CHAPTER 8
ELECTRONIC COMMUNICATION AND SOCIO-POLITICAL MOBILISATION: and lawmakers from Estrada s ruling party withdrew Armed Forces Chief of Staff and Vice Chief of Staff. By their support, including both the Senate president and the end of the day, the Supreme Court had declared the A NEW FORM OF CIVIL SOCIETY the House speaker. On 7 December the Senate presidency vacant, Gloria Arroyo had been sworn in, and Manuel Castells, Mireia Fernandez-Ardevol, Jack Linchuan Qiu and Araba Sey impeachment trial formally began. Multiple investi- People Power II concluded on a triumphant note. gations took place, revealing more and more evidence News coverage of the demonstrations invariably against Estrada. highlights the role of new communication technologies, especially short message service (SMS) and the Introduction: civil society and result in socio-political mobilisation, and emphasise internet, in facilitating the protests. On one account, communication technology the importance of political frameworks and institutions News coverage of the demonstrations anti-Estrada information began to accumulate in online The structuring of civil society evolves with its in shaping the uses of technology. Thus we briefly invariably highlights the role of new forums as soon as he took office in 1998, amounting to institutional, cultural, and technological context. The discuss the factors underlying the political apathy of communication technologies, especially some 200 web sites and about 100 e-mail discussion more this context maximises the chances of autonomy mobile phone subscribers in Japan and especially in short message service (SMS) and the groups by the time People Power II started (Pabico n.d.). vis- -vis the state, the more civil society empowers China during the SARS epidemic of 2003. In our view, internet, in facilitating the protests A famous online forum is E-Lagda.com, which collected itself. Interactive electronic communication, and any attempt to understand civil society, both global 91,000 e-signatures to support the impeachment particularly wireless communication, provides a and local, in the twenty-first century will have to pay through both the internet and SMS (Bagalawis 2001). powerful platform for political autonomy on the basis attention to the interplay between institutions, Soon, a violent disaster disrupted the political life of Besides imparting pure information, many internet and of independent channels of autonomous communi- technology and values in the process and outcomes of the entire country. On 30 December 2000, five bombs text messages poked fun at Estrada, his (allegedly) cation, from person to person, and from group to social organisation and social mobilisation. exploded in Manila, killing 22 people and injuring corrupted life, and his poor English. group. The communication networks that mobile more than 120 (Philippine Daily Inquirer 2001). The While this kind of semi-serious communication telephony makes possible can be formed and re- The Philippines: People Power II explosions were synchronised to hit the city s crowded continued for more than two years, allowing for the formed instantly, and messages are received from a In January 2001 thousands of cell-phone touting public spaces, including the airport, a light-rail train, expression of widespread discontent, it was texting that known source, enhancing their credibility. The network Filipinos took part in massive demonstrations now a bus, a gas station, and a park near the US embassy made possible the swift gathering of tens of thousands logic of the communication process makes it a high- dubbed People Power II (following the original People (Australian 2001). A police investigation incriminated immediately after the crucial Senate vote of 16 January. volume communication channel, but with a considerable Power movement that overthrew Ferdinand and Imelda Jemaah Islamiyah, a Muslim rebel group that was According to a member of the Generation Txt who joined degree of personalisation and interactivity. In this Marcos in 1986). This four-day event has become later linked to Al-Qaida (Associated Press 2003), the demonstrations, she was on a date in the evening sense, the wide availability of individually controlled legendary as the first occasion in human history when although many suspected at the time that the explo- when the news broke (Uy-Tioco 2003: 1—2). She first wireless communication effectively bypasses the the mobile phone played an instrumental role in sions were linked to Estrada s impeachment trial. received a message from her best friend: I THNK UD mass media as a source of information, and creates a removing the head of the government of a nation-state On 16 January 2001 the Senate in a critical session BETR GO HME NW (I think you d better go home now). new public space. (Bagalawis 2001; see also Salterio 2001: 25). voted by 11 votes to 10 not to open an envelope that was But by the time she got home, already pretty late in the Without prejudging on the desirability of political On 30 June 1998 Joseph Estrada, a well-known actor believed to contain records of Estrada s secret evening, she received numerous messages from others autonomy (because, naturally, it can be used to and populist candidate, was sworn in as the 13th transactions. Within hours, enraged Manila residents — such as: NOISE BARRAGE AT 11PM , GO 2 EDSA, support very different kinds of political values and president of the Philippines. From the beginning of his many of them following instructions received on their WEAR BLACK 2 MOURN D DEATH F DEMOCRACY. She interests), we have observed a growing tendency by presidency, Estrada was subjected to allegations of cell phones — gathered in the historic Shrine at Epifnio then quickly followed the instructions: people in different contexts to use wireless communi- corruption including mishandling of public funds, de los Santos Avenue, also known as Edsa, the site of cation to voice their discontent with the powers that accepting bribery, and using illegal income to buy the People Power revolt of 1986, to protest against I barely had time to kick off my high heels and slip on be, and to organise protests by inducing flash mobili- houses for his mistresses. The most serious charge that perceived injustice and demand the immediate removal my sneakers when my mom, brother, and I jumped sations that have sometimes made a considerable led to his expulsion from office came in October 2000, of Estrada from the presidency. into the car and joined the cars in our neighborhood impact on formal politics and government decisions. when he was accused of receiving US$80 million from a The massive demonstrations of People Power II in honking horns in protest. And then to Edsa we went. To document this tendency, and to explore its gambling pay-off scheme and several more million lasted for the four days 16—20 January. The group of At midnight, there were a couple of hundred people. implications, we analyse in this chapter four cases of from tobacco tax kickbacks. On 12 October Vice- senator-judges serving at the impeachment trial Families clad in pajamas, teenagers in party clothes, political mobilisation in which wireless communication President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, a Harvard-trained resigned on the 17 January and the case was suspended men and women in suits fresh from happy hour, played a significant role. These are the ousting of economist and the daughter of former president indefinitely. With increasing pressure from protesters college students clutching books obviously coming President Estrada from the Philippines in 2001, the Diosdado Macapagal, resigned from the cabinet and led by Gloria Arroyo and other former officials, the from a study group, nuns and priests. election of Korean President Moo-Hyun in 2002, the later become the leader of what would soon become Defence Secretary and Finance Secretary resigned on electoral defeat of the Spanish Partido Popular in People Power II (Pamantalaang Mindanaw 2000). 19 January to join the opposition. By then, the Estrada 2004 and the organisation of a series of protests On 18 October 2000 opposition groups filed an cabinet had basically collapsed, with most of its key during the US Republican Party s national convention impeachment motion against Estrada in the House of posts abandoned; most importantly, the military had The authors wish to acknowledge the support of the Annenberg in 2004. In the final section of our chapter we consider Representatives. Protests started to emerge in sided with demonstrators. On 20 January 2001 Estrada Foundation and of the Annenberg School for Communication for ART 3: CHAPTER 8 ART 3: CHAPTER 8 P
P two cases in which wireless communication did not Manila. In less than a month, dozens of senior officials was escorted out of the Malacanang Palace by the the preparation of this chapter.
112 113 sentiments (Rafael 2003: 401). Written in the strators did not have cell phones (let alone internet immediate aftermath of the protests, most accounts access), this particular crowd was also able to gather are excessively celebratory, glossing over many issues in virtually no time1. They had to be trucked in since, important to our understanding of the role of the unlike the middle-class protestors, they had no other mobile phone in this political movement. means of transportation (see above quotation from First, characterising People Power II as non-violent Uy-Tioco for the usage of private cars in People Power and information-centred is to oversimplify it. The II). Meanwhile, as Rafael (2003: 422—3) points out, the military was never a non-factor in the process. It was negative descriptions of the Poor People Power in part only after the armed forces sided with the protestors reflected the class positioning of Filipino English- that Estrada retreated and was escorted out of his language newspapers: presidential palace by military commanders. Moreover, the deadly synchronised explosions that killed 22 Other accounts qualified these depictions by pointing Manila residents and injured more than 120 took out that many in the crowd [of Poor People Power] place only 17 days before People Power II. Given the were not merely hired thugs or demented loyalists sensitive timing in the middle of the impeachment [of Estrada] but poor people who had legitimate trial, such a violent incident clearly threatened everyone complaints. They had been largely ignored by the — especially senator-judges — with an all-out civil war elite politicians, the Catholic Church hierarchy, the on top of the ongoing clashes with the Muslim rebels middle-class-dominated left-wing groups, and the accused of perpetrating the 30 December bombing. NGOs. Even though Estrada manipulated them, the Such a civil war was quite possible because, despite protestors saw their ex-president as a patron who the corruption charges, Estrada had overwhelming had given them hope by way of occasional handouts support in the countryside and among the poor, as and who addressed them in their vernacular. Protest pic to come shown in his landslide victory in the 1998 election. In …Generation Txt spoke of democratization, fact, in a seldom-told story on 25 April 2001, three accountability, and civil society; the ‘tsingelas crowd,’ months after People Power II, Estrada was formally so called because of the cheap rubber slippers many During the week of People Power II, Smart wireless media became effective messengers of arrested on charges of graft and corruption, soon after protestors wore, was fixated on its ‘idol,’ Estrada. Communications Inc. transmitted 70 million text information — be it jokes, rumors, petitions, angry e- which a crowd of perhaps one hundred thousand messages, and Globe Telecom, the other main SMS mails or factoids — that made People Power II much formed at Edsa and demanded Estrada s release and Poor People Power was finally dispersed by the operator, handled 45 million messages each day as wider in scope and broader in reach than its reinstatement (Rafael 2003: 422). According to military after five days (Rafael 2003: 425). This incident, opposed to its normal daily average of 24.7 million predecessor (Bagalawis 2001). Moreover, the speed Vicente Rafael (2003: 422): seldom incorporated in the narrative of People Power (Bagalawis 2001). The demonstrators were using text of IT-based mobilisation was much faster. Whereas II, shows the oversimplifying nature of the People messages so actively that they seriously strained the Marcos managed to continue his rule for almost two Unlike those who had gathered there during People Power label with respect to the deep-seated class networks covering Edsa. According to Smart s public decades despite serious allegations of corruption and Power II, the crowd in what came to be billed as the problems in the Philippines that offer more funda- affairs officer, The sudden increase in the volume of human rights violations, Estrada was ousted after ‘Poor People Power’ was trucked in by Estrada’s mental explanations for the social unrest described messages being handled at that time was so only two and a half years, less than half the six-year political operatives from the slums and nearby above and beyond the over-celebrated power of the tremendous that sometimes the signals were not presidential term (Andrade-Jimenez 2001; Pabico n.d.). provinces and provided with money, food, and, on new media in and of themselves. Almost 40 per cent coming through, especially in the Edsa area. High- For these reasons, Helen Andrade-Jimenez claimed at least certain occasions, alcohol. In place of cell of Filipinos live on a daily income of one US dollar level representatives from Globe admitted similar that People Power II showed the power of the internet phones, many reportedly were armed with slingshots, (Bociurkiw 2001). Of the country s total population of difficulty, saying that mobile cell sites had to be and mobile communications technology — not to homemade guns, knives, and steel pipes. English- 80 million (National Statistical Coordination Board transferred from the Senate and rural Bicol to ease mention broadcast media — not only to shape public language news reports described this crowd as URL), only about 13.8 per cent had access to mobile equipment load, alleviate congestion, and provide opinion but also to mobilize civil society when push unruly and uncivilized and castigated protestors for phones in 2001. The scope of the cell phone s political back-up contingency (Bagalawis 2001). came to a shove (Andrade-Jimenez 2001). According strewing garbage on the Edsa Shrine, harassing influence was therefore still quite limited. Although Most English-language Filipino media regard the to these accounts, the victory of People Power II was reporters, and publicly urinating near the giant some members of the lower classes also took part in overthrow of Estrada as a positive development in the the victory of new technologies, especially the mobile statue of the Virgin Mary of Edsa. People Power II, they were, like the tsingelas crowd , country s democratic life. Comparing People Power II phone and the internet. These media accounts, presumed to be voiceless in the telecommunicative with the People Power movement of 1986, they argue however, need to be treated with caution. After all, Besides showing the potential for of large-scale that there was less violence and military involvement [n]early all the accounts of People Power II available violence during the impeachment trial, Poor People 1 It is unclear, however, to what extent the organisers of Poor (Andrade-Jimenez 2001); that the demonstration was to us come from middle-class writers or by way of a Power calls into question the proclaimed importance People Power, the ‘political operatives’ of Estrada, were relying ART 3: CHAPTER 8 ART 3: CHAPTER 8 P more centred on information and IT. [T]he wired and middle-class controlled media with strong nationalist of new media because, although most poor demon- on mobile phones at the time. P
114 115
(Rafael 2003: 403)3. Besides problems in technologies, deliver messages anytime, anywhere — can perform a this probably reflected Estrada s life first as a mobilisation function much more efficiently than successful film star (making him overconfident about other communication channels at the tipping point of the image that film, TV, and radio had created of him), an emerging political movement. then as a long-time, small-town politician (making him unprepared for the power of the new communications media in Manila) (Pabico n.d.). as a tool of political communication It should also to be pointed out that other social forces texting has a serious limitation were playing critical roles, especially the Catholic Church and the radio and other media under its influence. A Catholic nun was among the first to On the other hand, as a tool of political communi- openly accuse Estrada s family of mishandling public cation texting has a serious limitation: it allows short funds (Uy-Tioco 2003: 9). Cardinal Sin, the head of messages to be copied and distributed quickly and Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines, had been widely, but it permits very little editing or elaboration among the most prominent anti-Estrada leaders since based on the original message. It is suited for simple the beginning of the impeachment in October 2000 coordinating messages such as specifying the time (BBC News 2000; see also Gaspar 2001). Moreover, and location of a gathering and what to wear (black while many were suspicious of the credibility of SMS clothes, in this case). However, it is highly insufficient messages because so many of them consisted of for civic deliberation. With SMS, the messages were ungrounded rumours, religious organisations were mechanically augmented but semantically unaltered deliberately involved to add legitimacy to anti-Estrada producing a "technological revolution" that sets the text messages. As one activist reveals in a listserv post: question of social revolution aside (Rafael 2002: 409—10). Texting is thus "revolutionary" in a reformist I was certain [texting] would not be taken seriously sense (Rafael 2003: 410). If a real revolution were to ©Ami Vitale/Panos Pictures unless it was backed up by some kind of authority take place that fundamentally altered a social figure to give it some sort of legitimacy. A priest structure, it would most likely involve other media, fantasies about the cell phone (Rafael 2003: 400). sitting president, why he did not prevent the who was with us suggested that Radio Veritas including not only the internet, which has been The contradiction of class interests was most disinformation and vicious mobilisation against [the church-owned broadcasting station] should accompanying the cell phone in most political acutely presented in a book titled Power Grab (Arillo himself? Did he think the new technology was get involved in disseminating the particulars … mobilisations, but also traditional mass media and 2003), whose summary was prominently featured on invincible since one could imagine each user We [then] formulated a test message … and sent interpersonal communication. Estrada s official website2. It maintains that: becoming his or her own broadcasting station: a node it out that night and I turned off my phone … By Finally, there was a global dimension to People in a wider network of communication that the state the time I turned it on in the morning, the message Power II. New media technologies, especially the [Estrada] lost his job when white-collar mobsters could not possibly monitor, much less control ? had come back to me three times. … I am now a internet, enabled the global Filipino diaspora to and plunderers, backed by seditious communists, (Rafael 2003: 403). More likely, as Rafael (2003: 403) firm believer in the power of the text! (quoted in participate more easily (Andrade-Jimenez 2001). do-gooder prelates, traditional politicians, and argues, the new technologies, especially the cell Rafael 2003: 408) Since overseas Filipinos are more sympathetic toward misguided police and military generals, banded phone, were powerful because there was a need for middle-class appeals, they added significantly to the together and toppled his regime, first, by using the power to overcome the crowded conditions and As mentioned earlier, mobile phones also worked oppositional force. Moreover, Estrada has been an massive disinformation and black propaganda congested surroundings brought about by state s closely with hundreds of anti-Estrada web sites and outspoken nationalist for most of his political life. He carefully crafted to provide half-true, misleading, inability to order everyday life . In other words, the listservs during the movement. In addition to famous was named the Most Outstanding Mayor and or wholly false information to deceive and anger existence of a relatively weak state was a condition for online forums such as E-Lagda.com, blogging sites Foremost Nationalist in 1972 (Alfredson and Vigilar the public. the key role of the mobile phone and the internet in were also involved, such as The Secret Diary of Erap 2001). In 1991, he was the first senator to propose the this case. The outcome might have been very different Estrada (erap.blogspot.com) (Andrade-Jimenez 2001). termination of American military base in the Philippines. Quite apart fom the highly partisan language, this had there been stronger state control. Although there It is thus erroneous to give all the credit to texting, He therefore had little support from global capital or pro-Estrada writer obviously agrees that commu- were some indications that Estrada was attempting to since mobile phones had to function in this particular the US government, which would rather watch him nication technologies played a pivotal role, though not acquire the technology to monitor cell phone use, [i]t is media environment, which reflected the middle- being replaced by Gloria Arroyo, who was more to inform and mobilise in a positive sense but to doubtful, however, that cell phone surveillance tech- class-dominated power structure at the time. It is disseminate disinformation , to deceive and anger nology was available to the Estrada administration within this larger framework that we should 3 In 2000 and 2001, even if there were mobile phone surveillance the public , and to misguide police and generals. The acknowledge that the mobile phone — as a medium systems, they must have been still too primitive to be used during ART 3: CHAPTER 8 ART 3: CHAPTER 8 P question that emerges is: given that Estrada was the 2 www.erap.com (consulted 3 June 2004). that is portable, personal, and prepared to receive and large-scale political movements such as People Power II. P
116 117 Wireless communication and the he refused to compromise or switch parties as many the 57 percent national average (J.-M. Kim 2001: 49). people who love Roh in South Korea other opposition figures did. This iconoclastic image It was at this historic moment of low turnout among On 19 December 2002, South Korea elected its new won him an almost cult-like following among young young people, when Roh Moo-Hyun lost his second president, Roh Moo-Hyun, a major part of whose Koreans (Demick 2003). race in the parliamentary election, that Nosamo victory has been widely attributed to Nosamo, an Roh s age, policy, and personality assured him of (www.nosamo.org) came into being. On 6 June 2000 online supporter group known by this Korean acronym great popularity among young voters, just as Nosamo was formed by around 100 founding members of People who Love Roh . The success of Roh and of President Bill Clinton appealed to many American who convened in Taejon (Korea Times 2002). While Nosamo is now a textbook example for the power of baby boomers (Fairclough 2004). At the core of his Roh s campaign team had been actively utilising the IT (Hachigian and Wu 2003: 68), which systematically support is the generation of the so-called 386ers , new media, Nosamo was a voluntary organisation utilised a combination of the internet and mobile those who were in their thirties during the presidential self-funded by membership fees and only informally phone-based communication While the internet- election, who grew up in the 1980s with Korea s pro- affiliated with Roh (Korea Times 2002; see also Rhee based campaign had lasted for years, providing the democracy movement, and were born in the 1960s at 2003: 95). Within five months, its membership had core political networks, it was the mobile phones that the dawn of South Korea s industrialisation era mushroomed: from around 100 to nearly 5,000 in mobilised large number of young voters on the (Fairclough 2004). Unlike the older generations, the November 2001 (J.-M. Kim 2001: 50), and then, within election day and finally reversed the voting result 386ers are more skeptical of the U.S. in part because a year, to 70,000—80,000 by the end of 2002, amounting (Fulford 2003; see also S.-D. Kim n.d.; Rhee 2003). Washington backed the same military rulers they to a most formidable political force6. Nosamo is not a random phenomenon. It is rather a fought against as college students (Fairclough 2004). During the presidential election of 2002, Nosamo strategic coalition of liberal pro-reform political forces In addition, there were also large numbers of younger members raised more than US$7 million over the and new communication technologies that came supporters in their twenties such as Hwang Myong- internet (Demick 2003). They used electronic bulletins, together in response to pressing issues such as Pil, a stock trader who quit his well-paid job to online polls, and text messages to formulate collective economic growth and the problem of regionalism. become a full-time volunteer at Nosamo (Demick decisions and coordinate campaign activities. All the Based on the nation s high internet and mobile phone 2003). Together, the twenty- and thirty-somethings decisions about their activities are made through an penetration rates, it also draws on the pro-democracy were Korea s baby-boom generation, accounting for electronic voting system and the final decision- student demonstrations of the 1980s (Fairclough slightly more than half the voter population (J.-M. Kim making online committee has its monthly meeting in 2004; see also J.-M. Kim 2001: 49). This is a very 2001; Rhee 2003). Most of these young activists chat rooms (J.-M. Kim 2001: 50). Among a variety of sensible strategy given that the traditional media, regarded themselves as having inherited the logistical tasks, one was to ensure that people wore ©Mark Henley/Panos Pictures especially newspapers, are predominantly conservative revolutionary spirit of the student demonstrations of yellow outfits when attending political rallies — yellow (S.-D. Kim n.d.). These old media had little appeal to more than a decade ago. At large political gatherings, being the colour symbolising Roh s campaign (Korea westernised and represented middle-class interests. young people in their twenties and thirties; yet this they would chant songs dating back to the pro- Times 2002). To sum up, during People Power II the mobile age group is a baby-boom generation that makes up democracy movement of the 1980s, such as Morning At times, members of Nosamo could act quite phone, and especially text messaging, did play a major slightly more than half the total number of voters Dew (Korea Times 2002). aggressively. For instance, a professor made a comment role in message dissemination, political mobilisation, (J.-M. Kim 2001; To reach this critical cohort of voters, Roh perceived to be critical of Roh supporters on a and the coordination of campaign logistics. Because it Roh Moo-Hyun, a self-educated labour lawyer, experimented with online campaigns back in 1995 television talk show. He was subject to hundreds of allows instant communication at any time, anywhere, assumed the presidency at the rather young age of 56. when he was running for election as mayor of Pusan. angry e-mails and was widely lambasted in the it is most suited to assembling large-scale demon- He differed from most other politicians in having a It fits in with his political philosophy of openness and Nosamo forum (Demick 2003). Because of this and strations immediately after emergent political events more radical reformist agenda that on the one hand, direct communication with the people 5. Many of his similar activities, Nosamo was criticised for behaving such as the senators decision on the impeachment favoured a fundamental overhaul of the chaebols, the closest aides in the presidential election were former like Internet Red Guards with violent words in trial on 16 January 2001, or events during the Korean family-dominated conglomerates that have long student activists (Fairclough 2004). This was a highly cyberspace and an appeal to populism (Demick presidential election of 2002. However, the social funded the country s political machinery (Fairclough innovative approach, not only because it used new 2003). About a month before the presidential election, influence of the mobile phone was limited by the digital 2004), and on the other hand attempted to transcend technology but also because it appealed to the South Korea s election commission barred the group divide. It is often a tool serving the interests of the the boundaries of regionalism, a deep-rooted structural younger generation in a more substantial way than from raising money for the candidate (Demick 2003), middle class, traditional stakeholders (such as the problem in Korean politics (Rhee (2003: 95). In the predominantly conservative traditional media that and the organisation s web site was forced to close Catholic Church), and global capital. It does not addition to these particular political stances, Roh was formed part of the Korean political machine. until the election day (Korea Times 2002). always have high credibility or sufficient capacity to also known for his highly idealistic personality4 because, Consequently, young people had been feeling cynical Meanwhile, the rather unconventional approaches spur two-way civic deliberation. For these reasons, despite repeatedly failing to win elections (as mayor of and disenfranchised in the political process: Nearly a mobile phones and texting have to work closely with Pusan and then as a member of the national assembly), third of the nation s twenty-somethings didn t bother other media, such as the internet and radio as shown to vote in the 1997 presidential election. Less than 40 per 5 Min-Kyung Bae, head of the Cyber Culture Research Association in Seoul, quoted in Demick (2003). in this case, in order to lead to actual political 4 For this, some analysts would even characterise him as cent of the 8 million people in their twenties voted in 6 Estimates of the number of Nosamo members vary from ART 3: CHAPTER 8 ART 3: CHAPTER 8 P consequences at the national level. ‘unrealistic, foolhardy’ (Rhee 2003: 95). parliamentary elections in April last year [2000], far below 70,000 (Korea Times 2002) to 80,000 (Demick 2003). P
118 119
of Roh Moo-Hyun continued to work to his dis- anywhere, anytime, — turned out to be the best advantage. Mainstream media, most of which medium for these rallying calls. Given the strength of belonged to the conservative camp, kept casting him youth networks (Yoon 2003a; 2003b) and the in a negative light (Rhee 2003; S.-D Kim n.d.). A few demographic fact that people in their twenties and months before the election, Roh was so far down in thirties made up slightly more than half the total the opinion polls that members of his own Millennium number of voters (J.-M Kim 2001: 49), young people Democratic Party (MDP) tried to force him out of the mobilised through mobile messages became a race (Demick 2003). On the eve of election, Roh s key decisive voting bloc. At the end of the day, sixty campaign partner, the multimillionaire Chung Mong- percent of voters in their 20s and 30s cast ballots for Joon, suddenly withdrew his support, dealing a heavy Roh (Rhee 2003: 95). blow to the entire campaign at the last minute (Korea After President Roh took office, Nosamo decided to Times 2002). remain active following an internal poll in January 2003 (Korea Herald 2003). Nosamo members continued to solicit suggestions for appointees to Cabinet positions it would be an exaggeration to attribute and engage in debates over topics ranging from North to the mobile phone some kind of magical, Korea s nuclear program to whether it would be more innate political power as the sole or even appropriate for Roh to take up golf or jogging as the most important media device president (Demick 2003). In fact, like any long-term civic group, they played a relatively independent watchdog role in observing, and sometimes criticising, © As the day of the election dawned on 19 December Roh s presidential decisions. Back in 2001, a founding Improvised memorial at Atocha Station, Madrid. Matia Costa/Panos Pictures 2002, Nosamo members were struck by a deep sense member of Nosamo was quoted as saying that We re of crisis. With their main web site have been closed for using the Net to support him. But we want to say "no" the month preceding election eve, young activists when he makes any decision which we think is wrong Nosamo s web site also encouraged supporters to Terrorism, political manipulation, started the day by posting online messages such as (J.-M. Kim 2001: 50). On 24 March 2003, Nosamo copy Get out and vote messages and send them out autonomous communication, social Let s go vote! (Rhee 2003: 96)7. By 11 a.m. exit polls adopted a statement opposing the US-led war in Iraq by mobile phone to ten friends who were then, in turn, mobilisation, and political change: Spain, showed that Roh was losing by a margin of 1 to 2o per and the decision of South Korea to dispatch engineering asked to forward the message to ten of their friends March 20048 cent (Fulford 2003; Rhee 2003: 96). At midday, [h]is and medical troops there (Korea Times 2003). Yet the (Salmon 2004). On 11 March 2004, a Madrid-based, mainly Moroccan, supporters hit the chat rooms to drum up support. Roh administration proceeded with the plan, causing The socio-political uses of the mobile phone are still radical Islamic group associated with Al-Qaeda Within minutes more than 800,000 e-mails were sent some Nosamo members to withdraw from the group; increasing as Korean society further transforms and conducted in Madrid the largest terrorist attack in to mobile phones to urge supporters to go out and one of them said, I withdrew from Nosamo because the technology further diffuses and becomes more Europe, bombing three suburban trains, killing 199 vote. Traditionally apathetic young voters surged to President Roh Moo-Hyun has shown us drastically mature. Again, the role of the mobile has to be people and wounding over 1,000. The bombing was the polls, and by 2 p.m., Roh took the lead and went on different aspects since becoming president. I do not love understood as closely related to other media, conducted by remote-control-activated cell phones. to win the election (Fulford 2003). Roh Moo-Hyun anymore. I hate the sight of the president especially online bulletin board system (BBS). These Indeed, it was the discovery of a cell phone calling Several elements contributed to this historic event, supporting the barbaric war of the United States new media function most importantly as a catalyst for card in an unexploded bag that led to the identification when mobile phones for the first time played a killing innocent civilians of Iraq (Korea Times 2003). the mobilisation of existing youth networks, giving rise of the phone and the arrest of the culprits. Al-Qaeda significant part in determining the outcome of a In spring 2004, Nosamo again played a major role in to groups, such as Nosamo, that are, in one sense, took responsibility for the bombing later that evening. presidential election. First, a large-scale grass-roots staging support for Roh during an impeachment new political forces whose historical origins, however, The attack took place in a very special political context, political network was already centred on Nosamo, investigation against him on charges of violating Korean can be traced back at least two decades. This said, it four days before the Spanish parliamentary elections, whose members not only had frequent online laws barring partisan remarks within a period of 17 would be an exaggeration to attribute to the mobile which were dominated by the debate on the partici- exchanges but also met offline. Second, Roh Moo- days preceding parliamentary elections (Len 2004). phone some kind of magical, innate political power as pation of Spain in the Iraq war, a policy opposed by the Hyun s centre-left policies and iconoclastic image During this election, the liberal Uri Party, which had the sole or even the most important media device. Yet vast majority of Spanish citizens. Yet the conservative energised young liberals, many of whom were highly Roh s support, utilised mobile phone for campaigning it would be equally erroneous to ignore the unique party, Partido Popular (PP), was considered the likely motivated and ready to act promptly at time of crisis. purposes. Along with the usual policy statements, capacity of the cellular phone — as a gadget of Third, Chung Mong-Joon s sudden withdrawal of candidate profiles, and scheduled appearances, perpetual contact — to promote the swift mobilisation 8 The reconstruction of the events in Spain is based on the support on election eve and the temporary trailing of of certain marginalised social groups at critical researchers’ direct observations and on reports in the Spanish Roh created an urgent need to rally public support. political moments such as the Korean presidential press. As of January 2005 there were few bibliographic 7 It is, however, difficult to find other actual mobilisation short references on the subject, but we wish to refer to the following: And the mobile phone — the quintessential grass- messages in primary and secondary sources, unlike news election of 2002. Cué (2004), Juan (2004), Partal and Otamendi (2004), Rodríguez ART 3: CHAPTER 8 ART 3: CHAPTER 8 P roots communication gadget that is always on, accounts on the People Power II movement in the Philippines. (2004), Spanish Parliament (2004), de Ugarte (2004), VV.AA. (2004). P
120 121
winner of the election, based on its record on the editors of the main newspapers and gave them his to the addresses programmed in their cell phones. In with a different message: ETA are the authors of the economic policy and its stand on Basque terrorism. personal word that the attack was carried out by ETA. the messages they denounced the manipulation of massacre. Pasalo! But it diffused mainly through However, in the last weeks before the election the Thus, oppositional views on the actual source of terror information and called for a demonstration at 6 p.m. party channels, did not reach a critical mass of known young, charismatic Socialist leader Jose Luis Rodriguez had to find alternative channels of communication to in front of the headquarters of the PP in Madrid and person to known person, and, more importantly, was Zapatero waged an impressive electoral campaign, so be heard. The use of these alternative communication then in other Spanish cities. This was in fact outlawed, not credible for the thousands of people who were that on 10 March 2004 opinion polls rendered the result channels led to mobilisations against the PP on Saturday and naturally did not receive any support, explicit or already doubting the government s word. of the election too close to call one way or another. 13 March, a day of reflection when, under Spanish implicit, from any party, although some of the In this political context, as soon as the Madrid terror law, political demonstrations and public statements are participants in these gatherings were members of The context provided by the mainstream media was attack occurred, and before any evidence surfaced, the forbidden. Yet the actions of thousands of protestors, left-wing parties, particularly of the United Left (a also meaningful. Major television networks were very PP government stated with total conviction that ETA, most of them youths, made an impact on public opinion, small party in parliament that includes the remnants soon ignored as unreliable sources of information. the Basque terrorist group, was behind the bombing. and particularly on the two million new voters, young of the Communist Party in Spain). But most of the Through their h00esitancy newspapers made them- As the hours went by, it became increasingly likely that people who usually have a higher abstention rate or activists were participants in the anti-war movement, selves unreliable, although La Vanguardia in Barcelona, Al-Qaeda was the culprit. Yet the Minister of Interior vote for minority parties rather than for Socialists or and most of the people gathering in front of the PP printed in its front page on Saturday an article and the government s spokesman continued to insist Conservatives. In this election there were 2.5 million headquarters were simply those reached by the supporting the claim that Al-Qaeda was responsible that ETA was responsible, until the evening of the 13th. voters more than in the 2000 parliamentary election, network of SMSs. The earliest and most famous of for the attack. On the other hand, SER, the major private The government calculated that holding the Basque and about 1 million voters switched to the Socialists, these messages, all fitting within the 160 characters radio network, on the initiative of its journalists, terrorists responsible would favour the PP in the seeking to punish the government both for its policy on frame of the SMS format, was the following: Aznar off immediately looked for evidence elsewhere than on elections, while acknowledging that Islamic terrorists Iraq and for its perceived manipulation of information. the hook? They call it day of reflection and Urdaci the Basque trail. Sometimes it did so too eagerly, as it were probably responsible would indicate to Spaniards The Socialist Party won a clear majority in an election works? Today, 13M, 18h. PP headquarters, Genova diffused some inaccurate information; yet most of its the high price they were paying for their government s that saw a 77 per cent turnout. This discussion, on the street, 13. No parties. Silent for truth. Forward it! reports proved to be accurate. As a result, many people policy in Iraq, thus potentially inciting them to vote basis of published reports, explores the process through ( Pasalo! ). The reference to Urdaci must be explained: treated their radios (including their portable radios) as against the government. In the minds of millions of which alternative communications channels were he was the notorious anchorman of Spanish National their source of information, and then interacted with Spaniards (actually 67 per cent of them) the created and used efficiently. TV, well known for his manipulation of political news SMS and cell phones calls. People used voice government was manipulating information about the (in fact, sentenced for such by the court). In the communication for direct discussion with close friends, attack, seeking political advantage. This widespread meantime, Spanish National TV continued to defend and SMS for diffusing personally crafted messages or feeling was an important factor in the unexpected on Saturday morning a number of activists, the story of Basque terrorism, and in the evening for forwarding received messages that they agreed with. political defeat of the PP on 14 March, leading to the mostly individuals without any current political before the election changed its regular programming Thus, the context of communication was provided by election of a Socialist government and to the affiliations, and independently of the mainstream to broadcast a documentary film on the assassination the physical gathering in the streets, at the beginning immediate withdrawal of Spanish troops from Iraq. parties, started to circulate text messages of a Socialist politician by Basque terrorists. of the formation of public opinion, and as a result of A parliamentary commission investigating the On Saturday SMS traffic increased by 40 per cent the process of political communication: the events of 11—14 March produced evidence that, without over a regular Saturday, reaching a higher volume congregation in front of the PP buildings was the proof necessarily lying, at the very least the PP government The process of alternative communication started than on a regular Monday, an all-time record for these of the usefulness of the message. Then the street had delayed the publication of some critical with the outpouring of emotion that surrounded the messages. The critical point is that, while most action attracted the attention of some radio and TV information, and stated as facts propositions that were street demonstrations on Friday 12 March, called by messages were very similar, the sender for each networks (regional television and CNN-Spain) and still under scrutiny. There was clearly an inclination to the government with the support of all political forces. receiver was someone known, someone who had the ultimately, on Saturday at 20.20 p.m., forced the Minister favour the hypothesis of Basque terrorism and not to This is important: it was in the physical gathering that receiver s address in his or her cell phone s address of Interior to appear on national TV acknowledging Al give priority to following the Islamic trail, in spite of the people first started to react and to oppose the official book. Thus, the network of diffusion was at the same Qaeda s possible role. Yet later on the leading early leads of the police in this direction. But, version of the facts, independently of political parties time increasing at an exponential rate but without candidate of the PP also appeared on national TV regardless of the extent of manipulation that actually that remained silent for the occasion. While the losing the proximity of the source, according to the denouncing the demonstrators — so unwittingly took place, what counts is that thousands of citizens demonstration was called against terrorism and in well-known small world phenomenon9. fuelling the crisis of trust that they had induced. Thus, were convinced on 12 and 13 March that such support of the constitution (an oblique reference to The internet started earlier to become an an error of political communication amplified the manipulation was happening, and that they decided to Basque separatism), many of the participants were alternative channel of communication, on 11 March effect of the demonstrations. diffuse their views to the entire population through displaying banners opposing the war in Iraq. The particularly, but also on the 12th. On the one hand, wireless communication and the internet. The main demonstration was intended to mark the end of political people used the internet to look for other sources of 9 The small world phenomenon (also known as the small world television networks, under the direct or indirect statements, leading to the day of reflection on Saturday information, particularly from abroad. But there were effect) is the hypothesis that everyone in the world can be reached control of the government, were supporting the and to the election on Sunday. Yet on Saturday morning also a number of initiatives, including some by through a short chain of social acquaintances. The concept gave Basque terrorist hypothesis, as did most of the radio a number of activists, mostly individuals without any journalists acting on their own, to set up a web site rise to the famous phrase ‘six degrees of separation’ after a small world experiment by psychologist Stanley Milgram (1967), which networks (though not the largest one) and most of the current political affiliations, and independently of the with information and debates from various sources. found that two random US citizens were connected by an average ART 3: CHAPTER 8 ART 3: CHAPTER 8 P print media, after the Prime Minister personally called mainstream parties, started to circulate text messages Interestingly enough, the PP started an SMS network of six acquaintances. P
122 123
The Mobilisation around the Republican Box 8.1: Sample of Republican National Convention reports from TxtMob National Convention in New York 15:32:02: About 100 people at war resisters vigil — ground zero, need more The Republican Party held its 2004 National 16:15:19: Half of WRL march is being detained by orange netting on Fulton btwn Church and Broadway Convention (RNC) from 30 August to 2 September amid heightened expectations of disturbances caused 17:06:57: Bryant Park near Public Library — lots of police gathering and waiting by anti-Bush activists. The run-up to the New York convention was characterised by reports and rumours 18:03:30: police pushing people off library steps/also police vans headed south on 5th ave from 20th st of planned and potentially spontaneous protests and 18:11:15: large # s of cops headed west towards public library, scooters of how the police and security agencies were preparing to deal with these incidents (Carpenter 19:26:17: Pepper spray used at Herald Square (33rd and 6th). About 1000 people there, traffic almost blocked 2004; Gibbs 2004; Shachtman 2004; Terdiman 2004). 19:51:45: union Square — medics and marching band targeted. Medic also snatched at Herald Square Comparisons were made to the battle of Seattle in 1999, when over 40,000 protesters descended on the 19:53:20: Union Sq. at 16th st. things arrests getting violent, people completely penned in. city from all over the world to protest against the 20:01:20: Video cameras needed at Irving and E16th, near Union Square. policies of the World Trade Organization (WTO), leading to scenes of violence and contributing to the 20:44:02: 26th and Park, spontaneous march being chased on foot by police. Arrests. breakdown of the WTO talks. What was particularly 23:27:45: Busses full arrestees are lined up on the West Side HW btwn 15 &18 St waiting to enter pier 57 interesting about these reports was that the central role of wireless communication was taken for granted, 23:42:46: Lots of arrestees tonight! Show them your support! Meet folks as there released @ 100 Center St. not just in the protests but in all aspects of the 9am-1am convention. In the event, several (mostly non-violent) Protesters demonstrate against Republican convention protests were indeed coordinated primarily via Source: Rubin (2004) in New York. ©Teun Voeten/Panos Pictures wireless communication and the internet, leading to over 17,000 arrests. The convention itself was hardly affected by the protests apart from a few minor The internet was important as a source of information disruptions. In fact, President Bush experienced a and a forum of debate in the days preceding the bounce of two percentage points in the polls (among demonstrations. But the critical events were the likely voters) after the convention (Economist 2004; activities of protesters and sending out alerts about themselves, such as head-mounted miniature video demonstrations of Saturday 13 March, typical flash Jones 2004). These events occurred too recently for ongoing activities, such as spontaneous gatherings or cameras that transmitted footage from the security mob phenomena prompted by a massive network of any judgements to be made about their immediate or police arrests, at least from the perspective of news personnels location to a mobile command centre SMSs that increased the effect of communication long-term impact. Preliminary examination, however, coverage of the protests. For example, text messages (Reardon 2004). Security personnel also allegedly exponentially through interpersonal channels. They indicates that this was a case where the use of were used to call a spontaneous rally on 1 September infiltrated protesters planning meetings and happened first in Madrid, but diffused to Barcelona wireless communication technologies served to at the pier where arrested protesters were being held monitored text messaging and other communication and ultimately to all Spanish cities because, naturally, enhance efficiency but not to effect change. by the police (Simon 2004). Other people used text services used by activists (Gibbs 2004; Gibson 2004). address books in cell phones include friends and News reports indicate that protests began as early messages to decide which protests they would attend, For example, during the convention protesters using acquaintances in other cities. as 27 August with the largest, a march organised by or to avoid hot spots where police brutality was taking indymedia s web site to transmit messages soon This experience in Spain, coming three years after an anti-Iraq group, United for Peace and Justice, on 29 place. Especially prominent were warning messages realised that the police were on to them . Thereafter, the flash mob mobilisation that forced the resignation August. Although the police did not give an estimate of about where police were located and whether they calls for "direct action" stayed posted only for a of Estrada in the Philippines, will remain a turning numbers, organisers of the march said there were were arresting protesters (see Box 8.1). couple of minutes and used code words for location point in the history of political communication. Armed about 500,000 people, the largest ever convention The pre-conference hype about protest activities (Becker and Port 2004). with their cell phones, and connected to the World protest (Hauser 2004). Protesters marched past was to some extent accurate, but also exaggerated Second, and linked to the above point, unlike some Wide Web, individuals and grass-roots activists are Madison Square Garden, the site of the convention, the potential for wireless communication to cause any radical protests which were generated spontaneously, able to set up powerful, broad, personalised, instant chanting anti-Bush slogans, led by prominent person- major upsets at the conference. For the most part, the such as those discussed in our other three case networks of communication. Whatever the merits of alities such as Jesse Jackson and film-maker Michael protests were widespread but not revolutionary. This studies, a high level of central management was this phenomenon (as it is subject, of course, to the Moore. Other protests followed throughout the four happened for a number of reasons. First, the use of associated with wireless use in the RNC context. Most diffusion of harmful, misleading information), this days of the convention, all helped by the use of cell wireless communication as a protest tool had been so of the protests and protest strategies were carefully form of autonomous communication rings a warning phones and text messaging. widely anticipated that it was incorporated into the planned, some as much as a year in advance bell about the control of information by governments Wireless communication, especially text messages, strategies of the security forces. For one thing, (Archibold 2003). In addition, protest groups had to ART 3: CHAPTER 8 ART 3: CHAPTER 8 P and mainstream media. featured prominently as a means of coordinating the security detail used wireless monitoring techniques obtain a permit to demonstrate, of which eventually P
124 125
29 were granted (Archibold 2004). The locations and Lebkowsky 2004). The blackout effectively shut down a routes of protests were mapped out in detail (Slackman flash mob organised by A31 Action coalition, partly 2004), and each protest was closely monitored by the because potential participants did not know where the police. Generally those who tried to implement starting point was, although it is not clear why other protests without a permit ended up being arrested for forms of communication such as mobile phone calls unlawful assembly, and their numbers were never could not have served as effective substitutes. This large enough to change the tone of the protest illustrates the limitations of communications tech- environment. Although thousands of demonstrators nology, especially centralised systems. gathered at Central Park after the 29 August march, The energy of protests was also affected by the fact in defiance of a court decision not to allow protests in that they involved several groups with different that area, there is no indication that this gathering had agendas, from anti-war to animal rights to abortion any effect on the progress of the convention. rights. Admittedly, the convergence of all these groups in one place against a central political institution would be a formidable force. At the same the single-mindedness associated with other time, the single-mindedness associated with other protests that have effected immediate change protests that have effected immediate change was was absent from these demonstrations absent from these demonstrations. This can also be linked to the apparent absence of measurable goals. With the election too far away for them to galvanise Another example of central management was the action to vote against President Bush, and no chance use of specially tailored text messaging systems such of overturning the Republican Party s nomination of as Ruckus, TxtMob (probably the most popular service Bush as its candidate for 2004, protesters marched used at the RNC), which was specifically designed by with such goals as to regain the integrity of our Texting in Shanghai, China. ©Qilai Shen/Panos Pictures the Institute for Applied Autonomy for use by activists country. to regain our moral authority. to extend to broadcast messages during the Democratic and the ban on assault weapons. for more police on our Republican conventions, or MoPort, which allowed streets. for more port security. for a plan to get Mobile communication without social Newswire 2004; Reuters 2001). At the local level city individuals to mobblog by sending pictures of the out of Iraq (Jackson 2004) or we want to take charge mobilisation: Japan and China governments, such as that of Sagamihara in protests from their mobile devices to be downloaded and reach the right people and influence them to go There are other cases where wireless communication Kanagawa Prefecture, in the southern part of Tokyo, onto the internet. The objective of MoPort was to join on and spread the message that this is a corrupt was not used for social mobilisation, such as in Japan, also launched an m-government experiment in April the disparate streams into a collective reporting government (protester quoted by CNN 2004). or where initial political developments were crushed 2004 that allowed users to report damage or defects effort (Dayal 2004). It is possible that there was a need It seems, then, that so far the use of wireless by the state, such as in China. While our discussion of they found in streets and public signs by sending for such centrally organised services because of the communication has not had any significant effect on these two additional cases is less detailed, due to the pictures from their camera phones (Suzuki 2004). lack of a common standard to allow people to send political events in the United States, at least on the lack of studies of them, they do demonstrate that, in These are, however, state initiatives that operate text messages to people on different phone networks. surface. Yet social undercurrents may develop and line with our earlier claim, the particular usage of top-down rather than examples of socio-political While these types of services effectively brought change people s minds and influence their political wireless technologies is shaped by the social context mobilisation that starts within the networks of together communities of like-minded people for the behaviour. Indeed, in so far as the protesters objective and political structures of a given society. ordinary mobile-equipped citizens and their organi- purpose of activism, they lacked the character of direct was to peacefully make their voice heard during a In Japan, despite the very high penetration of sations, as in the other cases we have discussed. The person-to-person texting based on interpersonal central political event while avoiding clashes with the mobile phone and mobile internet services, so far we lack of grass-roots political usage among Japanese relationships, because users have to sign up to send police, one can say that the protests were successful. have not identified any instances of grass-roots socio- mobile subscribers is an interesting issue and or receive messages through the service provider s However, we do not have evidence to claim they had political mobilisation that utilised wireless communi- remains to be explored, although at this initial stage server. Incidentally, for a period during the convention, any direct impact on the political process itself. cation, despite several months of literature search we suspect it has to do with the ultra-consumerist users of TxtMob had problems receiving messages, among academic and journalistic sources. The tendency of Japan s mobile culture and the relative for which the service provider gave no explanation, Japanese authorities did make some effort to use inactivity of alternative political forces outside the leading to conspiracy theories that some cell phone mobile technologies as a broadcasting system of mainstream in general, which is a result of the wider companies (T-Mobile and Sprint) had deliberately some sort: for example, the Lion Heart e-newsletter social and cultural framework of Japanese politics blocked messages. The current explanation is that from the office of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, that goes way beyond the mobile culture per se. this may have been the work of a spam filter that which had 1.7 million subscribers through personal China is a more extreme case given its authoritarian tagged messages going out from the same server to ART 3: CHAPTER 8 ART 3: CHAPTER 8 computers and mobile phones by March 2004 (PR political system, which is fundamentally at odds with P more than 100 people as spam (Di Justo 2004; P
126 127
spontaneous grass-roots mobilisation. Hence, despite power balance, because so far all these perceived Conclusion: civil society in the new including a precipitating event strong enough to fast growth in the mobile phone market, the new challenges to the state have been kept under control technological context: the building of arouse anger or other emotions, activist instigators, technologies have so far seldom been put to socio- at the national level despite sporadic outbursts in autonomy though communication networks support from respected institutions such as the political uses. And, as in Japan, those few instances certain localities. The above cases illustrate the diverse outcomes Church, and supplementary information from main- have been state-sponsored experiments. For example, On the basis of her observations, Yuezhi Zhao that the use of communication technologies can stream media and/or internet sources. In addition, during the National People s Congress in March 2002 (forthcoming: 18—19) concluded that, whereas there mediate. In three of the cases (the Philippines, Korea people involved feel that they really can bring about Xinhua News Agency teamed up with China Mobile to are some small-scale ICT-facilitated urban movements and Spain) the outcome was substantial in so far as it change and tend to have a focused goal, which can offer the public a chance to text-message their in China, it is unlikely that they will be connected with affected the choice of a government. The fourth sometimes be directly implemented through the concerns and proposals to the country s lawmakers the country s 800 million peasants. Moreover, due to process we examined (in the United States) had a voting process. (Zhao forthcoming). Yet there was little indication of the privileged positions of the information-haves, limited impact on US politics, and hardly affected the We have also noted that communication is a double- the trials level of success, particularly due to the very those who have access to the new technologies are results of the November 2004 presidential election. In edged sword. Speed of information flow through limited content capacity of SMS. It may be unrealistic not necessarily the ones most ready to act upon this the Philippines, wireless communication was employed interpersonal networks that has the ability to move for text messages to convey anything more than a critical information (forthcoming: 20). to oust a sitting president before his term of office people to act can as easily be used to spread rumours quick request or a short complaint, not to mention any Finally, the SARS outbreak of 2003 serves as ended; in South Korea, the same technologies were or inaccurate information as to spread hidden truths. deliberation in the full sense. another indication of the very limited nature of the used to change the fortunes of a presidential contender Also, in so far as there is some differentiation in the Meanwhile the Chinese authorities have been socio-political uses of mobile phones in general and who was trailing in the polls. In Spain, text messaging diffusion and usage patterns of wireless communication seeking to limit the use of new communication SMS messages in particular. At the very beginning, no not only was used to galvanise people to vote a technologies among countries, as well as on the basis technologies, including wireless technologies, by news media or internet outlets reported the epidemic. government out of power but was also used extensively of age, gender and socio-economic status, the political dissidents. The Telecom Ordinance of 2000 But victims and their friends and families, especially to supplant, supplement and debunk government process of political mobilisation using this means outlawed the transmission of harmful information via those who worked in local hospitals of Guangdong, propaganda and mainstream media. In the United could be limited to certain privileged groups. any telecom facilities (Fries 2000: 43—4)10. Later widely started to text-message people they know about this States text messaging and other wireless technologies Still, based on these case studies, it cannot be denied known for its influence on the establishment of strange, deadly disease. The SMS alerts spread quickly were employed (by protesters and police) as efficient that access to and use of wireless communications China s internet censorship regime, this measure was among urban residents in Guangdong and then tools to coordinate and monitor protest activities technology adds a beneficial tool to the arsenal of initially designed, in large part, to counter the outside the province to reach the rest of the country. during a political convention. Finally, in Japan and China those who seek to influence politics and the political subversive potential of pagers at the time of its initial But at this time public hygiene and propaganda socio-political usage of mobile phones is minimal, process outside formal channels. Arguably, other media promulgation in the mid-1990s. Meanwhile, it provided authorities in Beijing decided to expel this rumour by despite the rapid diffusion of communications such as wired phones, radio or TV could perform the the legal basis for further, more specific, controls over launching a mass media campaign claiming that the technology in these two countries. same rallying function as wireless methods, but not in the mobile phone and SMS. infections were no more than a variant of pneumonia, A critical difference between the United States and as timely a manner, not with the ability to reach Although the Chinese authorities are stepping up that it was already under control, and that the public the other three examples is that, whereas in the people wherever they are, and not free of the pro- their regulatory efforts, some elements of Chinese panic partially induced by text messages was Philippines, Korea and Spain a combination of factors duction constraints associated with traditional media. society have nonetheless started to use pagers and groundless. This official campaign via traditional media converged to stimulate spontaneous uprisings, in the Wireless communications methods and applications cell phones for alternative or even oppositional effectively undermined earlier information disseminated United States the process was more centrally such as cell phones and text messaging, then, do not political organisation. Despite the lack of systematic via mobile phones, because SMS was perceived to be managed, thus removing, to some extent, the element replace but add to, and even change, the media examination, it is likely that three social groups may a medium of lower credibility and there was no other of interpersonal communication based on friendship ecology, expanding the information networks available have used wireless technologies to further their source of information. As a result, most people, networks. Significantly, there were no surprises in the to individuals to include the interpersonal level. The political ends. First is the Falungong group that Beijing including experienced foreign analysts living in south US case; everyone had anticipated how wireless shape of civil society, both local and global, is being denounces as an evil cult . Second, there have been China, chose to believe the official version11 — t o communication would likely be used. Conversely, in the transformed by new forms of communication that constant demonstrations by laid-off urbanites or witness a few weeks later the horror of SARS in full other cases events were less charted and less pre- increase people s autonomy to retrieve their own pensioners, such as the massive protests of workers swing. Given that the power of the mobile phone was dictable, and there were no effective countermeasures. sources of information and to develop their own com- in the petroleum and machinery industries in north- so inadequate for the sustenance of a non-state As we have already noted in the various case studies, munication channels. Throughout history, information east China in 2002 (Associated Press 2002). Third, in information system, even about a life-and-death issue in order not to be deterministic about the impact of has always been power, and communication the the countryside there have also been protests against of such immediate concern, it would be much more new communications technologies we should recognise foundation of counter-power. Therefore, the technology the misconduct and corruption of local officials (Duffy difficult for the new technologies to be applied to other that other communication processes and media, both of information and communication is a fundamental and Zhao 2004). Some members of these movements, autonomous socio-political uses with any significant wired and unwired, were also important in these dimension of civil society in our time. especially the organisers, may have used wireless consequences, at least in the short run. processes. We certainly know that revolutionary technologies (especially the low-end applications such political mobilisations have occurred in countries where as prepaid phone cards and Little Smart) for small- wireless communication is lacking. When wireless 10 See also the Ordinance at www.isc.org.cn/20020417/ca38931.htm scale coordination. However, this technical adoption is (consulted 29 June 2004). communication has had some political impetus, some ART 3: CHAPTER 8 ART 3: CHAPTER 8 P yet to have any significant impact upon the existing 11 Personal communications with members of the China IT Group. or all of these other processes have been in play, P
128 129 REFERENCES
Alfredson, Kirsty and Vigilar, Rufi (2001) The Rise and Fall of Di Justo, P. (2004) Protests Powered by Cellphone , Len, S. (2004) President s Impeachment Stirs Angry Protests If a Protest Is Planned to a T, Is It a Protest? , New York Times, Joseph Estrada , CNN.com World, 2 May. New York Times, 9 September. in South Korea , New York Times, 13 March: A2. 22 August. http://edition.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/asiapcf/southeast/04/22 http://tech2.nytimes.com/mem/technology/techreview.html? Milgram, S. (1967) The Small World Problem , http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F00D12FE3 /estrada.profile/ (consulted 12 June 2004). res=9404E2DE1730F93AA3575AC0A9629C8B63 Psychology Today, 1(1): 60—7. C5A0C718EDDA10894DC404482&incamp=archive:search Andrade-Jimenez, Helen S. (2001). Technology Changing (consulted 8 September 2004). National Statistical Coordination Board (URL) ’Per Capita GNP’. (consulted 23 April 2005). Political Dynamics, it matters, 29 January. Duffy, R. and Zhao, Y. (2004). Short-circuited: Communication www.nscb.gov.ph/sna/2002/4q-2002/2002per4.asp (consulted Simon, E. (2004) Protesters Using Text Messages to Plan , http://itmatters.com.ph/news/news_01292001a.html and Working Class Struggle in China , paper presented at 12 June 2004). Associated Press, 1 September. (consulted 3 June 2004). the China s Media Today and Tomorrow Symposium, 14 May, Pabico (n.d.) Hypertext Revolution, I Magazine. http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/ap/689698741.html?did=689698 Archibold, R. C. (2003) Protest Groups Planning for University of Westminster. www.pldt.com/hypertext.htm (consulted 5 June 2004). 741&FMT=ABS&FMTS=FT&date=Sep+1%2C+2004&author= Republican Convention , New York Times, 10 August: 29. The Economist (2004) How Big was the Bounce? , 9 September. Pacheco, I. (2004) 11-M. La respuesta. Madrid: Asociaci n ELLEN+SIMON&desc=Protesters+get+%27txt+msgs%27+to+ — (2004) Days of Protests, Vigils and Street Theater www.economist.com/world/na/displayStory.cfm?story_id=3177113 Cultural Amigos del Arte Popular. join+marches%2C+avoid+violence (Thongs, Too) , New York Times, 26 August: B 7. (consulted 13 September 2004). Pamantalaang Mindanaw (2000) President for Impeachment, (consulted 9 September 2004). Arillo, Cecilio T. (2003) Power Grab. Manila: Charles Morgan Fairclough, G. (2004) Generation Why? The 386ers of Korea Anyone? 16 October. Spanish Parliament (2004) Comisión de Investigación sobre el Printing & Equipment, Inc. Question Old Rules , Wall Street Journal, 14 April: A1. www.mindanaw.com/2000/10/16gloria.html 11 de Marzo de 2004. Madrid: Cortes Generales, Diario de Associated Press (2000) Laid off Chinese Protest en Masse , 18 Fries, Manuel (2000) China and Cyberspace: The Development (consulted 10 June 2004). Sesiones del Congreso de los Diputados, n. 2—12 July. March. of the Chinese National Information Infrastructure. Partal, V. and Otamendi, M. (2004) 11-M. El periodismo en crisi. www.congreso.es/pdf/comision_investigacion/04/julio_04.htm — (2003) Terror Attacks Believed Linked to Al-Qaida , Bochum: Bochum University Press. Barcelona: Edicions Ara LLibres (consulted September 2004). 20 November. Fulford, B. (2003). Korea s Weird Wired World , Forbes, 21 July: 92. Philippine Daily Inquirer (2001) Estrada Suspends Talks with Suzuki, Atsushi (2004) Case study45: Sagamihara, Kanagawa The Australian (2001) Manila on Alert after Blasts , I January. Gaspar, Karl (2001). Once Again, an Outpouring in the Streets MLF , 7 January: 2. Prefecture (in Japanese). Nikkei BP Government Technology, Bagalawis, Jennifer E. (2001) How IT Helped Topple a Brings Change to the Philippines , Sojourners Magazine, PR Newswire (2004) Prime Minister Koizumi s E-mail 21 June. President , Computer World, 30 January. March—April: 15. Magazine Now in English , 10 March. Terdiman, D. (2004) Text Messages for Critical Mass , Wired http://wireless.itworld.com/4273/CW_1-31- Gibbs, C. (2004) SMS to Aid Protesters at GOP Convention , www.prnewswire.co.uk/cgi/news/release?id=118889 News, 12 August. 01_it/pfindex.html (consulted 3 June 2004). RCR Wireless News, 30 August. (consulted 21 April 2004). www.wired.com/news/politics/0,1283,64536,00.html?tw=wn_ BBC News (2000) Cardinal Sin tells Estrada to Quit , Gibson, G. (2004) The Republican Convention is Expected to Rafael, Vicente (2003). The Cell Phone and the Crowd: tophead_3 (consulted 31 August 2004). 11 October. Draw Hundreds of Thousands of Protesters Eager to Air their Messianic Politics in the Contemporary Philippines , Uy-Tioco, Cecilia A. S. (2003) The Cell Phone and Edsa 2: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/967115.stm Discontent with The Bush Administration , Baltimore Sun, Popular Culture, 15(3): 399—425. The Role of Communication Technology in Ousting a (consulted 14 June 2004). 22 August: 1F. Reardon, M. (2004) Wireless Gets Workout at RNC , President , paper presented to the 4th Critical Themes Becker, M. and Port, B. (2004) At GOP Convention, a Hachigian, N. and Wu, L. (2003) The Information Revolution in Asia. CNET News.com. In Media Studies Conference, New School University, Technological Battle , New York Daily News, 3 September. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. http://news.com.com/Wireless+tech+gets+workout+at+RNC/ New York, 11 October. http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/nydailynews/687890221.html?di Hauser, C. (2004). Marchers Denounce Bush as They Pass 2100-1033_3-5330792.html (consulted 31 August 2004). Yoon, K.-W. (2003a) Youth sociality and globalization: An d=687890221&fmt=abs&fmts=ft&date=sep+3%2c+2004&aut G.O.P. Convention Hall , New York Times, 20 August. Reuters (2001) Japan PM s Million-Human E-Mail , ethnographic study of young Koreans mobile phone use , hor=maki+becker+and+bob+port+daily+news+staff+writers& www.nytimes.com/2004/08/29/politics/campaign/29CND- Wired News, 14 June. Ph.D. dissertation, Birmingham, UK: University of Buckingham. desc=protesters+click+with+new+media+to+mobilize PORT.html?ex=1114488000&en=f3897bb7d72df891&ei=5070 www.wired.com/news/politics/0,1283,44528,00.html — (2003b). Retraditionalizing the Mobile: Young people s (consulted 8 September 2004). (consulted 23 April 2005). (consulted 20 April 2004). Sociality and Mobile Phone Use in Seoul, South Korea , Bociurkiw, Michael (2001) Revolution by Cell Phone , Jackson, J. (2004). Speech made at the United for Peace and Rhee, I.-Y. (2003) The Korean Election Shows a Shift in European Journal of Cultural Studies, 6 (3): 327—43. Forbes, 10 September: 28. Justice protest during the 2004 Republican National Media Power , Nieman Reports, 57 (1): 95—6. VV.AA. (2004) ¡Pásalo! Relatos y Análisis sobre el 11-M y los días Carpenter, S. (2004) Pirate Radio to Moor at Republican Convention, 29 August. Rodr guez, P. (2004) 11-M Mentira de Estado: Los tres días que que le siguieron. Madrid: Traficantes de Sue os. Convention , Los Angeles Times, 27August: E1. www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=04/08/30/1453250 acabaron con Aznar. Barcelona: Ediciones B. www.nodo50.org/ts/editorial/librospdf/pasalo.pdf Chang, S.-J. (2003). The Internet Economy of Korea , in B. (consulted 23 April 2005). Rubin, J. (2004). Ruckus RNC 2004 Text Alerts: updates and www.traficantes.net (consulted 22 April 2005). Kogut (ed.), The Global Internet Economy. Cambridge, MA: Jones, J. (2004) Bush Gets Small Convention Bounce, information on demonstration activities during the Zhao, Y. (forthcoming) Marketization and the Social Biases of The MIT Press, pp. 262—89. Leads Kerry by Seven , Gallup Poll, 6 September. Republican National Convention 2004 in New York City . the Chinese "Information Revolution" , in G. Murdoch and CNN (2004) GOP Convention Protest Covers Miles of ww.gallup.com/poll/content/login.aspx?ci=12922 www.joshrubin.com/coolhunting/archives/2004/09/rnc_text_ J. Wasko (eds.), Media in the Age of Marketisation. Cresskill, New York , 30 August. (consulted 13 September 2004). alerts.html (consulted 24 April 2005). NJ: Hampton Press. http://usgovinfo.about.com/gi/dynamic/offsite.htm?site=http:// Juan, M. (2004) 11/M. La trama completa, Barcelona: Ediciones Salmon, A. (2004). Parties Rallying Behind Internet in Race for www.cnn.com/2004/ALLPOLITICS/08/29/gop.main/index.html de la Tempestad Votes , Washington Times, 11 April. (consulted 11 September 2004). Kim, J.-M. (2001). Caught in a Political Net , Far Eastern Salterio, Leah (2001). Text Power in Edsa 2001 , Cu , C. E. (2004) ¡Pásalo! Los cuatro días de marzo que Economic Review, 1 November: 49—50. Philippine Daily Inquirer, 22 January: 25. cambiaron el país. Barcelona: Ediciones Pen nsula. Kim, S.-D. (n.d.) President of Cyberspace , Netpolitique. Shachtman, N. (2004). Political Protesters Hear Call with Dayal, G. (2004) Yury and his Magicbike , Village Voice, www.netpolitique.net/php/articles/kimsd_art.php3 Text Messaging , Chicago Tribune, 28 August. 29 August. (consulted 21 May 2004). www.chicagotribune.com/technology/chi- www.villagevoice.com/issues/0435/dayal.php Korea Herald (2003) Roh s Support Group Decides Not to 0408280053aug28,1,6383205.story?coll=chi-technology- (consulted 31 August 2004). Disband , 20 January. hed&ctrack=1&cset=true (consulted 23 April 2005). Demick, B. (2003). Netizens Crusade Buoys New South Korean Korea Times (2003) Nosamo Opposes Assistance to Iraq War , Slackman, M. (2004) Leader , Los Angeles Times, 10 February: A3. 24 March. ORDING ??? ORDING ??? de Ugarte, D. (2004) 11M. Redes para ganar una Guerra. Lebkowsky J. (2004). More on SMS-bocking During the RNC , Barcelona: Ed. Icaria. Smartmobs, 4 September. www.smartmobs.com/archive/2004/09/04/more_on_smsblo. html (consulted 13 September 2004). ???? TITLE W ???? TITLE W
130 131