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Political Ecology of Conservation in the 'Alagol, Ulmagol, and Ajigol'

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Political Ecology of Conservation in the 'Alagol, Ulmagol, and Ajigol' Political ecology of conservation in the ‘Alagol, Ulmagol, and Ajigol’ glocal wetlands, Turkmen Sahra, northeast Iran by Parastu Mirabzadeh-Ardakani A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Geography and Environmental Studies Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2014 Parastu Mirabzadeh-Ardakani Abstract A post-structural political ecology approach, and relational thinking of place, space, scale and power, are used to conceptualize Wetlands of International Importance as ‘glocal wetlands’ and to develop an analytical framework to study relevant people- environment interactions. This framework is applied for the analysis of the power- relations affecting the Alagol, Ulmagol, Ajigol (AUA) wetlands in the Turkmen Sahra, Iran, and its Turkmen population. It demonstrates: (A) The Turkmen were knowledgeable stewards of their natural resources, and were active agents in shaping the AUA landscape that was the source of their livelihoods, and in attracting the biodiversity that led to the AUA being designated as a Ramsar Site. This finding provides a strong basis for acknowledgement of their rights to tenure and access to their ancestral lands, water and natural resources. (B) Nation-state building, territoriality, and control over natural resources are critical political issues. The past and present exercise of state power includes: coercive sedentarization to control the Turkmen and convert them to citizens; exclusionary land use and water policies by the Shahs and the Islamic state; ‘fortress’ conservation facilitated by international conservation organizations and implemented by the Islamic state; and the power geometry of place in the Turkmen Sahra, including citizenship, ethnicity, and minority rights. (C) The approach of the Islamic state and Ramsar Convention Secretariat in interpreting the current AUA landscape as being a successful conservation project, as reflected in the Ramsar’s Advisory Mission Report, was remarkably ahistorical. A major ongoing concern is that the discourse on ii conservation in Iran has experienced a period of stagnation since the 1979 revolution, with the consequence that the concepts of ‘wise use’ and participatory management have not been adopted. This thesis asserts that employment of the glocal wetlands analytical framework leads to better understanding of Ramsar Sites, in Iran and elsewhere, by providing for the carrying out of place- and context-specific studies and the analysis of hidden power relations that shape wetlands and the topology of place. Such analysis provides a platform for setting realistic policy goals and facilitates decision-making processes that are both ecologically and socially just. iii To the Turkmen of Iran With hope for a better future iv Acknowledgement This project would not have been possible without the support of many people. Many thanks to my co-supervisers Kenneth Torrance, who constantly and persuasively helped me survive my doubts, read my numerous revisions with precision and gave me valuable advice, and Scott Mitchell, who believed in me and provided me with the financial support to carry out my field work, read my drafts and had also provided valuable advice. I would also like to thank Derek Smith for his useful comments. My gratitude goes to two university professors in Tehran who made this field work possible. Furthermore, I acknowledge, with much appreciation, the help and support I received from Natalie Pressburger who patiently and kindly answered my questions. Moee jan and Sara jan, thank you for consistently being there for me and offering your support with kindness. Fereidoon, you endured this long process with me with unconditional love, support and care. I love you and appreciate you in my life. Finally, Mom and Dad thank you for sensitizing me to issues of human rights and social justice. v Table of contents Abstract ii Dedication iv Acknowledgment v Table of contents vi List of Tables xi List of Illustrations xi List of Appendices xii List of Abbreviations xiii Glossary xiv CHAPTER I- Introduction 1 1.1. Context of the research 1 1.2. Purpose of the research 2 1.3. Conceptual underpinnings: political ecology, relational thinking, and glocal 7 wetlands 1.4. Background 11 1.4.1. The Convention on Wetlands 11 1.4.2. The Alagol, Ulmagol and Ajigol (AUA) Wetlands of International 12 Importance 1.5. Dissertation structure and organization 17 CHAPTER II- Theory 21 2.1. Nature and society 21 2.1.1. Social Nature 22 2.1.2. Socionature/nature-society hybrids in Actor-network theory (ANT) 27 2.2. Place, space, and scale 34 2.2.1. Place and space 34 vi 2.2.2. Scale and space 44 2.3. Power and space 63 2.3.1. Power-geometry 64 2.3.2. Power/ Knowledge, and governmentality 68 2.3.3. Territoriality and environmental governmentality 71 2.3.4. State power 79 2.3.5. Power as composition 81 2.4. Glocal wetlands and their analytical framework 85 CHAPTER III- Methodology and methods 91 3.1. Context-specific methodologies 91 3.1.2. ‘Insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ in qualitative methodologies 94 3.2. Participatory approaches and methods 95 3.2.1. Conservation territories and participatory mapping 100 3.2.2. Focus groups 109 3.2.3. Interviews 109 3.3. Research design and methods 110 3.3.1. Site selection and preparation 115 3.3.2. Preliminary investigation 117 3.3.3. Structured interviews: Questionnaire 119 3.3.4. Participatory exercises 121 3.3.5. Secondary data analysis, literature review, and archival studies 123 CHAPTER IV- The Turkmen Sahra and Atrekians: landscape, politics and 125 history 4.1. The Turkmen Sahra: ecosystem 125 4.2. Social construction of the Turkmen Sahra: a political and historical review 130 4.3. The Turkmen territories: a socio-ecological system 137 4.3.1. The Turkmen in Central Asia: livelihood strategies, and land and water 137 use 4.3.2. The Atrekians: livelihood strategies, and traditional land and water use 141 vii and management 4.4. Conclusion 159 CHAPTER V- Livelihood strategies of the Tenglians- current status 161 5.1. Village profile 161 5.1.1. Population and households structure 161 5.1.2. Age groups, gender, and labor force 162 5.1.3. Education status 163 5.2. Livelihood Strategies analysis 165 5.2.1. Past, present (2008), and future 165 5.2.2. Wealth categories 168 5.3. Obstacles: access to resources and livelihood 170 5.4. Loans and debts: access to credits 173 5.5. Needs 175 5.6. Conclusion 176 CHAPTER VI- The politics of state natural resource control 179 6.1. Pahlavi shahs 180 6.1.1. State building practices 182 6.1.2. Coercive sedentarization of the Turkmen 191 6.1.3. Land policies, rural development and the Turkmen 195 6.2. The Iranian Islamic State 205 6.2.1. Land use, conversion and transfer: institutions, regulations, and 208 processes 6.2.2. Water management and allocation: institutions, regulations, and 219 processes 6.2.3. Nature protection 226 6.2.4. Spatial planning and development plans: decision-making processes 239 and structures 6.3. Conclusion 247 viii CHAPTER VII- Current land uses and conflicts in the AUA region 250 7.1. Land use change in the AUA region 251 7.1.1. Rangelands 253 7.1.2. Agricultural lands 256 7.1.3. Fish farms 261 7.1.4. Housing 264 7.2. Water 265 7.3. Fishing and hunting 275 7.4. Biodiversity, wildlife, and habitats 278 7.5. Conclusion 288 CHAPTER VIII- The ’rule of law’, and political and civil rights 293 8.1. The Islamic State of Iran and its power structure 293 8.1.1. The ’rule of law’: The paradox of the Islamic State of Iran 296 8.2. Political decentralization and access to decision-making process 314 8.2.1. Islamic Rural Councils 316 8.3. Minority rights 324 8.3.1. Turkmen identity and nationhood 328 8.3.2. Politics of place: resistance and opportunities in the AUA region 337 8.3.3. Global sense of place 340 8.4. Conclusion 343 CHAPTER IX- Conservation: from discourse to practice 345 9.1. Discourse of conservation: from ‘fortress’ and ‘command-and-control’ to 345 socially-just 9.2. Ramsar Convention on Wetlands: ‘wise use’ of wetlands 359 9.3. Discourse of conservation in Iran 366 9.3.1. Social science research 369 9.3.2. Experts, academia, intellectuals, and NGOs 372 9.3.3. The State’s political agenda 376 9.3.4. The AUA Ramsar Advisory Mission: discourse of ‘wise use’ 380 ix 9.4. Conclusion 388 CHAPTER X- Conclusion 392 10.1. Contribution to Knowledge: Theory 395 10.2. Policy relevance 396 List of References 403 Appendix A- Fieldwork calendar 448 Appendix B- Fieldwork verbal script 453 Appendix C- The Atrekians’ old documents 455 Appendix D- Participatory map 457 x List of Tables 3.1. Research summary: analytical framework, questions, methodology, and methods List of Illustrations Figures 3.1. A comparison of Participatory Action Research, Participatory Rural Appraisal, and Rapid Rural Appraisal 3.2. Degree of local participation in participatory exercises 5.1. Population of Tengli, by gender (%) and age groups 5.2. Population of Tengli, classified by age groups 5.3. Education status of Tenglians 5.4. Education status of Tengli, by gender (% to total population) 5.5. Livelihood strategies of Tenglians 5.6. Livelihood strategies of Tenglians differentiated by wealth categories 5.7. Problems Tenglians encounter: access to resources and livelihood 5.8. Tenglians’ debt 5.9. Usage of the borrowed money 5.10. Tenglians’ needs 9.1. Socially-just conservation and access rights Maps 1.1. Map of Iran 1.2. The AUA region xi 4.1. The Atrek River transboundary basin 4.2. The AUA region in 1958 4.3.
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