Vidyasagar University Journal of History, Volume IH, 2014-2015 Pages: 27*37 ISSN 2321-0834

Gramapaddhati, a Medieval Text from South-western India1 Nagendra Rao

Gramapaddhati, a text o f south-western belonging to the medieval period, reveals the traditional history of the brahmanas ofcoastal . The text can be considered as a caste purana, as it presents a history ofpeople belonging to particular communities. While the text legitimises the socialposition ofa few groups, it denigrates that ofothers. The text is usefid in understanding the relationship between brahmanical and non-brahmanical groups of the region. In addition, the text gives information regarding internal migra­ tion o f the brahmanas. The emergence of an agrarian society in the area is indicated here too.

Keywords: Gramapaddhati, Caste purana, Brahmanas, Domination, Legitimacy

The Gramapaddhati, a traditional chronicle Historiography and Chronology comprising the history of the brahmana Historians of this region, perhaps influenced settlements in the Tulu region of south-western by the argument of colonial historians, have India, has various versions. It is a text in , frequently reiterated the view that Indians did not a language belonging to the Dravidian group; but possess considerable historical literature revealing there are few versions too.2 The script in a sense of history as past events and that could the texts is generally Kannada, although one finds be used to reconstruct the histoiy of the sub­ the Tulu-Malayalam script too in a few cases. continent or particular regions. Hence, one does Similarities exist between manuscripts found in not come across many works indicating the coastal Karnataka and .3 The text, an significance of the use of traditional literature such important source to reconstruct the social history as Gramapaddhati. This text, supposedly of coastal Karnataka, contains useful information belonging to the genre of puranic literature and regarding brahmana families and their settlements exhibiting its features, is considered by many and the intimate relationship between temporal western historians as consisting of more myth and and sacred domains. Gramapaddhati performs the less histoiy,5 The lacuna in historiography that function of a caste purana and, therefore, it they have emphasised necessitates a test of the exhibits the distinctive features of a caste purana.4 hypothesis that Indians lacked a sense of history; A critical study of the text, coupled with this can be done by a critical study of the text verification of statements found in it by way of Gramapaddhati, as a scrutiny of this text reveals fieldwork, helps in realising the validity of the text the real nature and purpose of its composition. as a notable source to study the social history of Such an analysis helps the historian to place it in coastal Karnataka or south-western India. the proper historical and social context, two

27 Vidyasagar University Journal of History, Volume 111, 2014-2015 parameters of a text’s relevance to contemporary' for the reconstruction of the social history of society. south-western India, although he did not answer Some historians did of course note the the question as to why certain events are usefulness of this text for reconstructing the social considered more relevant than others by its history of south-western India. Early scholars of brahmana authors. the region such as Ganapati Rao Aigal* and B.A. Saletore, though he studied Sheenappa Heggade7 included the details of Gramapaddhati minutely, had a problem fixing the Gramapaddhati in their study relating to social life date of this text as he did not find uniformity in of the region, although they did not attempt a the details in all the versions; indeed, this was a critical study of the text. This is one notable major factor that had compelled other historians weakness of traditional historians’ works to ignore this text while writing the social history highlighted by scholars trained in modern of the region. To take an instance of the historical methodology.8 On the other hand, 6. A. contradictory nature of this text: in one version, Saletore realised its value in the reconstruction of Mayura Varma is introduced abruptly, while in the social history of the region and attempted a others his parentage is given; again, while in some pioneering study of this text.9 He was the only versions he is the son of Manivarma, in others he historian among traditional scholars to study is the son of Sushila and Hemangada, and in yet various versions of Gramapaddhati-, he attempted other versions, Hemangada is described as a comparative study of the different versions, issueless.12 Saletore further stated that which then revealed significant details pertaining Gramapaddhati contains certain statements that to the social history of the region. cannot be accepted. For instance, in one version, B.A. Saletore adopted a novel method of ministers who go in search of a ruler, are described studying the social histoiy of the region based on to have proceeded to northern Varakula or the traditional chronicles like Gramapaddhati and Barakuru while, in reality, we do not discern Sahyadri Khanda.10 He studied in detail the northern and southern Barakuru in records. occurrences ofParasurama tradition in the different Further, Gramapaddhati was represented as part regions of India, and noticed the migration of the of Skanda Parana, one of the eighteen legend from Gujarat to other parts of the west ooast mahapuranas, an indication that myth and history - something that revealed the popularity of the got inextricably mixed in the text13 This, according myth in the regions dominated by brahmanas, to Saletore, detracts its value as a piece of particularly the western coast. That he also tried independent historical work.u Nevertheless, this to establish the historicity of the contents of feet did not hinder him from using Gramapaddhati Gramapaddhati is clear from his assertion that extensively in his history of ancient Karnataka. .the Gramapaddhati is a source which cannot Later scholars such as P.Gururaja Bhat,15 be dismissed as an instance of Brahmanical K.V.Ramesh16 and K.G Vasanthamadhava17 also fabrication’’.11 Thus, he recognised its importance conceded the importance of studying this text in

28 Nagendra Rao detail, though they did not actually do it possibly coast.24 It is possible that the phenomenon of the because of their focus on political and economic emergence of Vaishnava mathas and the history of the region. Scholars have studied proliferation of caste puranas such as traditional chronicles in other parts of south India Gramapaddhati are interrelated. Probably this For instance, in Kerala, M.GS, Narayanan18 and explains the feet that Gramapaddhati and its many Kesavan Veluthat haw studied Keralotpatti,19 a versions are available in the mathas of south­ text which belongs to the same genre as that of western India, although a few versions are Gramapaddhati, despite apparent differences available in the non-V&ishnava mathas as well, between the two.20 showing the influence that this text had on all the It is not easy to fix precisely the date of religious sects of the region. Nevertheless, there Gramapaddhati because there have been are evidences in the text to suggest that a few constant additions and alterations in the text until versions, found in the religious centres and very recently. B.A. SaJetore argued that it belonged brahmana families were copied, preserved, and to 14th century CE,21 although some scholars updated during a later period. For instance, there claim that it was composed during the period of is reference to a Hindi word in one version, Mayura Varma who belonged to 4th century CE. obviously indicating the influence of north Indian Based on the findings of Saletore, one may culture, something that proves that this text was consider that it was a medieval text because it is composed or copied during the 18th century CE, more detailed concerning the medieval period rather when there was a beginning of contact between than ancient times. We may note here that after the local population and people who spoke 14th century CE, there was a proliferation of Hindi.” Hence, one may suggest that there were brahmana settlements in coastal Karnataka, periodic additions, necessary to incorporate new evident from the reference to brahmana families in details and changes to the status of brahmanas the Vijayanagara inscriptions, although a few such families, to the text.2*- In actuality, this is the settlements might have survived from an earlier principal reason for both subtle and major period.22 The Vijayanagara rulers gave large variations between diverse versions of number of land grants to the brahmanas of the Gramapaddhati, a feet that has been proven by a region and in return they were expected to comparative study of the versions. legitimise the position of the rulers by performing sacrifices and offering prayers to gods to Nature o f the text: a caste purana strengthen the power and health of the kings.23 Gramapaddhati does not belong to the class During the pre-Vijayanagara period, an of mahapuranas like Skanda Purana. It belongs important development was the establishment of to the genre of local caste puranas, which were eight Vaishnava mathas in south coastal composed during medieval times to perpetuate the Karnataka by Madhwacharya, who is supposed to interest of certain caste groups, a phenomenon have spread Vaishnava philosophy in the western found in the different parts of India as \feena

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Das's27 study of caste puranas in Gujarat shows. although there are certain differences in detail Caste puranas provide information, between the two.31 Many versions of the text consisting of both myth and history, regarding found in religious institutions like Puttige matha, particular castes. In the case of Gramapaddhati, and Balekudru matha near Barkur proves an attempt was made to provide details of certain that perhaps it obtained religious sanction and the categories of brahmanas such as Shivalli support of sacred authority.32 brahmanas and Kota brahmanas, considered dominant groups of the region. Significantly, this Analysis o f the text text does not give details of Gowda Saraswat The present study is based on three versions brahmanas, Karada brahmanas, and more of Gramapaddhati, which the author has been prominently, Havyaka brahmanas, all considered able to consult. One of them is a printed version, as migrants to south-western India. The Shivalli the source of the original manuscript of which is and Kota brahmanas were migrants too, but they not acknowledged by the editor.33 This version, got indegenised after establishing themselves in we label as GP1. A second version, which we label the region very early, and reserving for themselves as GP2, is preserv ed in the University of Tubingen, die exclusive use of the sanskritised found among the papers of the Basel missionaries to distinguish themselves from other brahmanical who worked in the Tulu country.34 A third version, and non-brahmanical groups. According to which we label as GP3, a palm leaf manuscript, is tradition, brahmanical communities such as Gowda available among the collections of the Department Saraswat and Karada brahmanas migrated to this of Kannada, University (No. 79).35 As region from Goa and Maharashtra.28 To perpetuate stated earlier, versions of this text are found in their position in the contemporaneous society, religious institutions like mathas. The authorities these immigrant communities were forced to of Balekudru matha, for instance, informed this compose their own distinct texts, which again author that they have a copy of Gramapaddhati belong to the category of caste puranas. which is now preserved in the palm leaf document Different versions of Gramapaddhati are museum at Dharmasthala.36 B. A. Saletore used the available, preserved in brahmana families, mathas, Puttige version for his study of Gramapaddhati and temples. Most of them are palm leaf and, as the name suggests, he must have obtained manuscripts, and written in the Kannada script and it from the Puttige matha.37 Gramapaddhati claims language. Apart from Gramapaddhati, texts such to be a part of Sahyadri Khanda that itself is as Sanskrit and Kannada versions of Sahyadri considered a part of Skanda Purana, an indication Khanda provide similar details.29 However, there of the attempt of the authors of the text to claim are many differences in content between the two authenticity based on the puranic origins.38 Sahyadri Khandas. The Sanskrit Sahyadri Generally, the text can be divided into two Khanda^ provides a few details pertaining to sections - religious and secular, the religious part brahmana villages also found in Gramapaddhati, discusses the myth of Parasurama whereas the

30 Nagendra Rao secular part provides political and social details. Significantly, whereas the rebellions of the 'holeyas' The text is also broadly divisible into three parts. are suppressed ruthlessly, brahmanical protests The earlier part belongs to the realm of are met with compromise. mythology, dealing with the creation of the region In this part there is at least one instance that and its early settlement by Parasurama and the role suggests that the author of the text was certainly of Shiva in the origin of kingship and state here. influenced by the system of inheritance prevalent We find the narration of Parasurama creating land in south-western India. The Kadamba king out of the sea in this part.39 Subsequently, when Mayura Varma, stated to be the son of the brahmanas from other regions refuse to go to this Kadamba princess Susila and the solar dynasty newly created land on an occasion on the plea that prince Hemangaraya, obviously traces his descent this land is not peopled by brahmanas. Parasurama from his mother’s dynasty of the Kadambas.45 Later becomes angry and decides to create brahmanas on in the text, it is also stated that as this is how himself by investing them with threads of jute and he came to t hrone, Mayura \&rma ordered that the donating land to them.40 In this contest, it may be entire country should follow the matrilineal system mentioned that myths are useful to reconstruct the (dauhitra dharma).*6 history of a community or a region, as The third part of this work contains demonstrated by Romila Thapar who has statements that may be tested against evidence underlined the importance of the study of origin from other documents. This part refers to brahmana and myths to comprehend political and social settlements in thirty-two villages along with family configurations.41 Further on, in the same part, is names. It is possible to identify these villages the narration of the origin of state where monarchy where the brahmana families and their continuing is the form of government . The story is concerned traditions survive to this day. with the birth of Trinetra Kadamba and it gives, during the narration of events, a list of different Geographical details rulers who ruled the Parasurama ksetra. There are certain geographical details in the In the second part are details of the rule of three versions we have consulted; these details kings, and some protests and even rebellions, the provide pertinent information regarding the spatial and temporal coordinates of which cannot geographical extent of the brahmana settlements be precisely pinned down. This part gives details in south-western India. GP1 states that Haiva is of the reigns of different kings like Mayura Vanna, situated between Gangavali in the south, Sahya Chandrangada, and Lokaditya, and mentions hills in the east, and the sea in the west. Toulava rebellions by the original inhabitants under the is stated to be situated between Gangavali in the leadership of the Chandala42 chief Hubbasiga43. It north, river Nilesvara in the south, Sahya hills in also mentions protests of the original brahmanas the east, and the sea in the west. Kerala is Stated who were estranged by the decision of Mayura to be situated between river Nilesvara in the north, Varma to bring brahmanas from Ahicchatra.44 Kanyakumari in the south, the sea in the west, and

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Sahya hills in the east. Geographically, importance given by the authors to the Gramapaddhati can be located in the south geographical knowledge of the people of the Kanara region of south western India; the district region who evidently interacted with people of comprised of thirty-two large settlements neighbouring regions. consisting of smaller villages. Different administrative positions and bodies have been Brahmana settlements specified in the text. It would be interesting to In the traditions of Goa, South Kanara, and know whether religious-administrative positions Kerala coasts,47 one finds information concerning such as annagramani managed secular the establishment of brahmana settlements with administration of the region too. It seems that the blessings of the temporal and sacred many of these administrative bodies took active authorities. Parasurama remains the principal part in both religious and secular matters. A study sacred authority in these regions, though there are of place names occurring in the texts would enable references to different temporal authorities too. us to identify the antiquity of these places. The latter part of the different texts of In the earlier part, which may be designated Gramapaddhati gives details regarding the thirty- as the mythological section, there are references two villages where the brahmanas settled and the to a number of places and other geographical boundaries of certain important villages like Kota identities. CPI mentions river Godavari, Ahicchatra, and Shivalli. For instance, GP3 gives details Sahya hills, Mahendra hill, Kanyakumari, Kerala, regarding brahmana population in Shivalli and Virata, Marata, Konkana, Haiva, Toulava, river mentions its different localities. GP1 refers to Gangavali, river Nilesvara, Naguru, Mattu, Tareuru, Varkadi, Marane, Kolyanadu, Padi, Kusasthali, Svasthi, Gokama, Kota, Kandavara, Kudalu, Mogebailu, Mittanadu, Nirumarga, and Shivalli. The places mentioned in GP2 are Simanturu, Tenekala, Sivabelli, Brahmapura, Ahikshetra, Shivalli, Kota, Tulu, Maleyala, Haviga, Niravara. Kuta, and Skandapura and these are Jayantika, Barkur, and Nagara. GP3 refers to categorised as western gramas or villages. The Gajapura, , Saligrama, Venupura, eastern villages are Shripadi, Odilu, Nala, Vatapura, Shivabelli, Nittur, Talitode, Mangaluru, Kaianduru. Ujire, Kunyamarga, Kokkada, Ramiiga, Barakuru, Kukke, and Machmuu Pude, Belapa, Airnadu, Idakedu, Kemminja, The authors of the text were apparently Padinja, Siriyadi, and Kudipadi. influenced by the information available in the In GP2, in the western villages section, greater puranas, thus following the convention of Tareuru is referred as Karuru, Tenekala is called mentioning the sacred tirthas or rivers visited by Kanakkala, Kolyanadu is referred as Kolavinadu, devotees. Another source of this section seems and Skandapura is referred as Skandavara. Instead to be the actual knowledge of the people of the of Mogebailu, GP2 mentions Mogralu. In the region concerning neighbouring regions such as eastern villages section, GP2 refers to Kareya, Gokarna and Kerala. The details indicate the Kavala, and Manikala which are not mentioned in

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GP1. However, GP2 refers to Karanduru as approach of brahmanas towards non-brahmanas. Karanjuru, Kunyamarga as Kunjimarga, Raminja as This is true not only of south-western India, but Ramanjuru, Belapa as Belavya, and Padinja as also other regions Of the subcontinent A study Palinja. GP3 mentions all the sixteen western of Gramapaddhati48 is essential also to villages mentioned in GP1, but instead of comprehend the complex nature of brahmana Mogebailu it refers to Moganadu. Kuta is referred social organization in south India. This work as Gajapura and Skandapura is called demonstrates that not only there existed rigid Skandagrama. In the western villages section, it divisions between different caste groups, but there refers to Shripadi as Sirripadi. prevailed watertight compartments within a single The discrepancies are generally of two kinds. vama too. Stratification and complexity of social One relates to the identity of the villages organization had become important features of mentioned. For instance, whereas the number medieval south Indian society.® This text refers to sixteen is sacred, a few villages mentioned in one the prevalence of various categories among the list are altogether absent in another. The identity brahmanas. However, not all the categories of is therefore completely different. Again, villages brahmanas such as Havik brahmanas and mentioned in different lists are the same although Sthanikas are discussed in detail. This implies that either they are spelt differently. greater importance was attached to only a few The details indicate that like in other parts of brahmanical communities such as the Shivalli and the western coast, in south-western India too Kota brahmanas who perhaps had emerged as brahmana settlements emerged gradually, as is dominant communities in society. This also mentioned in literature and inscriptions. The demonstrates the unequal nature of relationship process of institution of brahmana settlements that between different categories of brahmanas. In this began during the Kadamba period continued context, it is important to mention that there was during the Vijayanagara period too. The ik) intermarriage between the different brahmanical Vijayanagara kings, having their centres in Baikur communities. Hence, Gramapaddhati is of and Mangalore, needed the cooperation of the significance to both historians and sociologists brahmanas in administration and maintaining law interested in the study of the structure of caste and order. society. The study of this text is significant from the Significance of the work point of view of historiography too. The The history of a caste community is important assessment of colonial and many Indian historians to understand the social history of a region as a trained by colonial historians is that India lacked whole. In the context of south-western India, the a sense of history, a consciousness of past history of the brahmana community enables the events.50 However, many historians, both historian to understand the relationship between European and Indian, have debated this aspect. brahmanas and non-brahmanas, as also the According to them, there are evidences to suggest

33 Vidyasagar University Journal of History, Volume til, 2014-2015 that Indians too recorded past events in a important not to judge a pre-modern work significantly systematic manner that eluded earlier according to parameters that are applied to a historians. Indeed, a study of local caste puranas modem text. It is not impossible to cull useful such as Gramapaddhati and Sahyadri Khanda information from such a text, though such details provides opportunity for historians to ascertain the are not always very explicit The various versions historical consciousness of ancient Indians. It is of Gramapaddhati comprise both similar and true that it is not always possible to clearly specify dissimilar details. The details regarding social the dates of these texts. However, different groups indicate that the text belonged to the genre approaches such as linguistic, sociological, and of caste puranas which were written with the anthropological analysis of these texts may purpose of improving the social status of the certainly reveal significant information. This brahmanas. The need to add additional author took up the task of identification of different brahmanical details led to changes in the different villages as specified in Gramapaddhati and could subsequent versions of Gramapaddhati. A critical locate many brahmanical villages and identify study of such a text reveals its usefulness as a brahmanical femily details mentioned in the different historical source to analyse issues such as versions. This indicates that such traditional texts stratification, migration, and legitimacy. can be considered as significant sources to reconstruct the social history of a region. Endnotes: Conclusion 1. I would like to thank Prof. Kesavan Veluthat and A study of diverse versions of Gramapaddhati the anonymous reviewer of this article for their gives details regarding the brahmanical villages of valuable suggestions which I received while writing south-western India. Historical consciousness of this paper. the region is overtly and covertly represented in 2. This author was able to find one version of puranic and semi-puranic form that provide Gramapaddhati in the house of Harikrishna Tantn, contemporary details by way of myths and Udupi. This version is in Sanskrit language. traditions The text exhibits knowledge concerning 3. The above mentioned version is written in Tulu- neighbouring regions and chronology. The myth Malayalam script. concerning Parasurama might affect the historical 4. For a definition of a caste purana see, Das, V., value of the text, but a deeper study allows Structure and Cognition, Delhi, 1997. historians to find the sense of history of the 5. Philips, C.H., Historians o f India, Pakistan and authors of the region. At the same time, one need Ceylon, London, 1961, p. 4. not conclude that pre-modem Indians exhibited a 6. Aigal, GA., Dakshina Kartnada Jilleya Pracina sense of history as is comprehended today. Oik Itihasa, (in Rannada), Mangalore, 1923. needs to differentiate between pre-modern 7. Shetty, A.B. (ed ), Sheenappa Heggade Samagra fcistoncal sense and modem sense of history. It is Sahitya, (in Kannada), Udupi,1991.

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8. Veluthat, K. 'Tulu Studies: an Overview1, POLI ‘The Sahyadrikhanda: Style and Context as Indices Canara 200, Mangalore, 2000. of Authorship in the Patityagramanimaya’, in 9. Saletore, B.A., Ancient Karnataka, History of Singh, N. (ed), Encyclopaedia o f Hinduism, New Tuhtvas, Poona, Oriental Book Agency, 1936. Delhi: Anmol, 1997. 10. Saletore, Ibid. Sahyadri Khanda has become a 11. Saletore, B A Op. Cit., p. 342. major subject of analysis. See Thana, T.S.S., Texts 12. Saletore, BA ., Ibid. and Contexts in Southeast Asia: Proceedings o f the 13. The majority of local puranas claim association Texts and Contexts in Southeast Asia Conference, with one mahapurana or other. Wilson, H.H. Op. Universities Historical Research Center, 2003; for Cit. a traditional view of this work, see Dhume, A.R.S., 14. Ibid. p. 341-342. The Cultural History of Goa from 1000 BC to 15. Bhatt, P.G., Studies in Tuluva History and Culture, 1352 AD., Panaji, 1986; for a critical study of the Kallianpur, 1975. text refer to Kosambi, D.D., Myth and Reality, 16. Ramesh, K.V., A History of South Kanara, Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1962. It is Dharwad, 1970. interesting to note that Sahyadri Khanda is a text 17. Vasanthamadhava, K.G., Western Karnataka: that is studied by both traditional and modern Agrarian Relations, New Delhi, 1991. scholars belonging to different regions of western 18. Narayanan, M.G.S., ‘The State in the Era of India including Gujarat, Maharashtra, Goa, Coastal Ceraman Perumals of Kerala’, in Karnataka, and Kerala, thereby showing the Champakalakshmi, R., Veluthat, K., and relevance of this text to these regions. The study Venugopalan, T.R. (eds). State and Society in Pre­ of Kosambi is interesting since it contradicts the modem South India, Thrissur, 2002. suggestion of Moraes that brahmanas claimed 19. Veluthat, K., Brahmana Settlements in Kerala descent from the north to obtain legitimacy. Historical Studies, Calicut, 1978. Other scholars Kosambi has furnished evidences to suggest that have also analyzed this text. See Gundert, H., brahmanas might have migrated from the north and Keralotpatti, Mangalore, 1886; Janaki, K.S.S. settled in the coastal regions of the western coast. 'Parasurama', in Singh, N. Encyclopaedia of D.D. Kosambi, Ibid., p. 167. In Meckenzi Hinduism, p. 1924; Fawcett, F., Florence, E., Collection, one finds reference to the palm leaf Fawcett, F. and Edgar, T., Nambuliris: Notes on manuscript Tuluvanada Utpatti or the Account of Some People of Malabar, Asian Educational Origin of the Tulu Country. This text claims to be Services, 2001, p. 72. a part of the Sahyadri Khanda of Skanda Purana. 20. Veluthat, K., ibid. See Wilson, H.H., Mackenzie Collection, Asiatic 21. Saletore, B.A. Op. Cit. Society, 1828. For a detailed analysis of Sahyadri 22. See South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VI and Vol. IX, Khanda also refer to Levitt, L.H., The Sahyadri Part I and II, Mysore, 1985. However, the process Khanda: Some Problems Concerning a Text - of emergence of brahmana settlements might have Critical Edition of a Puranic Text1 and Levitt, S.K., started much earlier under the Kadatnbas of

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Banavasi. Mayura Varma, being a patron of the 30. da Cunha, C. (ed.), Sahyadri Khanda-Skanda brahmanas, established agraharas in the kingdom. Puranantargata, Bombay, 1877. Moraes, G.M. The Kadamba Kula, Madras, 1990, 31. Rao, N. ‘Sahyadri Khanda and Reconstruction of p. 31. Social History of South Kanara’, Indica, Vol. 36, 23. Chattopadhya, B.D. Tolitical processes and the No. 2, September 1999. Structure of Polity in Early Medieval India' in 32. It is interesting to note that, among these two Kulke, H (ed.), State in India 1000-1700, Oxford mathas, Puttige matha belongs to Vaishnava University Press, Delhi, 1995. tradition initiated by Madhwacharya, whereas 24. Madhwa Vijaya. Most works have referred to Balekudru matha belongs to Smarta tradition Madhwacharya as the founder of the eight mathas which follows the teachings of Shankaracharya. in Udupi, South Kanara. See Tattwananda, Swami, 33. It was published by Holla Krishniah, Balanadu, in Vaisnava Sects, Saiva Sects, Mother Worship, 1924. Fiona KLM, 1984; Asiatick Researches, Calcutta, 34. Prof. B.A. Vivek Rai, Department of Kannada, 1828, p. 102; Mackenzie Collection, p. 95; Fani, Mangalore University, obtained a copy of this M, Shea, D and Troyer, A., The Debistan, London, version. I would like to thank him for providing 1843, p. 179. me a copy of this text. 25. Inscriptions and literature provide information 35. This Department has collected other versions of concerning the contact of the region with north Gramapaddhati in palm leaf. They are: 1. No. 44 India. in Nandinagari script, 'Gramapaddhatiya Kelavu 26. This is found in the case of epic literature and Manetanagalu' (A Few Families of ancient puranas. The usual practice seems to be Gramapaddhati); 2. No. 78. Gramapaddhati; 3. No. to add considerable details of a particular 59., Vyasa et.al, Sahyadri Khanda Mattu Itara community or a social group so as to legitimise Vishayagalu. (Sahyadri Khanda and other Aspects). their position. 36. I found a palm leaf manuscript copy of Sahyadri 27. Das, V., Op.Cit. Khanda in Balekudru matha. 28. For the Gowda Saraswat migrations see Priolkar, 37. Saletore, B.A., Op. Cit, p. 324. A.K., The Goa Inquisition, New Delhi, 1961. 38. Scholarly analysis of Sahyadri Khanda reveals the Though one version of Gramapaddhati refers to a function of this text. According to Debiprasad few Gowda Saraswat surnames, the details of this Chattopadhyaya, the text legitimized brahmanical community are not as comprehensive as those indulgence in non-brahmanical occupations. This regarding the Shivalli brahmanas. Hie reference to shows that the Sahyadri Khanda repeats the the Gowda Saraswat brahmanas in the text assertions found in the texts such as Vaikhanasa indicates the practice of updating followed by the Smarta Sutra and Apastamba Dharma Sutra. See brahmana authors. Chattopadhyaya, D., Science and Society m Ancient 29. Bhanumati, Y.C. (ed.), Sahyadri Khanda, Mysore, India, Calcutta, 1978, pp. 217-218. 1984. 39. Parasurama tradition is found not only in the

36 Nagendra Rao

Kanara coast but also in Gujarat, Goa, and Kerala, actually aware of one of the Mayura Varmas and as this tradition, is represented in historical and mentioned him in their work. Mayura \farmas, Ac mythological literature of all these regions. Kadamba kings, encouraged the brahmana 40. This might indicate the attempt to brahmanise the settlements, the agraharas. The Kadamba records region by introducing brahmanicai practices found refer to the chaos and lawlessness found due to in north India. The Agasthya tradition, or the story problems such as succession conflict and deaths of Agasthya crossing the Vindhya Mountains, of rulers. Mayura Varma IQ is also referred to as provides significant clue to the brahmana migration Hemma. The text mentions the king Hemangada. to south India. Moraes, G,M. The Kadamba Kula, Op. Cit, p. 131. 41. Thapar, Romila, Ancient Indian Social History: 46. GP 1, p. 22. Dauhitra dharma refers to the Some Interpretations, New Delhi, 2004,259 ff. matrilineal system of inheritance which prevailed 42. In the caste hierarchy, the Chandalas belong to the among non-brahmana castes of south-western lowest category in India. India. Even those who were antagonistic to the 43. For traditions regarding Hubbasiga, see Bilimale, Kadambas, namely, die Koragas, followed the same B, Koragara Samskriti, (in Kannada) Bangalore, type of inheritance. 1993, pp. 29-33. 47. Veluthat, K. Brahmana Settlements in Kerala, 44. Ahichhatra, a north India urban centre, was Calicut, 1978. traditionally associated with brahmana settlements. 48. Different versions of Gramapaddhati have been Aihole in Karnataka is also called Ahicchatra or studied by B.A. Saletore. See his Ancient Aryapura. Champakalakshmi, R., Trade, Ideology, Karnataka, Op. Cit. and Urbanization in South India, New Delhi, 1996. 49. Champakalakshmi, R. 'State and Society: South The reference to Ahicchatra represents abstract India Circa A.D. 400-1300' in Thapar, R. (ed.), memory of the authors of this text, whose Recent Perspectives in Early Indian History, ancestors might have belonged to a northern region. Mumbai, 1995. 45. Curiously, the Kadambas of Banavasi were ruled 50. For instance, Macdonnell, History o f Sanskrit by Mayura Varma I, Maryura Varma II and Literature, London, 1900; Mill, J. The History of Mayura Varma Ifa. It is possible that the text in British India, Vol. I, New Delhi, Reprint, 1972; question referred to one of the later Mayura Varmas. Philips, C.H. (ed.), Historians o f India, Pakistan One can assume that the authors of the text were and Ceylon, London, 1961.