied. He complained bitterly of academic advisors trying to direct him to disciplines he did not feel would advance him towards his life goals. Throughout his experience he reported being persecuted because of his background and outspoken manner. These attacks eventually led to him experiencing depression which would derail his plans to pursue a master’s degree. It is not surprising that students entering institutions that lack a
360-degree commitment to creating a supportive environment, soon fall through the cracks. On the other hand, schools which provide the kind of support Willie and Reggie experienced produce more favorable results.
Each of the men in this study utilized a combination of grants, institutional scholarships, or student loans to pay their tuition. Reggie was the only participant to earn an undergraduate degree debt free. Willie and Aaron both took advantage of the GI Bill.
While four of the participants indicated they received some instruction regarding financial aid prior to enrollment, Aaron reported not receiving any guidance in this area until he transferred to a 4-year institution. Once there, he had to figure things out on his own. However, he reported the resources were plentiful and more readily available. The programs Willie and Reggie joined were notable for having advisors who walked them
137 through each step taking the anxiety out of the enrollment process. Once the men identified these available campus resources, they quickly learned how to use them. Terry for one, was particularly adept at this practice as he shared:
I can show you how to go to school and get paid from these grants. If you are a real student I can show you how to really get paid. You know what I'm talking about? Its not hard to be a professional student.
Using this knowledge, he acquired the financial resources to secure his associate’s and bachelor’s degree.
Four of the five participants in this study now work in reentry support or advocacy for individuals with similar backgrounds. These career choices were a direct result of the impact the stigma associated with being a felon had upon their lives. Upon release, all but Terry initially sought positions that were not “felon friendly” with disappointing results. Reggie was turned down from a position working with financial instruments, and then working in a high school upholstery shop, a position for which he had been trained while incarcerated. Willie kept failing drug tests at a variety of jobs and eventually took the only job he could get at the rehabilitation center to which he was released. Because of Lloyd’s criminal record the only jobs he could find were for manual labor positions. Dispirited by such work he quit one day after deciding he was meant to do something more meaningful with his life. Aaron, still in his early thirties planned for a future in computer technology and after graduation managed to secure an expungement for his conviction. With his record now sealed, he secured a position repairing ATM machines. Although Willie is firmly established at his current place of employment, he had all but his most serious drug charge expunged from his criminal record and claims a weight has been “lifted from his shoulders.” Terry knew what he wanted to do and
138 engaged in reentry advocacy as soon as he was released. Having a “realistic” view of his situation he did not want to go through the disappointment of applying for positions where his reputation and criminal record would precede him as a liability. In this way he took charge of his reentry journey.
After consideration of the experiences of these men, the next section offers recommendations for educational and correctional systems to better support ex-offenders.
Recommendations
As this study shows if given the opportunity Black men who have been incarcerated can earn a bachelor’s degree upon release when adequate resources and support are available. The challenge this nation faces is not only in providing assistance, but also in dismantling the social and economic systems which created conditions that put them there in the first place. The unfortunate truth is that as Roberts noted, mass incarceration hurts African American communities by damaging “social networks, distort[ing] social norms, and destroy[ing] social citizenship” (as cited in Brower, 2015, p. 1281), placing burdens on “families and extends out to the entire community” (as cited in Brower, 2015, p. 3). The systems that have been created are cyclical in nature as the lack of social and economic opportunity create self-perpetuating outcomes, which tend to lure Black men into drugs and other illegal activities. Additionally, shortcomings within the educational system tend to increase antisocial behavior magnifying the impact of poor choices creating pathways for these men towards a criminal justice system that has targeted them for centuries.
That these outcomes continue to endure is evidence of the degree to which these conditions are embedded within the nation’s political, economic, and educational
139 systems. As a result, the political will of the nation has not changed since the mid-1800s where it valued Black lives only so much as they are able to offer it some profit. A profit-over-people mindset fuels an economy which endorses the continued demonization of ex-offenders who have paid their debt to society, powering the cycle of recidivism through aggressive policing in Black communities. Thus, when ex-offenders emerge from prison discouraged, uneducated, and unrehabilitated, they gravitate towards destructive behaviors which will see 83% of them return to prison within nine years (Clarke, 2019).
Therefore, a shift in thinking along with changes in policy needs to occur where society values these men and provides opportunities, encouragement, and treatment as it rehabilitates them in support of their efforts to reclaim their lives. This nation has demonstrated its capacity to make ideological shifts before. As noted in the literature review, during the growth of incarceration of Whites in the mid-1800 the nation implemented educational programming to teach inmates to read the bible in order to gain salvation for their sins. A more recent example of such a political shift is demonstrated by the nation’s compassion for White opioid addicts has led it to develop more treatment programs and less incarceration; a stark contrast to their treatment of Black crack addicts in the 1980s and 1990s. Only when the nation appreciates the dignity inherent in all lives, including Black ones, and makes available the resources and support owed to these citizens will the country begin to dismantle the systems of oppression which inhibits its own prosperity. Without such support the cycle of recidivism is likely to continue unabated.
One area where prisons can be particularly useful is in addressing our national educational crisis which has produced conditions where 40% of the individuals sentenced
140 to state or federal prisons do not have a high school diploma (Patrick, 2016). The benefits of a high school education have been well documented for those both within and outside the criminal justice system. Indeed, those inmates who participate in correctional education and vocational programs have a 43% better chance of not returning to prison
(Irving, 2016). Additionally, individuals with a college degree earn more over their lifetimes than those with only a high school diploma (Torpey, 2018). Thus, higher education has the potential to create conditions where ex-offenders can legally increase their earning potential while becoming productive and contributing members of their communities.
The irony of the lived reality for many Black males is that a consequence of the aforementioned educational, economic, and social disparities means confinement may represent the first opportunity for sustained self-reflection and study. As Reggie pointed out in his narrative, “when I went to jail. . . that was the first time I was around other guys who liked to read.” He continued by sharing, “I know a lot of other lesser-known men who have gone to prison and emerged as brilliant scholars and I guess you do have a lot of time to think and reflect.” This time is not allotted in the current school to prison pipeline, because of the nature of the current educational and social system in which many young Black men live.
If society in general, and the correctional system in particular valued the lives of these men, it would take advantage of its unique opportunity to educate this “captive” audience and prepare them for life on the outside. For, as the American Correctional
Association ethical standards suggests, the industry strives to, “demonstrate in all endeavors socially responsible, humane correctional policies and practices” (American
141 Correctional Association, 2020). If this is the case, then correctional institutions must embrace their collective responsibility to serve as an instrument of rehabilitation through education in addition to managing inmate confinement. In this way Black male ex- offenders who have been disproportionately impacted by the criminal justice system can emerge as productive citizens. After all, 95% of the people who are incarcerated are someday to be released (Buskirk et al., 2016).
In embracing this responsibility these institutions must create environments supportive of intellectual curiosity, while providing mental health services in addition to educational resources. As Reggie pointed out, when given the opportunity the men inside have the potential to become “scholars.” Each of the men in this study shared narratives of large populations of inmates whose penchant for crime was nurtured rather than being provided with the necessary tools to address the underlying issues which led them to prison. As rehabilitation programs comprise only a fraction of institutional budgets, the resources dedicated to these efforts has proven to be vastly insufficient for the task. Thus, the funding dedicated to these efforts must be increased. This situation should change significantly as more inmates take advantage of funds made available by the stimulus bill recently passed by congress.
Unfortunately, the existing programs are of dubious effectiveness as illustrated by the concerns expressed by Terry in this research. Clarke (2019) seemed to confirm
Terry’s observations of the effectiveness of such trainings. Howel pointed out a review of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) rehabilitation programs for federal inmates in fiscal year 2015-2016 showed, “inmates who completed their recommended CBT rehabilitation programs recidivated at about the same rate as inmates who were not assigned to those
142 rehabilitation programs” (as cited by Clarke, 2019, para. 9). Thus, these programs should undergo a substantive evaluation of their content, methods, and longitudinal effectiveness.
Additionally, while the First Step Act signed in 2018 reauthorized the Second
Chance Act (SCA) of 2008, this legislation, while successful in increasing access to and participation in reentry programs, did not “significantly reduce the likelihood of recidivism” (D’Amico & Kim, 2018). Therefore, it is important for the criminal justice system to, as Terry suggested, identify more effective treatment models, and ensure staff are qualified and properly trained to reduce the amount of funding wasted on unsuccessful programing. Additionally, the CBT rehabilitation and recidivism results suggest the need to focus on educational support as a rehabilitation strategy as such interventions have consistently and cost effectively helped reduce national recidivism rates.
To that end, the U.S. Department of Education has recently expanded the Obama era Second Chance Pell pilot program, increasing the number of inmates with access to federal funds to support their education. Dembicki (2020) reported:
In the first two years of the pilot, participating institutions received $36.2 million in Pell Grants. Nearly 5,000 incarcerated students — eligible individuals in federal and state prisons — received Pell Grants in the 2016–17 award year and 6,750 in the 2017–2018 award years. (Dembicki, 2020)
Through the program, eligible inmates have been able to earn, “more than 4,000 credentials, including postsecondary certificates, associate’s degrees and bachelor’s degrees” (Dembicki, 2020, para. 9). Despite these positive results, it should also be noted two-thirds of the institutions involved are 2-year institutions. Conversely, Lagemann
143 (2011) reported that while community college graduation rates are around 30% and 4- year institutions average 60%, the Bard Prison Initiative (BPI) led by Bard College has completion rates that are close to 100% (Lagemann, 2011). The BPI is a highly selective program where many students apply several times before being accepted ensuring only the most dedicated students are accepted. Accordingly, the participating students are sure to be on their best behavior because any transgression inside prison will result in removal from the program. More importantly, because the curriculum itself is Ivy League quality, it reaffirms their intelligence in the classroom as it restores their dignity outside it. In this way the students are encouraged, educated, and ultimately rehabilitated. Therefore, the
Second Chance Pell pilot program should be expanded with more participation from 4- year institutions because of the demonstrated benefits such programming brings to the lives of the inmates. The recent passing of legislation by the U.S. Congress to restore inmate eligibility for the Pell Grant should help in that regard.
Another advantage to inmates in the expansion of post-secondary educational programs is the introduction of both in-person and hybrid distance instructional models.
Such innovation is important as a major barrier for inmates upon release is the digital divide that leaves them unprepared to function in an increasingly technology driven society. Pike (2015) agreed when observing that the, “lack of access to technologies for learning often disrupted learning and led to a lack of digital skills. Lack of information about post-release accommodation and post-release continuation of studies, manifested itself as anxiety which also disrupted learning” (p. 4). Thus, incorporating distance learning instructional techniques, which include familiarizing inmates with emerging
144 technologies is an important consideration in continuing service delivery for it helps ex- offenders more readily adapt to changing technology once released.
Another important aspect of rehabilitation strategy is to ensure the staff is well qualified to provide service to the inmates. This includes supplying mental health professionals who can address the needs of inmates. While this research did not include psychological profiles of the individuals involved, it was apparent from speaking with these men that they carried deep emotional scars because of their experiences. Terry, for example still suffers from a self-described, “deep depression,” which derailed his plans for a graduate degree. Due to the length of time served, Lloyd also reported being,
“institutionalized,” and shared an example of saving razors after he was released. A habit he formed in prison that his girlfriend observed and commented on, much to his embarrassment.
Pre-release orientation is another area where the participants reported inconsistent support. Aaron, Willie, and Lloyd each reported they needed assistance getting identification, obtaining a driver’s license, securing access to social services, and searching for work. This creates debilitating challenges to establishing oneself after release and could easily be remedied if correctional institutions were intentional about identifying the resources for which they qualify and providing instruction on how to apply for these benefits or credentials prior to release. Without this support, many ex- offenders leave prison with unrealistic expectations of finding work, are unable to establish themselves upon release, and as Lloyd shared, encounter personnel at social service agencies who are often condescending and, “look down their noses at you” when they apply for assistance. Beyond making enhancements to the pre-release preparation for
145 inmates, the poor service within social services agencies must be addressed as well as these conditions represent unnecessary hardships for men rejoining society.
As the men transitioned to higher education, they experienced a variety of challenges adjusting to a new learning environment. All participants were concerned with the stigma of a criminal record impacting their ability to gain admission to a school with
Aaron admitting outright that he would not answer truthfully if asked about his criminal past on the application for admission. Lloyd shared he was denied entry to the first two schools to which he applied because he answered truthfully regarding his criminal background. To help address some of this anxiety ban the box initiatives should be adopted nationally, with applicants evaluated holistically when making admissions determinations. Further, the protocols regarding expungement must be simplified so that ex-offenders can legally seal their records to avoid the stigma associated with their convictions. Currently, in Indiana, an individual can only apply for expungement once in their lifetime and if they make a mistake on their petition their application is rejected and they are never again allowed to apply for relief (Indiana Restoration, 2021).
To mitigate this stigma Lloyd identified an institution with a reputation for supporting ex- offenders and was admitted but directed to take online classes only. This did not allow him an opportunity to experience the social interactions possible in an in-person environment. Fortunately, the campus designated an “assistant” who helped him bridge the digital divide, an issue of great concern for him after serving 20+ years behind bars.
In this way, he adjusted to the new learning environment. Therefore, in addition to ban- the-box policies another recommendation is for institutions to develop support for non- traditional students by finding ways to evaluate incoming students comfort level with
146 current technologies, and where possible, provide support so these students are not left behind.
Aaron and Terry were not satisfied with the support they received when they initially enrolled with Terry expressing the opinion his academic advisors were not directing him towards his chosen field of study. Once Aaron was admitted to a community college, he reported receiving minimal support and struggled until he eventually transferred to the 4-year institution where resources were more readily available. These experiences underscore the need for institutions to develop infrastructure to identify and support non-traditional students and direct them to resources more consistently to help those unfamiliar with the landscape of higher education.
Additionally, these institutions should utilize their career services unit to perform skills assessments to direct ex-offenders to felon friendly options before they begin their educational pursuits. As it has been for more traditional students, when these resources and support are absent, the students tend to struggle and not finish their degrees.
Another important area where higher education institutions can be effective in supporting students is in financial aid. As Reggie and Willie’s narratives illustrate, institutions that either provided scholarships or guided these men through the financial aid process helped eliminate the biggest roadblock many students face when pursuing a degree. Beyond helping with financial aid to pay tuition, institutions should create an infrastructure with staff who can direct students to external social services and resources to assist students with their peripheral needs. The current economic crises has affected families from all backgrounds and looks to get worse the longer the Covid-19 pandemic continues. Institutions, especially community colleges can improve outcomes for non-
147 traditional students if they not only direct students to these resources, but in some cases show them how to secure them. By helping coordinate access to these resources, institutions can help reduce financial anxiety allowing the students to concentrate on their academics and ultimately graduate. When inmates are released, they have responsibilities for rent, transportation, and food just like anyone else. However, the label of being a felon made the experience of acquiring those resources more difficult for the men in this study. Thus, institutions would be wise to develop clearinghouses of information for such resources for the benefit of all its students, not just ex-offenders.
On a final note, the experience of interviewing these accomplished Black men offered an opportunity to reaffirm both their potential and their humanity. This research raises the question of what these men may have been able to accomplish if this nation was willing to promote their development to become fully self-actualized citizens in the same way it does for Whites in this country. It is my hope that by illustrating the resilience within the narratives of these black men this research will encourage us all to question not only what we have collectively lost by not supporting them, but also what society has to gain by doing so.
148
Appendix A
Thematic Comparison of Research Participants
Pre-Jail Experiences Life Inside Collegiate Experiences Post-Degree Outcomes Engaged in Diploma programs College or Left home Military Reports designed Resources used to provided Currently Name/Age/ Drugs GED before Service Negative Took college Reported to help Felt Impact of pay educational Earned working to parental Use or prior to graduating prior to Peer courses while Spiritual youthful Felony for support for Secured an Graduate reduce disposition Sales Jail High School jail Influences Inside Awakening offenders Stigma College ex-offenders Expungement Degree recidicvism Scholarships through an ex-offender Reggie; age program; 65; 2-parent Tuition household
149 yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes reimbursement yes no yes yes GI Bill; Pell Willie; Age Grant; & 62; parents A loan for the divorced yes no yes yes yes no yes yes yes Masters yes yes yes yes Student Loan, Pell Grant; Scholarships Terry; Age and 58; parents Fellowships divorced yes yes yes no yes no yes yes yes for the masters no no no yes Lloyd; Age Student Loan 53; parents & divorced no no yes yes no yes no yes yes Pell Grant yes no no yes Student Loan; Aaron, age 31; parents Father's GI divorced yes yes yes no no no no no yes Bill; Pell Grant no yes no no
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Curriculum Vitae
James W. Wallace Jr.
Education
• Ph.D. Urban Education Studies Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis
August 2021
• Master of Library Science Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis May
2011
• Bachelors General Studies Indiana University Northwest December 2009
Professional Experience
• Director, Office of Diversity, Equity, and Multicultural Affairs (ODEMA) at Indiana
University Northwest (2011-Present)
• Multicultural Affairs Coordinator at Indiana University Northwest (2009-2011)
Conference Attended with Presentations
• Indiana Black Expo Education Conference (2021) Indianapolis, IN—Co-Presenter
Our Way Forward: Higher Education's Role in Advancing Equity
• National Conference on Race and Ethnicity (NCORE) various locations (2011-
2019)—Presented in 2018 First Year Experiences: Developing effective summer
bridge experiences for first-year students
• Diversity Research Symposium (2017) Ball State University, Muncie, IN
• White Privilege Conference (2018) Kansas City, MO
• National Conference on Diversity, Race, and Learning (2017) Ohio State University
• National Association for Diversity Officers in Higher Education (2017) annual
conference Washington, DC
• American Association of Colleges & Universities (2015) Conference on Global
Learning in College Fort Lauderdale, FL
• Indiana University Men and Women of Color Leadership Conference (2009-2010)
Bloomington, IN
▪ Co-Presenter “What ‘A’ Students Know, Personal Perceptions of
Successful Students” Men and Women of Leadership Conference,
Bloomington, IN, November 13, 2010
▪ Co-Presenter “Overcoming Obstacles” Men and Women of Color
Leadership Conference, Bloomington, IN, November 14, 2009
• Student African American Brotherhood Annual National Conference (2011-2019)
various locations
• Presenter “Unconscious Bias Awareness and Mitigation Training,” Indiana
University Northwest, Gary, IN, August 7, 2020
• Presenter “Holding Courageous Conversations,” The Leadership Institute at Purdue
Northwest, Portage, IN, April 11, 2019
• Presenter “Creating a Culture of Learning: E-Learning Day/Faculty In-Service”, St
Thomas More Catholic School, Munster, IN, December 21, 2018
• Co-Presenter “Developing Effective Summer Bridge Experiences for First-Year
Students”, National Conference on Race and Ethnicity, New Orleans, LA. June 2,
2018
• Presenter “Race 101: Deconstructing Racial Dynamics”, South Shore Leadership
Youth for Community Engagement, Portage, IN, April 11, 2018
• Presenter “Formation Day Lecture: Embracing Diversity and Finding Your Individual
Agency”, Andrean Catholic High School, Merrillville, IN, February 28, 2018
• Presenter “Interacting in a Diverse World”, Urban League Diversity and Inclusion
Symposium, Hammond, IN, November 9, 2017
• Presenter “Black Minds Matter” Indiana University Northwest, Gary, IN, September-
October 2017
• Presenter “Examining Deficit Thinking & Systemic Inequality”, Indiana Parenting
Institute, Gary, IN. November 18, 2016
• Presenter “The Importance and Benefits of Diversity within the Workplace” Society
of Human Resource Managers Regional Conference, Merrillville, IN, April 12, 2012
• Co-Presenter “Preparing for College: An Early Intervention” Lew Wallace High
School Youth Conference, Gary, IN, January 4, 2012
Honors, Awards, Fellowships Research and Training Experience
• American Association for Access, Equity, and Diversity 2019 annual conference
Diversity and Inclusion Management Training
• National Conference on Race and Ethnicity (NCORE) Student Scholar, 2014
• AASL 15th National Conference Stipend Recipient, 2011
• ALA Greg Calloway Spectrum Scholarship Award Recipient, 2010-2011
• Indiana's Libraries Leading in Diversity Scholar Fellowship (2011)
• Student African American Brotherhood, Summer Bridge Student Leadership Award
2008
• S.A.A.B. Achiever recognition from the Indiana House of Representatives (Rep. Dr.
Vernon Smith), 2009 thru 2018
• Recipient of the Indiana University Northwest, Special Contributor to Student Life
Certificate of Appreciation, 2008-2009
Publications
• Wallace, J. (2020) Pursuing peace amidst the mass incarceration of Black males: A
challenge for community engaged researchers. Engage: Co-created Knowledge
Serving the City, 1(3), 105-109. doi: https://doi.org/10.18060/24816
• Wallace, J. (2020, August 2). How to have courageous conversations about race.
NWI Times. https://www.nwitimes.com/opinion/columnists/guest-commentary/guest-
commentary-how-to-have-courageous-conversations-about-race/article_505bcbf9-
5332-593c-89c2-d4644a596c55.html